Journal oflUfygtt SauBu VoL 8. Ne.

2 1995

The Dilemma of 'Nationhood*and Religion:

A Survey and Critique of Studies on
Population Displacement Resulting from
the Partition of the Indian Subcontinent*

C. EMDAD HAQUE
Brandon University, Brandon Manitoba. Canada

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The volume of migration following the 1947 partition of the Indian subcontinent
formed the largest and most spatially concentrated streams of refugees in modern
history. This article attempts to compensate for the lack of comprehensive reviews
on this issue by, first, surveying studies on population displacements resulting from
the partition, and second, critically evaluating this information. The study is
composed of four thematic parts dnrign"^ to frame the existing disparate and
fragmentary literature on the subject The first part deals with explanations of the
partition, causes of migration, and the nature and role of nationalism and religion in
' the founding of separate staffs The second part evaluates demographic aspects such
as the magnitude, direction and impact of population displacement. Given the fact
that post-partition migration formed the largest flow of displaced population of this
century, the available demographic data, ironically, are chiefly often unreliable
approximations. In the third part, the focus is placed upon individuals, and
particularly on the experience of the refugees themselves. This part assesses work on
refugee survival strategies, trauma, the rebuilding process, and Ar.^riu\mr^ on
institutional aid. The fourth thematic part considers issues COIHTI "*"£ rehabilitation.
Special attention is given to government policies and programmes which treated
refugees as a distinct ethnic group. Finally, directions for future research are
i including consolidating research efforts for multidiscipunary study;

more coverage of less-studied geographical areas; directing further attention towards

contemporary and critical issues, such as gender, ethnicity, state-society conflicts and
the ecological implications of population displacement; and wihnnrjng the
interaction between araHrmir« and policy-makers.

Introduction

The primary aim of this paper is to survey and critically evaluate the themes
and approaches, findings and methodologies of previous research on the
•A draft of this paper m i pretented at the fourth International Research and Adviiory Panel
Conference on Forced Migration (ERAP), Refugee Studies Programme, Oxford, 5-9 January 1994.

COxfofd Umremty Pits 1995

186 C. Emdad Haque

refugee issues of post-partitioned India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. While the

coverage of this review is in no way exhaustive, it attempts to encompass most
of the important studies so far undertaken on population displacement in the
post-partitioned subcontinent The major issues in the literature include
explanations of the partition and its aftermath, the magnitude and nature of
involuntary migration, the displacement experience and survival strategies of
the refugees, the relief and rehabilitation efforts of the prevailing institutions,
and the integration and assimilation problems that resulted from the partition.
Although the number of refugee studies per se in the subcontinent is limited to
a handful, literature on the historical explanations of the partition is
voluminous. This article focuses on forced migration, largely caused by the
foundation of new states on the basis of religion; studies dealing with the
impact of the partition of colonial India in 1947 on population displacement

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will be the principal consideration.

The Formation of Two 'Nations' and the Partition of the Subcontinent

Although the international boundary of India has not undergone any
significant modification since 1947, the status of the former two wings, the
provinces of Pakistan, has changed. The eastern wing of Pakistan, following a
civil war in 1971,. separated from the western wing and emerged as an
independent country with the new name of Bangladesh. The western wing
retained its former name of Pakistan. For the purpose of clarity, the terms
which will be used in the text to refer to specific geographic territories and time
periods are as follows: (a) India (pre-partitioned India: the period prior to
1947; and Indian Union: since 1947); (b) Pakistan (united Pakistan consisted of
two provinces—West Pakistan and East Pakistan: 1947-1971; West Pakistan:
1947-1971; and Pakistan: since 1971 to date); (c) Bangladesh (Bengal or East
Bengal: early 20th century to early 1950s; East Pakistan: 1947-1971; and
Bangladesh: since 1971 to date); (d) Punjab (the province of united Punjab:
prior to 1947; East Punjab or the state of Punjab, India: since 1947 to date;
West Punjab or the province of Punjab, Pakistan: since 1947 to date).
In the regional context, the 1947 partition of the Indian subcontinent has
had profound geographic, economic, social and cultural ramifications. The
recommendations of Sir Cyril Radcliffe, the British chairman of the mixed
partition commission, left 27 per cent of Punjab's Muslims in the Indian Union
territory and 32.5 per cent of the non-Muslims (i.e. Hindus and Sikhs) in the
then proposed Pakistani territory (Figure 1). Implementation of these
recommendations instantaneously transformed local majorities into
threatened minorities, who totalled almost 5 million on each side (Keller
1975:36). The partition plan was declared on 3 June 1947, and was
implemented on 14 August 1947. The mass exodus of Hindu, Muslim and
Sikh populations began immediately after the declaration of the plan.
The partition-induced population movement consisted of both involuntary
and voluntary migrants and involved more than 13 million persons. During the
 Downloaded from jrs.oxfordjournals.org by guest on February 6, 2011
Ftgumi
Distribution of Muslims and Hindus, Punjab (Based on the 1941 Census)

N
MUSLIM
Majority (50-69%)
Predominantly (70%+)
HINDU AND SIKH
Majority (50-69%)
Predominantly (70% 4)

DATA NOT AVAILABLE

^ International Boundary
Since 1947
 Downloaded from jrs.oxfordjournals.org by guest on February 6, 2011
oo
Ftgure.2 00
Distribution of
Muslims and Hindus,
Bengal (Based on
the 1941 Census)

MUSLIM
Majority (50-09%)
Predominantly (70%+)
HINDU
Majority (50-89%)
Predominantly (70% • )

International Boundary
Since 1947

0 a « Hi
1 ', ' «l ' ,' •on*.
0
I '
BAY
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 189

initial years (i.e. 1947-1951) almost all the migration streams developed
involuntarily, while the migration flows during 1951-1961 were characterized
by a mix of both voluntary and involuntary migration.
The partition-related migration in the subcontinent has been virtually
forgotten in the Western literature, despite the fact that it has been the largest
inter-country transfer of population in the twentieth century. The volume of
refugees produced by the partition has been larger than the current population
size of many European countries (e.g. Norway, Sweden, Austria and
Switzerland). While the subcontinent was divided along communal lines, the
ensuing political and religious conflicts have had far reaching effects,
particularly on the course of economic development, and political and
territorial stability of the region. It may be worth noting here that
communal antagonisms in the subcontinent were based on religious faith—
between the Muslims and the Hindus, as well as between the Muslims and the

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Sikhs. The scales of such antagonisms ranged from small communities to broad
regions, such as a state or province. At the international level, these pertinent
issues and problems have not received any significant intellectual and academic
attention over the last four decades. Such abstention may be attributed to two
reasons: first, refugees in India had been fairly evenly distributed over East
Punjab and Haryana states, and thus became constituent parts of the overall
population; and second, the displaced people were indistinguishable from the
non-refugee population, especially in the western states of India (see Keller
1975).

of the Partition and the Canscs of the Refugee Problem

A great deal of research, primarily based on historical and archival documents,

official and unofficial notes, and personal diaries and recollections, has been
used to examine the process of the partition and the events that followed i t The
overwhelming concern with these issues has resulted from a deep-seated public
debate on whether or not the partition, on religious lines, was an inevitable
outcome of popular demand for independence from the British colonial rule.
Interest in these issues has not only been shown by academics, but many
politicians, social activists, bureaucrats and philanthropists have also made
important contributions to this debate. However, the general approach of these
historical-political studies has been interpretive, and has concentrated upon
descriptions and explanations of events and processes.
The research foci of the studies on explanations and causes of partition were
nonetheless quite varied. In his attempt to assess the available literature, Keller
(1975) has synthesized five distinct categories of explanations for the cause of
the partition and the resulting dislocation problem of the minorities. These are:
(1) the two-nation concept; (2) the backwardness explanation; (3) the class-
warfare or economic-deterministic notion; (4) the divide and rule hypothesis;
and (5) the 'personal devil' explanation. The following discussion presents
190 C. Emdad Haque

some details of the varied approaches to explain the partition of the Indian
subcontinent and uses the Keller model as a mode of presentation.

The Historical Approach: Political Events and Personalities

Most political studies of the partition of India and Pakistan have generally
followed descriptive-interpretive methods. The scholars in this area of research,
consisting mainly of nraHwnira and politicians (e.g. Azad 1960; Philips and
Wainwright 1970; Hodson 1969; Ambedker 1946; Prakasa 1965; Singh. 1956;
Rai 1965; Seshadri 1982), have attempted to determine courses and causes of
the evolutionary process of the partition by looking into the historical events,
the character and role of individual leaders, and characteristics of political
organizations. Determining the influence of personalities like Gandhi, Nehru,

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Sardar Patel and Maulana Azad of the All India Congress Party, and Jinnah,
Liaqat AH and Iqbal of the Muslim League has been a common objective of
analysis. Sayeed (1970), for instance, identified the charismatic leadership of
Jinnah as essential to the successful formation of a separate land for the
Muslims of India. In his research, Sayeed reviewed Jinnah's involvement in the
political process, as the leader of the Muslim League; specifically, Sayeed
credited Jinnah's role in reorganizing the Muslim League in the 1920s and
1930s, and the tactics he used to negotiate with the Congress and the British
Government in India. In contrast, Prakasa (1965) blamed the personal
aspiration of Jinnah and the other leaders of the Mushm League for their
uncompromising positions and the division of a possible united Indian
federation, a view also supported by Spear (1961) and Seshadri (1982).
Seshadri (1982) suggested that the Muslim leaders of the western regions used
their power to gain a separate territory from the Muslims of Bengal. This
assertion was substantiated by the evidence of a lack of participation of Bengali
Muslims in the Mushm League leadership of the 1940s. Seshadri's study
concluded that the lack of a firm stand on the part of the Congress leaders
against the partition resulted in both the division of the subcontinent and the
'genocide'. Similarly, in analysing the character of Mountbatten, Mosley
(1961) found him *to be the prime villain, a manipulator' of his counterparts.
Several of these politically oriented studies presented factual information
which praised the roles and responsibilities of a specific religious group or
groups, such as Hindus, and/or Sikhs, or Muslims, and in turn accused other
religious groups for the agony and sufferings of the millions of refugees. Keller
(1975) labels these interpretations as the 'personal devil' explanation.

The Socio-religiovs Approach: Internal Forces as Determining Factors

Two explanations have been used by investigators to show that internal social
forces were primarily responsible for the partition of the subcontinent The
two-nation explanation states that partition was inevitable because of the
inherent distinctiveness of Hindus and Muslims; both Smith (1947) and
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 191

Ispahani (1970), in highlighting this point, noted that the code of ethics, nature
of faith, mode of life and social organization of Muslims and Hindus are
characteristically different Syed Ahmad Khan (cited in Gopal 1959:67) was
also a strong advocate for a separate status of Muslims in India based on the
unalterable differences between these two major religions. Although Khan's
view, first published in 1888, did not gain much ground initially, it emerged as a
crucial element when Jinnah began to pursue this notion as a rationale for two
independent states in the subcontinent Azad (1960), one of the prominent
Muslim leaders of the Congress Party, refuted the notion of two nations with
the argument that the rights and privileges of the Muslims in the subcontinent
would be better protected under a secular, but unitary (i.e. all India-based)
country.
The second group of analysts argued that the forces associated with social

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structures led to the partition of British India; religious hegemony was, in this
view, used as a tool for achieving the goals of the 'dominant class' (Puckle
1946; Gopal 1959; Gankovsky and Gordon-Polonskaya 1964; Mukherjee 1957;
Haque 1987). Analysts identified two pivotal social forces that coincided with
religious divisions: (1) the rise of the Hindu zamindan (landlords) after the
permanent settlement in Bengal, and their ruthless exploitation of the Muslim
peasants (ryats and sub-ryats) (Mukherjee 1957); and (2) the loss of, and
aspiration to regain, ruling class status by the Muslims of western India (i.e. the
Aligarh group) (Gopal 1959; Gankovsky and Gordon-Polonskaya 1964).
Literature on the peasant movements in Bengal during the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries does support Mukherjee's assertion of class conflict
along religious lines (Umar 1974). Haque (1987) has insisted that the
emergence of the trading and industrial entrepreneur class from the Persians
and other Muslim sects in and around Bombay and Karachi resulted in a new
aspiration for self-government This group eventually replaced the traditional
land-based leadership of the Muslim League from Bengal.

The Multiple Factors Approach

Keller (1975), in his explanation of the partition, stresses the simultaneous

effects of'historical' and 'cultural' factors. For him, neither of these is sufficient
without the other as an explanation of the events in 1947. The cultural factor,
as he called it, was part of the 'zero sum game' whereby any gains by the
Congress Party or Muslim League were equalled out by another's losses. The
prime historical factors included in his analysis were the motives and actions of
the concerned political parties and religious groups. The pervasive mistrust
among the political parties, the traumatic events such as communal riots and
mass slaughter, and ageing of the leaden—all of these factors, Keller argued,
resulted in the partition. This approach rightly cautions against the easy
acceptance of a gingninr causation to explain the partition of India.
192 C. Emdad Haque

The Divide-and-rule Policy of the British Raj

Gopal (1959), Gankovsky and Gordon-Polonskaya (1964) and Moon (1962)
asserted that India's partition stemmed from a conscious British policy of
dividing the two major groups (i.e. Hindus and Muslims) within Indian society
and mobilizing them against each other. Though Gopal (1959) did not believe
that divide-and-rule was the prime factor, he nonetheless did not rule out its
significant role in partitioning India. Gankovsky and Gordon-Polonskaya
(1964:96) described the British 'divide-and-rule' policy as:
an inevitable consequence of the colonial policy of playing off different religions
and castes against etch other, of dividing entire peoples, and of destroying their
historically moulded economic, political and cultural integrity.
The support for such an accusation was, however, absent from their analysis.

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Moon (1962), by examining the local case of Punjab, provided concrete
evidence to demonstrate how the lower officials of the Raj introduced irritants,
or aggravated grievances, between the two communities, although the official
government policy supported the generation and preservation of unity.

The Uprooting Process and the Demographic Dimensions of Mass Exodus

This section examines research on the uprooting process and the estimates of
the demographic dimensions of the refugee problem, which in recent decades
has constituted a major research focus in refugee studies internationally. The
findings indicate the complexities and qualifications of the methods used to
determine the magnitude and nature of the displacement problem in the
subcontinent.

The Unanticipated Magnitude of Communal Riots and Massacres

Based on first hand experience, eye-witness records and documents, several
studies have revealed that administrative machinery and political
organizations, both in the subcontinent and in Britain, failed to predict the
scale and speed of the communal massacre and the resultant mass migration
(Hodson 1969:403-418; Moon 196253). Moon, who served as a civil
administrator during the decade of partition in the united Punjab province,
has written a detailed account of these events. Some disturbances due to the
division of the state of united Punjab and Bengal were anticipated, but since
the magnitude of the riots and massacre far exceeded the anticipated scale, the
civil administration collapsed immediately. The massacre and migration of tens
of thousands of people across the new international boundary began as riots
broke out in Calcutta on 16 August 1946; the riots were a consequence of a call
for 'direct action' by the Muslim League to pressure the government to accept
the two-nation concept The onslaught soon spread to NoakhaH and
Tepparah*. Bihar, Punjab and North West Frontier Province (NWFP) (Rao
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 193

1967), resulting in mass displacement It has been recorded that in the three
and half months after the partition, 3,200 people were massacred and over
100,000 non-Muslims fled eastward from West Punjab and NWFP (Keller
1975). Talib (1950) has compiled documentation of Hindu and Sikh massacres
and tortures in the NWFP and Punjab in 1946 and 1947, based on first hand
experience and observations by key informants; these records include details of
events, with specific dates and the number of victims from villages and
communities in these areas. This work illustrates the nature of the threats Sikhs
experienced, even though they were the predominant agro-economic force in
many of Punjab's districts, threats which forced them to leave Pakistan
involuntarily. Its strength lies with its vivid documentation and recording of
atrocities committed by Muslims and by the effective use of anthropological
techniques. Nonetheless, the study has limited scope due to its presentation of
only the Sikh perspective.

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The Two-way Flows of Mass Exodus

Researchers have used both primary and secondary data to depict the nature
and characteristics of the mass exodus. It has been documented that in
consequence of the Muslim League's 'direct addon' in 1946 and the subsequent
communal note and killings in different parts of British India, the minorities in
both Pakistan and India were forced to abandon their homes and look for
shelter on the other side of the new international border. A synthesis of the
research findings on this unprecedented forced migration has been constrained
by the limited quantity of objective work—the facts and figures recorded and
presented in published material have been subject to political overtones.
However, the magnitude and characteristics of the problem are identifiable
from these biased studies.
In order to provide a relatively comprehensive coverage, Keller (1975)
analysed the various stages of the uprooting process. His study assessed the
historical records and obtained primary data from a questionnaire survey. The
study noted that, after the riots in 1946, communal riots began once again in
Lahore (West Punjab), Amritsar (East Punjab), Delhi (see also Seshadri
1982:211-218), and in Calcutta (West Bengal) immediately after the
independence of India and Pakistan Within 10 days of the declaration of
independence of Pakistan and India (i.e. 14 and 15 August, respectively), about
75 per cent of Lahore's (West Punjab) non-Muslim population had left the city,
and from the other direction, about 70,000 people from Amritsar, East Punjab
had moved to Lahore (Rao 1967). Foot convoys of over 40,000 people each
covered an average of 240 km in their march. The foot convoys and trains were
attacked by rivals; people, including women and children, were slaughtered en
masse; women were abducted and tortured. Keller (1975) estimated that,
through such fear and trauma, altogether 7.5 million Hindus and Sikhs had
entered post-partitioned India from West Punjab. The counter streams, formed
194 C. Emdad Haque

by the Muslims leaving India for Pakistan, also accounted for more than 6
million people.
Schechtman (1963) compiled conflicting estimates of casualties. He found
that the estimates of deaths in partition disorders ranged from 20,000-30,000
(according to the Government of India official sources) to one million (i.e. the
Pakistan Government authorities claimed that one million Muslims were killed
or abducted). During the initial months after the partition, the Indian Prime
Minister, Pundit Nehru, cited a much smaller figure in his attempt to reduce
public knowledge about the cost of the division. In later years, Indian
government officials, using a '10 per cent of population transferred rule of
thumb', estimated that at least one million deaths were attributed to partition.
Elahi and Sultana (1985) investigated the changes in the population
composition due to selective population movement by religion. The
emigration of five million Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan and six million

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Muslims from India had resulted in an increase of the proportion of Pakistan's
Muslim population from 79 per cent in 1941 to 97 per cent in 1951. As
emigration of Hindus continued from East Pakistan to India during 1951-
1961, the proportion of Muslims in East Pakistan increased from 71 per cent in
1941 to 75 per cent in 1951, and to 80 per cent by 1961. Lahiri (1964)
substantiated this pattern, citing the minority population size in East Pakistan
at around 13 million before partition, declining to only 9 million in 1961.
Considering the mortality conditions, a total of 4.5 million Hindus were
estimated to have emigrated from East Pakistan to India.
Mukerji (1985) compared the spatial aspects of the flow patterns between the
Punjabi (i.e. Sikh and Hindu) refugees in the western regions of India and
Bengali Hindu refugees in the eastern regions. The findings suggested that the
Punjabis 'spread throughout the country [India] penetrating the entire
spectrum of available ecologies' (Mukerji 1985:90), whereas the Bengalis
concentrated in smaller regions, mainly in West Bengal, Assam and Tripura.
Similarly, in terms of occupational composition and mobility, the former
group entered into all economic sectors, while the latter group mainly joined
the farming monoeconomy. Ray (1982), based on her experience as the
minister responsible for refugee rehabilitation in the state of West Bengal,
reported that in 1954, when refugee concentration overwhelmed the city of
Calcutta and the surrounding districts, a federal policy to disperse the Bengali
refugees from East Bengal to the neighbouring states—Uttar Pradesh, Bihar
and Orissa—was pursued. Such a policy eventually could not succeed,
primarily because of the involuntary nature of rehabilitation programmes,
and a wide cultural and ecological gap between the host communities and the
'newcomers' (Elahi 1981; Ray 1982; Mukerji 1985).
In the western part of the subcontinent, Punjab, the population movements
during 1947-1951 were primarily prompted by violent riots, killings,
abductions, tortures and other atrocities. Thus, the majority of these mass
displacements were certainly involuntary in nature. But in the east, in Bengal,
population movements spanned more than two decades and did not involve
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 195

any 'official' exchanges under a bilateral pact Several 'case' and macro-studies
substantiated the fact that the exodus of Hindus to India from East Bengal/
East Pakistan was, aside from sporadic communal conflicts, chiefly influenced
by the loss of privileged socio-economic status by upper-caste groups, who
usually made a living from non-agricultural professions, and by anticipation of
better economic opportunities in India than in Pakistan for the lower castes
(Devi 1974; Guha 1959; Chakrabarti 1990). Guha (1959rviii), in an in-depth
anthropological study, concluded that

Muslim League state policy in East Pakistan to elevate Muslims into professional-
managerial class deprived the Hindus.... What really, however, compelled them
to evacuate was not so much the insecurity of life and property, and inability to
get redress against unprovoked attacks, but a sense of complete frustration in
preserving the cherished values of life deeply embedded in their personality and

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which constitute their ego-wants.

Devi (1974), using personal interviews, reaffirmed that the principal stimuli for
the mass displacement of the Hindu population were socio-economic factors,
rather than threats to their lives.
The resultant migration processes were gradual and continuous, often
triggered by civil disturbances such as the riots of 1964 in Dhaka and
neighbouring towns, and -civil war in 1971, which culminated in the
independence of East Pakistan as Bangladesh. The volume of migration,
however, varied in accordance with the political and social situation in the
eastern wing of Pakistan, For instance, during the slack period of the mid-
1950s, the official monthly rate of influx (i.e. the number of individuals
receiving migration certificates) of Hindus to Calcutta was about 30,000 (Ray
1982:155). In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the Indian central government was
confused about the nature of population movement and was reluctant to
acknowledge that the displaced persons from East Bengal were in India for
permanent settlement Ray (1982) attributed such a reluctance partly to the
absence, in the east, of 'avalanches' of the exodus, as found in Punjab, and
partly to relatively calm communal relations in East Bengal All refugee
rehabilitation programmes by the Indian central government dealt with the
problems in the western regions; the refugees in the eastern states, such as West
Bengal, Assam and Tripura, were H^rignntffrf 'temporary' migrants. Until the
mid-1950s, the state governments, with some subsidy from the central
governments, handled the refugee crises by providing relief and shelter.
Under extreme pressure from the state government of West Bengal, and facing
an overwhelming concentration of refugees in Calcutta, the central government
undertook rehabilitation measures in 1955.
The difficulty of dealing with the causes of population movements had been
reflected in the continually changing Indian federal policy which defined
'migrants'. Based on its recognition of political division of the subcontinent,
the Government of India identified those who arrived in the country during
1946-1958 as 'refugees' or 'old migrants', having taken 1958 as an arbitrary
196 C. Emdad Hague

cut-off point. Nonetheless, after the 1964 riots, the 'new migrants' were once
again deemed eligible for assistance, and the 'invisible' migrants of 1958-1964
were accorded refugee status with entitlement to aid. With Bangladesh's
independence in 1971, migrants from there were designated illegal aliens in
India.

The Dearth of Data

Although many official and unofficial estimates have been attempted of both
the loss due to communal riots and killings, as well as the magnitude of mass
exodus, their methods and sources are generally unknown. The reliability and
precision of these data is therefore not very high. Hodson (1969:418), in

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making this point, noted that:
there was no effective civil authority to report widespread deaths; with the vast
refugee movements, local records were destroyed or rendered useless. The figure
of a million was popularly bandied about. The truth was probably around
200,000 men, women, and children, a terrible enough total, even seen against
India's 400 million.
Only a few attempts have so far been made to address the problem of obtaining
the necessary information on the historical forced population migration in the
subcontinent Visaria (1969) and Khan (1974), in two major studies on
demographic magnitude of migration between India and Pakistan, have shown
how some indirect demographic methods, such as using information on
birthplace and population by religious faith, could overcome some of the
problems arising from the unavailability of direct data. Findings of these
studies are presented below.

The Magnitude of 'Displaced Persons' and Muhajirs

From a demographic perspective, various authorities have attempted to
enumerate and estimate the volume of displaced persons due to the partition.
Many such early attempts covered a short time period, and consequently failed
to provide a comprehensive picture. The control of population movement
between India and Pakistan was carried out by a 'permit' system until late
1952, a practice which provided a partial official record)of migration data,
although there was no effective administrative machinery to compile this
information with precision. Relatively reliable data on migration were
generated in the 1951 census counts.
Table 1 presents, by sources, the various estimates of post-partition
migration flows. Chatterjee (1947), whose work was based on census
enumerations, provided a statistical and demographic account of population
distribution and composition for both Bengal and Punjab. Elaborate statistical
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 197

Table 1
EUhnatesofPc palationM!IgratkmFbf rs KWHilllin; From the Partition by Sources
1^ 111..ii

The exodus of Muslims from The exodus of Hindus and Sikhs

India to Pakistan from Pakistan (both
Pakistan (both wings) wings) to India
(in millions) (in muttons)

East West Total East West Total

Source Pakistan Pakistan Pakistan Pakistan -
FlnM an/1 6 5
Sultana (1947-61) {1947-61)
(1985)

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Government Z55 4.7 13
of India 0947-51) (1947-51) (1947-51)
(1954)

Government 6.13 7.23

of Pakistan (1947-61) (1947-61)
(1961)

ILO (1959) 04 0.65 1.15 IS .

(1951-56) (1951-56) (1951-56) (1951-56)

Khan (1974) 0.7 Z5

(1941-51) (1941-51)
1.1
0951-61)
MEO (1951) Zl(Aug.- 2(Ang.-
Dec.1947) Doc.1947)1

Ministry of 13 5
Rehabili- (1948-49) (1948-49)
tation, 1.87
Cjovemment (1950)
of India
(1950)
Z6 4.7 13
Mukerji (1985) (1947-51) (1947-51) (1947-51)
4.7
Rao (1967) (1947-51)
1.24
Visaria (1960) 0.7 (1951-61)
(1947-51)

Whhaker 13 6.7 8
(1972) (1947-61) (1947-61) (1947-61)
198 C. Emdad Haque

descriptions of population distribution by district, language and religion are

included in this work to demonstrate the basis of the partition. Figures 1 and
2 are based on Chatterjee's work. Rao (1967:27) estimated that a total of 5.7
million non-Muslims lived in West Pakistan before partition, of whom 4.7
million had emigrated to India by 1 March 1951. Critical aspects, such as
comparability and reliability of census data on displaced persons, however,
were not addressed in Rao's study. The Indian census (Government of India
1954) enumerated a total of 7.30 million 'displaced persons' (4.70 million
from West and 2.55 million from East Pakistan) who entered the country
from Pakistan during 1947-1951. Similarly, the census of Pakistan
(Government of Pakistan 1951) reported the number of Muhajirs
(immigrants from India) in Pakistan as 7.23 million, implying a net
increase of 70,000 persons from India in the population transfers during

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1947-1951.
Comparison of census data with the published reports of the Ministry of
Rehabilitation (Government of India) and the International Labour Office,
Geneva by Visaria (1969) reveals several qualifications in these enumerations
due to multiple counting, mortality differentials and under- and
overestimations. In order to devise an alternative to direct counts of
migrants, Visaria used data on birthplace and religious faith. To estimate the
number of expected survivors of immigrants in 1961, he employed the survival
ratios from the model life tables of the United Nations. The estimated net
immigration to India from Pakistan's two wings during 1951-1961 stood
somewhere between 1.19 and 1.34 million, i.e. an average of 1.24 million (Table
1). Khan (1974), in a longitudinal study, found these figures to be inflated. In
bis study of birthplace data for 1901-1961, Khan estimated that during 1951-
1961, 2.5 million Hindus emigrated from East Bengal (or East Pakistan) to
India, and that 0.7 million Muslims from India entered East Bengal; these
figures show a net increase of 1.8 million in the population of India in that
period (Table 1). However, in the same study, an evaluation of the migration
flows between both wings of Pakistan and India during 1951—1961 suggested
that the net emigration from Pakistan to India was around 1.1 million persons
(Khan 1974).
Besides the census enumerations, experiential approaches such as personal
accounts and observations have also been used to study displaced minorities.
Lahiri (1964) analysed the condition of Hindu minorities in Pakistan during
the 1950s and 1960s. State policies, formulated initially by the ruling Muslim
League and later by the Conventional Muslim League, were held responsible
for the general hostile and aggressive attitudes towards these groups. Such
policies not only deliberately isolated minorities, but also led to differential
laws and regulations for them. A number of cases, for example the communal
riots of February 1950 in Dhaka, Narayanganj and BarisaL which caused the
deaths of hundreds of Hindus, were presented by eye witnesses to several
investigators to provide concrete evidence of threats to life of minorities in
Pakistan (Guha 1959; Devi 1974; Ray 1982).
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 199

Institutional Efforts and Results in the Evacuation Process

Some research has explored the role institutions had in guiding mass
evacuations. In post-partitioned India, institutions such as military,
voluntary and charitable organizations apparently took over from the
collapsed civil administration to address the problem of evacuating millions
of people. The sources of information used by those investigating this issue
included reports by military personnel and government documents. It has been
reported that the entire civil administration disintegrated under the immense
pressure from the phenomenal forced population movement and multitude of
related events. Subsequently, the Boundary Force was created, consisting of
Indian troops of a 'mixed class-race composition' under British command, to
protect minorities and facilitate their transfer between. Pakistan and India.

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The literature on institutional influence upon the evacuation process exhibits
opposing viewpoints. Many analysts were critical of limited institutional
preparedness and effectiveness. For example, Rai (1965) found that the
Boundary Force was entirely ineffective in the face of violent communal
uprisings. Hodson (1969) compiled available information on the massacre and
migration in the north-west (i.e. Punjab and NWFP) during August-November
1947. It appeared to him that the root cause of the massacre was the
breakdown of civil government; even the army, without the co-existence of a
capable civil authority, could not function effectively to prevent murder, arson
and rape committed by 'ordinary people' against 'ordinary people'. The death
toll of communal kOHngs was estimated to have surpassed 200,000 persons
(Hodson 1969:418). To handle the migration crisis, the Military Evacuation
Organization (MEO) was formed on 3 September 1947, following a meeting of
Pundit Nehru and Iiaqat Ali Khan, the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India.
A report of the MEO claimed that, as of 31 December 1947, 2.1 million
Muslims had moved to West Punjab of Pakistan from India since 1 August of
that year, and 2.0 million non-Muslims had entered East Punjab of India from
Pakistan (cited in Rai 1965). It was recorded that even after the mass
evacuation guided by the MEO, there were 60,000 minorities left stranded in
the 'pockets' of Pakistan (EPLAR 1947). Hodson (1969), in his detailed
documentation of historical records, identified the lack of anticipation by
various levels of government as the pivotal cause of the scale and extent of
mass slaughter and torture.
In the absence of planned population relocation by the governments of India
and Pakistan, practices of nepotism >w*m* rampant These practices were so
widespread that even official documents could not deny their existence, and
recorded them reluctantly (EPLAR 1957). The East Punjab Liaison Agency
Records (EPLAR) suggested that the 'have nots' of rural origin had suffered
most during the flight because of their limited access to government protection
or economic nggictnnre to pay for railway tickets, food or porters. 'Everyone
tried to trade in human misery. All carriers—tonga-drivers, taxi-owners, ricksha-
coolies and even unlicensed street porters had a roaring trade' (EPLAR 1948).
200 C. Emdad Haque

The Journey: Flight Experience and Emergency Assistance

Participating in the Flights: Differential Trauma and Responses to Threats
Studies on flight experience principally used the anthropological case study
approach, based on first hand experience of selected individuals or groups
(Talib 1950; Bourke-White 1968), and recollection of past memories (Keller
1975; Rao 1967). Using individual refugee cases, Talib (1950) composed a
detailed profile of the threats and atrocities that the Sikhs faced in Pakistan
during the early months of independence; the study also contains a content
analysis of newspaper coverage. He concluded that the Sikhs were entirely
involuntary migrants, although their displacement sometimes occurred slowly.
Bourke-White (1968) personally observed the mass exodus as a photographer,
witnessing death, birth, suffering and sharing in the foot convoys. She
interviewed many of the victims, particularly the migrating Sikhs from West

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Punjab. One of the root causes of atrocities identified by Bourke-White in
Layallpur was the appropriation of land and other intangible resources by the
local Muslims from the prosperous Punjabi Sikh farmers.

Psychological Impact of Flight Experience

Keller (1975) has dealt with the interesting aspect of the behaviour of minority
victims. Through analyses of the psychological impact of their flight, he
attempted to explain the vicious spiral of hatred and retaliation. Based on a
survey of past experience of refugees, Keller found that the initial response to
escape was characterized by a defensive survival strategy. However, emotional
reaction among the minorities against the oppressor community often led to
counter attacks by small groups to retaliate or demonstrate grievances. Many
other victims nonetheless chose a passive reaction, opting to not fight back.
The long-lasting effect of flight and its associated trauma was a feeling of guilt
among the refugees. Stemming from having survived constant dangers while
many others died, this guilt may have led victims to either inward or outward
aggression (Keller 1975).
Some beneficial aspects of flight were also identified. Participants in refugee
flights have demonstrated clear evidence of regaining the status of 'subject1
rather than 'object', by becoming able to respond to the dangers around them.
The sense of homogeneity among them functioned as a catalytic agent in the
struggle against utter despair and hopelessness (also see Murphy et al. 1955).

Short-duration Emergency Assistance Programmes and Other Strategies

Research on emergency support to the refugees has been limited to government
and other official documents. These sources have recorded achievements and
successes of the concerned agencies in the form of numerical figures, without
referring to the actual magnitude of the problems (e.g. Rao 1967). It was
extremely difficult for the central, as well as regional governments, to supply
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 201
the necessary aid for refugees while they were concentrating on the distribution
of 'liabilities and assets'. However, many empirical studies found that it was the
local communities, despite their limited capacity to provide shelter and
medicine, who provided basic material such as food and clothing, as well as
emotional support, to the ongoing convoys.
The Indian government prepared a three-tier plan to help the refugees: (1) by
offering shelters in camps immediately after evacuation; (2) by directing a
gradual dispersal of the camp residents to the rural and urban areas; and (3) by
rehabilitating the 'recovered women and children' (Rai 1965). There is
consensus in the literature on the effectiveness of emergency relief provided
by the governments and public agencies through their mobilization of
manpower and resources. For example, Rai (1965) elaborated on how the
mobilization of the whole Indian Ministry of Education succeeded in facing the
challenge of feeding and sheltering hundreds of thousands of refugees. Rao

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(1967:39) recorded that in India, a total of 908,019 refugees were sheltered in
camps by the end of March 1948.
Many authorities, nonetheless, opposed the public policy of isolating refugees
from the local people in separate camp areas (Bajwa 1948). Formulation of a
policy of partnership and shared resources which would ureimflaht the refugees
into the host social milieu was suggested as an alternative approach. Based on
the recommendations of various appointed committees, the process of
liquidating relief and refugee camps began as early as 1947. Government
subsidies had been accused of generating demoralizing effects, especially among
the adult manpower in the camps. In 1949, the Indian Ministry of Rehabilitation
began to rehabilitate refugees, instead of supporting them with relief.

Rehabilitation, Asstmflatioo and Integration

Statistical documents suggest rtwtt as rehabilitation processes began, the number
of refugees in the camps of India gradually declined, from more than 900,000 in
1948 to less than 620,000 by the end of 1949. Rao (1967) estimated that more than
half of the 4.74 million refugees in the western regions of India had a rural origin.
A total of 6.73 million acres of land were abandoned in Pakistan by the Hindus
and Sikhs who left for India, and 4.74 million acres were abandoned by the
Muslims in India who left for Pakistan. Rao (1967) has claimed that on the basis
of equality, irrespective of their past socio-economic status, all agriculturalists
were given land by the state government of Punjab (i.e. East Punjab).
Some analysts have recognized many flaws in such a compensation and
rehabilitation policy. As Rai (1965:162-163) pointed out, since the
compensation policy only considered 'property owners', it left the 'have nots'
outside the domain of effective public assistance. The policy thus ensured the
continuation of the 'status quo', a bias which could be detrimental to
community welfare in the long run. In the subcontinent, moreover,
rehabilitation required a workable agreement between the national and
regional governments on evacuee property. Initially, all governments
202 C. Emdad Haque

anticipated a repatriation of minorities to their original communities.

Eventually that hope evaporated as the refugees refused to accept the
repatriation option. Further, the lack of background information on the
displaced persons and their properties hindered the attempts of public officials
to formulate appropriate rehabilitation policies.

Refugees are Innovative and Modernizing Agents

Investigations show that the Punjabis, who were involved in clearing the forests
of the floodplains and valleys of West Punjab and NWFP for agricultural use,
were not discouraged from taking up new challenges after the displacement
(Rai 1965; Rao 1967; Mukerji 1985). Their success has been seen as rooted in
the religjo-cultural characteristic of 'self-respect'; as Randhawa (1954:44)
wrote, 'Sikbism has imposed a discipline on the Sikh farmer which is conducive

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to efficiency'. Studies also repeatedly showed the significant role of the public
sector in allocating land, construction of large irrigation and other capital
projects, and extending credits for agricultural activities. This assistance was a
crucial factor for the rehabilitation of the refugee farmers. Both macro-
economic development, through infrastructure expansion and employment, as
well as micro-economic gains, were simultaneously achieved by these
initiatives. Both Rai (1965) and Rao (1967) presented some case studies to
support similar assertions.
The commitment of the refugees to become self-sufficient has been identified,
however, as the most important element in the success of rural rehabilitation.
By following a social scientific survey method, Keller (1975) covered a sample
of 126 families from the rural and urban centres of East Punjab and Haryana,
of whom 73 (57.9 per cent) were refugees, and the rf"i«'"ing 53 (42.1 per cent)
made up a non-refugee control group; the survey was conducted during 1967-
1968. The findings reaffirmed that refugees were more behaviouraUy aggressive
and feel more invulnerable than the non-refugees. This sense of invulnerability,
which manifested itself in a heightened willingness to take risks, grew as
refugees realized that they had come through a long struggle safely. This level
of confidence was expressed as follows.

The refugees are more willing to do new things or do old things in new ways. They
are more geographically mobile, more occupationally mobile, and more likely to
adapt innovations sooner than non-refugees (Keller 1975:271).
Such an attitude would in turn result in individual benefits and community-
wide prosperity. Keller identified this psychological process as an important
'element of the gestalt'.

Ethnicity and Religious Background

It is suggested that some ethnic and religious groups are more dynamic than
others in rehabilitation situations. The spatial and social mobility studies
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 203

showed that the Punjabi refugees were not only most successful in Punjab, but
in all other states as weD. The Punjabis are more economically diversified than
other displaced groups, while, as noted by Mukerji (1985), the Sikhs are more
diversified spatially, occupying both rural and urban areas.
The role of East Bengali refugees in rehabilitation is also a major concern in
the available literature (Rao 1967; Chakrabarti 1990; Mukerji 1985). There are
two opposing representations of this group: one viewpoint concedes that,
unlike 'enterprising' Punjabi refugees, the Bengalis were apathetic and
obstructive, requiring the government to provide initiative and motivation
(Rao 1967); the other viewpoint asserts that the majority of Bengalis
rehabilitated through informal social institutions rather than by the formal
government programmes, their discontentment eventually turning into
oppositional politics. It has been argued further that the shortage of

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agricultural land induced the occupational diversification of East Bengalis,
which led to urban expansion in West Bengal over the last four decades
(Chakrabarti 1990).

Displacement and Family Structure

Sociological interests have focused on the impact of displacement on family
organization. Pakrasi (1965:1971) tested a hypothesis concerning behavioural
change of people due to the traumatic experience of displacement, and the
possible effects on family, caste and social class. A total of 16,156 families were
studied by comparing two surveys, one carried out in 1948 and the other in
1961-1962.
Burgess and Locke (1960) and Elliot and Merrill (1941), relying upon
Western experiences, postulated that individualism grows among displaced
persons as a result of isolation. Pakrasi rejected this notion, r.iniming instead
that the displacees' integration was spontaneous: 'there were no refugees, they
were displaced people from one socio-political environment to another"
(1971:50). However, he noted that the displacees were frightened and
disorganized; their family and other social organizations were strained as a
result of the break from an established mode*" of family living. The uprooted
persons also faced difficulty in adapting to the 'devalued' circumstances
prevailing in their familial and social organizations; consequently, social
isolation persisted as the displacees formed distinct groups/ The research
concluded that structural breakdown of families, considered as 'complex-
constituent organizations', when compared to Hindu families of undivided
Bengal, was not evident

Relocation as Distinct Group and Assimilation Problems

The state and central governments of India undertook several colonization
schemes to relocate refugees, one of which was the Doon Valley project funded
by the Uttar Pradesh government. Saksena (1961) examined the attitudinal
204 C. Emdad Haque

characteristics of the rdocatees, taking a sample of 854 families (10 per cent of
the 8,500 relocatee families). These characteristics were measured on a five
point likert scale. The investigator found clear signs of assimilation of the
refugees, particularly through their success in the vegetable trade. However,
such a success created local resentment and rivalry in economic activities. The
relocatees disliked the label saranarthi (asking for refuge), a term commonly
used by the natives, and called themselves purshwthi (one who believes in self-
help). This example indicates that assimilation of refugees is not always socially
feasible when they are relocated as a distinct group.

Considerations of the Cultural-Ecological Identity of Refugees

Both Elahi (1981) and Mukerji (1985) have analysed the characteristics and

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impact of the resettlement of Bengali Hindu refugees in Dandakaranya of
Orissa state. While these refugees had originated from an agricultural
background in East Bengal, mainly producing rice and jute, the physical and
ecological conditions of Orissa and West Bengal were entirely unconducive to
such activities. In spite of their persistent reluctance to resettle in such an
unfamiliar ecological setting, more than 20,000 families were forcibly relocated
to Dandakaranya during 1965-1978. Eventually, more than 15,000 families
abandoned the area; the public sector investment into this failed resettlement
resulted in an economic planning disaster. Several studies have confirmed that
participation of refugees in the decision-making process is a key to the success
of resettlement schemes (Rao 1967; Elahi 1981).

Rehabilitating Refugees of Urban Origin

In comparison to the refugees uprooted from an agricultural-rural setting,
rehabilitating the displaced people of urban origin was a more difficult task for
all levels of governments. Two reasons for this difficulty were identified: (1)
construction of enough houses within a short period of time was not feasible;
and (2) the Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan's urban areas were more affluent
than their Indian counterparts (Rao 1967), and their rehabilitation in the 1.36
million houses abandoned by low-income Muslims who migrated to Pakistan,
was not feasible on a permanent basis. Haque (1987), in his research on the
non-Bengali Muslim refugees in East Pakistan and Bangladesh, showed that a
particular ethnic refugee group could be utilized by the ruling power groups, or
some vested interests, to their advantage; consequently, the refugees could
become the scapegoat as new political power structures evolved. According to
the 1951 census of Pakistan, more than 600,000 Urdu-speaking 'Bihari'
Muhajirs sought refuge in East Pakistan, most of whom were rehabilitated in
urban job sectors, such as on railways, in the postal services, in transportation,
housing and other government services. Whitaker (1972) noted that, in this
case, a number of public policy measures were taken to meet 'the colonial
motives of West Pakistan rulers', measures which included the building of
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 205

large-scale estate housing facilities for the Mvhajirs, and granting them major
subsidies. These policies led to strong resentment among the local Bengalis.
Accompanied by several other political factors relating to regional rights and
privileges, .this resentment eventually led to the break-up of Pakistan.
Ironically, the 'Bihari' Muslims became refugees once again in their country
of asylum.

An Orerview of the Methods Applied

This section provides an overview of the research methods applied in the

studies of the displaced population in the subcontinent The early research
tended to be of historical and political orientation. Generally, a descriptive-

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interpretive method of analysis was followed. A few political studies dealt with
structural aspects, the linkages and relationships between various political and
social institutions, and their relation to the complex issues of nationhood,
religion and minority rights. The historical research was aimed primarily at
documenting events and their trends.
Subsequently, a considerable volume of literature has accumulated analysing
the socio-political processes which affected the communities. These research
efforts relied more on anthropological tools, such as participation-observation,
observation by the informants, content analysis and field surveys. However,
anthropological research has not formed any distinct way of conducting
refugee analysis; rather contributions were centred around the broader socio-
political context of the partition, and the resultant population displacement A
bias towards historical, political and anthropological approaches and
associated tools was reflective of the general intellectual and academic
interest in the questions of emerging statehood, nationality and religion.
Among the systematic social sciences, some psychological research, specifically
on the effects of displacement and associated trauma, was carried out in the
early decades. These studies applied the conventional experiential and
perceptual methods of analysis.
As the migration flows gradually diminished from a massive surge to
sporadic infiltration, a concomitant shift in the research focus followed In
both theoretical and applied research, concerns about rehabilitation and
assimilation formed the subject matter of refugee studies. Contributions from
scholars in four disciplines, i.e. demography, geography, sociology and
development studies, have become more visible in the last two decades.
Using statistical tools and methods, demographers have attempted to
overcome some of the serious constraints of direct census enumerations.
Spatial distributions and cultural-ecological problems were the major topics of
geographical work. Insightful critiques of the government rehabilitation
programmes, which relocated refugees inrnifatniKnrecological settings, have
been made from the geographical perspective. Both descriptive and analytical
methods have been applied in spatial analysis of refugee movements.
206 C. Emdad Haque
Survey-based sociological studies have inquired into the issues of structural
change in families and possible alterations in individual behaviour due to
displacement Issues such as the role of refugees as agents of economic
development and social change have received considerable research attention.
The success of Sikh refugees in rural Punjab, particularly in the agricultural
sector, has been of greater interest to development analysts. Instead of
encompassing the related public finance, consumption and employment issues,
the macro-economic perspectives of refugee studies reviewed in this paper
remained confined to development issues. . '

Directions for Future Research

In conclusion, based on the review of the existing literature, recommendations
on the directions of future research can be presented. First, the absence of both

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a coherent methodology for refugee studies and a multidisdpHnary dialogue
has resulted in somewhat piecemeal research findings. The comprehension of
refugee problems, their dynamics and possible policy options has been
hampered by the lack of a common frame of reference in population
displacement research in the subcontinent. The tools and techniques, although
valuable for independent research, were often incompatible with each other
due to their diversity. To address this problem, a frame of reference for
conducting research on population displacement should be formulated by an
umbrella organization.
Second, the cutting-edge areas of scholastic interest, such as gender, race and
ethnicity, human rights and governance, and ecology and environment, have
been generally absent from research efforts of the past four decades. Future
research funds should be directed to cover these issues and arrive at an in-depth
understanding of their implications for institutional policy. There has also been
a general absence of United Nations involvement in refugee and displacement
issues in the region, although the estimated volume of forcibly displaced
persons ranged between 40 and 50 million. The only exceptions were the
involvement of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) with relief and rehabilitation of uprooted people, namely, those
affected by the civil war in Pakistan in 1971, the Myanmarian Rohingas in
Bangladesh, and Tamils in Sri T-nnirn Determination of political and other
relevant reasons for, and effects of, this void in international involvement
would help to direct future courses of international engagement
In addition, India and Pakistan have experienced ongoing territorial
disputes, particularly in terms of Kashmir, since 1947. They fought two
regional wars, one in 1965 and the other in 1971. By the late 1980s, such
regional tension and uncertainty provoked both of these nations to procure
nuclear weapon capability. Also, there have been frequent allegations of illegal
infiltrations of sizeable migration streams from Bangladesh into the north-
eastern region of India. This has created regional animosity among the member
countries of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARQ.
 The Dilemma of Nationhood and Religion 207

Future research should assess the security and strategic implications of

population movements, especially of the 'unofficial' streams, in the
subcontinent
The emergence of ethnic refugees as power brokers in the contemporary
nations of the subcontinent has created an unprecedented type of political
structure. The conflict between the traditional host societies and the refugee
communities has evolved into a complex set of problems; notable examples
include the cases of Pakistan's Muhajirs and the Bengalis in West Bengal. As
economic rehabilitation of refugees has been quite successful in many parts, of
the subcontinent, their assimilation into the social mainstream is still a serious
concern for decision-makers in the host societies. Sharper ethnic contradictions
are resurfacing in different parts of the subcontinent, although the' partition
took place more than four decades ago. To understand the dynamics of these

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processes and conflicts, more research should be undertaken in problem areas
such as Assam, Punjab and Kashmir. A key to the success of this initiative
would be objectivity of the studies. Support to enhance the research capacity in
local areas is also needed.
Finally, research on refugee topics in the subcontinent has been concentrated
on Indian territory, and only very few covered Pakistan. Such geographical
biases should be balanced out by undertaking more research in the deficient
areas. More generally, a dialogue between academics and practitioners is
needed in order to deal with real-world problems. Development of a research
network would be an appropriate step towards such an exchange of concepts,
ideas and information.

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The author gratefully acknowledges the comments and criticisms made by John C.
Everitt, Department of Geography, Brandon University, Canada and two anonymous
referees on an earlier draft of this paper. The author also extends thanks to Karen
Hamberg, Queen's University, Canada, who assisted him in preparing a bibliography on
the concerned topics, Glenn Bergen, University of Manitoba, Cffni"^a for his
contribution as a research assistant, and Doug Braden, Brandon University, Canada,
who prepared the maps for this paper.

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