CHAPTER: I

The Influence of Christianity on Western Civilization

The positive influence of Christianity is far reaching especially in the rich history and culture

of Western Civilization despite a long standing ignorance or adamant denial of its contributions.

The Bible itself is responsible for much of the language, literature, and fine arts we enjoy today

as its artists and composers were heavily influenced by its writings. Paul Maier, in writing the

forward to the book How Christianity Changed the World by Alvin J. Schmidt, says this about

the profound impact Christianity has had on the development of Western Civilization:

“No other religion, philosophy, teaching, nation, movement—whatever—has so changed the

world for the better as Christianity has done. Its shortcomings, , are nevertheless heavily

outweighed by its benefits to all mankind” (Schmidt).

Contrary to the history texts treatment of the subject, Christian influence on values,

beliefs, and practices in Western culture are abundant and well ingrained into the flourishing

society of today (Schmidt 12). In the Old Testament book of Hosea the writer states: “my people

are destroyed for lack of knowledge,” a statement that can well be applied to those today who are

forgetful of the past (The Reformation Study Bible, Hosea 4.6a).

Schmidt writes regarding liberty and justice as seen by today’s culture:

“The liberty and justice that are enjoyed by humans in Western societies and in some

non-Western countries are increasingly seen as the products of a benevolent, secular government

that is the provider of all things. There seems to be no awareness that the liberties and rights that

are currently operative in free societies of the West are to a great degree the result of

Christianity’s influence (248). History is replete with examples of individuals who acted as a law

unto themselves “often curtailing, even obliterating the natural rights and freedoms of the

country’s citizens (249). Christianity’s influence, however, set into motion the belief that man is
accountable to God and that the law is the same regardless of status. More than one thousand

years before the birth of Christ the biblical requirement given by Moses comprised an essential

component of the principle that “no man is above the law.”

One witness is not enough to convict a man accused of any crime or offense he may have

committed. A matter must be established by the testimony of two or three witnesses.

(Deuteronomy 19.15)

Thus the accuser, regardless of position in society, could not arbitrarily incarcerate or

execute the accused and was himself subject to the law. The New Testament also mandated two

or more witnesses in ecclesiastical matters regarding an erring Christian in Matthew 18:15-17

(Schmidt 249). The criminal and justice systems of many free countries today employ this Judeo-

Christian requirement of having witnesses testify and in British and American jurisprudence,

witnesses are part of “due process of law,’ a legal concept first appearing under King Edward III

in the fourteenth century (Schmidt 249). One startling example of the concept that no man is

above the law is seen in the conflict between the Christian emperor Theodosius the Great and St.

Ambrose. It happened in 300 A.D. when some in Thessalonica rioted and aroused the anger of

the emperor who overreacted by slaughtering approximately seven thousand people, most of

whom were innocent. Bishop Ambrose asked the emperor to repent and when Theodosius

refused, the bishop excommunicated him. After a month Theodosius prostrated himself and

repented in Ambrose’s cathedral. Often mistaken as a struggle for power between church and

state, the evidence in which Ambrose’s letter to the emperor cited sole concern for the emperor’s

spiritual welfare conclude this as being the first instance of applying the principle that no one is

above the law (Schmidt 250).

The Magna Carta served as a courageous precedent some five hundred years later to the

American patriots in the creation of the unique government of the United States. The charter,

signed in 1215 at Runnymede by King John granted a number of rights never held before this
historic occasion including that “(1) justice could no longer be sold or denied to freeman who

were under authority of barons; (2) no taxes could be levied without representation; (3) no one

would be imprisoned without a trial; and (4) property could not be taken from the owner without

just compensation (Schmidt 251). The Magna Carta had important Christian ties as demonstrated

by its preamble that began, “John, by the grace of God…,” and stated that the charter was

formulated out of “reverence for God and for the salvation of our soul and those of all our

ancestors and heirs, for the honour of God and the exaltation of Holy Church and the reform of

our realm, on the advice of our reverend [church] fathers” (Schmidt 251). This document also

followed the precedent established in 325 at the Council of Nicaea in which Christian bishops

wrote and adopted a formal code of fundamental beliefs to which all Christians were expected to

adhere. The Magna Carta displayed what its formulators as Christians expected of the king and

his subjects regarding civic liberties (Schmidt 251).

Natural law is a concept with a long history dating back to the Greco-Roman

philosophers. Despite some variations among philosophers one point of agreement was

understood as “that process in nature by which human beings, through the use of sound reason,

were able to perceive what was morally right and wrong” (Schmidt253). With the emergence of

Christianity common law was clarified to state that “natural law was not an entity by itself but

part of God’s created order in nature through which he made all rational human beings aware of

what is right and wrong” (Schmidt 253). The Apostle Paul expressed this in the New Testament

book of Romans:

“For when Gentiles, who do not have the law, by nature do what the law requires, they

are a law to themselves, even though they do not have the law. They show that the work of the

law is written on their hearts, while their conscience also bears witness, and their conflicting

thoughts accuse or even excuse them” (Romans 2.14-15).

 Martin Luther stated: “Why does one then teach the Ten Commandments? Because the

natural laws were never so orderly and well written as by Moses” (Schmidt 253). In his Two

Treatises of Government, physician and political philosopher John Locke (1632-1703) claimed

that government existed only to uphold the natural law and that governmental tyranny violated

the natural rights of man (Schmidt 253). Natural rights were derived from nature and not from

kings or government. The renowned English scholar Sir William Blackstone had immense

influence on the American patriots in the eighteenth century who used his Commentaries of the

Laws of England (1765) while formulating the fledgling government as evidenced by the

Declaration of Independence. The words “the Law of Nature and of Nature’s God” document the

reliability on the Christian understanding of the natural law (Schmidt 254). The Declaration of

Independence goes on to state that “whenever any form of government becomes destructive of

these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute new government,”

thus reiterating the concept of “inalienable rights” given by nature. The term “self-evident” has

Christian roots going back to theological writings of the eighth century. Schmidt quotes Gary

Amos, author of Defending the Declaration, as saying: “To the medievalists, ‘self-evident’

knowledge was truth known intuitively, as direct revelation from God, without the need for

proofs. The term presumed that man was created in the image of God, and presumed certain

beliefs about man’s rationality which can be traced as far back as Augustine in the early fifth

century” (pp. 254-55). Schmidt believes it is quite plausible that St. Paul’s biblical concept of

“self-evident” (Romans 1.20) knowingly or unknowingly influenced Jefferson when he wrote the

term into the Declaration (Schmidt 255). The last portion of the Declaration includes the phrase

“Supreme Judge,” a term used in Locke’s The Second Treatise of Government, where he refers to

Jephthah calling God “the Judge” in Israel’s fight against the Ammonites (Judges 11.27). If this

is taken from Locke’s work, Amos contends, “then we have a direct link between the Bible and

the Declaration of Independence (Schmidt 255).

 The Constitution, the hallmark of the foundling government in America, was greatly

influenced by the French Christian and philosopher Baron de Montesquieu (1689-1755) as

evidenced by the three branches of America’s government. Schmidt makes note that one

historian has said that Montesquieu’s book, The Spirit of the Laws (1748), “[gave] American

Constitution writers their holy writ” and called Montesquieu “the godfather of the American

Constitution” (256). Montesquieu’s political theory was incorporated into the Constitution

mostly as a result of the role taken by James Madison, known as the principal architect. His

arguments for a separation of powers stemmed from the Christian teaching of the fallen nature of

man. He is quoted as saying, ‘The truth [is] that all men, having power ought to be distrusted, to

a certain degree.” In his Federalist Paper number 51 he notes, “If men were angels, no

government would be necessary” (Schmidt 257). Many history texts have made note that the

three powers are derived from Montesquieu’s theory but have failed to note the influence of

Christianity on his beliefs: “It is not enough for a religion to establish a doctrine; it must also

direct its influence. This the Christian religion performs in the most admirable manner, especially

with respect to the doctrines of which we have been speaking. It makes us hope for a state which

is the object of our belief; not for a state which we have already experienced or known” (Schmidt

257).

The founding of America’s republic government can best be described as the pinnacle of

our American Christian heritage. Noah Webster defined government in his American Dictionary

of the English Language (1828) as: “Direction; regulation. ‘These precepts will serve for the

government of our conduct.’ Control; restraint. ‘Men are apt to neglect the government of their

temper and passions.’“ Thus Webster defines government in a way that reflects the biblical

concept of governmental authority, that is, beginning with the individual and extending outward

to include all institutions (DeMar, God and Government, pp. 4-5). The Founding Fathers

recognized the importance of self-government. As DeMar states, “A self-governed individual is

someone who can regulate his attitudes and actions without the need for external coercion” (14).

Believing God’s law to be the sole standard for determining right and wrong John Adams wrote,

“Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is inadequate to the

government of any other.” The words of Hugo Grotius (1858-1645) reveal the mindset of many

who fled to the shores of America in search of religious freedom:

“He knows not how to rule a Kingdom, that cannot manage a Province; nor can he wield

a Province, that cannot order a City; nor he order a City, that knows not how to regulate a

Village; nor he a Family that knows not how to Govern himself; neither can any Govern

himself unless his reason be Lord, Will and Appetite her Vassals; nor can Reason rule

unless herself ruled by God, and (wholly) be obedient to Him.”

Though the Constitution does not implicitly assume a Christian nation or acknowledgement of

the providence of God in national affairs, an omission greatly regretted by the Christian public at

the time of adoption (Morris 296), fundamentals of Christianity were incorporated into the State

Constitutions of the Revolution which demonstrated the Christian life and character of our civil

institutions (Morris 269).

Among other things, the influence of Christianity has spread into the concept of freedom

and rights of the individual. Without this freedom there is no real freedom on the economic,

political, or religious level (Schmidt 258). From its inception, Christianity has placed a high

value on the individual in stark contrast to the Greco-Roman culture in which the individual was

always subordinate to the state (Schmidt 259). Malcolm Muggeridge, once a non-Christian but

later a strong defender of Christianity, said, “We must not forget that our human rights are

derived from the Christian faith. In Christian terms every single human being, whoever he or she

may be, sick or well, clever or foolish, beautiful or ugly, every human being is loved by his

Creator, who as the Gospels tell us, counted the hairs of his head.” (Schmidt 260). Individual

freedom has led to many positive effects in the history of Western society. One essential aspect of
this began with individuals such as Tertullian, Lactantius, St. Augustine, and later Martin Luther

who promoted religious freedom. Luther, standing before Emperor Charles V and the Diet of

Worms in 1521 declared:

“Unless I am convicted by Scripture and plain reason—I do not accept the authority of

popes and councils, for they have contradicted each other—my conscience is captive to the word

of God. I cannot and will not recent anything, for to go against conscience is neither right nor

safe. God help me, Amen.” The First Amendment echoes the desire of prominent Christian

forbears in promoting religious liberty and freedom of the individual (Schmidt 263).

Christianity’s influence on education can be seen at its very inception with the teachings

of Jesus who used words, parables, and human-life illustrations and taught others who then

would become teachers themselves (Schmidt 170). Schmidt notes that the earliest Christians

were mostly Jews who came from a long-standing tradition that valued formal education. St.

Paul in his epistles makes references to Christians teaching in Ephesus, Corinth, Rome,

Thessalonica, as well as other places (171). Teaching continued after the death of the apostles

and in the very early church (A.D. 80-110) the Didache, basically an instruction manual for new

converts to Christianity, appeared. Ignatius, a bishop of Antioch in the first decade of the second

century, insisted that children be taught the Scriptures and a skilled trade, a concept carried over

from the Jews (Schmidt 171). Jesus Christ’s command to the disciples and all Christians was to

teach people “all things” that he commanded him. Newcomers, in preparation for baptism and

church membership, were taught orally by the question and answer method. Both men and

women over a period of two to three years were catechized and first were instructed in the

teacher’s home (Schmidt 171). These types of instruction lead to formal catechetical schools

with a strong emphasis on the literary. Justin Martyr, around A.D. 150, established schools in

Ephesus and in Rome. Other schools quickly spread throughout the regions. The school is

Alexandria, Egypt was well noted for its literary qualities (Schmidt 171). Christian doctrine was
the primary focus of these schools though the one in Alexandria also taught mathematics and

medicine and when Origen succeeded Clement he added grammar classes (Schmidt 172).

Although Christians were not the first to engage in formal teaching it appears they were the first

to teach both sexes in the same setting. Schmidt notes W.M. Ramsey as stating that Christianity’s

aim was “universal education, not education confined to the rich, as among Greeks and

Romans…and it [made] no distinction of sex” (172). St. Augustine once said that Christian

women were better informed in divine matters than the pagan male philosophers (Schmidt 172).

Details on the education of children are not known until the fourth to the tenth century when

cathedrals and episcopal schools were maintained by bishops. The schools taught not only

Christian doctrine but also the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and logic) and quadrivium (arithmetic,

music, geometry, and astronomy). The espiscopal schools primarily trained priests but also

enrolled others. Children of royalty and the higher social ranks attended the cathedral schools

and others were instructed in monasteries or nunneries, where girls predominated. Although

children were encouraged to enter church vocations most entered secular ones.

At the time of the Reformation, Martin Luther, to his dismay, found widespread

ignorance when he visited the churches in Saxony. He proceeded to write Small Catechism in

1529 noting that the common people had little to no knowledge of Christian teachings and that

many pastors were incompetent to teach. He criticized the bishops for this indiscretion (Schmidt

176). Luther urged a state school system “to include vernacular primary schools for sexes, Latin

secondary schools, and universities.” He also said that parents who failed to teach their children

were “shameful and despicable” (Schmidt 177).

Education in early America was built on the heels of the Reformation of the sixteenth

century which “stressed reclamation of all of life, with education as an essential transforming

force (DeMar, America’s Christian Heritage, 39). Modeling the Academy of Geneva (founded by

John Calvin in 1559), universities sprang up that would apply the Bible to all of life (DeMar 39).
On of the first colleges to be founded was Harvard in 1636 three years after John Eliot (1604-

1690) first proposed a college for Massachusetts Bay. Harvard’s curriculum emphasized the

study of biblical languages (Hebrew, Greek, and Aramaic), logic, divinity (theology), and

communication (public speaking and rhetoric). Latin also linked students to classical studies and

the writings of the church fathers (DeMar 43). The Puritans held to the belief that the collegiate

education proper for a minister should also be the same for educated laymen. There was no great

distinction between secular and theological learning (DeMar 44). The early motto of Harvard

was Veritas Christo et Ecclesiae (“Truth for Christ and the Church”). Harvard’s motto today has

been reduced simply to Veritas (DeMar 45). Other early universities built exclusively on

Christian principles were William and Mary (1693), Yale (1701), Princeton (1746), King’s

College (1754), Brown (1764), Rutgers (1766), and Dartmouth (1769) (p. 42). The education of

colonial children was provided by a curriculum of three books in addition to the Bible: the

Hornbook, the New England Primer, and the Bay Psalm book. The Hornbook, a single

parchment attached to a wooden paddle, contained the alphabet, the Lord’s Prayer, and religious

doctrines written or printed on it. The 1690 first edition of the Primer contained the names of the

Old and New Testament books, the Lord’s Prayer, “An Alphabet of Lessons for Youth,” the

Apostle’s Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Westminster Assembly Shorter Catechism, and

John Cotton’s “Spiritual Milk for American Babes” (DeMar 41). The Primer was the most

commonly used textbook for almost 200 years. Another popular textbook was The McGuffey

Reader (Schippe 9). Noah Webster, educator and compiler of the 1828 An American Dictionary

of the English Language wrote: “Education without the Bible is useless.” (DeMar, America’s

Christian Heritage, 40) Christian faith was integrated into every facet of education in early

America.

Christianity’s influence on language, literature, and the arts is often overlooked and even

taken for granted. Without the Bible much of what we enjoy today would be non-existent. The
English language incorporates many words and phrases taken from the Bible when first

translated. In 1380 John Wycliffe translated the Scriptures in its entirety and from it appears

many of the words we still use today including the words adoption, ambitious, cucumber, liberty,

and scapegoat among others (Schippe 12). William Tyndale translated the first English

translation from the original texts. A gifted linguist skilled in eight languages with impeccable

insights into Hebrew and Greek, Tyndale was eager to translate the Bible so even “the boy that

drives the plow” could know the Bible (Schippe 13). Some familiar words and phrases of his

include: “let there be light (Genesis 1.3),” “the powers that be (Romans 13.1),” “a law unto

themselves (Romans 2.14),” and “fight the good fight (1 Timothy 6.12)” (Schippe 13). The

influence of Tyndale on the English language was solidified in the publication of the 1611 King

James Bible which retained about 94 percent of Tyndale’s work (Schippe 12). A renowned

scholar on the literature of the Bible, Alistair McGrath notes, “Without the King James Bible,

there would have been no Paradise Lost, no Pilgrim’s Progress, no Handel’s Messiah, no Negro

spirituals, and no Gettysburg Address” (Schippe 12). Despite the hostility and persecution

towards the Christians in the early centuries under Nero and Domitian and later under the

Catholic Church prior to the Reformation the Scriptures were meticulously copied by the priests

and monks which in later years were translated into the languages of the common people even

under threat of punishment (Schippe 14). Tyndale first worked in secret and when later betrayed

and about to be burnt at the stake he called out, “Lord, open the King of England’s eyes.” Within

a year King Henry allowed English Bibles to be distributed. Two million English Bibles were

distributed throughout a country of just over six million nearly seventy-five years after Tyndale’s

death (Schippe 14).

Writers, artists, and musicians over the centuries have been greatly influenced by the

Bible. From Dante to Milton to Fyodor Dostoyevsky, the words and themes found in the

Scriptures have made their way into much of the literature we study and enjoy today. Other great
writers in the history of Western Civilization include Chaucer, William Shakespeare, John

Donne, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Herman Melville, William Blake, T.S. Eliot, and William

Faulkner, to name a few (Schippe 44). Art depicting biblical scenes was made popular especially

during the Renaissance with artists such as Raphael, Michelangelo, and Rembrandt. Johann

Sebastian Bach, one of the most famous composers, was greatly influenced by the Scriptures.

His Magnificant was written for the Christmas service of 1723 at St. Thomas’s Church in Leipzig

(Schippe 237). The cantata, a genre of vocal music in the Baroque period and a key part of the

German Lutheran service, was primarily used in Bach’s music. A deeply religious man, Bach

signed his cantatas “S.D.G., which stands for Soli Deo Gloria—“to God alone the glory”

(Schippe 237). Many other forms of music known today have Christian roots such as the sonata,

the symphony, and the oratorio. Most forms of music began as psalms, hymns, and spiritual

songs and the outgrowth from there progressed as the monks and churches spread throughout the

ages. Ambrose (340-97) first had members of his congregation sing psalms antiphonally and

allowed all people to participate in the morning and evening church services by setting the words

of his hymns to “an easy metrical form, the iambic diameter (Schippe 316). Biblical stories were

dramatized and performed in song as early as the ninth century. A well-known church drama in

the tenth century was Visitatio sepulchri (The Visit to [Christ’s] Sepulcher). Schmidt notes there

is good reason to believe the opera evolved out of church dramas that appeared five hundred

years before the Renaissance (316-17). The works of Handel, Beethoven, Mozart, and

Mendelssohn among others have greatly been influenced by the words of the Bible; oftentimes

the music itself directly reflected that influence (Schippe 328-29).

With the publishing of Andrew Dickson White’s A History of the Warfare of Science with

Theology in Christendom in 1896 the idea that Christianity was responsible for the arrival of

science has largely been pushed out of the minds of the people, especially in academic circles

(Schmidt 218-19). However, there is a pronounced difference between the pagan and Christian
religions, that being the Christian presupposition of one God who is a rational being. Schmidt

asks the question, ‘If God is a rational being, then may not human beings, who are made in his

image, also employ rational processes to study and investigate the world in which they live?”

(219). It was Robert Grosseteste (ca. 1168-1253), a Franciscan bishop and first chancellor of

Oxford University, who first proposed the inductive, experimental method and his student, Roger

Bacon (1214-94) who asserted that “all things must be verified by experience.” Nearly three

hundred years later Francis Bacon (1561-1626) gave momentum to the inductive method by

recording his experimental results. Bacon has been called “the practical creator of scientific

induction.” Besides his scientific interests he also devoted time to theology and wrote treatises

on the Psalms and prayer (Schmidt 219). The inductive empirical method guided by rational

procedures stood in stark contrast from the ancient Greek perspective of Aristotle which had a

stranglehold on the world for fifteen hundred years. Even after these empirically minded

individuals introduced their idea the scholastic world for the most part continued to hold to

Aristotelianism which was the real “struggle” between the Catholic Church and science (Schmidt

219-220). One other prominent presupposition of Christianity is that God, who created the world,

is separate and distinct from it unlike Aristotelian philosophy which saw the gods and universe

intertwined. Pantheism regarded the scientific method as sacrilegious and an affront to divine

nature and thus only in Christian thought where God and nature are separate would science be

possible (Schmidt 221).

Schmidt quotes Lynn White, historian of medieval science, as saying “From the thirteenth

century onward into the eighteenth every major scientist, in effect, explained his motivations in

religious terms” (222). William Occam (1280-1349) had a great influence on the development of

modern science. His concept known as “Occam’s Razor” was the scientific principle that states

that what can be done or explained with the fewest assumptions should be used. It is the principle

of parsimony. As was common with almost all medieval natural philosophers, Occam did not
confine himself to scientific matters and wrote two theological treatises, one dealing with the

Lord’s Supper and the other with the body of Christ, both of which had a tremendous impact on

Martin Luther’s thinking (Schmidt 222). Leonardo Da Vinci (1452-1519), while a great artist and

painter was also a scientific genius who analyzed and theorized in the areas of botany, optics,

physics, hydraulics, and aeronautics. However, his greatest benefit to science was in the study of

physiology in which he produced meticulous drawings of the human body (Schmidt 223).

Andreas Vesalius (1514-64) followed in Da Vinci’s footsteps. In his famous work, De humani

corpis fabrica (Fabric of the Human Body), published in 1543, he corrects over two hundred

errors in Galen’s physiological writings. (Galen was a Greek physician of the second century)

The errors were largely found by dissecting cadavers (Schmidt 223). The branch of genetics

flourished under the work of Gregor Johann Mendel (1822-1884), an Augustinian monk, who

after studying Darwin’s theory of evolution rejected it (Schmidt 224). In the field of astronomy

great advances were made under devout Christian men Copernicus, Brahe, Kepler, and Galileo.

In physics we encounter Isaac Newton (1642-1727), Gottfried Leibniz (1646-1716), Blaise

Pascal (1623-62), Alessandro Volta (1745-1827), Georg Simon Ohm (1787-1854), Andre

Ampere (1775-1836), Michael Faraday (1791-1867), and William Thompson Kelvin (1824-

1907). These men held to a strong Christian faith as evidenced by their writings. Before he died,

Kepler was asked by an attending Lutheran pastor where he placed his faith. Kepler replied,

“Solely and alone in the work of our redeemer Jesus Christ.” Kepler, who only tried “thinking

God’s thoughts after him,” died with the Christian faith planted firmly in his mind and heart. His

epitaph, penned four months before his death stated:

I used to measure the heavens,

Now I must measure the earth.

Though sky-bound was my spirit,

My earthly body rests here (Schmidt 230).

Such was the mindset of the fathers of modern science who held to deeply religious beliefs and

saw no contradiction between faith and science. Had it not been for those men who believed in a

rational God who created rational men who sought only to understand the world that God had

created and obeyed the command to have “dominion” (Genesis 1.28) over the earth, science

would not be as it is today.

History books are filled with the rich details of men and women whose lives were

changed by Jesus Christ and impacted the world through ideas found in Scripture in a wide array

of disciplines. To deny the influence of Christianity on Western Civilization is to deny history

altogether. Although at certain times there loomed dark areas in church history by those who

deviated from the faith the overall positive contributions far outweigh the negative. There is no

mistaking the fact that Christianity has changed the world for the better.
 CHAPTER 2.

The Influence of Christianity on Anglo saxens.

Great Britain has thousands of years of history. The first known inhabitants were the ancient

Celts. Although they did not have a written language much is known about their culture. Celtic

society had several classes which included, aristocrats; common people; and an educated class of

lawyers, poets and priests. Most of the Celts lived in small rural settlements, raising crops and

livestock. Tradition says that in 449 A.D. the first band of people from the great North German

plain crossed the North Sea to Britain. These were the Jutes; the first of many Germanic

invaders. After the Jutes came the Anglo-Saxons. Even though the Celts were no match for the

invaders, they put up a fight. "The legendary King Arthur may have been the leader of the Celtic

people who were driven into Wales. The Anglo-Saxons had a written language; the first known

manuscript in their language is Beowulf. Beowulf is a good illustration of the mixing of long

held Pagan beliefs and traditions with the new Christian faith.

The Anglo-Saxons were a more war-like tribe than the Celts, but their society was still well

developed, "branching out from family to clan and tribe then to their kingdom." The Anglo-

Saxons had great loyalty towards their chosen leaders. "They also liked to hold meetings where

people could openly express what they thought and felt." Besides tremendous loyalty to their

leaders, the Anglo-Saxons also had an Heroic Idea. They admired, "men of outstanding courage

and strength." Beowulf fills this outline of the Heroic Idea quite well because he was extremely

strong and courageous. The Anglo-Saxons felt that, "Loyalty to the leaders and the tribe,… as

well as fierce personal valor were necessary for the survival of all." "The ruler was to be

generous to those who were loyal, therefore the followers in return would remain loyal." An

example of this is illustrated in Beowulf when Hrothgar has a mead hall built , called Herot Hall,
to reward his people. The Anglo-Saxons also had an acceptance of death. Their attitude towards

death was not to fear death but rather that it is going to happen to everyone. This acceptance was

because, "Everyone was aware of the shortness of life and the passing away of all things in the

world." The poet of Beowulf illustrates this lack of fear of death, when Beowulf says, "So shall a

man do when he aims to win lasting praise in battle—he does not worry about his life".(page26

the structure of Beowulf)Besides great loyalty and acceptance of death, the Anglo-Saxons also

"had vigorous minds." "Learning in England was so admired on the continent that it was natural

for European rulers to send to England for teachers." Parts of Anglo-Saxon civilization remains

in our lives today. For example, some of the week day names. "Tuesday comes from Tiw, god of

war; Wensday from Waden, the chief Teutonic god; Thursday from Thor, god of thunder; and

Friday comes from Frigga, goddess of the home. Besides days of the week, "many basic

American traditions in law, conduct, outlook, language, and literature" come from the Anglo-

Saxons.

Since there are some references to Christian beliefs in the Epic Poem Beowulf, the question has

arose, from where did this Christian influence come? The Christian influence came to Britain in

314 a.d. by a bishop of London who attended the church council at Arles in France. Saint

Augustine came in 597 A.D. established a monastery at Canterbury and became the first

Archbishop as well as the most famous. The archbishops of Canterbury were called "Primates"

of England, or the highest ecclesiastical authority. The conversion of the Anglo-Saxon tribes took

place about 600 a.d. and the ruler at the time was Ethelbert. The importance of this is that some

of these Christian beliefs show up in Beowulf. In 664 there was a synod at Whitby Abbey, a

famous monastery for men and women. The importance of this synod is that it united the English

church with Roman Christianity. This church then began to draw the island kingdoms together

and encourage ties.

There is evidence in the poem Beowulf, of Christian and Pagan beliefs. One example of these
Pagan beliefs is the stance taken about revenge. In Christian teaching, it is better to turn the other

cheek and forgive, rather than seek revenge. In Beowulf, there is a whole different approach to

revenge. If your friend was killed there would be no turning the other cheek, revenge would be

sought after. This can be illustrated by Beowulf’s best known saying, "Better a man should

avenge his friend than mourn much". Another example of Pagan beliefs is how Beowulf finds

such great delight in material rewards, treasures and the like. Again this goes against what I think

a Christian hero to be. When Beowulf fights his last battle against the dragon and is mortally

wounded, his "last thoughts were of the treasure he had won, that will keep his memory alive

among man and his ancestors". I on the other had would be reminiscing over my life reviewing,

how I lived my life and where I was headed to next after I died. Beowulf was not alarmed with

the fact he was dying but concerned with keeping his memory alive.

Mixed in the Epic Poem Beowulf, there are references to Christian beliefs. In the poem, when it

is being explained where Grendal came from, Grendal is referenced as a "hellish enemy". The

Poem also says, God condemned them as kin of Cain. This shows that the person who wrote this

poem had at least some Christian teaching since he referred Grendal to kin of Cain, who is a

person from the Bible. Beowulf illustrates Christian beliefs himself in the poem. He acts like a

savior much like Jesus did. An example of this is when Beowulf comes to save Hrothgar and his

people from the hellish creature Grendal. This illustrates the idea of a Christian hero, although

Beowulf was helping Hrothgar to add to his fame. Another way Beowulf acts like a savior is

when he does battle with the dragon. He is old by the time he goes to save his people from a

posed threat one last time. The outcome of the battle is that Beowulf is killed, but he does save

his people from the dragon. Beowulf died in the way Jesus is said to have died on the cross in

order to save us all.{page 72 the structure of Beowulf}

The Anglo-Saxons were a very war like tribe who drive back the Celts to obtain what they
wanted. They had a well developed culture as well though. They had a written language and had

a passion for fine objects like bracelets and brooches. They also had a great influence on English

Literature. Their first known manuscript was Beowulf which had evidence of long standing

Pagan beliefs and new forming Christian religion. Beowulf illustrates these different Pagan and

Christian beliefs throughout the story whether by his attitude towards revenge, by his love for

material possessions or even by the way he plays the savior throughout the book. Beowulf was

not alone in illustrating the Christian belief in the Poem. Grendal shows that the writer of the

poem had knowledge of Christianity. The Anglo-Saxon tribes were basically a brave and

courageous, as well as intelligent people

The Schools of Caedmon and Cynewulf.

Any attempt to estimate the development attained by Old English literature, as shown by the

work of the two schools of poetry which the names of Caedmon and Cynewulf connote, must, of

necessity, be somewhat superficial, in view of the fragmentary nature of much of the work

passed under review. Caedmon stands for a group of singers whose work we feel to be earlier in

tone and feeling, though not always in age, than that which we know to be Cynewulf’s or can

fairly attribute to him. Both schools of thought are Christian, not even monkish; both writers, if

not in equal measure, are sons of their age and palpably inheritors of a philosophy of life pagan

in many respects. It is safe to say that, in both groups, there is hardly a single poem of any length

and importance in which whole passages are not permeated with the spirit of the untouched

Beowulf, in which turns of speech, ideas, points of view, do not recall an earlier, a fiercer, a more

self-reliant and fatalistic age. God the All-Ruler is fate metamorphosed; the powers of evil are

identical with those once called giants and elves; the Paradise and Hell of the Christian are as

realistic as the Walhalla and the Niflheim of the heathen ancestor. 48 Yet the work of Cynewulf

and his school marks an advance upon the writings of the school of Caedmon. Even the latter is,

at times, subjective and personal in tone to a degree not found in pure folk-epic; but in Cynewulf
the personal note is emphasised and becomes lyrical. Caedmon’s hymn in praise of the Creator is

a sublime statement of generally recognised facts calling for universal acknowledgment in

suitably exalted terms; Cynewulf’s confessions in the concluding portion of Elene or in The

Dream of the Rood, or his vision of the day of judgment in Crist, are lyrical outbursts,

spontaneous utterances of a soul which has become one with its subject and to which self-

revelation is a necessity. This advance shows itself frequently, also, in the descriptions of nature.

For Cynewulf, “earth’s crammed with heaven, and every common bush afire with God”; it is,

perhaps, only in portions of Exodus and in passages of Genesis B that the Divine immanence in

nature is obviously felt by the Caedmonian scop. 49 The greatest distinction between the one

school and the other, is due, however, to the degree in which Cynewulf and his group show their

power of assimilating foreign literary influences. England was ceasing to be insular as the

influence of a literary tongue began to hold sway over her writers. They are scholars deliberately

aiming at learning from others—they borrow freely, adapt, reproduce. Form has become of

importance; at times, of supreme importance; the attempt, architecturally imperfect as it may be,

to construct the trilogy we know as Crist is valuable as a proof of consciousness in art, and the

transformation that the riddles show in the passage from their Latin sources furnishes additional

evidence of the desire to adorn. 50 Yet, it is hard not to regret much that was lost in the

acquisition of the new. The reflection of the spirit of paganism, the development of epic and lyric

as we see them in the fragments that remain, begin to fade and change; at first Christianity is

seen to be but thin veneer over the old heathen virtues, and the gradual assimilation of the

Christian spirit was not accomplished without harm to the national poetry, or without resentment

on the part of the people. “They have taken away our ancient worship, and no one knows how

this new worship is to be performed,” said the hostile common folk to the monks, when the latter

were praying at Tynemouth for the safety of their brethren carried out to sea. “We are not going

to pray for them. May God spare none of them,” they jibed, when they saw that Cuthbert’s
prayers appeared to be ineffectual. It was many a year before the hostility to the new faith was

overcome and the foreign elements blended with the native Teutonic spirit. The process of

blending can be seen perfectly at work in such lines as The Charm for Barren Land, where pagan

feeling and nominal Christianity are inextricably mixed. There, earth spells are mingled with

addresses to the Mother of Heaven. But, in due season, the fusion was accomplished, and, in

part, this was due to the wisdom with which the apostles of Christianity retained and disguised in

Christian dress many of the festivals, observances and customs of pre-Christian days. That so

much of what remains of Old English literature is of a religious nature does not seem strange,

when it is remembered through whose hands it has come down to us. Only what appealed to the

new creed or could be modified by it would be retained or adapted, when the Teutonic spirit

became linked with, and tamed by, that of Rome.

CHAPTER 3
 Christianity and renaissance

Wall Hanging Renaissance Cross

Intricate Wall Hanging Christian Cross

This Renaissance Cross is a symbolic representation of the emergence of Christianity as a world

religion. With a traditional renaissance charm, this classic 15th century motif portrays Christ in

his risen form, inspiring hope of redemption for all mankind. His hands rest on a heart that throbs

compassion for the sufferings of humanity as his arms lift in offering of redemptive wisdom.

Constructed from cultured marble, this stunning wall hanging Renaissance Cross measures 15"

high and weighs approximately 4 lbs.

History of Christianity during the Renaissance

Dissent and concern over the condition of the church are evidence of the strength, not the

weakness, of religion. Christianity during the Renaissance presents a contradiction: Although the

institution of the Roman Catholic Church was in decay, there was extraordinary religious fervor

in every part of Europe. Preachers, such as the highly popular Girolamo Savonarola of Florence,

called on sinners to repent and enjoyed great success in Italy. A mystical religious movement that
drew, in part, from the teachings of German mystic Meister Eckhart flourished in the portion of

western Germany known as the Rhineland. Its members sought direct revelations from God

without the church as an intermediary. In the Low Countries of Belgium, Luxembourg, and the

Netherlands a movement known as the devotio moderna emphasized individual and practical

faith, a contrast with the more communal and metaphysical faith of the Catholic Church.

These teachings spread through schools and gained public attention through The Imitation of

Christ (approximately 1424), a highly influential work usually attributed to Thomas à Kempis, a

German monk and writer. Eager laymen built churches and chapels, and new devotional

exercises—such as the stations of the cross and prayers using the rosary—became popular. With

the introduction of the printing press in Europe during the 15th century, religious books were

produced by the millions, and they found a ready market.

The increase in popular devotion posed a threat to traditional religion, especially when the

prestige of church officials was low and they seemed incapable of, or uninterested in, close

supervision of the faithful. Popular heretical movements emerged and challenged papal authority.

These movements proposed, in varying degrees, to do away with the church as an institution. In

the 14th century, British philosopher and reformer John Wycliffe and his counterpart in Bohemia,

Jan Hus, formalized these attacks on church authority in their teachings and writings.

Heretics remained a small minority, however, and a variety of reformers who hoped to change

the existing church were far more characteristic of the Renaissance. Theologians such as Jean de

Gerson, who was particularly influential at the University of Paris in the early 15th century,

supported conciliar theory, which aimed at reforming the Roman Catholic Church by placing

supreme authority in a general council rather than in the papacy. Mystics preferred to deepen the
religious life of individuals, while many humanists hoped to reform Christian society by relying

on education rather than on religious faith.

The Renaissance also encouraged practical reformers. As papal legate (official representative of

the pope) to Germany in the mid-15th century, Nicholas of Cusa pursued a vigorous reform

campaign directed particularly at monks who had violated their monastic vows. The monasteries

in Paris also underwent significant reform in the early decades of the 16th century. Most

successful of all was the work of Cardinal Ximenes, the leading church figure of Spain in the

early 16th century. He set standards for qualifications, training, and discipline for the Spanish

clergy. Such reforms were by no means universal, and the visible condition of the church

continued to bring widespread demands for reform. The religious history of the Renaissance

reveals both weakness and vigor. People of this era expressed discontent with the actual state of

the church, but they also expressed hope for improvement.

Renaissance Humanism:

Humanism is the term generally applied to the predominant social philosophy and intellectual

and literary currents of the period from 1400 to 1650. The return to favor of the pagan classics

stimulated the philosophy of secularism, the appreciation of worldly pleasures, and above all

intensified the assertion of personal independence and individual expression. Zeal for the classics

was a result as well as a cause of the growing secular view of life. Expansion of trade, growth of

prosperity and luxury, and widening social contacts generated interest in worldly pleasures, in

spite of formal allegiance to ascetic Christian doctrine. Men thus affected -- the humanists --

welcomed classical writers who revealed similar social values and secular attitudes.

Historians are pretty much agreed on the general outlines of those mental attitudes and scholarly

interests which are assembled under the rubric of humanism. The most fundamental point of
agreement is that the humanist mentality stood at a point midway between medieval

supernaturalism and the modern scientific and critical attitude. Medievalists see humanism as the

terminal product of the Middle Ages. Modern historians are perhaps more apt to view humanism

as the germinal period of modernism.

Perhaps the most we can assume is that the man of the Renaissance lived, as it were, between

two worlds. The world of the medieval Christian matrix, in which the significance of every

phenomenon was ultimately determined through uniform points of view, no longer existed for

him. On the other hand, he had not yet found in a system of scientific concepts and social

principles stability and security for his life. In other words, Renaissance man may indeed have

found himself suspended between faith and reason.

As the grip of medieval supernaturalism began to diminish, secular and human interests became

more prominent. The facts of individual experience in the here and now became more interesting

than the shadowy afterlife. Reliance upon faith and God weakened. Fortuna (chance) gradually

replaced Providence as the universal frame of reference. The present world became an end in

itself instead of simply preparation of a world to come. Indeed, as the age of Renaissance

humanism wore on, the distinction between this world (the City of Man) and the next (the City of

God) tended to disappear.

Beauty was believed to afford at least some glimpse of a transcendental existence. This goes far

to explain the humanist cult of beauty and makes plain that humanism was, above everything

else, fundamentally an aesthetic movement. Human experience, man himself, tended to become

the practical measure of all things. The ideal life was no longer a monastic escape from society,

but a full participation in rich and varied human relationships.

The dominating element in the finest classical culture was aesthetic rather than supernatural or

scientific. In the later Middle Ages urban intellectuals were well on the road to the recovery of an

aesthetic and secular view of life even before the full tide of the classical revival was felt. It was

only natural, then, that pagan literature, with its emotional and intellectual affinity to the new

world view, should accelerate the existing drift toward secularism and stimulate the cult of

humanity, the worship of beauty, and especially the aristocratic attitude.

Almost everywhere, humanism began as a rather pious, timid, and conservative drift away from

medieval Christianity and ended in bold independence of medieval tradition. Desiderius Erasmus

(1466-1536), one of the greatest humanists, occupied a position midway between extreme piety

and frank secularism. Francesco Petrarch (1304-1374) represented conservative Italian

humanism. Robust secularism and intellectual independence reached its height in Niccolo

Machiavelli (1469-1527) and Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540). Rudolphus Agricola (1443-

1485) may be regarded as the German Petrarch. In England, John Colet (c.1467-1519) and Sir

Thomas More (1478-1535) were early or conservative humanists, Francis Bacon (1561-1626)

represented later or agnostic and skeptical humanism. In France, pious classicists like Lefèvre

d'Étaples (1453-1536) were succeeded by frank, urbane, and devout skeptics like Michel

Montaigne (1533-1592) and bold anti-clerical satirists like François Rabelais (c.1495-1533).

Humanistic contributions to science consisted mainly in the recovery of Greek scientific

literature which evinced a more accurate and acceptable body of facts and ideas than most

medieval scientific works. However, we should not exaggerate the humanist contribution in this

field. Everything of value, for instance, in Galen (c.130-201) had long been incorporated into

medieval medicine. The scientific treatises of Aristotle, Euclid, and Ptolemy were translated into

Latin and known to scholars before the Renaissance. Moreover, Islamic scholars had already
introduced most Attic and Hellenistic science into western Europe, often with vast improvements

on the original.

Humanism embodied the mystical and aesthetic temper of a pre-scientific age. It did not free the

mind from subservience to ancient authority. If the humanists revered Aristotle less than the

Schoolmen did, they worshipped Neoplatonism, the Cabala, and Cicero more. They shifted

authorities rather then dismissed them. Even Aristotle, the greatest of Scholastic authorities, did

not lack humanist admirers. The great libraries assembled by wealthy patrons of literature like

Cosimo de' Medici, Pope Nicholas V, and the Duke of Urbino, devoted much space to the Church

Fathers and the Scholastic philosophers. The humanists did, however, read their authorities for

aesthetic pleasure as well as moral uplift.

The intellectuals of antiquity, in contrast to the Christians, were relatively unconcerned about the

supernatural world and the eternal destiny of the soul. They were primarily interested in a happy,

adequate, and efficient life here on earth. Hellenic philosophy was designed to teach man how to

live successfully rather than how to die with the assurance of ultimate salvation. This pagan

attitude had been lost for about one thousand years, when Europe followed the warning of

Augustine against becoming too engrossed in earthly affairs, lest assurance of successful entry

into the New Jerusalem be jeopardized. Humanism directly and indirectly revived the pagan

scale of virtues.

When men like Petrarch and his fellow humanists read pagan literature, they were infected with

the secular outlook of the Greeks and Romans. Even rather pious humanists became enamored of

what Augustine branded the City of Man. Petrarch, a devout Christian, worshipped the pagan

eclecticism of Cicero. Erasmus suggested that such titles as St. Socrates and St. Cicero were not

inappropriate or sacrilegious, and openly preferred the pagans to the Schoolmen. "Whatever is

pious and conduces to good manners ought not to be called profane," he wrote.
The first place must indeed be given to the authority of the Scriptures; but, nevertheless, I

sometimes find some things said or written by the ancients, nay, even by the heathens, nay, by the

poets themselves, so chastely, so holily, and so divinely, that I cannot persuade myself but that,

when they wrote them, they were divinely inspired, and perhaps the spirit of Christ diffuses itself

farther than we imagine; and that there are more saints than we have in our catalogue. To

confess freely among friends, I can't read Cicero on Old Age, on Friendship, his Offices, or his

Tusculan Questions, without kissing the book, without veneration towards the divine soul. And,

on the contrary, when I read some of our modern authors, treating of Politics, Economics, and

Ethics, good God! how cold they are in comparison with these! Nay, how do they seem to be

insensible of what they write themselves! So that I had rather lose Scotus and twenty more such

as he (fancy twenty subtle doctors!) than one Cicero or Plutarch. Not that I am wholly against

them either; but, because, by the reading of the one, I find myself become better, whereas I rise

from the other, I know not how coldly affected to virtue, but most violently inclined to cavil and

contention.

The leading intellectual trait of the era as the recovery, to a certain degree, of the secular and

humane philosophy of Greece and Rome. Another humanist trend which cannot be ignored was

the rebirth of individualism, which, developed by Greece and Rome to a remarkable degree, had

been suppressed by the rise of a caste system in the later Roman Empire, by the Church and by

feudalism in the Middle Ages. The Church asserted that rampant individualism was identical

with arrogance, rebellion, and sin. Medieval Christianity restricted individual expression,

fostered self-abnegation and self-annihilation, and demanded implicit faith and unquestioning

obedience. Furthermore, the Church officially ignored man and nature.

In other ways medieval civilization suppressed the ego. In the feudal regime the isolated

individual had little standing. He acquired status and protection mainly as a member of a definite
group, whether lordly or servile. The manorial system revolved around the community rather

than the individual. When the cities through off the yoke of feudalism, they promised collective

and corporate liberty rather than individual freedom. In commercial relations group life was

paramount, both in the town guilds and the peasant villages on manorial estates. Everything was

regulated by law and custom. The individual who attempted to challenge authority and tradition,

in matters of thought or action, was either discouraged or crushed.

The period from the 14th century to the 17th worked in favor of the general emancipation of the

individual. The city-states of northern Italy had come into contact with the diverse customs of the

East, and gradually permitted expression in matters of taste and dress. The writings of Dante, and

particularly the doctrines of Petrarch and humanists like Machiavelli, emphasized the virtues of

intellectual freedom and individual expression. In the essays of Montaigne the individualistic

view of life received perhaps the most persuasive and eloquent statement in the history of

literature and philosophy.Individualism and the instinct of curiosity were vigorously cultivated.

Honest doubt began to replace unreasoning faith. The skeptical viewpoint proposed by Abelard

reached high development and wide acceptance among the humanists. Finally, the spirit of

individualism to a certain degree incited the Protestant revolt, which, in theory at least, embodied

a thorough application of the principle of individualism in religion.It need not be supposed that

the emancipation of the ego was wholly beneficial to the human race. Yet, that aspect of

humanism which combated the sovereignty of tyrant, feudal lord, class, corporation, and

tradition, has, for better or worse, had a tremendous influence upon the subsequent history of

Europe. Indeed, it was during the humanist era that the freedom of individual expression and

opposition to authority was first brought to the surface and became an integral part of the western

intellectual tradition.

CHAPTER 4
 CHRISTIANITY AND ROMANTICISM.
GOETHE'S Faust is such an odd, spectacular mix of theology and Romanticism. Few would

consider it a Christian work, yet its mysticism wells in part from Christian sources. Looking at its

welter of philosophy, science, and myth, one wonders if there could be a Christian Romantic, and

what it would be: how could one explore the self and celebrate it, while at the same time

suspecting it, finding its nature tending toward evil? Romanticism is often considered the

opposite of Christianity in the same way it is thought of as the opposite of Classicism: order

versus disorder, discipline versus freedom, exaltation of the self versus obedience to the law of

God. These issues are explored in detail in Harold P. Simonson's Radical Discontinuities:

American Romanticism and Christian Consciousness, which traces the two ideals, Jonathan

Edwards' Christ versus Ralph Waldo Emerson's romantic mysticism, throughout American

literature. Simonson concludes that the two are opposites, "radical discontinuities" (Simonson 9).

But in fact there is an overlap between the two areas. Some writers who are well-known as

Romantics also firmly believe in salvation through Christ, such as the German romantic Novalis

and the nineteenth-century Scottish fantasy writer George MacDonald whom he influenced, and

whose novel Lilith is the subject of this essay. Neither Emersonian nor Edwardsian in thought

one neither with Goethe nor with Schiller, MacDonald steers a course midway between these

poles and borrows liberally from both.

Granted that there is a "radical discontinuity" of content between pure Christianity and pure

Romanticism, and that one cannot place both the imagination and Christ on the highest rung of

the ladder of values, still, the writer is free to appropriate forms and ideas to his or her own use.

Romantic Christianity takes the conventions of Romantic literature and applies them to Christian

thought. It is true that the Romantic tools and themes-sentient nature, rebelliousness, Gothicism,
etc.-tend to retain their Romantic essence and sometimes produce a Christianity that fits too

loosely for conservative thinkers because it seems to honor the imagination too generously. The

Christian elements in Faust may be seen as overwhelmed by the Romantic. There are right and

wrong, but it is man's nature to choose the wrong. As God tells the Devil in Faust, "Es irrt der

Mensch, solang er strebt" (Goethe 86). One makes mistakes as long as he strives, and indeed the

only unpardonable sin in Faust is to stop striving. However, George MacDonald in Lilith uses all

the Romantic trappings to communicate ideas that are consistent with a liberal but traditional

Christianity and antithetical to many of the most common Romantic assumptions. The apparent

conflict between contents and package adds an additional element of interest to this intriguing

tale.

A brief general definition of Romanticism shows all the stereotypical characteristics that are easy

to find in MacDonald's famous story. Romantic literature stresses emotion over intellect,

involves a turning in upon the self, and tends to focus on the genius, the hero, the exceptional

individual in conflict. The literature emphasizes imagination as the entry to transcendence and to

the spiritual world. Its setting is exotic, supernatural, and/or remote. It is often death-obsessed;

when the work is occasioned by loss, the Romantic writer attempts to transcend the loss by

reclaiming the beloved through the power of the imagination. For the Romantic the word may be

a magic talisman, apotropaic, used by the hero to gain control over others or over nature. In

general, when we think of the Romantic, we tend to envision the self-portrait of the artist as hero,

as someone who, again like Goethe's Faust, defies all laws to find forbidden knowledge and

power and to enrich his understanding of his world. God sometimes becomes another element for

the seeker to explore, contact with the divine having been reduced to just another "peak

experience."
Many Romantics were particularly attracted to the form of the medieval Romance. This story of

a knight who goes forth, bearing his lady's token, to defend his country, overcoming supernatural

opponents and fulfilling his quest in the shifting, unpredictable landscape he must traverse

between real and unreal makes an ideal vehicle for the cosmic search for self. For the Romantic

writer, the hero of this genre undertakes a quest that has no bounds, but allows the inspired

and/or tormented soul to search throughout the world and beyond for his true being. The Scottish

writer's fantasy Lilith is subtitled "a Romance." It uses elements of both Romantic literature and

the form of the Romance to express MacDonald's own lifelong search for a remedy for death,

and his finding of the Christian solution.

ROMANTIC Christianity, in Lilith and elsewhere, tends toward the positive; it desires to console

and be consoled rather than threaten. Its "fortunate fall" theology often extends to the conclusion

that sin is a learning experience. Its protagonists are saved, as Goethe's Faustus is saved, not

because they have lived the good and lawful life-indeed Faustus has done the opposite-but rather

because his errors are those of a generous soul: one makes mistakes as long as he keeps striving.

Vane, like Dr. Faustus, continues to strive, until, unlike Faustus, he receives two forms of

revelation-testimony and experience, which finally convince him of salvation. Indeed,

MacDonald was accused of being a universalist, and fired from his ministry- or, to be precise, his

salary was so greatly diminished that he and his family could no longer live on it, and he was

forced to lecture instead of preach for a living.

 CHAPTER 5:

CHRISTIANITYAND POST MODERN LITERATURE

Postmodernism derives from - an aesthetic movement that is usually known as "modernism".

Modernism is the movement in visual arts, music, literature and drama, which rejected old

Victorian standards of how those things should be done. There was a time of "high modernism"

from around 1910 - 1930, where some major people of literature helped to redefine poetry and

fiction. 'Woolf, Joyce, Eliot, Pound, Stevens, Proust, Mallarme, Kafka, and Rilke are considered

the founders of twentieth-century modernism.' The Modernist Movement actually started to show

itself around the mid-nineteenth century in France. Modernism's idea was that of re-examining

all aspects of life to see what was "holding back" progress and then replacing it with ways to get

the same end result. The Modern Movement said that 'the new realities of the twentieth century

were permanent and imminent and that people should… accept that… new was also good and

beautiful'1 - hence why it was also known as the aesthetic movement.

The beginning of the Modernist Movement in the 1890's to 1910 began a line of new thinking of

that which said we should 'push aside previous norms entirely, and instead of merely revising

past knowledge in light of new techniques, it would be necessary to make more thorough

changes'. The "avant-garde" was what Modernism was first called and remained as a name for

movements which attempt to overthrow some kind of tradition or the status quo. But the Modern

Movement was not just defined by its avant-garde, but also by a trend with previous artistic

norms. It also argued that to keep that standards of previous accomplishments, it was required to

advance technique and theory. The time between 1910 and 1930 is what is considered the

'explosion of Modernism', when a growing unease with social order began to take place (seen in

the Russian Revolution of 1905). In 1913 a Russian composer, Igor Stravinsky, composed Rite of

1
Spring which depicted human sacrifice and painters like Pablo Picasso and Henri Matisse,

caused shock by throwing out traditional means of paining paintings.

There is also a form of Modernism that got into the Catholic Church in the mid-nineteenth

century too. 'Modernism' was used by Pope Pius X to describe doctrinal ideas by a group of

theologians, that said the 'Christian church and its dogma are human institutions that have

evolved in time like other institutions'.

In Pius X's encyclical Lamentabili Sane (July 3rd, 1907), he said "the fact that many Catholic
writers also go beyond the limits determined by the Fathers and the Church herself is extremely
regrettable". He also described this form of Modernism not as herasy, but as a mixture of all
herasies (Pascendi Dominici gregis, 39).

The church seemed to be reacting to cultural themes of the Renaissance humanism and
Enlightenment of the eighteenth century. This Modernist crisis in the Roman Catholic Church
mainly took place in France and British Catholic circles, and a little bit in Italy, but no where
else.

By the 1920's, Post-modern culture had started to arise - ironically, by the time Modernism was
starting to be accepted, it was changing. A cultural movement that started in Zürich, Switzerland
during World War 1, known as Dada or Dadaism featured aspects of Postmodernism. The Dada
movement was mainly focussed on the visual arts, literature (mainly poetry), theatre and graphic
design. Dadaism is similar in thought to a philosophical position known as Nihilism, which holds
the view that the world, and mainly human life and existence, is pointless and without any
meaning or value.

Modernism, according to Dr. Mary Klages, says that: 'From a literary perspective, the main
characteristics of modernism include:

1. An emphasis on impressionism and subjectivity in writing (and in visual arts as well); an

emphasis on HOW seeing (or reading or perception itself) takes place, rather than on WHAT is
perceived. An example of this would be stream-of-consciousness writing.

2. A movement away from the apparent objectivity provided by omniscient third-person

narrators, fixed narrative points of view, and clear-cut moral positions. Faulkner's multiply-
narrated stories are an example of this aspect of modernism.
3. A blurring of distinctions between genres, so that poetry seems more documentary (as in T.S.
Eliot or E.E. Cummings) and prose seems more poetic (as in Woolf or Joyce).

4. An emphasis on fragmented forms, discontinuous narratives, and random-seeming collages of

different materials.

5. A tendency toward reflexivity, or self-consciousness, about the production of the work of art,
so that each piece calls attention to its own status as a production, as something constructed and
consumed in particular ways.

6. A rejection of elaborate formal aesthetics in favor of minimalist designs (as in the poetry of
William Carlos Williams) and a rejection, in large part, of formal aesthetic theories, in favor of
spontaneity and discovery in creation.

7. A rejection of the distinction between "high" and "low" or popular culture, both in choice of
materials used to produce art and in methods of displaying, distributing, and consuming art.'

And that Postmodernism follows a lot of these same ideas of Modernism by rejecting genre
boundaries betweens "art" and other forms of art. Post-modern art and thought tends to lean
towards fragmentation and discontinuity - mainly in narrative structures and knowledge. This
meaning, that, Modernism presents a broken view of human thinking or consciousness -
subjectivity, and makes it as something to be mourned over. Whereas Postmodernism says the
opposite: that it should not be mourned, but instead celebrated.

So let me recap: Modernism is the aesthetic movement in all the different art forms, such as;
music, visual arts and literature, that rejected the old Victorian ideas of how art and many other
areas of life should be done. Postmodernism then came from that with similar ideas, but
significant differences influenced by such other movements as Dadaism and Nihilism which
celebrated the idea that life is pointless, and that knowledge and a narrative for life is not
universal but is based only on individual viewpoint; there is no absolute knowledge or truth.

Therefore, it would seem people living with the Post-modern point of view would like things that

are radical and against that which is considered 'traditional' or 'the standard'. So if we as

Christians can get Jesus across to Post-modern people in a radical way - i.e. moving away from

the traditional images that the Catholic Church and Church of England have portrayed to people

for centuries, then they may well accept the Gospel message. Engaging in a conversation about

Christianity usually brings up the following questions or statements: 'church is boring, though'
and 'what about the Crusades?' The best way I have found to handle these is by explaining that

not all churches are like that of the Anglican or Catholic Church, and that there some other

churches, like Pentecostal churches, that are a lot more lively and free in their worship. Also,

with the Crusades in mind, and possibly other such events (like the Spanish Inquisition) it is

good to explain that not everything called "Christian" actually is; sometimes things can be more

political with a religious mask. This would make an excellent link to bring God into the picture

and to talk about how He is an all loving God - not one to cause pointless genocides, but that He

loves each and every one of us, no matter what. Introduce Jesus; He was a radical of the day,

stirring up people, changing the way people thought - changing or bringing about new ways to

do things that the people of the day had been doing for years with their own traditions and ways

and means. And for that, He was killed by His own people, but God had an over-arching plan:

the Jews thought that they were ending Jesus' teachings, but God's plan encompassed everything

and that through His death, people could come to know God again personally. At this point

questions may arise as to 'why' and a brief explanation of the fall of man away from God in

Genesis might be required.

The Post-modern culture may find it hard to grasp the idea of an absolute truth and narrative to
the whole of life, instead of it just being all about them. But with a good explanation and
introduction to who God really is and what He is like, then they may just accept Him.

So to conclude: relate to Post-modern people on the level that to follow Jesus goes against
everything society and the world says to do and how to live, but that being a Christian is
something new and different - breaking the boundaries of what people accept and expect. But at
the same time, show that there is absolute truth in the world and that life does have meaning and
purpose - and that can be found in God.
 THE INFLUENCE
OF
CHRISTIANITY
ON
ENGLISHLITERATURE

R.DANIEL RUBARAJ, M.A. MPhil.