Јovanka Đorđević Jovanović, In the Service of Politics: Serb-Greek Literary Relations

since the 19th, Greece in the Balkans: Memory, Conflict and Exchange, (Ed. Othon
Anastasakis, Dimitar Bechev and Nicholas Vrousalis), Cambridge Scholars Publishing,
Cambridge 2009, 78-92.
Isbn13: 978-1-4438-1315-0
Isbn: 1-4438-1315-X

IN THE SERVICE OF POLITICS: THE SERB-GREEK LITERARY RELATIONS

The ups and downs of Serb-Greek literary relations have coincided with the
political rapprochement or distancing of the two countries. When the political climate
favoured the presentation of Serbian or Greek literature to the readership of the other
country, the language barrier was easily overcome. Translations were made from third
languages on such occasions.
Serbian literature in Greece
Greece was the first of the two countries to employ the model of rapprochement
of these two peoples through translations of literary works. The Greek nation was the
leading Balkan nation at the time, both in the Millet phase and after the establishment of
nation states. Following the establishment of the Greek nation state, the process of
developing national identity continued, its continuity reaching back to the era of
antiquity; beginning in the era of Enlightenment, it received an 'uplift' in the 19th
century through Fallmerayer’s theses about the Slavic roots of the Greek nation. The
Europeans of the time viewed Greece as a cultural oasis in the Balkans and the Hellenic
heritage as the basis of European culture, science and art. Through their travel writings
and memoirs, they fostered a keen interest in this segment of the periphery of Europe.
Therefore, Greek foreign policy was oriented towards that of Western Europe. Hints of
a Balkan policy were reflected in the attempts at rapprochement with Serbia, for the
most part at the insistence of the Serbian side. The first negotiations were initiated in the
summer of 1837, but were slowed down or interrupted by the controversial issue of
Macedonia, internal turmoil and the intervention of the major powers. In moments of
crisis, faced with a possible attack by their common enemy, the two countries were
motivated to form an alliance. Thus, after the Crete uprising of 1866, portending a war
between Greece and Turkey, Greece turned towards Romania, Montenegro and
especially towards Serbia. The policy of Mihailo Obrenović 1 was favourably disposed
towards an alliance with Greece, as evidenced by the Istanbul negotiations of 1861 2 and
1866 3 , and the signing of the first Greek-Serb treaty in Veslau. 4 On the one hand,
Greeks needed to change the image of the Serbs as a barbaric nation, created through
the writings of romantic historiography and the daily papers of the time, and on the
other, to counteract Slavophobia. Their wish was to present the soul of the people,
which, according to Herder, is revealed through lyrical poetry. It would appear that the
intention was that as many Greeks as possible should get to know the “soul” of the
Serbian people, translations were published in literary magazines to this effect, as many
as those aimed at the general public. The first translations were provided by cultural
figures who were favourably disposed towards establishing friendly relations between
the Serbian and the Greek peoples; they were not translators only but also scientists,
writers and politicians. Nicolò Tommaseo 5 took the view that the Serbs and the Greeks
“were very closely related based on anthropological, social, geographic, climatic and
historical elements” (Tommaseo 1863: 23).
Stefanos Koumanoudis 6 often represented the Serbian side in diplomatic
missions. Koumanoudis, just like Tommaseo spoke the Greek and the Serbian
languages and was well acquainted with the folklore of both peoples. Hence ? were in a
position to choose particularly beautiful segments of Serbian folklore that were close to

1
Mihailo Obrenović (1823 -1868), the son of Prince Miloš Obrenović, was prince of Serbia from
1839–1842 and again from 1860–1868. He was deposed in 1842 and assassinated in 1868.
2
In the confidential negotiations conducted in Istanbul, the Serbian side was represented by
Garašanin, and the Greek side by Renieris, King Otto’s envoy. A controversial issue was the matter of a
possible division of the European part of Turkey, as well as Prince Mihailo’s hesitation when it came to
undertaking significant steps in Serbian foreign policy before he tightened his grip on power in Serbia
(Lascaris 1930: 332).
3
The Greek side proposed to continue the 1861 negotiations in 1866. This time, Serbia was
represented by Jovan Ristić, chargé d’affaires in Istanbul, while Greece was represented by Michailis
Antonopoulos, also a diplomat. The fall of the Delieoris-Vulgaris Government led to the interruption of
these negotiations, which were resumed towards the end of that year, after the Koumandouros
Government was constituted, when Foreign Minister Charilaos Trikoupis was entrusted with the task of
concluding a treaty with Prince Mihailo.
4
The treaty, signed on August 26th 1867, was ratified by the Serbian side on October 5th and by
the Greek side on February 16th 1868.
5
Nicolò Tommaseo (1802, Šibenik (Croatia) – 1874, Firenze) was writer, politician. He studied
in Padova, lived in Italia, French and Greece (Corfu). Tommaseo edited the book Iskrice in Serbian. He
translated Serbian folk poems from Serbian to Italian and Greek.
6
Stefanos Koumanoudis (1815, Andrianopolis – 1899, Athens) settled in Belgrade in 1823. He
attended Greek school in Belgrade, continuing his education in 1835 in Germany and France. In 1845 he
published a treatise in Belgrade entitled Where is the art of today’s Greeks rushing? Later, settled in
Athens was appointed in 1851 professor of Latin literature at the University of Athens. He was actively
involved in all sorts of modern Greek issues, folklore and especially language. During his staying in Wien
he used to translate Serbian folk lyrics poems.
Greek folklore thematically and in terms of motifs. Tommaseo’s 7 and Koumanoudis’s 8
translations certainly achieved this objective: the Serbs turned out to be noble and
gentle, very similar to the Greeks. The idealised image of Serbia, Serbia dressed up in
ceremonial garments, as it were, was presented through verses relying on the rhythm of
Greek folk poetry, Graecised onomastics and toponomastics.
After this initial wave of interest, there occurred another one at the beginning of
the 20th century (1903-1905). In 1903, the attitude of Greece towards friendship with
Serbia visibly changed; on the one hand, a more positive outlook was caused by the
hostile attitude of Greece towards Bulgaria, and on the other, by the change of the ruling
dynasty in Serbia. Towards the end of 1902 and in early 1903, the raids of Bulgarian
guerrilla units on the Greek territory made Greece turn towards Serbia, which also
wanted an alliance; in order to achieve such an alliance, Serbia developed the tactic of
initiating a fight against Turkey. Also, a possible Serbian alliance with Bulgaria could
have been fatal for Greece, just as an alliance between Greece and Bulgaria could have
been fatal for Serbia; both sides, therefore, concluded that good relations were in their
mutual interest. This time around, apart from folk lyrical poetry 9 , Serbian romantic

7
According to Michailis Lascaris, Nicolò Tommaseo translated 50 lyrical poems (Lascaris:
1930). In the second and third volume of the "Hrisalis" magazine (1864, 1865) 14 translations of untitled
poems were published: 7 wedding poems ( On the Eve of Wedding Again - Vuk I, 12; To the Groom -
Vuk I, 23; Then Again - Vuk I, 31; On the Eve of Wedding Again - Vuk I, 12; At a Girl’s Home Vuk I, 35,
Lesson to a Girl Vuk I, 107, At a Girl’s Home Again Vuk I, 36, When They Sit Down After a Dance - Vuk
I, 115, 3 poems of the blind (A Rich Man’s Sweetheart Vuk I, 207, The Greatest Sins Vuk I, 209,
Attending Folk Gatherings - Vuk I, 215), one religious poem (Christ’s Baptism Again - Vuk I, 203), one
love poem (The Most Beautiful Scent - Vuk I, 562), one homage poem (To a Hero - Vuk I, 138) and one
poem of mourning for the dead (When One Dies on the Road - Vuk I, 155). Other translations by
Tommaseo have not been published, and the author’s search for manuscript versions has remained
fruitless.
8
In the third volume of Hrisalis (1865), Stefanos Koumanoudis published his translations of 15
poems. Thematically, they were divided into: New Year’s poems (To Three Brothers - Vuk I, 174, To a
Disciple –Vuk I, 171, To a Brother and Sister – Vuk I, 175 ), wedding poems (At the Groom’s Home –
Vuk I, 70, When They Put the Bridal Wreath on her Head –Vuk I, 123, When They Take out the Girl –
Vuk I, 42), and other, various poems (Three Greek Women and Children –Vuk I, 383, What Would Which
Girl Like Best –Vuk I, 447, Anger so as Not to Make Angry –Vuk I, 473), Do Not Drink Water, Do Not
Kiss a Widow –Vuk I, 324, Half My Heart’s Winter –Vuk I, 311, Brother and Foreign Sister –Vuk I, 289,
’Tis Hard for a Sister Without a Brother and for a Brother Without a Sister –Vuk I, 306).

9
Martzokis published the translations of 12 lyrical poems (Mara’s Curse – Vuk I, 531;
Knowledge – Vuk I, 582; Best Hunt – Vuk I, 432; Unhappy Girl – Vuk I, 609; The Most Beautiful
Scent – Vuk I, 561; Girl Fell in Love with a Student – Vuk I, 626; What Would Which Girl Like Best –
Vuk I, 447; Those Are Not Two Little Nightingales – Vuk I, 652; If I Had a Czar’s Treasure – Vuk I, 490)
in 7 instalments, from 1903 to 1905, in Iris of Attica , but the poem Those are not Two Little
Nightingales (Vuk I, 652) was published twice, in 1904 and 1905. (Djordjević-Jovanović 2004b: 313-
338).
poets 10 were translated as well, and the themes of their works reflected patriotism and
pride in the glorious 11 , heroic past, as well as tender family relations. The language
problem was overcome by using the Italian translations of these poems. Announcing the
publication of translations of Serbian lyrical poems, Andreas Martzokis 12 pointed out
that those were translations from the Italian language versions, as printed in the
collections Il libro del amore vol. I, (Venice 1885) by Marco Antonio Canini, and
Storia univerzale della letteratura, Floregio lirico, (Milan 1883), by Angelo de
Gubernatis. Canini compiled his collection and translated the majority of the poems late
in life, when he no longer actively pursued a diplomatic career.
Canini translated quite freely indeed, and in the case of Serbian mediaeval
poetry his translations are so far removed from the originals that they are virtually
unrecognisable. 13 His translation of the poem A Hero’s Testament 14 is far removed from
the ethical code of a Serb or Greek hero, and is reminiscent of that of a knight from
romantic literature (Appendix 1). Martzokis unwittingly adopted Canini’s idealisation
of Serbia and his loose interpretation of Serbian poems. However, Martzokis was a poet
who was close to Greek folklore, so he added a note of dignity to Canini’s flowing
verses and, adjusting them to the flow of Greek folk poetry, brought them closer to their
origins.
Towards the end of the first half of the 19th century, Serbian folk poetry was
greatly admired by Western European romanticists and was translated for literary-
aesthetic reasons. That was the basic line of approach of literary historians to the
spreading of Serbian folk poetry beyond the national boundaries even when translations
of folk poetry transcended the sphere of the purely literary, turning into instruments of
political manoeuvres. A chronology of translations shows that this model was first

10
Jovan Jovanović Zmaj was the first Serbian romanticist introduced to Greek readers. Andreas
Martzokis translated two poems from Djulići (Little Roses), the third (My Life Is a Sad Wasteland) and
the forty-sixth (Hearts Quiver Sometimes), and he published them in 1905, in the Iris of Attica magazine
Djordjević-Jovanović 2004a: 121-130). The poems were translated after the Italian model, the first
volume of Canini’s collected poems Il libro del ammore.
11
The poems translated were those of the Croatian poet Petar Preradović, but Canini’s comment
on Preradović’s reputation among the South Slavs, as well as his poem about Kosovo, led Martzokis to
designate him as a South Slav.
12
Andreas Martzokis (Zakynthos 1849- Athens 1923), poet and politician, came from an Italian
family. He was a poet of the last generation of the “Seven Islands” poetic school. Martzokis was a
respected poet in his times, especially his collection of poems Night Flowers (Νυχτολούλουδα).
13
Ὁ Ζερβογυιός, Ἀττική Ἴρις 7,1904, 271. Translated by A. Martzokis, based on Angelo de
Gubernatis, Floregio lirico, taken over from G. Chiudino, Canti del popolo Slavo (Firenze 1878, 165-
166).
14
Η διαθήκη ήρωα, Ἀττική Ἴρις 6,1903, 183. Translation based on Angelo de Gubernatis,
Floregio lirico, taken over from G. Chiudino, Canti del popolo Slavo, vol. II (Firenze 1878, 73).
applied in Italy and subsequently in Greece, Tommaseo being one of the initiators of the
trend in Italy and its originator in Greece. Italian intellectuals (Pacifico Valussi, Nicolo
Tommaseo, Francesco Dall’ Ongaro, Antonio Somma) gathered in “the Trieste cultural
circle” (1848-1860) strove to present Serbian literature, folk literature in particular, in
such a way that “it could be used in the struggle against Austria. Identification with
Kraljević Marko 15 was particularly useful when it came to inciting people to resist the
occupiers”, for “in the minds of Italian literati, oral tradition was identified with Serbian
history” (Di Giacomo 2005: 422). In keeping with the subsequent development of the
attitude of Italian intellectuals to the Serbian people and the Slavic peoples of the
Balkans, translations of poetry were published, as well as short studies motivated by the
idea of “getting to know better” the Slavic neighbours, who could be persuaded not to
fight in the Austrian army against the Italian army, who could be Italy’s allies after a
victorious end to their conflict with Turkey, and as such needed to be encouraged to
endure in their struggle.
Marco Antonio Canini, a mysterious missionary, did not only take part in
popularizing Serbian culture in Italy, but he also directed his activities towards making
Serbia closer to Greece and Italy politically. He was obsessed by the idea of a Balkan
federation, believing that for his country the most reliable solution was the alliance of
the Balkan peoples, whereas the united Slavs would represent a threat. His ideas ranged
from the Danube county with the united Hungarians and Serbs, via the Slav and Greek
union, to Eastern Balkan union which would gather “Greek, Bulgarian, Albanian and
Macedonian states under the aegis of England and France” (Stipcević 1979: 245.). In
seeking solutions for uniting of the Balkan peoples, he did not forget the interests held,
in the first two cases, by the official state, and in the latter, following his
disappointment in the Italian court, by the Italian people. During his stay in Athens in
1863 he wrote Η Ελλάς και η Σερβία η Ιταλία και η Αγγλία εν τη ανατολή, where he
supported the alliance of Greeks, Serbs, Slavs and Hungarians as the power that could
confront Austria and Turkey. He pointed out that the first ally of Greece after Italy was
Serbia. On the eve of the war between Serbia and Turkey in 1876 he founded the
Alliance for Freedom and Brotherhood of Slav and Greek Peninsula (Lega per la
liberazione e l’affratellamento dela penisola Slavo-Ellenica), whose honorary president
was Giuseppe Garibaldi. The program, whose principal idea was the uniting of Greeks
and Balkan Slavs into a federation, was presented on 8 August, 1876. Canini’s ideas

15
Kraljević Marko is hero of Serbian epic poems.
were very similar to Riga’s 16 ; however, he invited to the united Balkan state the non-
Slav part of the population as well. Still, the part of the program concerning the fund
raising for assistance to the peoples fighting the Turks was identical with Riga’s or the
program of his successors united in Filiki Eteria. Further efforts of Canini promoting the
Slavs, especially Serbs, were realized by establishing committees throughout Italy, by
organizing meetings where he participated with ardent speeches, and by inviting
prominent persons with positive attitude towards Slavs, like Gubernatis, to motivate
Italians to support the struggle of the Slav peoples against the Turks (Stipcevic 1979:
217–248). Later Canini’s attempts to promote Serbia were related to literature, folk
lyrical poems, and romantic poets Branko Radicević and Jovan Jovanović Zmaj. His
translations 17 mostly preserved the ideas, but they were expressed in the form and
rhythm not showing the grace or fervor of the original. However, by his translations of
Serbian lyrics, Canini achieved what he did not attain by political means during his life;
through poetry, at the beginning of 20th century, he was involved in establishing
spiritual bridges which were in themselves the precursors of bringing closer of the two
Balkan peoples politically.

The third wave occurred following the end of the Balkan wars and the First
World War, after the final liberation of the Balkans and the great turmoil in Greece. At
that time, translations of patriotic lyrical poems were published, translated by Costas
Pasaianis with the help of Vojislav Rašić, while keeping company with Serbian soldiers
on Corfu. The translations published in the “Nea Ellas” magazine were collected in the
anthology Serbian Poems (Lascaris 1930, 369-372; Stojanović 1976: 365-386). Apart
from the lively verses of Branko Radičević 18 , Njegoš’s 19 patriotic verses were also
presented. Apparently, the time was ripe to get acquainted with “sister Serbia” through
poetry, first of all the poetry of Serbian romantic poets, whose basic inspiration had its
origins in Serbian folk lyrical poetry.

16
Riga’s thoughts in the New Political Constitution originated from the idea of the French
Revolution and Constitution, but he did, as Maria Lopez Villalba showed, balkanize them, in the best
sense of the word, enrich them and adjust them to the characteristics of the Balkan setting (Villalba 2003:
141-154).
17
Canini himself claims that he translated from the original. The research by N. Stipcevic casts a
shadow of doubt on this claim, and, in the case of B. Radicevic, clearly disproves it. (Stipcevic 1979: 264-
265).
18
Branko Radičević (1824, Slavonski Brod – 1853, Wien) was one of the best Serbian poets of
19th century romanticism. He died young of a lung disease.
19
Petar II Petrović Njegoš (1813, Njegusi – 1851, Cetinje), metropolitan and ruler of Montenegro,
poet.The author of the most patriotic Serb epic "The Mountain Wreath".
The fourth wave (1924-1934) occurred when the catastrophe in Asia Minor profoundly
shook Greece’s internal policy and weakened its foreign policy. The interests of the
great powers concerning Greece and the Balkans changed inasmuch as they viewed the
cooperation between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and Greece as a
defensive wall against the ideas of the Third International, which tried to penetrate
Europe through Bulgaria. In non-academic circles, the self-aggrandisement of Greeks,
still drenched with national romanticism, was justified by finding common features in
the “soul of the people” and in the suffering of the Serbian and the Greek peoples in
1389 and 1922 respectively. The purge of the Greeks, the so-called Asia Minor
catastrophe, the failure of the Great Idea, was strongly reminiscent of the downfall of
the Serbian empire in the battle of Kosovo and provided an opportunity of identification
with the Orthodox “sister Serbia”. Magazines for the general public reprinted the
already published translations of Tommaseo, Koumanoudis, Martzokis, Parasahos,
which received a very favourable interpretation. The reprinted translations were often
not presented using the fifteen-syllabic rhythm of Greek folk poems. (Appendix 2)
Some verses from Tommaseo’s translations were altered, especially the final ones. The
addition of “cheering” verses ran against the principles of good taste: ὃτι λουλοῦδι καὶ
νὰ θές, / τὸ βρίσκεις στὴ Σερβία! 20 (Whatever flowers you might wish for, / You’ll find
them in Serbia), μιὰ νύφη ποῦ δεν βρίσκεται / Τέτοια μεσ' στὴν Σερβία! (A bride
nowhere to be seen, You’ll find in Serbia). In the “Mpouketo” magazine, in the
introductory text preceding the Serbian lyrical poems published therein, it is stated that,
judging by these poems, relations between family members are filled with tenderness
just like in Greece, as opposed to the brutality of such relations in Bulgaria. 21
During this period, the “Mpouketo” magazine published the best translation of a
Serbian poem there is. The poem Prince Lazar and Princess Milica was reprinted from
a book of poems published by Achileos Parasahos. The translation was made based on
Dora D’Istria’s Greek translation, which was based on French translation by Elise
Voiart, which was based on Talvj’s German translation. Owing to the fact that these
translations were literal, Parasahos got a translation that was close to the original. As a
result of his poetic inspiration and the true empathy of a follower of the Great Idea,
Greek readers got a poem of the parting of the Prince and the Princess and the downfall

20
Μπουκέτο Ε΄, 9 Φεβρουάριου 1928, 161.
21
What is evident is the tendency to present the Serbs in the most favorable light, sometimes even
deliberately neglecting the fact that brutality is to be found in both Serbian and Greek folk poems.
of the Serbian kingdom. Metaxas’s dictatorship and the Second World War prevented
further development of literary and scientific cooperation. This also marked the end of
the romantic shaping of Greeks’ imagination of “sister Serbia” through the knowledge
of “the soul of the people”.
Occasional translations of Serbian folk poetry into Greek presenting an idealised image
of Serbia have preceded or accompanied the political rapprochements of the two
countries. According to the information we possess today, until 1930 this was unofficial
state policy. The initiative, in any case, belonged to magazine editors and owners, or to
translators themselves, who, for their part, were not just translators or poets but also
diplomats and politicians. It remains an open question to what extent the idea of a
rapprochement between the two peoples was the result of Greek initiative, and to what
extent the Greeks and the Serbs were pawns in the game played by the great powers or
by those countries that aspired to become great powers. The Italians Valussi, Gubernatis
or Canini, of whom science has not yet decided whether they belonged to the periphery
or to the centre of the powers-that-be in Italy, attempted to bring about a political unity
by means of a spiritual unity of the Greeks and the Slavic peoples of the Balkans,
naturally, under the auspices of Italy. At the beginning of the 20th century, the alliance
between the Greeks and the Serbs was seen by the West as a barrier to the spreading of
Communist ideas from Russia via Bulgaria.
However, in 1930 Serbian romantic poets earned themselves a place in the
textbook for the fifth form of grammar school in Greece, which could be regarded as a
reflection of the official state policy and an attempt to create a space for Balkan
neighbours in the identity of new generations.
The new era necessitated new forms of rapprochement, so that the
instrumentalisation of literature as a means of arousing the interest of the Greek people
in its northern neighbours no longer had such a prominent role. Still, after the re-
establishment of diplomatic relations in 1954, the new era in Greek-Serbian relations
was symbolically marked by the presentation of Yugoslav literature.
The leading literary figures from all the Yugoslav republics were to be presented
to the Greek public; to begin with, one issue of the “Nea Estia” periodical was dedicated
to them. Urednik toma, Petros Haris, u uvodnoj belešci Prvo upoznavanje. Savremena
jugoslovenska književnost napomenuo je da se po obimu skromnim izborom
jugoslovenske književne misli 22 želi obeležiti početak istinskog upoznavanja
Jugoslovena i njihovih misli, navika i culture.
In the second half of the 20th century poetry gave way to prose when it came to
building bridges between the Serbian and the Greek peoples. When translating specific
works, topics which corresponded to the historical memories of both peoples were
selected, primarily those from the era of the Ottoman Empire, Andrić’s 23 The Travnik
Chronicle (1960, 1963,), The Damned Yard (1982, 1989), The Bridge on the Drina
(1997, 1998) or Selimović’s 24 Death and the Dervish (1986). The translations of the
above works were certainly due to the desire to satisfy the readers’ tastes rather than
instrumentalisation.
Svi prevodi sa srpskog ili srpskohrvatskog jezika, bilo sa istočnika ili posredno sa
drugog jezika do početka druge polovine 20. veka, u grčkoj sredini predstavljani su kao
dela srpske književnosti Termin srpska književnost podrazumevao je topografsku
odredjenost nastanka dela a ne i pripadnost državi čiji je Srbija deo. 25 Grčko nedovoljno
poznavanje srpskih književnih tokova i autora, kao i srpske kosovske teme o kojima je
pesnik pevao, rezultirale su da se i Hrvat Petar Preradović odredi kao Srbin
(Μαρτζώκης 1904).
Od formiranja Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1918. do raspada SR Jugoslavije 1992,
pojmom „jugoslovenska književnost“ definisan je književni korpus određen prostorom
i imenom države u kojoj je nastao. Tako su Andrićeva i Selimovićeva dela
predstavljana kao dela jugoslovenske književnosti. Posle 1992. pri podeli kulturne
baštine Jugoslavije, aktualizirano je pitanje etničke pripadnosti mnogih naučnika,
umetnika, književnika. Na udaru su se našli najveći pisci koji već pripadaju ne samo
balkanskoj nego i svetskoj književnosti, kao što su Andrić i Selimović. Oba pisca

22
Objavljen je izbor proznih dela: Andrić, The Bridge on the Žepa, 1260-1265; Mihailo Lalić, 1266-126,
Prežihov Voranc, The Father, 1271-1273, Slavko Janevski, Selo od 7 žitelja, Isak Samokovlija, 1274-
1275, Jevrejin koji nije poštovao subotu, 1276-1283 i Isidora Sekulić, Istočnjačka kultura, 1283-1289.
Jugoslovensku poeziju reprezentovale su pesme Desanke Maksimović, Slavka Janevskog, Vesne Parun,
Riste Tošović, Brankoa Ćopić i Gustava Krkleca.
23
Ivo Andrić ( Dolac, Bosnia), 1892 - Belgrade, Serbia 1975). Nobel Prize in 1961., Member of Serbian
Academy of Sciences and Arts
24
Meša Selimovic (1910 in Tuzla, Bosnia - Belgrade 1982) Member of Serbian Academy of Sciences and
Arts, Member of Bosnian Academy of Sciences and Arts,
25
Srbija je bila samostalna država (The Serbian Principality (1835-1882), Kingdom of Serbia (1882-
1918), Republic of Serbia (2006), ili deo ujedinjenih država: Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes
(1918-1941), Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (1943 -1946), Federal People's Republic of
Yugoslavia (1946-1963), Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1963-1992), The Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (1992– 2003),Serbia and Montenegro 2003-2006.
rodjena su u Bosni, bavili su se pretežno temama iz turske vladavine topografski
vezanih za Bosnu, pisali na srpskohrvatskom jeziku (termin iz vremena nastanka
njihovih dela), u ekavskom dijalektu. Adrić is Croat by birth, he became a Serbian by
choice. 26 Selimović je musliman a njegovo etničko opredeljenje je srpsko. 27 Tako da
predstavljanje Andrića i Selimovića kao srpskih pisaca nije pogrešno, niti je izraz
podrške srpskoj politici ili ”osvedočenog grčko – srpskog prijateljstva“ već poštovanje
ličnog samoopredeljenja pisaca.

Greek Lietrature in Serbia

For its part, Serbia strove to mark the events in which Serbia and Greece had
participated together. The selection of topics reflected the intention of pointing out the
common and the similar. The problem of not knowing the Greek language was
overcome owing to the Greek diaspora and to Serbian diplomats serving in Greece. It
was only ten years ago that the Faculty of Philology of Belgrade University started
providing a Greek course for translators.
The alliance with Greece in the Balkan Wars was marked by publishing the first
translation of a Greek novel. Vikelas’s Louka Laras, a touching story of the Greek
Revolution of 1821, was selected. The one hundredth anniversary of the Greek uprising
provided the opportunity for the “Nova Evropa” periodical to dedicate an issue to
Greece. 28 Serbian periodicals, first of all “Srpski književni glasnik”, published the
stories and poems of the leading poets in the period between the two World Wars.
Their common features were, on the one hand, patriotism and shared historical
discourse, and on the other, preoccupation with life’s hardships. In the years after the
Second World War, the needs of the state ideology necessitated translating works
characterised by a markedly social note. Even recently, the model of identification has
not been neglected; Greek novels and stories focusing on the suffering of Greeks in the
course of the Asia Minor catastrophe have been selected for translation. Apart from the
tragedy of the exiles, the tyranny of the great powers’ policy and their meddling turn out

26
http://hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivo_Andri%C4%87#Pitanje_nacionalne_pripadnosti

27
Selimović wrote : „I descend from a Muslim family, from Bosnia, and by ethnicity I am a Serb. I belong
to Serbian literature, while the literature of Bosnia, to which I also belong, I consider only as my
geographic literature center, and not a distinct literature of Serbo-Croatian language“
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Me%C5%A1a_Selimovi%C4%87

28
to be the common features of the events in Greece in the 1920’s and the events in the
former Yugoslavia in the 1990’s.
Until the celebration of the Serb-Greek alliance in the Balkan Wars of 1913, translations
of works of Greek literature occurred in a chaotic manner, often owing to the personal
initiative of the few Serbs who were familiar with the Greek language or the Greek
diaspora. However, in the first half of the 20th century the political upheavals in Greece
were covered extensively both in daily papers and in periodicals. In the 1930’s, in the
“Srpski književni glasnik” periodical, Bogdan Radica29 , the Yugoslav Ambassador to
Athens, published an essay on the contemporary Greek soul, inspired by Velianitis’s
article about the contemporary Serbian soul. It turned out, yet again, that the souls of
the two peoples were similar, troubled by a number of similar life circumstances
(Radica 1935: 432-447). This search for elements of recognition and reflection
continued in the first, ideologically coloured translations published after the
establishment of diplomatic relations (Djordjević Jovanović 2003: 332). The needs of
the state ideology necessitated translating works characterised by a markedly social
note. At that time, Serbia persisted in the effort to establish a working-class brotherhood
by means of the “burnt pot”(καπνισμένο τσουκάλι) metaphor. Even recently, the model
of identification has not been neglected; Greek novels and stories focusing on the
suffering of Greeks in the course of the Asia Minor catastrophe have been selected for
translation. Apart from the tragedy of the exiles, the tyranny of the great powers’ policy
and their meddling turn out to be the common features of the events in Greece in the
1920’s and the events in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990’s.
Conclusions
What is evident within the framework of Greek-Serbian literary relations is the
phenomenon of instrumentalisation of literary works, manifested, on the one hand, by
the specific moment of publishing certain translations and, on the other, by the choice of
topics and content. The given political moment required the rapprochement of the two
peoples, first of all by means of changing the stereotyped images they had of each other.
Since in the course of the 18th and 19th centuries heroism and barbarity were the basic
characteristics of the Serbs in the eyes of the Greeks, the idea was to reveal to the Greek
people a warmth and gentleness of Serbs by means of translations of Serbian poetry,

29
Bogdan Radica (1904, Split (Croatia) – 1993, USA) was a journalist, cultural and literary critic
and professor of modern European history at Fairleigh-Dickinson University, New Jersey. He wrote
numerous articles and books on his conversion from a Yugoslav and pro-Communist to a convinced
Croatian patriot and anti-Communist.
and to stress the similarities between these peoples. In the second half of the 20th
century, following the stabilisation of diplomatic relations, what got translated were
prose works pointing out the coincidences in the destiny and suffering of two Christian
peoples.
On the Serbian side, where “the cradle of European culture” was regarded with
great respect, translations of works stressing the persecution suffered by the Greek
people stressed the common features that would be conducive to a rapprochement
between the two cultures. 30

Irrespective of the original reason for or the initiator of such translations,

literature did establish spiritual bridges. The process of gradual but positive
acquaintance, with ups and downs, lasted for centuries, and could be counterpoised with
the negative instrumentalisation of literature in Greek-Bulgarian relations.

LITERATURE

Βελλιανίτης 1916
Θ. Βελλιανίτης, Η σερβική ψυχή, Ελεύθερος τύπος.
Đorđević – Jovanović 2003
J. Đorđević – Jovanović, Neohelenska književnost u Srpskom književnom
glasniku, Aksiološki aspekt tradicije u srpskoj književnoj periodici, Institut za
književnost i umetnost, Beograd.
Djordjević-Jovanović 2004
Ј. Djordjević-Jovanović, Lirske narodne pesme u časopisu "Buket",
Međunarodni naučni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane, 32, Beograd.

30
The modest scope of the corpus of translated literature, be it Serbian literature in
Greece or Greek literature in Serbia, provides a fragmentary presentation of the development and
achievements of Greek literary thought. The attempts of the Greek Ministry of Religion and Education to
institutionalise the presentation of Greek literature has had a positive effect in Serbia, both in terms of the
number of works translated (44 books were translated in the 2000-2004 period, whereas 60 books had
been translated between 1910 and 2000) and in terms of the quality of the selected works of literature.
This, however, merely put a stop to a chaotic selection of works for translation. On the other hand,
translations are still often published owing to personal efforts on the part of the authors of the works
translated, so that they do not offer a realistic overall view of Greek literature.
Djordjević-Jovanović 2004a
J. Đorđević – Jovanović, Prevodi Zmajeve poezije na grčki jezik početkom XX
veka, Sastanak slavista u Vukove dane 34-2, Beograd .
Djordjević-Jovanović 2004b
J. Djordjević-Jovanović, Serbian Folk Lyrical Poems in “Αττική Ίρις”, Balcanica
XXXIV, Beograd.
Giacomo di 2005
P. L. Di Giacomo, Srpska književnost i istorija u spisima Pacifika Valusija o
Južnim Slovenima, 19. vek, Nauči sastanal slavista u Vukove dane, 43/2,
Beograd.
Lascaris 1930
S. Th. Lascaris, Prvi savez između Grčke i Srbije (1867), Nova Evropa XXI/5,
Zagreb.
Livanios 2003
D. Livanios, Christians, Heroes and Barbarians: Serb and Bulgarians in the
Modern Greek Historical Imagination (1602-1950), Greece and Balkans, ed. D.
Tziovas, Ashgate, Aldershot.
Μαρτζώκης 1903
Α. Μαρτζώκης, Η ποιήσεις των Σέρβων, Αττικη Ιρις, 6.
Μαρτζώκης 1904
Α. Μαρτζωκη, Η ποίησης των Σέρβων, Αττική 7, 17.
Radica 1935
B. Radica, Duša Grčke, Srpski književni glasnik XLIV.
Roudometof 1988
V. Roudometof, From Rum Millet to Greek Nation: Enlightenment,
Secularization, and National Identity in Ottoman Balkan Society, Journal of
Modern Greek Studies, 16.

Stojanović 1976
M.Stojanović, „Srpske pesme“ Koste Pasajanisa, Balcanica VII, Beograd.
Tommaseo 1863
N. Tommaseo, Italy, Greece, Ilyria, Corsica, the Ionian Islands and Dalmatia.
Η διαθήκη ήρωα
Νειὸς λεβέντης, παινεμένος, παλικάρι ζηλευτό,
ἐτοιμάζεται νὰ φύγῃ, ν’ ἀκολουθήσῃ τὸ στρατό,
Κ’ ἡ καλή του ἡ μαυρομάτα, μὲ τὴν μέση τὴ
λεπτή.
- Ποῦ τὸ κίνησες, τοῦ λέγει, μὲ χαρούμενη
σπουδή.
-Τοῦ χρυσοῦ τοῦ βασιλῃά μου πάω νὰ σμίξω τὸ
στρατό.
- Ἀλλ' ἀγάπη μου, καὶ πότε θὰ γυρίσεις πάλι ἐδώ
- Σ' ἐννῃά χρόνια θὰ γυρίσω, 'ς ἐννῃά χρόνια,
ποθητή.
Ἀλλ' ἀνὶσως ’ς τοῦ πολέμου κ' ἐγώ πέσω τὴ
σφαγή,
Πὼλησ' ὅλα τὰ καλά μου, ξέκαμὲ τα ὅλα μὲ μιὰ,
Γδύσου τ’ ἄχαρα τὰ ροῦχα τῆς χηρείας τὰ
σκοτεινά.
Εὑρες ἄντρα να σ' ἀρέσῃ, μὰ μιὰ χάρι σοῦ ζητῶ,
Μὴν τὸν πάρῃς ἄν δὲν εἶναι παλικάρι ἀληθινό!
Τ’ ἄλογὸ μου χάρισέ του, τὸ χρυσό μου τὸ σπαθὶ,
Πού τὸ χόρτασα μὲ χὶλιων ἀντρειωμένων τῆ ζωή.
Ἀλλά πρόσεξε, θυμήσου, γιασεμί μου εὐωδιαστό,
Μὴ τοῦ δὼσῃς νὰ φιλήσῃ τὸ λευκό σου τὸ λαιμό.
Ἄν τὸ αἷμα τὸ δικό μου πρώτα δὲν ἐκδικηθῇ
Μόνο τότε θἆναι ἄξιος τὸ φιλί σου ναδεχθῇ.
(Ἀττική Ἴρις 6,1903, 183)
Translated by Andreas Martzokis
Il testamento d' un eroe
Per l'armata si appronta un giovanetto,
E la cara domanda al suo diletto,
" Per dove te ne vai, diletto mio? "
A lui la cara favellar s' udio :
" Per l'armata del Sir, dolce mio cor! "
" E quando tornerai, mio bell'amor ? "
" Dopo nov'anni, o cara, i'tornerò;
Se poi dal campo allor’ non riverrò,
Venditi tutta allor’ la mia sostanza.
Le'vesti spoglierai di vedovanza,
Ed uno sposo cèrcati gradito;
Solo ti prego a non pigliar marito
Il qual prode non sia. Gli donerai
Il mio forte destriero e gli darai
Questa mia bella d'or spada guarnita,
Ch'ebbi meco sui campi, e della vita
Di tanti prodi satollassi. II viso
Non lasciar ch'ei ti baci, o fiordaliso,
Pria che non spenga il mio crudo uccisor’:
Del bel tuo viso sarà degno allor.
(Angelo de Gubernatis, Floregio lirico, preuzeto
od G. Chiudina, Canti del popolo Slavo, vol. II,
Firenze 1878, 73)
 Junaku

Ὁ νειὸς 31 περνάει τὸ ∆ούναβη ὃλος
ἁρματωμένος
κι’ ὁ μαῦρος του τὸν καρτερεῖ στὴν
ἂκρη στὸ ποτάμι.
∆ὲν πρέπει νὰ θαυμάζουμε 32 γιὰ τὸν
καλό λεβέντη,
Μόν’ πρέπει νὰ θαυμάζουμε γιὰ
Ὁ νειός περνάει το ∆ουνάβι
ὃλος ἀρματωμένος
ὁ μαῦρος τὸν ἀκαρτερεῖ
στὴν ἂκρη στὸ ποτάμι.
∆ὲν εἶνε νὰ θαυμάζουμε
γιὰ τὸν καλό λεβέντη,
μὸν’ εἶναι νὰ θαυμάζουμε
Oružan junak Dunaj prepliva
Sedlan ga konjic pri brjegu čeka
Ne čudimo se dobrom junaku
Već se čudimo konju njegovu
Đe sedlan pri brijegu čeka
A još je treća, koja je najveća
Doma ga ljuba s poštenjem čeka.

τὸν 33 δικό του μαῦρο, γιὰ τὸν δικό τοῦ μαῦρο

(Vuk S. Karadžić,
Ποὺ στέκει καὶ τὸν καρτερεῖ στὴν πού στέκει καὶ τὸν καρτερεῖ Srpske narodne pjesme, I, 138)
ἂκρη στὸ ποτάμι, στὴν ἂκρη στὸ ποτάμι.
Καὶ πειὸ πολὺ την ὢμορφη, τὴ νειὰ ᾌλλο καὶ τὸ καλλίτερο,
του τὴ γυναίκα 34 ἡ νέα του γυναῖκα.
35
Ποὺ καρτερεῖ τον σπίτι του, μὲ τὸ τὸν καρτερεῖ στὸ σπίτι του,
φιλί στὰ χείλη!.. μὲ τὸ φιλί στὰ χείλη!

(Μπουκέτο ∆, 22 Σεπτεμβρίου 1927, (Μπουκέτο Ε', 26

893)
Translated by N. Tommaseo Ιανουαρίου 1928, 119)
Translated by N. Tommaseo

31
Χρυσαλλίς: νιὸς
32
Χρυσαλλίς: δὲν εἶναι νὰ θαυμάζωμε
33
Χρυσαλλίς: μόν' εἶναι νὰ θαυμάζωμε γιὰ τὸ
34
Χρυσαλλίς: 'Αλλὰ καὶ τὸ καλύτερο, ἡ νιὰ
35
Χρυσαλλίς: τὸν καρτερεῖ στὸ σπίτι του