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The Vanderbilt-Chicago-Harvard Workshop for Andean Anthropology 2009

MATERIALITY, ONTOLOGY, AND THE ANDES

Kasia Szremski, Brendan J. M. Weaver, Gérson Levi-Lazzaris,


Steven A. Wernke, Miriam Shakow, Tiffiny A. Tung, and Tom D. Dillehay

Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University

Introduction

The “material turn” in anthropology and neighboring disciplines is generating an


exuberance of theoretical development, but as yet little coherency as a paradigm for
understanding the relationship between materiality and sociality (or cultural processes
generally). One may infer general trends toward more recursive and mutually-
constitutive models, but by and large, frameworks for understanding materiality remain
divided between (portable) material culture, art, text and language, architecture/ built
environment, text and language, and landscape studies, while the human body is even
further separated from inquiries into materiality, despite much recent work demonstrating
how the body is a form of material culture (Sofaer 2006). In this position paper, we make
some initial steps toward a more unified framework that might account for a general
model of how these dimensions and scales of materiality are culturally interrelated, using
case studies from the Andes as points of reference. Our framework draws from Peircian
semiotics (Peirce; Keane 2003, 2008; Silverstein - e.g. 2003, 2006), practice theory
(Bourdieu 1977), and agency theory (Barrett 2001; Dobres and Robb 2000; Robb 2004)
to address two dimensions of the material: meaning and effective agency.

Regarding meaning, we seek to reintegrate a model of the sign with the material
world. Following Peirce (and in contrast to Saussurean models of the sign), we start with
the core observation that “…abstract sign systems in practice cannot be separated from
concrete instantiation—whether linguistic, performative, or material. Seemingly abstract
qualities (for example, as explored by Cummins [2002]—reducción—to reduce, render
intelligible, order…) that are significant across cultural domains must, in order to have
meaning or social efficacy, become somehow instantiated” (Wernke 2009). In this
process of materialization (conceived broadly, whether through utterance, production of
text, artifact, etc.), things become bound to other qualities, making meaning and efficacy
contingent (Wernke 2009). The relationship between an item, room, building, corpse,
landscape, etc, and its meanings (and the meanings themselves) will thus constantly
change and shift inter-subjectively through people’s engagement with it and through
people’s engagement with each other. Building on work of Webb Keane, we suggest that
“semiotic ideologies” both structure and emerge from those engagements. As the
“...basic assumptions about what signs are and how they function in the world” (Keane
2003:419), semiotic ideologies, for example, define the realm of possible agents (e.g., a
person, a stone monolith, a rock outcrop) to which signifying acts can be attributed,
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whether signs are thought arbitrary or necessarily linked to their objects, and what role
intention plays in signification (Keane 2003:419). Andeanist researchers investigating a
variety of historico-geographical contexts can make vital contributions to the material
turn through an exploration of how distinct semiotic ideologies structure and emerge
through engagement with the material world.

Enmeshed with their (ever-emergent) meanings, material media also generate


concrete material and social effects—what Robb (2004: 131) calls “effective agency”, or
agency either derived from their physical characteristics, their placement in a social
setting, or that bestowed upon them by people within particular cultural and historic
contexts. In this way, artifacts, buildings, landscapes, etc, are not simply texts; rather, an
object’s effective agency and its use/meaning as a symbol go hand in hand. As such, it is
important to consider equally the cultural context of an item, its ability to affect future
acts (Robb 2004), the intentions behind the creation and manipulation of an item, and its
physical properties (see Boivin 2004; Ingold 2007). These physical qualities structure
interaction both between an individual and the item, and between individuals involved in
the production of the item. In this paper, we will use this semiotic-materialist framework
to explore the material ontology of landscape, commodity, and body in the Andes. This
approach demonstrates how meanings, objects, and individuals mutually constitute each
other through people’s engagement with the material world.

This is also why a Peircean semiotic perspective is so important in the analysis of


material culture. A recent paper by Bray (2008*) suggests that, in the Andes, material
symbols do not just carry meaning, but are meanings in and of themselves. We extend
this line of thought by arguing that that, while there are certain signs, termed icons by
Peirce, that are formally linked to their referent (thus being meanings in and of
themselves in so much as they are what they represent), these signs only function as icons
in particular cultural and historic contexts. For example, Ogundiran’s Peircian analysis
of cowries in West Africa’s Bight of Benin (2002: 428, 2009), allows him to view the
shells as complex signs which point to multiple referents. Keane also argues that the
meanings of material signs are necessarily contingent and shifting because of the process
of “bundling” (2003: 414) that is, because signified qualities (e.g., “mishki” –sweetness,
good tasting) must be embodied in something (something “sweet”, like chicha). But as
soon as it is embodied, it gets bound up in other properties of that thing (liquid, alcohol,
maize, etc), which in turn implicate and call up other potential qualities/meanings. In
contrast to instrumentalist models of materialization (DeMarrais et al. 1996), then, we see
the process of materialization equally involved in the indeterminacy and contingency of
meaning as to its fixing.

While “bundling” emphasizes the slipperiness of meaning, we must also


understand how meanings attempt to be fixed by dominant groups. Enregisterment (see
Agha 2007: 55,81) is the phenomenon by which the mutual association of multiple signs,
often across multiple channels of communication, leads to the creation of semiotic
registers, which although being dynamic and susceptible to rapid transformations, can
also represent stable processes of association within a repertoire of signs. Andean
horizon phenomena are an example of this process: certain material symbols became
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highly culturally salient and spread through the region as shared markers of power, status,
and knowledge.

Understanding material items as complex signs imbued with various levels of


meaning and agency has several implications. The first is that the discourses and
meanings that get attached to an item can serve to variously reify, resituate, or mystify
the social relations of production that served to create this item. Thus polities in the
Andes, as well as elsewhere, can transform the way in which subjects perceive
asymmetrical relationships of reciprocity. For example, during the Late Horizon,
subjects of the Inka state would receive gifts of ceramics, basic cloth, sandals, or other
basic items in return for their labor in state agricultural fields or state projects. Many
have argued that this type of reciprocity was crucial to the ability of the Inka state to
function, as it allowed Inka administrators to cast themselves in the role of generous
patrons who cared for their subjects (Murra 1980, 1972; Rameriz 2005; Taussig 1980).
However, while we agree that ceramics were imbued with great symbolic and social
value (see discussion of ceramics below for further discussion), we argue that this
symbolic meanings of the ceramic also serves to mitigate the perception of what can
etically be understood as essentially unequal relations of labor, as the amount of labor
congealed in one ceramic vessel is much less than the amount of human energy expended
in service to the state. Ultimately, in terms of labor embedded in the value of
commodities (Marx 1972 [1867]: 205-8), the Inka state was taking much more in that it
was giving out.

While we highlight the agency of objects, we also note the objectness of human
agents, wherein an individual is seen as both subject and object, showing how people can
be “thingified” or “objectified”. There have been admirable attempts by human rights
groups to limit the objectification of bodies, and necessary feminist critiques have tried to
intervene on the perception of female and other bodies as objects to be bought, traded,
brutalized, and enslaved. However, these discourses have had the effect of emphasizing
the division between subject-object in the case of human beings, such that the distinction
between inanimate objects and “people as sentient beings is reinforced rather than
investigated” (Sofaer 2006: 63). This is not to say that bodies should be objectified in
these horrific ways; rather, it is to highlight how the body itself and its emplacement in
society make it amenable (susceptible) to thingification. People are objectified because
they are material (Sofaer 2006). The body should not be treated as an exception, for the
body, like clay, is malleable; it is made into being through interaction with other bodies
and objects. Yet it also has fixed properties, or “extra-discursive” realities, also like clay.
That is, the body, as Foucault and constructionists would argue, is formed by discourse
(in the broadest sense of the term), yet it also has prediscursive qualities, such as
biological sex (but see Fausto-Sterling 1993) or biological systems “that exist before
social acts and historical circumstances shape the gender, identity, health status, or other
aspects of the body” (Tung 2007: 364). This does not imply that bodies are solely natural
vessels to be inhabited and filled; rather, they are simultaneously created and altered by
culture, practice, discourse, and history.
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Throughout our exploration of the nature of materiality in the Andes, we advocate


an analysis that employs methods and perspectives from all the anthropological subfields.
Given the variability of the Andean world, our semiotic-materialist framework is directed
at exploring this diversity along both spatial and temporal axes. Inherent in our
acknowledgement of the special relations that exist between things and the people that
create them, is recognition of the variety of social meanings and practices and
worldviews with which peoples have populated the Andes (both in pre-Columbian and
post-Columbian periods). Additionally, we put forth a means of approaching the material
conditions of society, which is as relevant to the explorations of the global influences on
the region since the sixteenth century as to the study of the Prehispanic past.

We will now consider materiality in three particular realms: landscapes,


commodities, and bodies.

Andean Landscapes

Scholars have long been fascinated with the environment of the Andes mountains,
which they have classified (D’Altroy 2002: 24-47, among others) as one of the most
varied, unique, and challenging to human habitations in the world. Paradoxically, the
Andes mountains have long supported a large population organized into a multitude of
polities of various scales, from dispersed settlements to expansive empires. Scholars’
fascination with peoples living on a terrain which transitions from ocean coast to peaks of
more than 5,000 meters, to sloping piedmont, and to dense tropical rainforest, all within
200 kilometers, has led to countercharges of Andean environmental exceptionalism (and
more generally Andeanism, see Starn 1991: 78). A focus on the vertical nature of
environment (Murra 1967, 1972, 1985; Shimada 1985: xiii) has often weighed the impact
of environmental constraints over other factors in shaping the development of human
physiology, behavior, economy, and social institutions in the Andes (e.g. Baker and Little
1976; Flores Ochoa 1977). Although Andeanist anthropology has moved from cultural
ecological and environmental determinism (see critique in Van Buren 1996) into more
balanced approaches (i.e. cultural ecology, human ecology, historical ecology, optical
behavioral models, political ecology and landscape studies), we argue for a further
transformation, namely, an interpretation of landscape as an aspect of material culture.
Environment is as material and cultural and signatory as any other form of material
culture and thus also functions as a semiotic channel of communication. All landscapes
are culturally modified and socially constituted whether representing a built environment,
a collection of toponyms, or an animated geography. Experience and cultural
expectations prefigure interactions with this aspect of materiality (see Potter 2004).
We’ll examine three aspects of landscape: Animated cosmology, Landscape as a social
map, and time-Earth-Place.
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Animated Cosmology

The Andean landscape is often—though not always—an animated landscape. As


such, landscapes need to be understood as having not only effective agency, but also
being imbued with conscious agency through people’s daily interaction and through the
process of enregisterment. Not only do landscape’s meanings and characteristics change
with passage of a day’s time or with the seasons, but also with one’s (or one’s group’s)
relationship with the various personified entities who comprise the landscape (Allen 1988
[2002]; Thomas et al 2001). Understanding the agency of the various animated aspects
of the landscape is crucial to an exploration of the dialectic between people and their
environment. Particular weather patterned events such as El Niño have profound
consequences; however, phenomenological experience of landscape assigns social and
cultural meanings.
Although animated landscapes are important to many populations throughout the
world, there are some regional similarities that are characteristic of the Andes, and to a
degree with how landscape is animated in Amazonia. In the case of the latter, landscape
and cosmology are reduced to a unidimensional layer of human-nature-symbolic
interaction, giving space to constant dialectics of alterity, a multiperspectivistic
perception of the other as an animated entity. This dialectic is bio-essentialized by spirits
that control certain features of resource dispersion by local and more general discourses
of power over nature, elaborated by shamans, hunters, warriors and women (Viveiros de
Castro 2002; Fausto 2001; Descolla 2006; Heckenberger 2005; Levi-Lazzaris nd). In
both the Andes and Amazonia, landscapes are also gendered (and dual), and map social
complementarity and competition between men and women (as well as between varying
scales of moieties and polities) directly to the geography, where vertical forms, such as
hills and mountains, represent male entities and horizontal or concave forms, such as
lakes and valleys, represents female entities (see Allen 1988 [2002]: 33, 58-59). This
type of classification of gendered entities extends to other types of natural phenomena
and geoforms, such as lightning (the male rayu) or wind (the male wayra) (see Urton
1981; for a general overview outside the Andes see Bradley 2000). These apus and
mamas, as sacred places and huacas, are not benign beings, but are actively engaged
(positively and negatively) in the everyday lives of the people who view them as a part of
the landscape, and they are often invoked in ritual dedication (see Martinez 1987; Allen
1988 [2002]: 25-29, 129-137). As in other places in the world, the landscape registers
conflict and failure in social relations, as when adultery or communal conflicts cause
drought (Shakow nd). Landscapes exert agency upon human occupants and humans exert
agency upon the landscape.

Landscape as a Social Map

Landscape, in many communities today and during the Prehispanic past,


structures not only space, but also communities’ relationships to one another. Named and
sacred places are ranked and honored in terms of proximity to a community, and in
accord with their relationship to other communities. This process can be seen in the
mythohistorical narrative recounted in the sixteenth century Huarochirí manuscript (in
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Salomon and Urioste 1991). People’s relationships with places are also mediated by
event and memory, which can potentially reach wider recognition through the process of
enregisterment. We have observed this process, which cannot often be separated from
wider political discourse1, in how people in various communities across the region
associate particular places with emotional, sometimes tragic or violent, events.
Ethnohistorical evidence from Justicia 413 (in Rostworowski 1988), in which the
sixteenth century communities of Chacalla (Yauyos) and Canta were engaged in a legal
dispute over access to coca fields in Quivi, exemplify a scenario during a capacocha
(capac ucha) rite in the Incaic past, which demonstrates the relationships between people,
land, ritual, and politics. During the ritual occasion in question, the Inka state required
that llama blood offerings be carried in sacred vessels to the edge of the territory
occupied by the Yauyos polity, to be handed off to a delegation from the Canta polity. A
man from Canta interrupted the hand-off, however, and violence ensued (see ff.178r-223r
passing). The place which was in the process of being bounded geographically through
ritual, reinforcing a people’s relationship to the landscape, was thus transformed into a
placed that linked place to a memory of violence and opposition between political bodies.

Time, Earth, and Place

González Holguin’s 1608 dictionary defines the Quechua concept of pacha as


“tiempo suelo lugar” (1952: 268). The way in which the often separate European
concepts of time, earth, and place are arranged in Native Andean cosmology has an
impact on how the material world is conceptualized (see Salomon and Urioste 1991: 14).
This single word merges both space and time, which are normally independent in a
language such as Spanish (see Whorf 2008 [1939]). However, such a stringent
dichotomy between European thought and Native Andean thought actually masks the
general similarities between what are often framed as independent understandings of the
nature of reality. European ideas of time and space, although not necessarily cyclical, are
often correlated in similar ways. The discipline of anthropology itself, which emerges
from European philosophies of metaphysics, has (and in many ways continues to)
categorize people in relation to distances in space to distances in time (see Starn 1991;
Said 1979; Fabian 1983; Campbell 1988). This coterminous concept of space-time
emerges in concepts such as Lévi-Strauss’ “hot” and “cold” cultures [1955] and
Redfield’s (1947) Folk-urban continuum, both of which equate geographic distance with
temporal backwardness.

1
We also find it appropriate to mention the role of the anthropologist, through engagement with local
peoples, NGOs, and the state, in the creation of place. These power relations often result in a hegemonic
discourse which results in a diachronic re-association of place with a set of particular events, chosen from a
particular people’s historical trajectory and colored with a particular narrative, transforming landscape in
very real ways (see Kojan and Angelo 2005).
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Andean Commodities

Commodities as Signs

A semiotic-materialist approach is particularly helpful in sorting out the various


meanings and associations that commodities hold as signs. Vessels function as
commodities that enact a particular type of semiotic channel between landscape,
commodity and body, especially through embedded similarities and stylistic meanings
that are shared by different social, economic or ethnic groups (Lemmonier 1993; Schiffer
and Skibo 1997). It is possible to find the geometry of a cosmological body in the
geometric paintings and decoration of vessels and clay sculptures in the Andes and
Amazon (Lathrap 1970; Góes Neves 1998; Schaan 2004; Guapindaia 2001; Gomes
2002). Andes and Amazon share several structures in common, decorated vessels are one
of the strongest evidences of stylistic interchange as supposed earlier by Lathrap (1970),
and this is not restricted to similar styles, but similar structures of how to conceive signs
that bring cosmology into materiality, thought into design and depicted symbols and,
finally, vessels/recipients into identity (Fagundes 2004, Lemmonier 1993, Silva 2000).

The fact that an ontological transposition from cosmological


geometric/symmetric/asymmetric models of the real onto bodies/recipients and socio-
religious landscapes reveals a comprehensive exercise of symbolic translations of ideas
into design (Carr 1995). But vessels also reveal the contrary, a real reproduction of
natural geometry into idealistic perfect shapes. This process occurs for several reasons,
including defining kinship as well as local or regional identities in Andes and Amazon. In
fact, defining specific geometric patterns is a symbolic process of acquiring a symbol
from spiritual nature and giving to the attached individual, kinship or community a
materialized sign of power.

Geometry, Cosmology and Kinship

Among the Karaja and Kamayura (Agostinho 1974) from the Central Brazilian
Plateau, or even the Wayampi from Amapa (Galois 1988), drawings of certain geometric
patterns represent tattoos on vessels’ “skins.” These tattoos connect vessels to kin groups
and individual identities. Such tattoos also transform that identity into a commodity.
Furthermore, as shown by several anthropologists, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic
shapes often also have geometric correlates. This confers an economic-symbolic value to
the designs and embeds the materiality of representations on bodies, vessels and
landscapes (Boomert 1987; Levi-Mendes 2003; Galois 1988; Bradley 2000). Since
perfect shapes such as circles, triangles and quadrangles are not found in nature, it seems
perfectly reasonable to analyze these shapes as a reduction of the geometry of nature
(Mandelbrot 1982). In this process of shrinking the geometry of nature into perfect lines,
geometric patterns, potters communicate ideas on surfaces of the vessel, corresponding to
a long chain of translations of ontological beings at the material level. Waura from the
Lower Batovi River (Mato Grosso, Brazil) represent several spirits of animals through
geometric symbols associated with specific kinships. Once common shared geometric
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representation of spirits/kinships are attached to vessel forms such as kamalupe or makula


[to cook manioc and fish, respectively] with regional economic importance in the
exchange net with another ethnic groups, connections between spirits, kinship, food and
hunting prestige are established from individuals to community representations (Levi-
Mendes 2005).

Ceramic “Skins” as Semiotic Channels

This process, however, gains a particular variability that can be seen by the major
geometric similarities between polychromic traditions from Andes to Marajoara Island
(Brazil), including the Maraca Tradition in Amapa (Schaan 2001, Guapindaia 2001).
Even across different artistic traditions and different time, it is possible to find
connections between paintings and geometries of the mind, cosmological substances that
are depicted/carved onto new supports of a body or a vessel that have similar value of the
body itself as a material channel between landscape and community through the
individual (Lemmonier 1993, Heckenberger 2005, Fagundes 2004). Instead of natural
bodies, or human/animal bodies (such as in Viveiros de Castro 2002), a translation of
meaning is transubstantiated from idealistic representation into ontological materialized
geometry, thus a reduction of the complex shapes found in nature is expressed on the
“skins” of the recipients. Decorated/ritualistic vessels constitute a parallel for inferring
how other complex ideas were depicted on surfaces, thus serving as bridge through a long
chain of symbols/meanings from mind to materiality, from landscape to body (Vialou
2006).

Inka Aryballoids as Complex Signs

Similarly, we can approach the Inka imperial aryballoid jar as a complex sign. In
its iconic, indexical, and symbolic meanings, the aryballoid jar represents the relationship
between provincial polities and individuals and the state. As an icon, the
anthropomorphic vessel is a representation of the body of the Inka lord himself bearing
the tocapu insignia of the state. The iconic representation of the state indexes the
reciprocity for service to the state and its agents (deistic entities, huacas, mummies, or the
Inka lord himself). The aryballoid vessel symbolically and literally serves life-giving
food to the client, and was also charged with kamay in its production. While the triadic
nature of the sign points to different referents, through the mediation of elicited
interpretants each of these referents point to a multitude of other referents. Many of these
referents were universally shared (i.e. hegemonic) at the imperial scale, but others were
rooted in local understanding of the political and economic relationships which the sign
represented. For example, at one level the Emperor’s body, of which the
anthropomorphic aryballoid was iconic, was also the symbolic embodiment of the people
who were his subjects, but this meaning may have had an individual significance as well.
Through the process of enregisterment, various aspects of the anthropomorphic vessel
iconic of the Inka lord, such as the tocapu motif, could also be borrowed and used on
other vessels which are less anthropomorphic in form such as bowls, and the semiotic
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repertoire as a register becomes iconic of the same referent, the Inka lord as host and
patron, engaged in reciprocal serving.

During the Incaic period, the valuation of reciprocal exchange was governed by
the numerical philosophy which is built into Quechua grammar (Urton 1997). This
arithmetic is the same as Andean structures of kinship, which denotes rank and follows
certain form of logic of symmetry. Urton surmises that the underlying premises, is a
worldview which relies on the principle that he terms “rectification”. The concept is a
notion of universal equilibrium manifest in all things, and redistributive adjustments
occur in order to rectify an imbalance. This concept is not only at the core of the
cosmological order and motivates Quechua mathematical practice, but it also serves as
the base of reciprocity (Urton 1997: 145-148) and ranked reciprocal relationships, which
are the basic building blocks of Andean political organization. The basic political
concepts of duality, rank, and reciprocity, work together within Andean polities to rectify
imbalance (see Gelles 1995) at different levels of material and social scale.

Kamay and Production

Raw materials associated with the landscape (i.e. crops – such as coca, clays, or
metals) are culturally transformed through human engagement, but often in Andean
contexts, retain associations with the landscape/environment and the act of production.
For example, in the Prehispanic Andes and in many highland communities today,
commodities are produced through a process of engagement which involves the transfer
of vital energies, kamay (also sometimes called sami – see Allen 1988 [2002]; see also
Taylor 1976), which circulate throughout the animated universe and which are directed in
the transformation of an object from one state of being to another (see also Bray 2008*;
Urton 1981; Bastien 1985 [1978]; Silverblatt and Earls 1976; Zuidema 1980). In the case
ceramic vessels under the Inka state, specialized kamayoqs responsible for their
production, channeled kamay through the supernatural Sanu Mama (Mother-Clay) into
the raw clay, which was transformed into shaped and fired ceramic.

The act of infusing and charging an object with kamay changes the properties of
the material. The object now indexes the sacred event of production, which continues to
link the object to both its kamayoq (the one who channeled this energy in its
transformation from raw substance to finished form) and the supernatural from which the
life-giving energy originates. In this way, “traditional” Andean commodities could not
be separated throughout their life-history from the labor which produced them. However,
it is precisely this charging with kamay, which in itself signifies the labor inherent in
production, which also fetishizes the commodity. The emphasis of production is placed
not on the capture of human energy (labor) alone, but on bestowing the commodity with
the sacred energy of kamay. In this way, a farmer who receives a fancy ceramic cup in
return for his yearly labor on state fields, which does not represent the same number of
productive hours of labor as the farmer put into the fields, is not simply duped into
believing that his labor is equivalent in value to the value of the cup, as the Marxist
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concept of mystification would posit. Inka subjects most likely understood the sacred
value of the cup, symbolic of his status, through the kamay as a property of the cup.

Metal as an Andean Commodity

The mining, refinement, and working of sacred metals, associated with celestial
supernaturals (i.e. lunar, solar), is similar to the production of Incaic ceramics in that the
transformative process from ore to worked metal involves an infusion of kamay. In
Incaic production, copper, silver, and gold were mined, refined and then worked into
disks, which would later be transformed by metal smiths into other sacred forms by
working or casting the metal (see Lechtman 2007). Lechtman (1996, 2007; see also
Lechtman and Klein 1999) discusses how the final form of Prehispanic metallic artifacts,
much like the production of textiles, were imbued with meaning through the process of
their creation, which in the case of metal objects, involved prescribed proportions and
ratios of mixture between the elements of gold, silver, and copper. In the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries under colonial rule, different properties of metals are emphasized
and as signifiers they point to different referents. However, in silver mining centers like
Potosí it is impossible to separate, even in the emergence of a capitalist climate, silver as
a good, commodity, and currency from the labor which produced it (Weaver 2008: 137-
138). Appadurai (1986) argues that in the production of commodities labor is often
disenfranchised from the product, which seems to take on a life of its own independent of
the material conditions of production. In the case of Andean mining districts, however,
this tendency of capitalistic fetishism does not occur until silver, as commodity and
currency, leaves the mining region of production when it circulates through the global
market (Weaver 2008: 138).

The production of silver in the colonial period also offers some insight into the
relationships between physical constraints of the material world (its effective agency), the
development of technology and social organizational structures of labor. In the high
altitudes of the silver mining districts of Porco and Potosí, silver-smelters made use of
indigenous smelting furnaces, huayrachinas, in order to smelt the lead necessary for
purification of the silver ore (Van Buren and Mills 2005; see also Cieza de León 1984
[1553]: 375; Matienzo 1967 [1567]: 70; Capoche 1959 [1585]: 110). Provided the
placement on windy ridges or hilltops, these small rock and clay furnaces with
perforations on two sides (in order that wind pass through to oxygenate the flame), are
able to reach higher temperatures than European-style smelting furnaces, which required
large bellows to oxygenate the flame. The oxygen-deprived nature of the high Andes
made huayrachinas a more efficient technology, influencing how labor categories such as
the colonial yanacona, were organized in a place like Potosí (see Weaver 2008: 117-129).
Both indigenous (e.g. the quimbalete/muray to triturate ore) and European technologies
(e.g. the ingenio and patio processing w/ Hg amalgamation) were employed in various
stages in the refinement process; which technologies were employed in a given context
depended as much on the market price of silver (a function of macro-economics), the
quality of ore available (a function of environment and the social inequalities among
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those with access to particular silver veins), and the social organization of labor (i.e.
mode of production) (Ibid.: 129-147; see also Bakewell 1984).

Andean Bodies

The Body as Symbol

The body is a culturally constructed entity and can be subjected to the same kind
of analytical framework as other material objects. This may seem like a truism, but
archaeologists who study material culture tend to ignore the body in favor of objects that
are more obviously constructed such as lithics and ceramics. Indeed, archaeology texts on
material culture often have long lists describing objects for archaeological study,
including pottery, glass, enamels, copper, iron, steel, gold, lead, stone, wood, cotton,
wool, textiles, leather, dyes, paints, antler, ivory, fur, and bone: from animals, not
humans. This exceptional treatment of the human body as ‘outside’ the material world
partly emanates from modern perceptions of humans as subject and sentient beings, and
from the structuring strictures of academic disciplines that push the biological and
psychological being into one realm of study, typically the biological sciences. However,
like ceramics and other artifacts, human bodies are simultaneously formed through
discourse and practice; they are cultural modifiable, highly symbolic, and able to function
as a semiotic channel of communication in multiple ways.

The idea of body as symbol is not new. In 1970 Mary Douglas explored how the
body acts as a central metaphor through which the ideas of purity and pollution which
structure social boundaries are constructed. As a symbol, Douglas explored how the
human body often serves as a means of understanding the image of a system (1996
[1970]: xxxvi), which is often applied to the social, bridging the scale of the individual
with the scale of society. The relationship is of course dialectical, and it also follows
that, “the social body constrains the way the physical body is perceived” (Ibid.: 69).

Living Bodies as Semiotic Channels

Bodies structure society in several ways. The living and dead body can function
as an interface between individuals in a social group in that the body represents a highly
charged surface that can be coached, disciplined, and transformed in culturally specific
ways to convey information about gender, group affiliation, social status, identity,
occupation, and life histories. Among Aztec children, for example, gender was learned
and performed through recitation of norms (Joyce 2000), and through these normalized
performances the body was made material by producing gendered bodies with clothing,
hairstyle, play with gender-specific items, bodily comportment, and modifications and
markings on the body (also see Bachand et al, 2003). Similarly, bodies in the Wari
empire were made into being through the reiteration of norms and representations of
ideals, for example, among men made into warriors (or at least temporary aggressors).
12

These bodies were produced as gendered and aggressive beings through clothing (i.e.,
military attire), interaction with identity-specific objects (e.g., weapons), facial markings,
and animal associations (Ochatoma and Tung 2008), as well as through the development
of muscular bodies (inferred through musculo-skeletal markers that imprinted the
malleable body), healed head wounds that recorded a life history of violence (Tung
2007), and images and acts of these men controlling prisoners and wearing human war
trophies (Tung 2008). These bodies were not simply material representations of
individual prowess and state domination, they were the materiality of those ideals,
presenting us a concrete case in which ideology of, or beliefs about, dominance and
aggression (and perhaps masculinity and other abstract qualities) becomes instantiated.

In the Andes this was also done both through permanent means such as cranial
modification and tattooing as well as temporary means such as body painting, hairstyling,
clothing, and other types of personal adornment. While we have limited information on
tattooing in the Andes, a slew of recent finds on the North Coast as well as the numerous
tattooed mummies excavated by Arturo Ruiz on the Central Coast in the 1970’s suggests
that this practice may have been widespread, at least among coastal groups. Like cranial
modification, tattoos can be used to present information about an individual to a wider
public. Unlike cranial modification, tattoos can be inscribed on the body at any time
during the individual’s life. As such, they may have been used to mark and record
significant events in the course of the individual’s life in such a way as to be immediately
visible to others. Furthermore, the geometric patterns used in tattooing (and as ceramic
decorations) often serve as indexes of cosmological relationships. As such, in the same
way that decorations on ceramics can serve essentially as a cosmogram by indexing
idealized relationships between human communities, nature, and the supernatural, tattoos
on the human body can indexically link the individual body to the cosmos.

The Living and the “Living-Dead”

Furthermore, dead bodies as axis/conduits between sacred and profane worlds


(Eliade 1959 [1957]). In the Andes, as the body transitions from a living state to a non-
living state, it becomes infused with power. Non-living bodies act as conduits between
the supernatural and the natural (we are not suggesting that these are two different
categories in the Andes, it is clear that they always overlap, however, like a huaca, the
natural and supernatural worlds are collapsed in the non-living body). This is a pattern
that appears in many different ways through out the Andes, one example can be seen in
Erica Hill’s argument that Moche bodies were transformed into sacra through the
processes of sacrifice and dismemberment (Hill 2003). Furthermore, as we discussed
above, Andean ideologies of kamay suggest that the process of creation is the process of
infusing an object with a special essence.

Today, ancient non-living bodies are still considered highly spiritually-charged


and act as axes uniting the modern world with the past and the supernatural. While this
has been clearly documented in the highlands through the work of Allen (2002 [1988]),
Lund Skar (1994) and others, this continues to be true even in coastal areas near Lima.
13

For example, in the Huaura valley, modern malenderos regularly use skeletal material
taken from Prehispanic cemeteries for their rituals. Furthermore, conversations with
local people who live near archaeological sites are replete with examples of people who
claim to be visited by these ancestors through dreams and other mechanisms. Some even
claimed to have been attacked by unknown entities while passing through ancient
cemeteries. A common thread of these tales is that the non-living bodies of ancestors still
have considerable conscious agency (sensu Robb 2004). For example, a woman told
Szremski, how as a student she had taken a skull from a Prehispanic site as part of a
school assignment. The skull was later stored in her parent’s house, where many
misfortunate events were attributed to its presence. The woman was forced to return the
skull from where she had taken it, leaving it with some offerings, but also scolding it for
“misbehaving.” The woman returned to the spot a few days later, only to find that that
the skull had disappeared. Narratives of this sort are common in the region, suggesting
that even in culturally criollo areas with strong traditions of Roman Catholic orthodoxy,
there is a continuity of cultural discourses which imbue non-living bodies with conscious
agency.

Concluding Remarks

One of the primary approaches in this position paper to the study of Andean
ontology and materiality is semiotic. A criticism that can be leveled at semiotic
approaches to materiality is that of “logocentrism”: an over reliance on language and
structuralism as models for understanding the relationship between materiality, social
organization, cultural transmission, and other entities. Although considered above, other
studies have emphasized the importance for human relations and their development of
practices that are not semiotic- and language-like (e.g., Bourdieu 1977; Bloch 1998). For
instance, particular attention has been drawn to the types of social knowledge that
influence people directly, for example, what Mauss called “body techniques,” which are
not presented as linguistic and semiotic propositions. As Gell (1998) has observed,
Mauss’s notion “stems from the fact that it is through the body, the way in which the
body is deployed, displayed, and modified [in the living and the dead], that socially
appropriate understandings are formed and reproduced.” Such knowledge may range
from routines of behavior, personal presentation, work and consumption, to prescribed
practices of ritual and ceremonial activity. Practice-centered approaches to the analysis of
social change are rooted in the socially educated bodies of individuals and their
repertoires of behavior that are socially and culturally learned.

The notion of material practice as constituting and actively transforming the


parameters of social experience and learning also is integral to our approach. Within this
framework, material data should be studied, not just through predetermined categories
such as “technology”, “art”, “administration”, and “religion”, but also as mutually
constitutive elements within total, developing forms of social life. For the Andes, perhaps
one of the most fertile grounds for such an approach lies in funerary practices, which
offer a continuous record of structured activity, implicating both bodies and artifacts
14

(e.g., tombs, offerings) in the transformation of the social experience and the inferred
Maussian-like understandings assigned to it. Instead of seeing this patterning of the
archeological record as a material bias to be corrected or minimized, it can be turned to
our advantage by placing activities surrounding death and the body at the core of
interpretations of long-term social changes. This does not mean treating funerary remains
as if they were snapshots of mundane life, rather than the outcome of purposeful ritual
transformations. In this exemplary case, what is asserted is that the relationships between
the living and the dead—sustained, negotiated, and altered through ritual activity—were
deeply interwoven, albeit in complex and indirect ways, with the material conditions of
social existence and production: sufficiently interwoven to provide meaningful insights
into Andean ontologies and historical and social developments throughout time and
space. Our tasks are to identify, reconstruct, and understand the histories and meanings of
these different ontologies, and what they might imply about broader human processes.

It also is useful to view these and other approaches presented throughout this
essay as extensions or externalized images of the human mind, which, for the purpose of
this argument, views mental constructs externalized into the physical world through
material representations. An example is the idea of “Gods”, often depicted in material
images and figurines, but also a mental construct or idea as well. “Gods,” writes the
Indian anthropologist, Chakrabarty (2000:78), “are as real as ideology is—that is to say,
they are embedded [and given meaning] in practices” enacted in mundane events and in
formal ritual and other activities in the real physical world, but they also are internalized
as complementary mental or metaphysical constructs. The idea is that people are divided
into an inner person and an outer person, so that information collected in the outside or
external world is internalized, and used to reconstruct a Peircian-like semiotic or mental
image of the outside world. In a sense, this can be seen as a Cartesian model in which a
person inhabits a geometrical world of objects (sensu Heidegger), and all meanings are
events that take place in the metaphysical world of the mind. Language, symbols, and
mental constructs are thus the means by which meanings produced inside the mind are
transformed into physical objects, whether they are objects, landscapes, modified bodies,
dances, and so forth. Thinking in terms of collective social transmissions, interactive
practices, and agencies, these meanings vis-à-vis the physical world are decoded by other
minds through everyday practices and encounters by using the same semiotic apparatus
the mind uses to perceive the outside world in general. These are arbitrary semiotic
frameworks of reference constructed by and across physical surfaces. Agency comes into
play when individuals and collective social bodies employ these frameworks as mental
and physical knowledges to negotiate their own goals through interactive practices in
everyday life.
15

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