Springer Protocols

Powered by DeepDyve
Top of Form

Enter a sentence, or cut and paste a paragraph

Filter

Search
Bottom of Form
Advanced Filters
Top of Form

• Find information that...

• must have these words:

• does not have these words:

• Title contains these words:

• Author:

• Date:

• to

Reset filtersSearch

Bottom of Form

Arabic loan phonology: the assimilation of English lexical

items

THORNBURG, LINDA
Linguistics - An Interdisciplinary Journal of the Language Sciences, Volume 18 (5-6)
deGruyter – Jan 1, 1980
• PublisherWalter de Gruyter

• CopyrightCopyright © 2009 Walter de Gruyter

• ISSN0024-3949

• D.O.I.10.1515/ling.1980.18.5-6.523

This study analyses a corpus of English lexical items borrowed by Arabic in terms of the
imperfect assimilation of these items from one phonological system (English) into the
recipient system (Arabic). Specifically, the analysis looks at (1) the alteration of the
phonological composition of new consonantal segments and sequences introduced to
Arabic by the incoming English lexical items and (2) apparent changes in Arabic
phonology as exemplified by the adapted items. Borrowing rules are proposed to account
for the data relating to (1) above with a discussion of examples and exceptions to these
rules. Alterations in permissible Arabic consonant clusters and canonical syllable
structure are discussed with reference to contemporary theory. The problems associated
with formulating abstract and concrete grammars are given particular attention as are the
formal and functional properties of phonological rules. 1. Introduction The fundamental
point of this study of Arabic loan-words is to confront the problems inherent in collecting
and analysing phonological data with the goal of proposing an adequate explanation of
the observations. Therefore, I shall relate the data to various phonological theories
insofar as the latter are relevant to the explanation of the former. The inclusion of
theoretical issues offered as background for the analysis is required to provide a
principled means of explication and a way to generalize beyond the data immediately at
hand. In light of current theoretical considerations, I will refer to analyses of loan-words
as presented by Hyman (1970, 1975), Shibatani (1973), Holden (1972) and Hooper (1972,
1976). Much of the data will be seen to support analyses by Holden and Hooper. In
particular, support is found for syllable structure constraints and consonant hierarchies.
Linguistics 18 (1980), 523-542. 0024-3949/80/0018-0523 $2.00 © Mouton Publishers,
The Hague Linda Thornburg Lexical borrowing and generative phonology A loan-word
represents the integration into a recipient language of both the form and meaning of a
lexical item originating in another language. Those loans which are 'fully assimilated'
(Bynon, 1977: 225) into the recipient language are identical in terms of the sounds (and
their distribution) of the item in the donor language. Holden (1972: 4) refers to these
items as 'adoptions' while reserving the term 'adaptation' to refer to the process in the
recipient language of altering the phonological make-up of the incoming item. The
observation that foreign words tend to be modified when borrowed by another language
suggests that the phenomenon of linguistic borrowing is a potentially fertile and revealing
area of research for generative phonologists who, by definition, are concerned with
formulating a grammar that reflects a native speaker's knowledge of his language. The
generative nature of such a grammar -- the fact that it is rule-, or process-, based -- must
withstand various tests of reliability and validity in order to survive as a viable linguistic
model. Borrowing serves as such a test. Anttila, for example, refers to the use of
borrowing as 'a window to the psychological reality of abstract phonology' (1972: 158). By
comparing the source and adapted form of a loan-word and relating the two with a rule of
adaptation, One could then compare such rules with the rules of the phonological
component of [the recipient] grammar and observe the degree of similarity between the
two' (Holden, 1972: 243). High degrees of similarity and predictability attest to the
mental reality of the borrower's grammar. Although they disagree over the nature and
formulation of phonological constraints on rules, Shibatani (1973) and Hyman (1970)
also use borrowing as evidence for the psychological reality of linguistic processes. The
process of adaptation, then, provides insight into the inner workings of a phonological
system and offers evidence which can be used to evaluate opposing theories. In addition
to attesting to the psychological reality of generative grammars, loan-word studies bear
on other aspects of the synchronic description of grammars. Although the value of
phonological gaps in generative theory is an open issue, the results of this study support
the contention that by observing borrowing phenomena in a language, the range, degree
of flexibility and vulnerability, and rate of change of gaps may be determined. Moreover,
constraints operating in the phonological system of a borrowing language are illuminated
in a positive way. Rather than search for what does not or cannot exist in a given
phonological system, a researcher is able to observe the holes and prohibitions as
manifested in the borrowings. In the same way, the degree of strength and Arabic loan
phonology flexibility and inclination of constraints to change are brought to light in the
loan-word assimilation process.l Finally, the synchronic study of borrowing phenomena
may verify the need to consider a linguistic construct in a new way, the current example
being the theoretical argument over the productivity of the syllable unit in explaining
phonological data. Hyman (1975) rejects the need to resort to the syllable. Since a
phonological rule may be formulated to capture the same environment as a syllable, by
avoiding reference to the syllable, redundant information in the grammar is eliminated.
On the opposing side, Hooper (1972, 1976) argues in favour of the syllable as the basic
unit for expressing sequential constraints and proposes 'that syllable structure conditions
be stated as positive conditions on sequences of $s and segments' (1976: 192) thereby
capturing generalizations about a language's canonical syllable structure as well as
functioning as a generative rule. While the products of linguistic borrowing lend
themselves to observation, measurement, and analysis, one's methodological techniques
and theoretical predilections may well influence the approach to data, its description, and
explanation. The controversy over the utility of the syllable in phonological theory is an
example of a current theoretical argument, the consequences of which have direct bearing
on loan-word analysis. In this case some generative phonologists do not observe the
syllable unit, considering it unnecessary and avoidable, while others claim that doing so is
misleading and artificial. It will be seen in this study that the syllable unit is both valuable
and productive. In addition to questions regarding the validity of certain linguistic
constructs, one's generative theoretical approach must consider the problems inherent in
defining a linguistic rule. Consequently, three kinds of rules will be discussed:
phonological rules of transformationalgenerative phonology (TGP), P- and MP-rules of
natural generative phonology (NGP) and the assimilation rules Holden proposes for the
analysis of the borrowing process. As will be pointed out, the formulation and
justification of these rules relates directly to the abstractness controversy in generative
phonology, specifically the abstractness of underlying systematic phonemic
representations from which phonological rules derive surface representations -- the basic
structure of the TG model. The essential motivating principle in constructing this model,
the achievement of simplification and refinement of the GRAMMAR (rules) ITSELF, has
recently come under attack. Bynon, for example, concludes that this principle is
insufficiently comprehensive in that it fails to account for linguistic variation which
'appears to be motivated by the structure of the output of the grammar rather than the
structure of the grammar itself Linda Thornburg (1977: 132). This points to the central
goal in contemporary phonological theory: to formulate the best possible model in terms
of both internal structure and descriptive adequacy. The renewed interest in output
conditions rather than internal conditions has caused generative linguists to reconsider
explanatory power in a new way. The basic structure of the TG model consists of the
abstract level of phonological representations and extrinsically ordered phonological
rules which map the systematic phonemic level onto the systematic phonetic level. TGP
allows a high degree of abstractness of underlying forms; NGP places the strongest
possible constraints on abstractness, not only on underlying forms but on rules as well --
to such an extent that NGP does not allow abstract rules at all. Thus phonetically
conditioned rules operate in environments which are specifiable only in phonetic terms --
by phonological FEATURES having phonetic content and BOUNDARIES that are
phonetically manifested (syllable and pause boundaries). On the other hand,
morphophonemic rules in NGP, those which are sensitive to syntactic or semantic
information in the surface environment (i.e. diacritic features, word and morpheme
boundaries), operate on (1) morphological or syntactic categories, producing such
alterations as required for plural or tense formation, or (2) arbitrary lexical categories.
This distinction in NGP between P-rules and MP-rules, based on the presence of phonetic
versus non-phonetic information in surface environments, is a radical innovation in
generative theory, representing a crucial departure from the basic transformational
approach. Recently, however, attempts have been made in TGP theory to make the
phonological component more sensitive to surface properties. Notably, Shibatani (1973)
has advocated the inclusion of surface phonetic constraints (SPCs) which function as
well-formedness conditions on phonetic structures. Holden's study of the assimilation of
loan-words (1972) claims (1) that binary distinctive features are only marginally
significant in predicting segments which replace foreign sounds (contrary to the view
held at the time and expressed by Anttila (1972: 158) that 'borrowers apparently make a
kind of distinctive feature analysis of the foreign sounds and assign them to the closest
native bundle') and (2) that the phonological rules of the 'internally-motivated rules of
the phonological component of the target language... only infrequently and under very
specific conditions' correspond to the rules of assimilation in the borrowing process. A
borrower's perception of foreign words, Holden argues, is based on hierarchically ordered
acoustic cues which seem to be a function of the phonetic constraints in the recipient
language -- a concept akin to Shibatani's SPCs and Hooper's P-rules. In rejecting the
assumption that "a universally defined distinctive feature is the minimal phonetic unit of
perception and reproduction' (1972: 40) Holden suggests that phonetic Arabic loan
phonology cues might come from other segments in the speech signal -- and Hooper
would agree that the syllable unit is just such a source. This analysis of loan-word systems
is in direct contrast with Hyman's (1970) proposition that 'foreign sounds are perceived
in terms of underlying forms' (p. 19). Holden counters Hyman's hypothesis with the
observation that it doesn't account for borrowed segments which correspond to neither
underlying nor surface forms of the recipient language. The sequential constraints
referred to by Holden are elaborated in Hooper's surface phonetic analysis of consonantal
strength hierarchies and syllable structure constraints -- the only difference between her
analysis and Holden's hypothesis being that she postulates a more universal application
of surface phonetic phenomena while Holden apparently believes such properties to be
language specific. Nevertheless, Holden's rules of assimilation are more closely aligned
with an NGP rather than with a TGP approach, focusing on the primacy of the surface
level over the abstract level to explain the phenomenon of borrowing. 3. Arabic
assimilation of English loan-words 3.1. The sound system of Arabic The consonant chart
for Contemporary Standard Arabic given in Table 1 (Al-Ani, 1970) was used as the basis
for the analysis of my data. In addition I referred to the consonant chart provided by
Zughoul (1978: 216) specifically for eastern province Saudi Arabic, the dialect of my
informant. Zughoul's chart differs from Al-Ani's in minor ways: ( l ) / g / is listed as a
phoneme in the spoken Arabic of Saudi Arabia, replacing /q/ of classical Arabic; (2) p is
listed as an allophone of /b/. (Zughoul claims this allophonic variant is produced by
Arabic speakers before voiceless consonants.); (3) /c/ is listed as a phoneme in the
spoken dialect of eastern province Saudi Arabic. It is neither represented in the writing
system nor one of the sounds of classical Arabic. More will be said about these
discrepancies in section 3.3. 3.2. Description of informant and data collection My
informant Mohammed, from the East District of the Arabian Peninsula, grew up and
spent most of his life in the city of Al-Hafuf where an American affiliated oil company has
been established since 1936, seven years prior to his birth. A list of 283 borrowed English
words was Table I Linda Thornburg The Consonants Horizontal Place of Articulation
Labiodental Interdental Bilabial Nasals vl. m t b d t *d r 3 Stops vd. Trill vl. f s S z
Fricatives vd. Sonorants * h *> *d occurs only in the colloquial speech of the Christian
Arabs in Iraq. Pharyngeal Glottal This chart is adopted, with modification, from: Gordon
E. Peterson, and June E. Shoup, *A Physiological Theory of Phonetics', Journal of Speech
and Hearing Research, 9:1.45, 1966. compiled over a period of two weeks as they
occurred to the informant. These lexical items were attested by Mohammed to be in
general use in his native speech community. Each item in the corpus was discussed to
verify that its semantic content had not varied in the borrowing process. Mohammed
wrote the words in Arabic orthography-and repeated each twice into a tape recorder at a
normal-to-careful rate of speech providing plural forms where possible. Transcriptions
were made in IPA of the informant's taped pronunciation of the words which were than
analysed for changes in the phonological content from the source form. 2 3.3. Analysis of
data This analysis of Arabic loan-words specifically examines alterations in English
consonantal segments and sequences which appear to result from Vertical Place of
Articulation cd rtca £ 5 < Uvular Arabic loan phonology their adaptation to the Arabic
phonological system. To descriptively capture these systematic shifts from the source
word, borrowing rules are formulated and compared with the language internal rules of
Arabic insofar as the latter are known. Exceptions, cases where the borrowing rules are
blocked, are examined. In light of the preceding discussion of phonological rules, a word
should be said about the formal and functional properties of the rules proposed in this
analysis. Borrowing rules referring to adapted consonantal segments are formalized in
the most general way possible; i.e. they are not represented in terms of distinctive
features of underlying, abstract forms. For example, the borrowing rule representing the
adaptation of English /p/, a non-existent phoneme in Arabic, to the nearest Arabic
equivalent, /b/, looks like this: p -> b. In each case where an English consonant is
transformed to one more Arabic in nature, the relevant environment is noted. In this
regard, then, particular attention to surface phonetic phenomena such as syllable
boundaries and sequential constraints are taken into consideration as possible
explanatory influences. Hence, this study will take a more empirical approach to the data,
referring more to available concrete information than to the phonological rules of the
dialect itself. The above describes one-half of the analysis, namely the process of Arabic
adaptation of new consonants and consonant clusters. As well, I will present data which
illustrate that even permissible canonical Arabic forms are subject to adaptations, i.e.
loans which manifest alterations in allowable consonant clusters and syllable structure.
Explanations will be offered for these phenomena with reference to Hooper's syllable
structure constraints and consonantal strength hierarchies. 3.3.1. Adaptation of new
consonantal segments. The data indicate that the phonological system of East District
Saudi Arabic (EDSA) lacks /p/, /v/, and /rj/ in accordance with the consonantal chart
(Table 1) for Contemporary Standard Arabic (CSA). The phonemic status of /c/ in EDSA
as claimed by Zughoul (1978: 221) -- (it is not phonemically represented in CSA) -- is
questionable. This study will include /c/ in the analysis of adapted new segments
although the justification for doing so is moot. As well, /g/ will be accepted as a phoneme
in EDSA according to Zughoul. 1. /p/ (a) Borrowing Rule: p -»b (b) Language Internal
Rule (optional): b -> b"1/ /p/ is not phonemic in either CSA or EDSA, nor is it
represented in the orthography. The absence in Arabic phonology of this segment con-
Linda Thornburg In five of 12 cases3 where /b/ occurs in initial position, the + vd feature
of the segment is altered. This devoicing, marked by a small ' under the segment, occurs
uniformly before stressed, + low vowels which, in all but one case ('passport') are +back
as well. The de-voicing of /b/ indicates a strengthening of the segment in this
environment. That a -vd consonant is stronger than a +vd one, is proposed by Hooper's
universal strength hierarchy4 (1972: 206) given here: glides liquids nasals +vdcontin --vd
con tin -hvdstop 5 -- vd( --vd stop affricates?) 6 Initial position (in the syllable or word) is
a strong position and tends to be occupied by stronger consonants (Hooper, 1972: 197).
The data from EDSA confirm this tendency in addition to suggesting that the /p/ gap in
the phonological system is susceptible to being filled in the particular environment of
stressed, initial syllables containing H-low, +back vowels. The two notable exceptions to
the strengthening tendency (where heavy prevoicing takes place) may, in the first case, be
attributed to the fact that 'pool' is the only monosyllabic item in this subset of data. In the
second case, both the syllable structure and stress pattern are changed from the Arabic
loan phonology Borrowing rule (a) applies systematically when English segment /p/
occurs intervocalically in all three pieces of data. Each item becomes interesting,
however, when recourse is made to syllable structure for further explanation.
Strengthening takes place in 'encyclopedia' but not in Opera' or 'super' (market). Initial
position in a stressed syllable appears to be the most plausible explanation for this
phenomenon. This may be an indication that the strengthening process functions
according to a hierarchy of factors -- initial position in a stressed syllable being the most
important. Borrowing rule (a), accompanied by Hooper's syllable structure constraint
(SSC), accounts in a non ad hoc way for all the data presented thus far. Additional surface
and abstract explanations will be entertained in the discussion of the two remaining
environments in which segment /p/ appears: consonant clusters and word- (or syllable-)
final position. consonant clusters 'propaganda' brabagaendo 'plug' blaek 'plaster' blaestir
'plastic' blaestik exceptions to rule (a) 'chips' cips 'helicopter' heilokaptsr 'captain' kaeptin
'express' ekspres To first consider the set of initial consonant clusters containing
borrowed /p/, it is immediately obvious that rule (a) applies consistently. According to
Hyman's theory of borrowing, the foreign sound 'p' would be perceived by Arabs in terms
of the underlying form /b/ in their phonological system. This underlying form would be
systematically related to surface forms by means of the system's phonological rules.
Interestingly, the above subset of data offers counter-evidence to Hyman's theory due to
the constraint in Arabic against initial consonant clusters (section 3.3.2.). We are left,
then, with no explanation for the appearance of phonetic [b] in these loan-words.
However, a surface, phonetic explanation of the occurrence in the loanword data of
phoneme b + liquid in word-initial position, otherwise impermissible in Arabic, would
once again rely on Hooper's universal consonantal strength scale and SSCs. She claims
that 'syllable-initial 532 Linda Thornburg position may be filled with a C of any strength
value' (1976: 209) but that 'the first member of a syllable-initial cluster must be
considerably stronger than the second member' (p. 211). Hooper defines 'considerably' to
be three points on the scale. Accordingly, the -hvd, -hstop segment (b = 5) combines
easily with a -f liquid segment (l, r = 2). If initial consonant clusters are indeed an
accidental gap in EDSA phonology, a phonetic analysis of the loan-word data offers a
principled reason why this particular cluster type is readily adopted. In considering the
second set of consonant clusters, those which appear in syllable- or word-final position,
we see that these items are exceptions to borrowing rule (a). Zughoul's explanation (1978:
211) -- that [p] occurs as an allophone of Arabic /b/ before -vd consonants -- appears
acceptable and accounts for three of the four items. In TG theory Zughoul's explanation
describes the phonological process of assimilation in which a feature of one segment
becomes identical to that of an adjacent segment. Thus a +vd consonant becomes -- vd
before another -- vd consonant. Yet, there may be other motivations for this process in
these particular loanwords -- at least one which would perhaps explain in a more
universal way the presence of phonetic [p] in these environments. Vennemann (cited in
Hooper, 1972: 201) has argued that the process of assimilation is a weakening process
and the fact that it occurs in syllable-final position is natural due to the following
universal strength relations proposed by Hooper for universal syllable structure (1972:
199): MARGIN NUCLEUS MARGIN obstruents nasals liquids glides vowels glides liquids
nasals obstruents Least vowel-like Most vowel-like Less vowel-like STRONG WEAK
WEAK Thus in syllable-final position, we are likely to observe processes of weakening.
final position 'cup' 'tape' 'pipe' 'telescope' 'jeep' kob"1 teib"1 beib~" teteskob"1 jeb"1
exceptions to rule (b) 'lamp' lambs 'Pope' bäba 'camp' kaemph These data, conforming to
language internal rule (b) (consonants in final position tend to be unreleased) give
additional support to the preceding universal syllable-strength relations. The exceptions
are of little note. Unreleasing the segment [b] in final position in 'lamp' would cause it to
disappear, thus the syllable structure of the loan-word may have been Arabic loan
phonology reorganized to a preferred structure (CVCV) which retains the segment. Tope'
is most likely borrowed from Italian [papa] which undergoes the borrowing rule (a). The
assimilation of'camp' is a true counterexample to the rules and explanations given thus
far. Perhaps it is a fully assimilated loan in the informant's lexicon. The discussion of
Arabic adaptation of English /p/ as it is encountered in loan-words has been extensive for
two reasons: (1) to exemplify the kinds of analyses loan-words are subject to -- (rather
than repeat the same arguments in subsequent discussion, they, for the sake of economy,
will be referred to and generalized to other data in this study) and (2) because the data
are extensive and rich, giving insight not only to the EDSA phonological system but to
potential language universals as well. 2. /v/ (c) f fwl> / Borrowing Rule: v -» <
fid>Oofikswodkswazlinbalibol exceptions to rule (c) 'vacation' vakeisan 'volt' voilt 'V-8'
vei:t 'vanilla' vanila 'virus' vairus data 'video' 'Vicks' 'vodka' 'Vaseline' 'volley ball' English
phoneme /v/ is not in the phonology of classical Arabic or (EDSA). In three cases in the
data /v/ is strengthened according to the SSC proposed above: consonants in -f stress
initial position become stronger (and become [f] or [b]). Unstressed /v/ in 'Vaseline' is
weakened to a glide. Zughoul (p. 221) gives /v/ -> /w/ between long and short vowels (my
data lack this environment, thus his rule cannot be tested) and before /a/. My data refute
this last rule suggesting that more attention be given to stress characteristics of the
syllable environment. The larger number of exceptions to borrowing rule (c), i.e. the
numerous adoptions of segment /v/, suggest that this gap in the phonology is more easily
filled that the /p/ gap, even though [p] exists allophonically in Arabic phonology in
limited environments. To propose a tentative hierarchy for the degree of difficulty of
borrowing in EDSA: /v/ > /p/. 3. /c/ (d) Borrowing Rule: c -> s data exceptions to rule
(d) 'check' (n) seik 'chocolate' cakleit 'cheer' sir 'chips' cips 'check' (v) seiyik 'switch' swic
'clutch' kaelaes/c Linda Thornburg /c/ is problematic and does not lend itself to ready
explanation. It was not phonemic in classical Arabic; neither is it represented in
contemporary orthography. However, Zughoul (p. 221) claims it has a phonemic
counterpart in spoken EDSA but is adapted to /§/ so that it can be written. My borrowing
rule (d) applies without exception to his data, yet my own data are inconclusive. The
status of /c/ in EDSA will remain moot in this study.5 4. /rj / (e) Borrowing Rule: rj ->
n(gh) (spreading, de- voicing, aspiration) data exception to rule (e) 'spring' springh 'ping
pong' birjborj 'Boeing' booing*1 Tang' taengh ° 'smoking jacket' smokmjaeket 'baking
powder' baekinbawdsr 'Westinghouse' W8stmghaus 'wedding ring' wedingring*1 In
discussing Russian borrowing of English loan-words ending with the suffix -ing and the
resistance of the language to assimilate /rj/ (a gap in Russian phonology), Holden (p.
229) makes mention of the plentiful evidence in the languages of the world that supports
the general phonetic tendency 'to assimilate nasals to the place of articulation of a
following stop, a tendency which would appear to be strongest when the nasal and stop
are in the same syllable'. Thus we would expect: wherever such nasal clusters are allowed.
He explains the failure of this general phonetic tendency to function in Russian
phonology due to the overbearing language-specific constraint on nasal -f obstruent
sequences. In the phonology of EDSA we appear to have: a. - t k b d g m n - Although
Zughoul (p. 221) asserts /g/ is phonemic in EDSA, this segment is neither phonemic in
CSA (see Table 1) nor represented in the orthography (it is changed to k). From the data
at hand it appears the processes at work in the adaptation in EDSA of the borrowed /rj/
(spreading, de-voicing, aspiration) are those which render it more like the segment /k/ or
cluster /nk/, both of which are indisputably part of the Arabic loan phonology EDSA
phonology. Unlike Russian, there is no constraint against nasal -f obstruent in either CSA
or EDSA. Since the articulation of the adapted form is something akin to n + k or g but
not quite, the tendency to assimilate the nasal to the place of articulation of the following
obstruent does not produce //. That the Adapted form of the obstruent alters the source
form in the direction of a more native form (but not to the extent that assimilation takes
place) suggests that the // gap is resistant to being filled. I tentatively propose that /g/ is
not phonemic in EDSA (as was accepted in section 3.3.1.) and that a. should be revised to:
b. - t k b d m n - If the absence or marginal existence of /g/ in EDSA does indicate a
phonemic gap or near gap, certain ADOPTED items in the data suggest that it might
easily be filled, e.g., 4gas', 'gear', 'garage', and 'dig'. Nevertheless, EDSA does not
produce //. The one apparent exception is cping pong' which was variably pronounced by
my informant (see this same item on p. 526). To conclude this section on the adaptation
of consonantal segments, I'll offer a revision of the proposed degree-of-difficulty
hierarchy of EDSA foreign sound assimilation: /v/) // >> / P / > / q / L(/g/)J 3.3.2.
Adaptation oj new consonantal clusters. In CSA consonant clusters never occur initially,
only medially and finally (Al-Ani, p. 78). This constraint applies to EDSA as well.6
Exceptions have already been cited in section 3.3.1., e.g. /b/ + liquid. The explanation for
the ability of the language to violate its restriction on initial clusters was based on
Hooper's syllable structure constraint and consonantal strength scale. There were many
other such examples of adopted English clusters in initial position which do conform to
Hooper's prescription that the second consonant in the cluster be considerably weaker
than the first. These adopted items will not be further elaborated in this paper. Rather, I
would like to turn attention to EDSA adaptation of two such clusters not unlike many
others which were readily adopted. Linda Thorn burg kaelaesdarsektir data 'clutch'
"tractor' Relative to these items, Holden tests the hypothesis that impermissible
consonant clusters will be modified in the recipient language by epenthesis rather than by
deletion. His examples from Japanese, Malagasy, Turkish, and Finnish fail, however, to
support his hypothesis and he comes to the conclusion that the restructuring of a non-
canonical syllable shape to canonical form is language-specific and that the choice of the
epenthesized vowel is arbitrary. The above impasse in addition to Zughoul's lack of
explanation suggest that another approach is needed. In terms of syllable structure the
adaptation of these items are: 'clutch' 'tractor' CCVC->CVCVC CCVC CVC -> CV CVC CVC
In the adapted form of'tractor' stress is placed on the second syllable and the initial
consonant is weakened -- the only case of its kind in my data and Zughoul's. An
explanation for the shift from /t/ to /d/ could lie in the fact that the first syllable in the
adapted form is unstressed -- weak in relation to the second. Moreover, in the weakening
process, the initial consonant weakens as well (from a value of 6 to 5 on Hooper's scale).
Perhaps a better explanation for the shift in syllable structure in these two loans is that
they are older or original items in the loan-word lexicon of EDSA and persist as relic
forms after the constraint on initial consonant clusters weakened. Given the presence of
the loan 'tractor' in his dialect, I asked my informant how he would assimilate a new loan,
'director', to see if either 'director' or 'tractor' would be altered in order to maintain a
semantic contrast between the two similar forms. 'Director' was borrowed as: dai:raektir.
Semantic distinction was preserved by lengthening and diphthongizing the vowel in the
initial syllable which could possibly be evidence for the recalcitrant nature of older
adaptations when confronted with phonetically similar newer loan-words. 3.3.3.
Alterations in permissible consonantal clusters. The remaining two sections of the data
analysis shift focus from EDSA adaptations of English forms to alterations in the
recipient system as a result of borrowing. Some examples of this phenomenon have
already been mentioned, for example, tendencies to fill gaps and tolerate new segments.
The following discussion will look at changes in consonant clusters and syllable structure
in more detail. Table 2 is from Al-Ani (p. 81) and applies to CSA. Arabic loan phonology
Table 2 Possibilities of Final Consonant Clusters b t t d d 3 f O k q y "R h ·> y + + + + + +
+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + b t t d d 3 f s s z + 44- + + + + 4 44+ + + + +
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+ + + + + 4- + + + + + + 4 4- + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 4- + 4- + + + +
+ 4 + + + + + 4- 4 4- + + + + + 4 4- + + + + 4 4- + + + m n r 1 k 4 4- 4- + + + + + + + + +
+ + + + + 444 + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + y ·R h ·> +
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+ + + + + + + + 538 Linda Thornburg The discussion of alterations in permissible Arabic
consonant clusters as evidenced in loan-words will be restricted to clusters in final
position since there is nothing in my data relevant to changes in permissible clusters in
medial position or that cannot be explained in terms of syllable structure conditions, i.e.
medial clusters which result from adjacent syllables. From Table 2 it is evident that very
many possibilities of consonant clusters are allowed in final position. Nevertheless, the
loan-word data given below provide exceptions. data (The clusters are exemplified.) tl/_#
1m ns rdksnkts listed on the left are allowed in EDSA;7adapted forms 'kettle' 'film'
'ambulance' 'custard' 'yard' 'statistics' 'physics' 'barracks' 'tank' 'spirits'
keitlifilimambaluskAstiryiardastaetikfisiabarastitanki 8 Since these particular consonant
clusters are permissible in final position in EDSA, it is impossible to determine exactly
why they change in loanword environments. It is easy to conjecture that the alterations
are motivated by surface structure constraints and/or pressure to conform to a more
basic CV structure but that explanation is probably oversimplified. The fact is these final
clusters are permissible, so why don't they simply persist in the loan form? The answer is
most likely a combination of factors that operates to mark a word as foreign when
perceived by the borrower. Holden's notion of acoustic cues may well pertain to the
explanation of these data, an explanation which can be elaborated only after these cues
(not to be mistaken for distinctive features) are interrelated with the phonetic system of
the recipient language. 3.3.4. Alterations in Arabic syllable structure. The canonical
syllable patterns for CSA (Al-Ani, p. 86) and EDSA8 are: short-- CV long -- .CVCC
--occurs only finally or in isolation cvccvvcvvcJ -- occur initially, medially, and finally
Arabic loan phonology From the above it is evident that all syllables and words must
begin with a consonant and the glottal stop is said to be present before all apparent
vowel-initial words. The following data represent a weakening of the CV constraint. data
Off 'overtime' 'ice cream' Orange juice' Oldsmobile' 'RCA' 'automatic' 'iodine' Oxygen'
'acid' Opera' 'asphalt' OK' 'exercise' 'express' 'aspirin' 'album' 'electronic' of
ortaimaiskrimoranjusaldizmoobilarsieiotomaetikaidinoksajinaesidoberasfltokeiekssrsaiz
eksprcssesperin album etektroni In contrast to the above data, the VC structure in word-
initial position of many loans is riot accepted in EDSA. The majority of word-initial
syllables containing V + sonorant reduce to -f-sonorant only or disappear altogether. data
'influenza' 'international' 'anthropology' 'amplifier' 'inch' 'emergency' 'elastic'
fMnzshntirnaessnalGroboloji (ae)mblifir () ()]8 Isestaek exceptions 'antenna' 'Amana'
'encyclopedia' 'America' sentelensikloobidiaamrika I offer these data to give evidence for
a hypothesis that the initial CV constraint in EDSA is weakening. Sonorants in the initial
VC syllable appear to have a tendency to reduce the syllable or word to a preferable
shape; yet there is some counterevidence to this hypothesis. This tendency will have to be
borne out in more data. 540 Linda Thornburg Al-Ani (p. 78) proposes the language
internal rule for CSA: CC#C-»CVC#C (epenthesis). This rule says that consonant clusters
may consist of only two elements except across word boundaries where CCC is broken by
a (short) vowel. Further, this rule specifies that the environment for epenthesis must be
between the two consonants preceding the word boundary. The solution to CC C then is
epenthesis, not C deletion. Discussions with a native EDSA speaker, however, lead me to
the conclusion that this rule is not applicable to EDSA and that no language internal rule
exists in this dialect to break CC#C. The following loan-word data are apparent
exceptions: data 'orange juice' 'baking powder' 'Ritz crackers' 'tract house' (f)
oranjusbaekinbawderriskraekaeraettrakhos The following loan-word rule is derived for
EDSA: Borrowing Rule: CC * C -» C C In each of the exceptional items above, a
weakening process takes place in syllable-final position of the first word of the phrase --
either assimilation or deletion. This analysis based on Hooper's constraints on syllable
structure (elaborated in section 3.3.1.) appears to have some degree of explanatory power
in the EDSA data. Borrowing rule (f) gives further support to the universal application of
SSCs. 3.4. Summary and conclusions The purpose of this data analysis was to specifically
examine changes made in consonantal segments and sequences as a result of the
borrowing of English loan-words into EDSA. In addition, changes in canonical forms as
exhibited in the loan-words were examined. Several conclusions are summarized:
Segments 1. /rj/ represents a true phonetic and phonemic gap in EDSA. The phonemic
status of /g/ is put into question and for this and other reasons, it is suggested that the
/rj/ gap is not susceptible to being filled. 2. /p/ represents a phonemic but not a phonetic
gap. It reveals a tendency to fill -- indicating a susceptibility to surface, phonetic pressure,
namely syllable-initial position. 3. gap. The mere fact that a gap exists does not mean that
it will attract Arabic loan phonology new segments. Rather, phonetic constraints appear
to operate on gaps in EDSA. 4. /c/ has questionable phonemic status in EDSA. 5. /v/
shows some susceptibility to SSCs, i.e. it tends to strengthen in syllable-initial position. It
is not systematically associated with the underlying forms /f/, /w/, and /b/ thus
supporting the argument against the abstract borrowing theory. It is a gap more easily
filled than /p/ even though /v/, unlike /p/, has no phonetic representation in the
phonological system. 6. The degree-of-difficulty hierarchy for adapting new segments:
Sequences 1 . CCs in new environments and new CCs tend to be accepted in EDSA if they
conform to Hooper's strength scale. The constraint against initial CCs appears weak. 2.
Some broken, initial CCs, those which are now tolerated, persist as relic forms
necessitating new forms to alter. 3. Changes in acceptable CCs in final position indicate
the validity of acoustic cues. Syllables 1. Data analysed in terms of phonetic shape support
Hooper's syllable structure constraints. 2. The CV constraint on initial syllables appears
weak and is possibly influenced by a -f-sonarant segment in the syllable. 3.
Counterexamples to the allowable CC#C sequence in EDSA (as exemplified in
borrowings) lend support to the universal application of syllable structure constraints.
Received 21 February 1980 Revised version received 28 July 1980 Department oj
Linguistics University of Southern California Los Angeles, CA 90007 USA Notes * I am
indebted to Masayoshi Shibatani for stimulating my interest in loan phonology and to
Bernard Comrie for his many valuable comments on an earlier version of this paper. 1.
This observation was pointed out to me by Shibatani (personal communication). Linda
Thornburg 2. It should be noted that a large part of the data is independently
corroborated in Zughoul (1978). 3. Stress is unmarked except in cases where it is not
predictable from the source form. 4. The use of strength in this context is not to be
confused with the use on p. 520 where the term refers to the resistance to change in gaps
and constraints; i.e. Hooper claims /p/ is a universally stronger SEGMENT than /b/
while it is proposed in this study that the resistance of the /p/ GAP in EDSA is weak. 5.
Comrie has pointed out to me that /c/ exists in Persian loans in Gulf Arabic. The
possibility of the segment being stigmatized further confuses the issue in EDSA. 6. I am
grateful to RihabMassoud for this information. 7. Massoud. 8. Massoud. References Al-
Ani, S. H. (1970). Arabic Phonology: an Acoustical and Physiological Investigation. Paris:
Mouton. Anttila, R. (1972). An Introduction to Historical and Comparative Linguistics.
New York: Macmillan Publishing Co. Inc. Bynon, T. (1977). Historical Linguistics.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Holden, K. T. (1972). Loan words and
phonological systems.Ph.D. thesis, The University of Texas at Austin.Hooper, J.
(1972).The syllable in phonological theory. Language 48, 525-540. --(1976). An
Introduction to Natural Generative Phonology. New York: Academic Press. Hyman, L.
(1970). The role of borrowing in the justification of phonological grammars. Studies in
African Linguistics 1, 1-48. --(1975). Phonology: Theory and Analysis. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston. Shibatani, M. (1973).The role of surface phonetic constraints in
generative phonology. Language 49, 87-105. Zughoul, M. R. (1978). Lexical interference
of English in eastern province Saudi Arabic. Anthropological Linguistics 20, 214-225

View alldataSource[]=degruyterMoreLike This:

Top of Form

Search
Bottom of Form
Copyright © 2011 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC. All rights reserved.

Saving a Document
To save a document, please log in first, or sign up for a DeepDyve Pro account if you don't already
have one.

OK