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Alexander the Great and Jaddus the High Priest According to Josephus

Author(s): Shaye J. D. Cohen

Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 41-68
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies
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PerhapsthemostfamoussectionofthesecondhalfofJosephus's Jewish
is the
Antiquities story ofAlexander theGreat andtheJews (AJ11.302-47).
It consistsofthreestrands:
a storyaboutManasses,Sanballat,andAlexan-
der;a storyaboutJaddusand Alexander; andhistorical
II, DariusIII, and AlexandertheGreat.In thefirststrandManasses,a
brother ofthehighpriestJaddus, marriesthedaughterofSanballat,satrap
ofSamaria,andas a resultis ejectedfromJerusalem
andfleesto hisfather-

NOTE: This paper is part of a largerproject"Josephusand Rabbinic Historiography"which

was begunin 1977undera grantfromtheNational EndowmentfortheHumanities.Research
on thispaperwas supportedbya generousgrantfromtheAbbellPublicationFund oftheJew-
ish TheologicalSeminary.I am gratefulto thelate ProfessorElias Bickermanfordiscussingthe
Jaddusstorywithme and for referring me to the importantparallel in Justin.Throughthe
courtesyof ProfessorYosef Hayim YerushalmiI presenteda summaryof this paper to a
Columbia University seminarand benefited fromtheensuingdiscussion.
are mineunlessotherwisenoted.The followingabbreviationsare used: AJ=
All translations
Josephus,Antiquitates Judaicae;BJ= Josephus,BellumJudaicum;CA= Josephus,ContraApio-
nem;Cohen = ShayeJ.D. Cohen,Josephusin GalileeandRome: His Vitaand Development as a
Historian(Leiden, 1979); FGrH = Felix Jacoby,Die Fragmente dergriechischenHistoriker,15
vols. (Leiden, 1957-68). Yosipponis citedfromtheeditionofDavid Flusser(Jerusalem,1978).


in-law.Sanballatpromises to builda newtempleforhimandhisJewish fol-

lowersandintends to ask Dariusto authorize theproject. WhenAlexander
is victorious,
Sanballattransfers hisallegianceto theMacedonianconquer-
or and receivespermission fromhimto builda templein Samaria.In the
secondstrand, Alexander demandsthesubmission oftheJewsbutJaddus,
thehighpriest, remains loyal to Darius. Furious at thisrebuff,Alexander
marches on Jerusalem. Encouraged a the
by dream, highpriest theJews
greet Alexander outside the city. The conqueror oftheworldbowsdown
before JaddusanddeclaresthatitwasJadduswhohadappearedtohimina
dreamthreeyearsearlierandhadencouraged himto launchhisexpedition
againstPersia.Amidst generalrejoicing, Alexander enters thetemple, sacri-
ficestotheGod ofIsrael,andbestowsgifts upontheJews.Thethirdstrand
ofthenarrative is nota storybuthistorical dataaboutthedeathofPhilip
andtheconquests ofAlexander inSyriaandalongthePalestinian littoral.
AdolphBfichler demonstrated longago that thethree strandswere origi-
nallyindependent ofeachother.Evenas theystandintheJewish Antiquities
theyare easilyseparablebecausetheyhave beenjuxtaposed,not com-
bined.'Neitherstoryrefers to theother,althoughsuchreferences would
havebeeneasyand naturalhad thetwostoriesshareda commonorigin.
Alexander asksJaddustorequest whatever hewouldlike,butthehighpriest
ofJerusalem forgets to petition Alexander to teardowntherecently con-
structedSamaritantempleor to punishManassesand theapostateJews
whosupport him.Indeed,Jaddusis so unconcerned abouttheschism inthe
Jerusalem community that he does notevenmention it.Sanballattoo is very
He is withAlexander
forgetful. at Tyre(321)justas theMacedonianiswrit-
inghisminatory lettertoJaddus(317),butheforgets to availhimself ofthe
opportunity to demonstrate his dislikeforJerusalem its
and temple.2 In only
onediscrete paragraph (340-44),appended tothenarrative andnotan inte-

1. Adolph Buchler,"La relationde JosepheconcernantAlexandrele Grand," Revuedes

itudesjuives36 (1898): 1-26. The observationsand conjecturesofthisarticlehave been widely
approvedand are conveniently summarizedby Ralph Marcus in an appendixto theLoeb edi-
tionofJosephus,vol. 6, pp. 512-32, esp. 530-32. AryehKasher,"AlexanderMacedon's Cam-
paignin Palestine"[Hebrew],BethMiqra 20 (1975): 196-99, and IsraelLevi,"Alexandreet les
juifsd'apresles sourcesrabbiniques,"Gedenkbuch zurErinnerungan DavidKaufmann (Breslau,
1900),pp. 348-49, argueagainstBiichler(each withhisownreasons)thatthenarrativeis a sin-
gle organiccompositionbutneitheris convincing.
2. The rabbinicversionsof thestory(B. T. Yoma 69a and scholionto MegillatTa'anit,21
Kislev) develop thispoint by havingtheSamaritansask Alexanderto destroytheJerusalem

gralpartof eitherstory,do the actorsof one story(theSamaritans)referto

The third strand too was originallyindependent.Both stories are
anchoredchronologically in thetransitionfromPersianto Macedonianrule
(Sanballat intendsto ask Darius forpermissionto build a templebut asks
Alexanderinstead; Jaddus remainsloyal to Darius and as a resultis the
intendedvictimofAlexander'swrath),but neitherstoryrequiresthelevelof
detail which the thirdstrandprovides.In the sole place wherethe third
strandis closelyintertwined withthetwostories(317-25), we see how much
difficultythe narrator had. AftertakingDamascus and Sidon, Alexander
besiegesTyreand writes to Jaddus (317). Here theJaddusstorybegins.The
kingreceivesthe highpriest'sresponseand threatensto attackJerusalem
(318-19). Unfortunately and inexplicably,aftercapturingTyreAlexander
proceedsnotto Jerusalem butto Gaza (320). Now thatAlexanderis at Gaza
insteadof Jerusalem, thenarratorreturnsto theSanballat storyand brings
theSamaritanto Alexanderwho was just beginninghis siegeof Tyre(321).
Aftertellingus fora second timeabout thecaptureof Tyreand Gaza (this
time,however,addingsomechronologicaldata), thenarratorclosesthefirst
story(Sanballat dies) and bringsthe second storyto its climax(Alexander
approachesJerusalem,325). The historicalsourcegave an accurateoutline
of Alexander'sconquests,3but our narrator,who had littleinterestin the
deeds of Alexanderper se, made use of thisinformation onlyto providea
chronologicalframework forthetwo storieswhichwerehis mainconcern.
Perhapshe failedto producea smoothand coherentnarrativeout ofhisdis-
parate sources, but he succeeded in findingroom for the Jewsand the
Samaritansin Alexander'shurriedschedule.4
Who was thisnarratorwho combinedthe threestrandsinto an almost
coherentnarrative?Was it Josephushimselfor his source? The former
appearslikelyin viewofthefactthatthenarrator'stechniquesareJosephan:
intrusivequotationsfromthehistoricalsourceopen with"about thistime"
(304 and 313) and close with"as has been relatedelsewhere"(305); because
of the contaminationof sourcesthe same eventis relatedmorethan once

3. The sourcetakesAlexanderfromGranicus(313) to Issus (314) to Damascus, Sidon,Tyre

(317), Gaza (320), and perhaps Egypt(345). The chronologicaldata on the durationof the
siegesofTyreand Gaza (325) are confirmed byothersources.
4. Biichler,pp. 4-6, analyzes 317-25 differently
and concludesthatthe historicalsource
was firstcombinedwiththe Sanballat storybeforethe two togetherwerecombinedwiththe

(thecaptureof Tyre);concurrent storiesarejuxtaposed;an apparentdoub-

let is used to strengthen the point of the previousnarrative(340-44).5
Rather than posit the existenceof some lost historianwho happened to
employtheseJosephantechniques,we may assume thatthisJosephus-like
narratorwas Josephushimself.6Previous studentshave not sufficiently
appreciatedthe role of Josephusin shapingthe narrative.For example,
scholarshave pointedto theanachronisticreference to the book of Daniel
(337) and have concluded that the compositionof the Jaddus-Alexander
storypostdatesthe 160sB.C.E..The conclusionis probablyrightbuttherea-
soningis certainly wrong,sinceJosephushimselfmayhave beenresponsible
for the anachronism(see sectionIV below). In this studyof the Jaddus-
Alexanderstory,7 I assumethatJosephuswas nota mindlessparaphraserof
theworkofothers,butwas a real editor,an activeparticipantin the forma-
tion of the storyas we have it. I shall analyzethe literarytypeof the story
(II), its affinities
withotherJewishstories(III), its functionwithintheJew-
ishAntiquities (IV), and itsoriginand date(V).

Any literaryanalysisof the Jaddus-Alexander storymustbe tentative,

sincetheepisode is a complexamalgamof motifsratherthana representa-
tiveof a singlegenre.Some motifscan be tracedto theirsource,otherscan
not. Some can be explainedby appeal to morethanone literarytradition,
and it willbe difficult
to decidewhichsourceis primaryand whichsecond-
ary. These problemsdo not preventliteraryanalysis,but theydo render
uncertainsome of its results.Withall due reserve,then,I suggestthatthe

5. On "as has beenrelatedelsewhere,"see Cohen,p. 45 and p. 169;on "at about thistime,"

see Cohen, pp. 55-56, and 73-74; because of the contaminationof sources AJ 18 mentions
Tiberius'sdeath threetimes(Cohen, p. 65, n. 131); thestoryof theAlexandriandelegationto
Gaius (AJ18.257-60) isjuxtaposedto, notcoordinatedwith,thestoryofGaius, Petronius,and
theJewsof Palestine(AJ18.261-309); Josephusoftenemploysdoublets(Cohen, p. 276, index,
s.v. "doublets"). I hope to demonstrateelsewherethatsections340-44 are Josephus'sown
6. That the compilerof the variousstrandsof the narrativewas Josephushimselfis sug-
gested by Felix Marie Abel, "Alexandrea Jerusalem,"Revue biblique44 (1935): 48, and by
FriedrichPfister,Kleine Schriftenzum Alexanderroman, ed. Reinhold Merkelbach et al.
(Meisenheim,1976),p. 320, n. 59. Biichler,pp. 5 and 25-26, cannot decide.Since Josephus's
techniqueswere the commonplacesof ancienthistoriography (Cohen, pp. 24-33), myargu-
mentis suggestive, notprobative.
7. ElsewhereI hope to studytheSanballatstory.

Jaddus-Alexander storyis a combinationof two substories:the highpriest

and the JewsgreetAlexandertheGreat (an adventusstory);thetempleand
theJewsare rescuedfromAlexandertheGreatbya divinemanifestation (an


Adventus ("arrival") is theLatin wordfortheceremonialreceptionof a

monarchor otherdignitaryupon his arrivalat a city.ThroughoutGreco-
Roman antiquitytheseceremoniesfolloweda regularpattern.9Beforethe
visitor'sarrival,the city would be decorated with wreaths,the temples
would be opened,incensewould be burnt,and a festivalatmospherewould
prevail.Dressed in whiteand bearinggarlands,led by theirpriests,magis-
trates,and otherofficials,all in fulldress,the citizenswould marchout of
the cityto greetthe distinguished visitor.The membersof the procession
would carryvariousinsignia,especiallythe statuesof the citygods. After
greetingswereexchangedthevisitorwould enterthe cityamidstthe accla-
mations,salutations,and generalrejoicingofthecitizenry. Sacrificeswould
be offeredin themain templeof thecity,eitherbythevisitor,or bytheciti-
zens, or by both. Afterthe celebrationsthe visitor,especiallyif he werea
Roman emperor,would distributelargessor respondto therequestsof the
Of thedozensoftextswhichillustratethisgeneraldescription, I citeonly
a few.The firstis the so-calledPapyrusof Gourob, an accountin the first
personplural of the expeditionof PtolemyIII Euergetesduringthe Third
SyrianWar (246 B.C.E.).Here is themonarch'sarrivalat Antioch(thetextis

priests, boardof the
magistrates, young menfrom thegymnasium, the

8. I do not engagein the futileattemptto reconstructtheactual wordsor phrasesof these

9. The equivalentGreek termsare apantesisand hypantesis ("meeting").On the adventus
ceremonysee ErikPeterson,"Die Einholungdes Kyrios,"Zeitschrift fir systematischeTheolo-
gie 7 (1930): 682-702; Tonio H61lscher,VictoriaRomana(Mainz am Rhein, 1967),pp. 48-59;
T. E. V. Pearce, Classical Quarterly64 (1970): 313-16; Sabine MacCormack, "Change and
Continuityin Late Antiquity:The CeremonyofAdventus," Historia21 (1972): 721-52; Fergus
Millar,TheEmperorin theRoman World(London, 1977),pp. 31-40. MacCormackand Millar
providefurther bibliography.

entirewreathedcrowd,metus. Theybrought out all thecultobjectsto the

greeted uswithapplauseand
shouting. performed all thesacrifices
hadbeenprovided,we,withtenprivate poureda libation.10

In his panegyricdeliveredto Theodosius in 389 C.E., Pacatus describes

the emperor'sreceptionat Haemona (Pannonia). Aftermentioningthe
and thehymns,Pacatusrhetorically
dancing,singing,rattling, asks:

WhyshouldI mention thefreenobility's

festal [with
meeting you]outsidethe
citywalls, senators by
conspicuous their
snowy white thepriests
(flamines) in their
municipal the (sacerdotes)
purple, priests promi-
nentbytheirconicalhats?WhyshouldI mentionthegatescrownedwithver-
dantwreaths?WhyshouldI mention,etc."

In a panegyricdeliveredto Constantinein 312 C.E.,an anonymousora-

tordescribestheemperor'sarrivalat Autun(Gaul).'2 He was metbycrowds
ofpeople. The insigniaof all theassociationsand theimagesof all thegods
werebroughtforthin theprocession.Upon arrivingin thetown,Constan-
tineaskedthecitizenswhattheyrequired.The oratorexclaims,"O emperor,
thesearethetruebenefactions, whichare notextractedbyprayersbutwhich
proceed from your spontaneousgenerosity,which give the pleasure of
attainment withoutthetroubleofpetition."
The essentialelementin the adventusceremonywas the acknowledg-
mentof the authorityand power of the visitor.The guestwas hailed with
acclamationsand hymns.The verygods ofthecitywould temporarily leave
theirtemplesto welcomehim.At thehead ofa festivalprocessionhe would
sacrificeto thegod ofthecity,therebyindicatingthathe was therulerofthe
city. Hence the symbolicimportanceof the adventusceremonyin the
Roman period:a refusalto participatecould be construedas a rejectionof
imperialauthority.13Hence too theutilityoftheadventusceremonyduring

10. Papyrusof Gourob III, 17-IV,19,as editedby Maurice Holleaux,Etudesd'dpigraphie

et d'histoiregrecques,ed. Louis Robert,5 vols. (Paris, 1942),3: 288-90. Cf. the receptionthe
monarchreceivedat Seleuceia(11,23-111,7). The textis conveniently availablein FGrH 160.
11. PanegyriciLatini2 (12).37.3-4. I am indebtedto the Frenchtranslationand notesof
Edouard Galletier,Pandgyriques latins,3 vols. (Pairs, 1949-55).
12. Panegyrici Latini5 (8).7.6-9.2.
13. On the symbolicimportanceof theadventussee MacCormack. Both gods (Pearce, p.
316; to his listof passagesadd Diodorus Siculus34-35 fragment 33.2) and thosecelebratinga
triumph(MacCormack,p. 726) entereda citywithsimilarceremonies.(The major distinction
betweena triumphand an adventusis thattheformercould be celebratedonlyat one's home
town,whilethelattercould be celebratedeitherat homeor abroad. See JuliusObsequens,De

a war:whena citywasapproached bya hostilearmy,orbyan armywhose

intentionstowardthecitywerenotclear,thecitizens might go to greetthe
generalceremonially.Sucha gesture woulddemonstrate tothegeneralthat
hislordshipwasalreadyacceptedandthatmilitary measureswerenotneed-
ed to establish
hisruleoverthecity.For example,afterthebattleofGau-
gamelaAlexander marched on Babylon"as ifforbattle."TheBabylonians,
ledbytheirpriestsandarchons, wentouttomeethimenmasseandsurren-
deredthecity.Upon entering Babylon,Alexander, as thenewlordofthe
city, the Babyloniansto rebuild theirtemples, thetemple
of Bel. Alexandersacrificed
to Bel "accordingto theinstructions" ofthe
Chaldeans.14Similarly,whenAntiochusIII preparedto enterJerusalem
aftertakingPalestinefromthePtolemies, theJews,led bytheircouncilof
elders,greetedhim"splendidly," i.e.,theysurrendered.Duringhiswarsof
conquestJonathanthe Hasmoneanreceivedsimilartreatment fromthe
TheauthoroftheJaddus-Alexander storyknewtheadventus ceremony.
He remarks thatthemeeting (hypantisis) between JaddusandAlexander is
"sacred character from
and different that otherof nations"(329). Like
thecitizensofanyGreco-Roman city,theJews, ledbytheirpriests,
go out
oftheircityto greettheirdistinguished As a tokenofsurrender
visitor. to
him,thegatesareopened(327).Thecityis wreathed.16 LikeTheodosiusat

Prodigiis56.) It was thoroughlyexceptionalthat Augustuswentout to greetTiberius(Dio

56.1.1) and thatVespasianwentout to greetTitus (BJ7.119). Acclamations:see below,n. 18.
Hymns:N. Svensson,"Receptionsolonelled'H6rode Atticus,"Bulletinde correspondance hel-
Idnique50 (1926): 527-35. Welcome by gods: sacerdotes<cum> insignibussuis intrantem
[AttalusI] urbem[Athens]ac di propeipsiexcitisedibussuis acceperunt,Livy31.14.12(omit-
ted by Polybius16.25.7). Sacrifice:see n. 19 below. Sacrificeas a signof rule: Elias J. Bicker-
man,StudiesinJewishand ChristianHistory,2 vols. (Leiden, 1976), 1: 93-94, and C. Bradford
Welles,noteon Diodorus Siculus 17.40.3in theLoeb edition.Refusalto participate:Millar,p.
14. Arrian,Anabasis 3.16.3-5. "Accordingto the instructions of the Chaldeans" means
thatAlexandersacrificedto Bel not in the Macedonian fashion,'which was his custom,but in
thelocal manner.Cf. Arrian4.15.8 and 6.3.1 withthecommentsofHelmutBerve,Das Alexan-
derreich aufprosopographischer Grundlage,2 vols. (Munich,1926),1: 87 and 99.
15. AJ12.138; 1 Macc. 10:86 = AJ13.101; 1 Macc. 11:60 = AJ13.149.Cf. too thereception
ofVespasian'sgeneralat Tiberias,BJ3.459.
16. Practicallyall descriptions
tinpolin(327) and itis unclearwhatwas wreathed:thetempleand thebuildings(cf.BJ7.71 and
Plutarch,AemiliusPaullus32.1-2), or thecitizens(polin= politas),or both.The participants in
Judith'striumphalso wore wreaths(Judith15:12-13). In HellenisticfashionJewsonce wore
wreathsat weddingstoo (SyriacApocalypseof Barukh 10.13; M. Sotah 9:14). In spiteof all
this,Ganszyniecwrites"den Judenwaren die Kranz-sittenunbekannt"(in Pauly-Wissowa-
Kroll-Ziegler,Realencyclopidieder klassischenAltertumswissenschaft, vol. 11,2 [1922], p.
1591).On open gatesas a tokenofsurrender at an adventus,see BJ3.459.

Haemona, Alexanderwitnessesa colorfulsight:the multitudedressedin

white,thepriestsin theirvestments, and thehighpriestin his mitreand his
hyacinth-blue and gold robe (327 and 331). Unlikeothernationswhichtake
theiridols to an adventus,theJewsare led by theirhighpriestupon whose
mitrethenameofGod was engraved(331).17 For theJewishauthorit is this
fact which makes the meeting"sacred and different fromthat of other
nations."The Jewshail Alexanderwithone voice (332), i.e., theyacclaim
him,'"and escorthimintothecity.As he did at Babylon,Alexandersacri-
ficesto thegod of thecitywhichhas just acknowledgedhis suzerainty, and
sacrifices"accordingto theinstructions"of theclergy(336).19 Amidstgen-
eral rejoicing,20Alexanderdismissestheassembly(337). On thenextday he,
like Constantine,bestows"truebenefactions"on the people: he asks them
whattheyrequireand he grantstheirrequests(337-38).21
In all likelihoodtheadventusstoryas outlinedwas once an independent
piece withno reference to themiraculous.22 It glorifiestheJewsby showing

17. Statues at an adventus:P. Gourob (above); Livy (n. 13 above); Panegyricof 312 C.E.
(above); Dio Cassius 78 (77).22.2; Herodian 8.7.2; Ps.-Kallisthenes1.34.2 (pp. 37-38 ed.
Kroll). In one oftheActa AlexandrinatheJewsand Alexandriansbringtheirgods to thetribu-
nal but unfortunately thetextbreaksoffbeforewe are told whattheJewsbrought(the Alex-
andriansbroughta statueof Sarapis). See VictorTcherikoveret al., CorpusPapyrorum Judai-
carum,3 vols. (Cambridge,Mass., 1957-64), vol. 2, no. 157,lines 17-18.
18. The phrase is pant6nmia ph6neiaspasamenon.Aspazesthaican mean "to acclaim,to
hail" (AJ10.211; Mark 15:18; Dionysiusof Halicarnassus,RomanAntiquities 4.39; see Walter
Bauer, A Greek-English Lexicon of theNew Testament, 2d ed. by WilliamArndt,F. W. Gin-
grich,and F. W. Danker [Chicago, 1979],s.v. aspazesthai),a meaningthatis assuredhereby
mia ph6nei,a phrasewhichfrequently characterizesacclamations(Erik Peterson,Heis Theos
[G6ttingen,1926],pp. 191-92). For acclamationsat an adventussee AJ16.14; BJ3.459; 7.71
and 102; and especiallyGermanicus'sedictof 19 C.E. (VictorEhrenbergand A. H. M. Jones,
DocumentsIllustrating theReignsofAugustusand Tiberius[Oxford,1955],no. 320a) withthe
analysisof DieterWeingirtner, Die Aegyptenreisedes Germanicus (Bonn, 1969),pp. 108-19.
19. Sacrificesby thevisitorat an adventus:P. Gourob (above); BJ7.72; AJ16.14;Herodian
8.7.2-3. The phrase "according to the instructionsof the high priest"was not necessarily
inspiredby the Babylonian(see n. 14) or some otherstoryabout Alexander,sinceanalogous
phrasesappear elsewherein Josephus.Cf. AJ10.72. Abel (n. 6), p. 52, interprets thephraseto
meanthatAlexanderhimselfperformed thesacrifice,but thisis mostunlikely;see forexample
AJ15.147and 19.293.
20. Generalfestival:WilhelmDittenberger, OrientisGraeciInscriptiones Selectae (Leipzig,
1903-1905),no. 332,lines38-40, and Bi 7.73.
21. Giftsand concessionsat an adventus:PtolemyIV on his returnto Egyptafterhis vic-
toryat Raphia. See Heinz-JosefThissen,Studienzum Raphiadekret(Meisenheim,1966),pp.
20-21 (textofthe"Raphia decree"or "Pithomstele") and pp. 64-65 (notes).
22. The adventusstoryis completewithoutJaddus'sdreamand Alexander'sthreatsagainst
thecity.That AlexandergreetedJaddusfirst(331) maybe partoftheadventusstory(cf.Arrian
5.19.2 and AJ12.172),butithas a morelikelyplace in theepiphanystory(see. n. 38 below).

thatAlexanderthe Great honoredJerusalemwitha visitand honoredthe

templeof the JewishGod witha sacrifice.The storydoes not disguisethe
factthattheJewssurrendered to Alexander.Theyopened thegatesto him,
acclaimedhim,allowed himto sacrificein theirtemple,and receivedfrom
him permissionto live accordingto theirancestrallaws (and, perhaps,
exemptionfromtaxes in the sabbaticalyear).All of theseare clear indica-
tions of politicalsurrender.The entireworldwas conqueredby Alexander
the Great. This storyis the Jewishsupplementto the historiesof pagan
authorswho werenotinterested in thepeople ofJerusalem.


"A visiblemanifestation of a hiddendivinity, eitherin theformofa per-

sonal appearance,or by some deed of powerby whichitspresenceis made
known,"was called an epiphany.23 EversinceHerodotus'sdescriptionofthe
Persianattackon Delphi one of themostpopulartypesofepiphanystories
was the soteriological:an invadingarmyattacksa templeor a citybut is
repulsedthrougha manifestation of thegod or goddess.The heroesof the
storyare the defendersand their god, thevillainsare theattackers.The ma-
nifestationofthedivinepowercould be in anyofthreeways:thegods could
personallyparticipatein the battle(e.g., the Dioscuri mighttemporarily
assumehumanformand join theranksofthevictoriousarmy);naturaland
supernaturalphenomenacould be turnedagainstthe enemy(e.g., lighten-
ing,thunder,rainstorm, bouldersfromheaven,and so forth);or, less com-
monly,thegod mightappearin a dreameitherto thepious defenders (witha
of or
message encouragement advice) or to the insolent aggressors(witha
message warning).24
We are interestedherein the soteriologicalepiphaniesof thethirdtype.

23. Bauer-Arndt-Gingrich (n. 18),s.v. epiphaneia.On epiphaniesin generalsee thebibliog-

raphycompiledby Bauer et al., especiallyFriedrichPfister, "Epiphanie,"in Pauly-Wissowaet
al., Realencyclopddieder klassischenAltertumswissenschaft.: Supplementband 4 (1924), pp.
277-323, and ElpidiusPax, "Epiphanie,"Reallexiconftr AntikeundChristentum, ed. Theodor
Klauser,vol. 5 (1962), pp. 832-909. Cf. J6rgJeremias,Theophanie:Die Geschichte eineralttes-
tamentlichen Gattung(Vluyn,1977).
24. On soteriologicalepiphanies,see PierreRoussel, "Le miraclede Zeus Panamaros,"
Bulletinde correspondance hellenique55 (1931): 70-116; Elias Bickerman,"H61iodore au
templede Jerusalem,"Annuairede l'institutde philologieet d'histoireorientaleset slaves 7
(1939-44): 5-40, esp. 32-34; and Marcel Launey,Recherchessurles armeeshelle'nistiques, 2
vols. (Paris, 1950),2:897-901.

DuringthedepredationsoftheGauls, themagistrates ofThemisonionwere

instructedin theirdreamsby Heracles,Apollo, and Hermesto hidetheciti-
zens in some nearbycaves in orderto escape danger(Pausanius 10.32.3).
WhenMithridatesbesiegedKyzikos,Athenaappearedin a dreamto one of
themagistrates of thecityand encouragedhim,assuringhimofvictory;the
nextday a violentwinddestroyedall thesiegeenginesoftheattackers(Plu-
tarch,Lucullus10.2-3). Even moreelaborateis the accountof Datis's siege
of Lindoswritten bya nativeofthecity:

WhenDarius,KingofPersia,sentforth a greatarmyforthepurposeof
enslaving Hellas,this
islandwas thefirst
which Thepeopleof
thecountry wereterrified
attheapproachofthePersians andfledforsafety to
all thestrongholds,mostofthemgathering at Lindos.Thereupon thebarbar-
ians setaboutto besiegethem,untiltheLindians,sore-pressed by a water
shortage,weremindedto handoverthecityto theenemy. Rightat thisjunc-
turethegoddessstoodoveroneofthemagistrates inhissleepandbadehimbe
of good courage,sinceshe herself wouldprocure,by intercession withher
father,thewatertheyneeded.Theonewhosawthevisionrehearsed totheciti-
zensAthena'scommand. So theyinvestigatedandfoundthattheyhad only
enoughwaterto lastforfivedays,andaccordingly theyaskedthebarbarians
fora truceforjustthatnumber ofdays,sayingthatAthenahad sentto her
father forhelp,andthatifhelpdidnotcomeinthespecified timetheywould
surrender thecity.
WhenDatis,theadmiralof Darius,heardthisrequest,he immediately
burstoutlaughing. Butthenextday,whena greatcloudgathered aboutthe
Acropolis and a heavy shower fell
insidethe cloud,so thatcontrary to all
expectations thebesiegedhadplenty whilethePersianarmysuffered
forlackofit,thebarbarian was struckbytheepiphany ofthegoddess.He
. . . He set forthon
took offhis personaladornmentand sentit as an offering.
establishing anddeclar-
ingpublicly, men areprotected the
by gods."25

This story,an extractfromthe greatinscriptionof the templeat Lindos

(Rhodes), is thefirstoffourlabeled"epiphanies"and containsa doubleepi-
phany:thegoddess's appearancein a dreamto one ofthe magistrates, and
themiraculousrainstorm.In thedreamthegoddessbidsthecitizensto have
confidence, she
just as in thesubsequentepiphanystoriesoftheinscription

25. FGrH 532 D (1). The translationis thatof F. C. Grantas quotedbyMoses Hadas, Hel-
lenisticCulture(New York, 1959),pp. 166-67.

instructsone of herpriestsin timesof need. The miraculousstorm,thesec-

ond half of the double epiphany,causes Datis to offerdedicationsto the
goddess,liftthe siege,establishpeace withthe Lindians,and acknowledge
thepowerofthelocal gods.
When Lysander was besieging Aphytis (Thrace), the god Ammon
appearedto himin a dreamand orderedhimto abandon thesiege.Lysander
compliedand orderedthe citizensof the cityto sacrificeto Ammon.26A
moreelaboratestoryoftheappearanceof a god in a dreamto thegeneralof
an armyattackinga cityis the followingaccount fromJustin,Historiae

Bygeneral thechieftain
consensus Catumandus waschosengeneral[ofthe
Gauls in theirwaragainstMassilia].Whenhe was besieging theenemycity
witha largearmyofselectsoldiers,Catumandus in hissleepby
thefigure ofa fierce
womanwhosaidthatshewasa goddess.[Asa result] he
voluntarily peacewiththeMassilians.
established Afterrequestingpermission
toentertheircityandtoworship (adorare)theirgods,hearrivedatthecitadel
ofMinervaand,seeingtheimageofthegoddessinthecolonnade, exclaimed
suddenly thatitwas shewhohad terrified himat night,
thatit was shewho
had orderedhimto withdraw fromthesiege.Congratulating theMassilians
becausehe realizedthattheybelongedto thecareoftheimmortal gods,he
donateda goldennecklace tothegoddessandconcluded withtheMassiliansa

The centralelementof theseepiphaniesis thesavingactionof thegods.

The people of Themisonion,Kyzikos, Lindos, Aphytis,and Massilia are
saved fromtheirattackersand remainindependent.As a resultof the epi-
phanytheaggressorexplicitly acknowledgesthepowerofthegod: Lysander
ordersthecitizensof Aphytisto worshipAmmon,28 Datis and Catumandus
give offerings
(personaljewelry)to Lindian Athena and Massilian Minerva
Both Datis and Catumandusdeclarethattheiropponentsare
protectedby the gods. Throughthe manifestation of the divinepower the
pious inhabitantsof thesefivecitiesobtained a victorywhichwould have
eludedthemhad theirgods notintervened in theirbehalf.

26. Plutarch,Lysander20.5; Pausanias 3.18.3.

27. This eventallegedlyoccurredin the fifthcenturyB.C.E.;see Michel Clerc, Massalia, 2
vols. (Marseilles,1927),1: 173-77.
28. It is unclear whetherAmmon was worshippedat Aphytiseven beforethe siege or
whetherthecultwas introducedonlyas a resultofLysander'sorder.

Like the Lindos narrative,the Jaddus-Alexanderstorydocumentsa

double epiphany:therea dreamto a citymagistrateand a rainstorm, herea
dreamto thehighpriestand a dreamto Alexander. In thefirstepiphanythe
leaderof the cityreceivesencouragementfromthegod. In the second epi-
phanythegod preventstheattackerfromrealizinghis ambition.As a result
ofhis dreamAlexandersalutesthehighpriest(331 and 336), does obeisance
to theGod ofIsrael(331),29entersthetemple,and honors(i.e., bestowsgifts
upon) thehighpriestand thepriests(336).30
Something,however,is wrongwithAlexander'sdream. While stillin
Macedonia (at Dion) he saw a robedman exhortinghimto attackthePer-
sians and promisingthathe would lead Alexanderto victory(334). Alexan-
der did not knowtheidentityof theman untilhe arrivedat Jerusalemand
saw Jaddus (335). The Jewishnarratorimaginesthat Alexander,like the
Nebuchadnezzarofthebook ofDaniel, knewthattheGod oftheJewsis not
likethegod ofthepagans. The humanfigurewho appearedto Catumandus
declaredthatshewas a goddess,butAlexanderhad thegood senseto realize
thatthe humanfigurewho appeared to himwas not God but the priestof
God, and thatobeisancewas due notto thehumanfigurebutto God.3' This
dream,however,is nottherightsortfora wickedaggressor.Its closestpar-
allelsare thedreamswhichjustifytheconquestsofpious generalsand legiti-
matetheusurpationofpowerbyheroicmonarchs.It has no place in a soter-
iological epiphanywhose heroes are the would-bevictims,not the would-

29. It makes littledifference here whetherproskynisismeans "prostration"or a "hand-

kiss,"i.e., a kisson one's hand followedbytheextensionofthehand as a salute.See Elias Bick-
erman,Parola dal Passato 18 (1963): 244-53. The parallelwithDaniel 2:46 (see nextsection)
makestheformermorelikely.Kasher (n. 1), pp. 198-99, correctly pointsout thatthereference
to proskynesisis not anachronisticsince many orientalsby this point (afterIssus) showed
respectforAlexanderin thisfashion.The practicewas introducedto Macedoniansonlylater.
30. Severalmanuscriptsomit"and thepriests."For timan"to rewardwithgifts,"see,e.g.,
BJ 1.511and 646. SincethetempleofJerusalem, unlikemostotherancienttemples,did nothave
a substantialtreasury(see Bickerman,"H61iodore" [n. 24]), Alexanderdonated giftsnot to
thetemplebutto thepriests.
31. See sectionIII. At thetempleof Aesculapiusat Pergamon,the fosterfatherof Aelius
Aristidessaw thegod in his dreamin theformoftheconsul L. PetroniusSabinus who was still
unknownto bothAristidesand his fosterfather.The dreamer,however,realizedthatthegod
was usingthe consul's formand spoke withhim about Aristides'work.Later he metand re-
cognized the consul. See Aelius Aristides,Hieroi Logoi 2.9, p. 396, ed. Bruno Keil = C. A.
Behr,AeliusAristidesand theSacred Tales(Amsterdam,1968),pp. 224-25. In Yosippon,p. 54,
and in theSamaritanchronicleBook ofJoshua(ChroniconSamaritanum... LiberJosuae,ed.
TheodorusG. J.Juynboll[Leiden,1848],p. 184),Alexandersees an angelwiththe featuresof

be attackers, andwhosemajoraimis thedemonstration ofthepowerofthe

god protect his adherents.32Furthermore, the dream is unsatisfactory
froma literary and dramatic perspective.We are supposedto believethat
foralmostthreeyears(fromDion, mid-or late335 B.C.E.,to Jerusalem,
mid-332B.C.E.),Alexander wondered abouttheidentity ofthemanin his
dream,eagerlystaring at everyrobedfigure he wouldmeet.On thenight
Jaddussaw hisdream,Alexander sleptundisturbed. WhenAlexander met
thehighpriestheexplained hisconducton thebasisofa dreamhehadseen
longbefore. Awareofthisliterary inelegance, somemedieval versionsofthe
story put Alexander's dream the nightbefore theencounter with Jaddus and
includewithin it a warning to theMacedoniannotto harmJerusalem and
Another difficultywithournarrative as itstandsis thattheendforgets
thebeginning. ThestoryopenswithAlexander's demandforfriendship (phi-
lia) on threeconditions. TheJewsmustprovidehimwithsoldiers(symma-
chia),supplyprovisions forhisarmy(agora),andpayto theMacedonians
thetribute (dora)whichtheyhad formerly paid to thePersians.34 Jaddus
refuses all threeconditions on thegrounds thathe is boundto refrain from
fighting against Darius "as long as he [theking] remains the
among living"
(318).35 Attheendofthestory, however, thegeneraldemandforphiliaand
thespecific condition ofagoraarecompletely forgotten.Jaddusforgets that
he is stillboundbyan oathandagreesto paytribute sixyearsoutofseven
and to acceptMacedonianruleprovidedthattheJewsareallowedto live
according to theirancestral laws(338).As forsymmachia, Alexander asks
forvolunteers (339) and no
imposes compulsion on Jaddus, presumably
becausethehighpriestis stillboundbyhisoath.36 Did Jaddusremainloyal
to hisoathor not?Did theJewssurrender to Alexander or did he accept

32. See sectionIV.

33. See Yosippon,p. 54 (perhapsinspiredby Gen. 31:24) and themedievalversiontransla-
ted by Micha JosephBin Gorion, MimekorYisrael: Classical JewishFolktales,trans.I. M.
Lask, 3 vols. (Bloomington,1976),1: 225.
34. Symmachia,agora, and dora are fairlycommonin treatiesand alliances.See, e.g., the
indicesin Hatto H. Schmidt,Die Staatsvertrdgedes AltertumsIII: von338 bis200 v. Chr.(Mu-
nich,1969). Alexanderorderedthecitiesof Asia Minor to pay himthesame tributetheyhad
paid to thePersians(Arrian1.18.2).
35. Wereloyaltyoaths generallyrequiredof the highpriests?Jaddushad everyreasonto
defectsincethe Persianshad supportedhis uncleagainsthis father(AJ11.298)and had polluted
36. ContrastAJ11.345.

To explaintheseineleganciesand difficulties, I suggestthattheepiphany

plot was an
originally independent narrative,like theMassilianand Lindian
narratives, and not just a collectionof motifs used to enrichan adventus
story. It ran somewhat as follows. As a result of Jaddus's refusalto accept
his demandforphilia,37 Alexandermarcheson Jerusalem.The nightbefore
theassaultbothJaddusand Alexanderbeholdvisions.The formerreceives
encouragement fromGod, the latterreceivesa warningfroma Jaddus-like
figurenot to touch the Jews.The nextday Alexanderabandons his siege,
receivespermissionto enterJerusalem, beholdsJaddusin thetemple,recog-
nizes him as the figurehe had seen in his dream,does obeisanceto him,38
and bestowsgiftson thepriesthood.Afterestablishing philiawiththeJews
(on their terms, not his), Alexander leaves Jerusalem,perhaps declaring
"Great is theGod oftheJews"(see sectionIII), and invitestheJewstojoin
his expedition.This epiphanystorywas at some pointcombinedwiththe
Whetherthisreconstruction is corrector not; whetherthe narratorhas
drawnupon a preexisting epiphanystoryor merelyhas drawnmotifsfrom
the epiphanyliterarytradition;whetherthe narratorhas drawn upon a
preexisting adventusstoryor merelyhas drawnmotifsfromtheadventuslit-
erarytradition;in anycase, theimportant pointis theseambetweenthetwo
stories/motifs. The adventusstoryassumesthattheJewsacknowledgethe
rule of Alexander.As Persianhegemonyshiftsto Macedonian, the Jews
shifttheirallegiance.The aim of thestoryis to finda place fortheJewsin
Hellenistichistory.The epiphanystoryassertstheopposite.God saves the
JewsfromAlexander.The Jewsdo notsurrender to Alexander;it is he who
surrenders and acknowledgesthesupremacyofGod.39The aimofthisstory
is to add thenameofAlexandertheGreatto thelistofdistinguished pagans
who recognizedGod's power and showed him respect(see sectionIII).
Thesetwo stories/motifs situneasilyone nextto theother,thetensionbeing
mostevidentat theend ofthenarrative.

37. The adventusstoryhad no needforthismotif.

38. The motifthatAlexandergreetedJaddusfirst(331) mayderivefromtheadventusstory
(see n. 22 above) but probablybelongswiththeproskynisisas partoftheepiphanystory.Pro-
fessorMortonSmithbringsto myattentiontheparallelin Plutarch,Cicero44.2-4. Cicero sees
an imageof a boy in a dreambut does not recognizehim;thenextday he meetsOctavianfor
thefirsttimeand realizesthathe is theboywhomhe had seenin hisvision.
39. Yehoshua Gutmannassignedthisobjectiveto the narrativeas a whole but he did not
distinguishbetweenadventusand epiphany.See his "Alexanderof Macedon in the Land of
Israel" [Hebrew],Tarbiz11(1940): 271-94, esp. 285-86.

Althoughin all likelihoodit was Josephuswho convertedthe original

warningdreamto a dreamwhichsanctionsconquest(see sectionIV), itwas
notJosephuswho weldedtheadventusto theepiphany.As I remarkedearli-
er, the combinationof independentconcurrentnarrativeswas not Jose-
phus's strength, whereasthecombinationofadventuswithepiphanyis well
done. It is so welldone thatwe can no longerreconstruct
original form of either the
storyalthough separate motifsremain recogniz-
able. Had thesestoriesbeen combinedby Josephus,theunionwould have
been muchlessharmonious.


Adventusand epiphany,the two strandswhichformthe bulk of the

Jaddus-Alexander story,were popular genresin HellenisticJewishlitera-
ture.Josephusknowsthe adventusceremonywell,describingthemagnifi-
cent arrivalof dignitariesat Rome (Vespasian and Titus),Antioch(Titus),
and Jerusalem(AntiochusIII, Marcus Agrippa,and Vitellius).40 Given the
familiarityof themotifand the ceremony,we have no need to positanysin-
gle historical
adventus as the model fortheadventus portion theJaddus-
Alexanderstory.41 Similarly,we need not posit any historicaleventas the
modelforJudith'sfictionaltriumphat Jerusalem.Afterhervictorythehigh
priestand the gerousiago to Bethulia to greetJudithand to praise her
(15:8-10). Theybestowgiftsupon her(15:11) and, amid crowdsof women
and men,the formerdancing,the lattersinging,all of themcrownedwith
garlands(15:12-13), theyaccompanyher to Jerusalemin a joyfulproces-
sion. She sings a hymnof praise to God (15:14-16:17) which modestly
includespraiseof herself(16:5-10). At Jerusalemall do obeisanceto God.

40. Rome: BJ7.63-74, 119; Antioch:Bi 7.100-2; Jerusalem:AJ12.138(Antiochus);16.14

(Agrippa; cf. too Philo, Legatio 294-97); 18.122-23 (Vitellius).Cf. too Bi 3.30 and 459; AJ
13.101and 149.Even AntiochusIV Epiphaneswas greetedmagnificently in Jerusalem:2 Macc.
4:22. ProfessorShaya Gafniremindsme thatthe adventusceremonyis frequently describedin
rabbinicliterature.See, e.g., Pesiqta Rabbati, p. 21b, ed. Ish-Shalom;LeviticusRabbah 30.7
(pp. 704-5, ed. Margalioth);Mekhilta,p. 119,ed. Horovitz.These and otherpassagesare dis-
cussedin thefirstchapterofIgnaz Ziegler,Die K6nigsgleichnisse des Midrasch(Breslau,1903).
41. Hugo Willrich,JudenundGriechenvordermakkabaischen Erhebung(G6ttingen,1895),
pp. 9-10, suggestedthearrivalofAgrippaas themodelfortheAlexanderstory,whileSolomon
Zeitlin,endorsedbyGeorgeFoot Moore, "Simon theRighteous,"JewishStudiesinMemoryof
Israel Abrahams(New York, 1927),pp. 357-58, and JamesPurvis,TheSamaritanPentateuch
and theOriginoftheSamaritanSect (Cambridge,Mass., 1968),p. 124,suggestedthearrivalof
AntiochusIII. See n. 78 below.

The people offersacrifices(16:18) while Judithdedicates the personal

belongingsof the enemy Holophernes(16:19). The rejoicinglasts three
months(16:20). Jerusalemaccorded Judiththe same properbut fictional
The epiphanystorytoo has its parallels. On several otheroccasions
througha manifestation ofhispowertheGod oftheJewsrescuedhistemple
(fromHeliodorus),hispeople (fromNicanor,PtolemyIV and PtolemyIX),
and his saints(Daniel and his friends).43 These storieshighlightnot only
God's salvificpower but also the recognitionof thispower by the pagan
monarchswho had attacked the Jews. Heliodorus was struckdown by
angelswhileattempting to plunderthetemple.Afterhis ordeal he testified
to themightyacts of theLord and declaredthattheGod ofheavenwatches
over his templeand protectsit fromthose who would harm it (2 Macc.
3:36-39). Afterhis attemptto killtheJewsof Egyptmiscarried, PtolemyIV
Philopatormade a similardeclaration(3 Macc. 7:6-9). Shadrach,Meshach,
and Abednegoweretossedintoa fieryfurnacebecause theyrefusedto wor-
claimed,"Blessed be the God of Shadrach,Meshach, and Abednego ...
thereis no othergod who can save like this" (Dan. 3:28-29).44Daniel was
thrownintothelion's den not once but twiceand was rescuedeach timeby
God. Afterthe firstinstanceCyrusproclaimed,"You are great,O Lord,
God of Daniel, thereis no god butyou!" (Bel and theDragon 41). Afterthe
secondinstanceDarius made a moreelaborateproclamation,"He is theliv-
ingGod, he enduresforever, hissovereigntywillneverbe destroyedand his
kingship never end" (Dan. 6:27).
In Daniel a soteriologicalepiphanyis notnecessaryfora pagan monarch
to acknowledgetheGod of theJews.When Daniel correctlydescribedand
interpreted Nebuchadnezzar'sdream,the king"fellprostrate"beforehim,
orderedoblationsand incenseto be offered to him,and declared"Your God

42. I cite Judithfromthe Greek text.The Latin and Hebrew versions,editedby A. M.

Dubarle, Judith:Formeset sensdes diversestraditions II: Textes(Rome, 1966),omitmanyof
theadventuselements.PerhapsJudith'sentryis morea triumphthanan adventus,but thetwo
are closelyrelated;see n. 13. The Judithnarrativeis inspiredin partby biblicalmodelsbut the
Hellenisticcontribution also is clear (e.g., wreaths).On theinfluenceoftheepiphanytradition
on Judith, see Hadas (n. 25).
43. Heliodorus:2 Macc. 3; Nicanor:2 Macc. 15; PtolemyIV Philopator:3 Macc.; Ptolemy
IX Physcon:CA2.53-55; Dan. 3; 6; and Bel and theDragon. Aside fromDaniel, I do notquote
44. Daniel is citedfromTheJerusalem Bible.

mustbe theGod ofgods,themaster ofkings, andtherevealer ofmysteries"

(Dan. 2:46-47). On another occasion, after Daniel's interpretationof a
dreamhad againcometrue,Nebuchadnezzar praised God and acknow-
ledgedhispower(Dan. 4:31-32).
Alexander theGreattoo wasforcedbyan epiphany to acknowledge the
God oftheJews.LikeNebuchadnezzar he didobeisancetothepersonwho
wasthevehicleforthemanifestation ofthedivinepower,buthisrealobei-
sancewas to God, notto theminister.45 BothDanieland Jaddusreceived
giftsand honorsfromtheirpaganadmirers. LikeHeliodorusandPtolemy
IV Philopator, Alexander is convinced the
by epiphany notto attempt any
ThepaganandJewish parallelstothisepiphany storysuggest thatAlex-
andertheGreatshouldhaveacknowledged God's mightexplicitly. Mini-
mallyhe shouldhavedeclared,"The God ofheavenprotects thisplace";
maximally hemight havedeclared, "You aregreat,O Lord,God ofJaddus,
thereis nogodbutyou!"Whyis sucha declaration, either minimal ormaxi-
mal,absentfromourstory? Wehavetwobasicpossibilities. EitherJosephus
omitted it,or it was alreadyabsentfromthenarrative whichhe used.The
former possibilityis favored by the factthatJosephus regularly omitssuch
declarations. The Biblehas Jethro declare"The Lord is greaterthanall
othergods"(Exod. 18:11),butintheAntiquities thisMidianite priest makes
no suchstatement (AJ 3.63-65).Josephus omitsthreeofthefouracclama-
tionsofDaniel.46 His versionofthestoryof3 Maccabeesdoesnothavethe
kingdeclarethemightofIsrael'sGod (CA2.53-55).Josephus addsto the
narrative of2 Kings6 thatBenHaddadwasamazedat"themiracle, theepi-
phany(epiphaneia) of the God of the Israelites,
[his]power, and [his]
prophet," buthe doesnothaveBenHaddad declare"Greatis theGod of
Elisha!"(AJ9.60).Petronius toowasamazedat theepiphany oftheGod of
theJewsandat hisprovidential care(pronoia) forhispeople,buthedidnot
declare"Greatis theGod oftheJews!"(AJ18.286,288,and308-9).47Dis-

45. Jeromeon Dan. 2:47 (quoted by JamesMontgomeryad loc. in his commentaryon

Daniel [repr.Edinburgh,1979]): ergo non tam Danielem quam in Daniele adorat deum qui
mysteriarevelavit;quod et AlexandrumregemMacedonumin pontificeloiade fecisselegimus.
Bevanapud Montgomery appositelycitesIsa. 49:23 and 60:14.
46. Compare Dan. 2:47 withAJ10.211; Dan. 3:28-33 withAJ10.215; Dan. 4:34 withAJ
10.217and 242.
47. SimilarlyJosephusadds no acclamationto thebiblicalstoryabout thearkin thePhilis-
tinecities(AJ6.1-15). Unfortunately Josephus'sversionoftheencounterbetweenNaaman and
Elisha is lost in the lacuna at AJ9.50-51. Artaxerxes'decree (AJ11.279; see Marcus's note)
omitsthedivineepithetsof Esther8:12 = 16:16.

tinguishedpagans respectthe Jews,bestowbenefactionsupon them,and

sacrificeat theirtemple.Pagan monarchsand generalsrecognizethat the
God of theJewsprotectshis people and appointsand removestheirkings.
TheyevenrecognizethattheGod of theJewsappointsand removesgentile
kings in accordance with theirtreatmentof the Jews and theirtemple.
Pagans do all thesethingsaccordingto Josephus,48but theydo not boldly
and forthrightly proclaim Israel's God. Such proclamationsmighthave
sounded odd or unbelievable,and mighthave raised the sensitiveissue of
conversion,an issue whichJosephustriesto ignore.49If it were not for
Josephus'sinconsistency in thesematters,as in everything
else, we could
concludewithsomecertainty thatitwas Josephuswho droppedAlexander's
WhatJosephusomittedwas suppliedbylaternarrators, bothJewishand
Christian.The highpriestof the rabbinicstorywas not Jaddusbut Simon
theRighteous,and ofhimitwas told:

WhenAlexander MacedonwouldseeSimontheRighteous,
istheGod ofSimontheRighteous."5'

48. Pagan respectand benefactions:see, e.g., thedocumentsin AJ 14. Pagan sacrifices:AJ

3.318-20; 13.242; 14.488; 15.147 and 422; 16.14; 18.122-23; CA 2.48. Cf. too AJ11.120 and
124; 12.4; 14.477-78; BJ2.341. Pagan recognitionthatGod appointsand removesIsraelite
kings:AJ8.53 and 173; 10.139;thatGod protectstheIsraelites:AJ8.379; 9.16 and 87; thatGod
appointsand removesgentilekings:AJ11.3-4 and 103(Cyrus); 11.31and 58 (Darius); 11.279
(Artaxerxes);12.25and 47 (Philadelphus);12.357(AntiochusIV; cf. 1 Macc. 6:12); BJ5-6 pas-
sim(Romans). Thissubjectneedsto be studiedfurther.
49. Ruth's "conversion"is omittedat AJ5.322; thesailors' fearof theLord and theNine-
vites'repentanceare omittedfromtheparaphraseofJonah(AJ9.208-14). The Adiabenestory
(AJ 20.17-96) is theonlyplace whereJosephusdiscussesconversionin anydetail;elsewhereitis
mentionedonly a few times and is usually equated with circumcision(AJ3.217; 11.285;
13.257-58 and 318-19; 18.82; 20.139 and 145; CA 2.282-84 speaks not of convertsbut of
imitators).On theRoman fearofJewishproselytism inthefirstcenturysee JohananLevy,Stu-
dies in JewishHellenism[Hebrew](Jerusalem,1969),pp. 150-61. On the distinctionbetween
conversionand declarationsof reverence,especiallyin the mouthsof pagan monarchs,see
Bickerman,Studies(n. 13),p. 93 and "H61iodore,"p. 32.
50. Josephusallows the declarationof Daniel 6:27-28 to remainat AJ10.263 (albeit in
shortenedform).AJ10.139has Nebuchadnezzarproclaimmegasho theos.Philadelphuseither
does (AJ12.114) or does not (AJ12.90) performproskynesis beforethe Torah. On Josephus's
generalsloppinessand inconsistency,see Cohen,p. 276.
51. LeviticusRabbah 13.5, p. 293, ed. Margalioth.For parallel textssee Margalioth's

This minimaldeclaration,obviouslyinspiredby Dan. 3:28 and similartexts,

was thenexpanded(Yosippon,p. 56):

BlessedistheLord,theGod ofthistemple. ForI knewlongagothatheis the

masterofall,andthathisdominion isoverall,andthatthesoulofeveryliving
creatureis inhishandfordeathandlife.Andfortunate areyou,hisservants,
whominister himinthisplace.

In theseJewishtextsAlexanderdoes not "convert."He acknowledgesthe

powerof theGod of theJewsbut does not denypolytheism.52 Contrastthe
followingtwoChristiantexts,thefirstofwhichis a fifth

WhenAlexander foundedAlexandria-at-Egypt,
comingto Jerusalem
he did
totheLordGod,saying,"Glorytoyou,O God,theonly


[Thepriest]said [toAlexander], "We servetheone God whomadeheaven

andearth,andallthings seenandunseen.No manisabletointerpret
To thisAlexander said,"Go in peace,worthy ofthetruly
worshippers great
God,go. YourGod shallbe myGod andmypeace[shallbe]withyou.I shall
notinvadeyouas [I havedone]to othernations,becauseyouservetheliving

"Your God shall be my God." Like Ruth, the Macedonian conqueror

52. On theformula"god ofX" whereX is thepersonthroughwhoma god has manifested

himself,see Peterson,Heis Theos,pp. 210-12. In othermedievalJewishversionstoo Alexander
does notconvert;see Bin Gorion,p. 227 and pp. 229-30.
53. Carolus Frick,ChronicaMinora(Leipzig, 1892),p. 270: Gloria tibideus solus omnia
tenensqui vivisin saecula. Cf. the paralleltexton p. 322; Gloria tibideus qui vivisin secula
solus princeps.This chronicle,theExcerptaLatinaBarbari,is a seventhor eighthcenturyLatin
versionofa lost fifthcenturyGreekchronicle.The SamaritanBook ofJoshua,afterparaphra-
singJosephus,has Alexanderdeclare,"Deus vesterestdeus deorumac dominusdominorum"
(trans.Juynboll, p. 184).
54. AnonymiByzantiniVita AlexandriRegis Macedonum,ed. JiirgenTrumpf(Stuttgart,
1974),p. 78, followedwithminorvariantsby Der griechische Alexanderroman RezensionGam-
ma BuchII, ed. HelmutEngelmann(Meisenheim,1963),p. 218. Cf. Marcus's translationofthis
text(Loeb edition,p. 515).

acceptsthefaithofIsrael.Alexander was nottheonlydistinguishedpagan

tohavemonotheism thrustupon him longafterhisdeath."*
Although wemaypresume thatJosephus knewhowtodistinguish "con-
version"froma polytheistic
recognitionof theGod of he
Israel,56 refrained
fromplacingconfessional formulaein the mouthsof pagans,perhaps
becausetheycouldbe so easilymistaken ofconversion.
as declarations But
laterreadersoftheJewish hadno suchreticence.
Antiquities Realizingthat
an epiphany shouldbe followedbyan explicitacknowledgment ofGod's
power,theysensedthatsomething wasmissing fromtheJaddus-Alexander
storyand imaginatively suppressed from
hissourcewaslatersuppliedfrom theimagination.57


The riseand fallofstatesandempireswas a commonthemein Greco-

Romanhistoriography. Thucydides narrated
theriseand fallof Athens.
Polybiusand Livydescribed theriseofRomeandthefallofMacedonand

55. Accordingto both Jewishand ChristianlegendJethro,who declaredthegreatnessof

Israel'sGod (Exod. 18:11),convertedto monotheism. See Louis Ginzberg,LegendsoftheJews,
7 vols.,reprinted. (Philadelphia,1967-68), 7: 257, and Cyrilof Alexandria,De Adoratione(J.
P. Migne, PatrologiaGraeca 68: 281-84). Jerome,commentaryon Isa. 45:1, deduced from
Cyrus'sedict that the Persiankingacknowledgedno god but the God of Israel (Patrologia
Latina 24:442 = CorpusChristianorum SeriesLatina 73a:504-5). From Aristotle'sadmiration
fora Jewishsage (CA 1.176-83), some fifteenth and sixteenth centuryJewishscholarsdeduced
thatAristotleconvertedto Judaism(Azariah de Rossi, Me'or 'Einayim,chap. 22, pp. 246-47,
ed. David Cassel [Vilna,1864-66]). Manyadditionalexamplescould be cited.
56. Augustineremarks,"Alexanderdid indeed offersacrificesin the templeof God, not
because he was convertedto his worshipthroughtruepiety,but because he thoughtthrough
impiousvanitythatGod oughtto be worshippedtogetherwithfalsegods." See De CivitateDei
18.45.2(cited by George Cary, TheMedievalAlexander[Cambridge,1956],p. 128). Cf. Eccle-
siastesRabbah 10.12regardingCyrus,as analyzedby EphraimUrbach,"Cyrusand his Decree
intheEyesoftheSages" [Hebrew],Molad 19(1961): 371.
57. FriedrichPfister,"Eine jiidischeGrfindungsgeschichte Alexandrias,"Sitzungsberichte
derHeidelberger Akademieder Wissenschaften 5 (1914), no. 11,pp. 25-26, arguesthattheAlex-
ander romance,the rabbis,and Josephusdraw independently upon an earlierversionof the
storywhichhe dates to the earlyfirstcenturyC.E. Claimingthatthe romancedependsupon
Josephus,Merkelbachet al. deletethesepages fromPfister'sKleineSchriften (n. 6) wherethey
should have appeared at pp. 97-98. See Reinhold Merkelbach,Die Quellendes griechischen
Alexanderromans, 2d ed. withJurgenTrumpf(Munich,1977),pp. 66 and 136.See nowGerhard
Delling,"Alexanderder Grosse als Bekennerdes jiudischenGottesglaubens,"Journalfor the
StudyofJudaism12 (1981): 1-51.

theGreekstates.One oftherecurring themesofJosephus's JewishWaris

Within theJewish too,especially
Antiquities, books10and 11,thistheme
has a majorrole.In book 10 Josephus detailstheprophecies ofJeremiah
and Daniel and theirfulfillments. Judaeais conqueredby Babylon,and
Babyloninturnis conquered bytheMedesandPersians. Jeremiah explains
thecausesof Judaea'sdownfall: sinfulness and folly(AJ10.89and 104).
DanielexplainsthecausesofBabylon'sdownfall: impiety andblasphemies
(AJ 10.241-43).In book 11Josephus narratesJewish history underPersian
ruleuntilthePersianstoo arereplacedbya newempire, theMacedonian.
The book openswithCyrus'sedict(11.3-4) which,Josephussays,was
prompted bytheking'sperusaloftheprophecies of Isaiah.Two hundred
and tenyearsearlierthisprophethad predicted thatGod wouldappoint
CyruskingofmanynationsandthatCyrusinturnwouldrestore theJewsto
theirlandandtheirtemple(11.5-7).Byparaphrasing Esdras,someformof
Nehemiah, and Esther,Josephus documents continued Persianpiety.The
laterPersiankings(exceptforthewickedCambyses) followCyrus'sleadin
recognizingthattheGod oftheJewshasgiventhemdominion andthatthey
owehimgratitude. Thegratitudeis expressedby benefactions to God'stem-
ple,by supporting protecting God's people, and by discomfiting the
Samaritans.59UnliketheBabylonians thePersiansarenotguilty ofimpiety
andblasphemies. Whythenweretheydeprived oftheirempire?
Partoftheansweris provided bytheenigmatic storyaboutBagosesand
the Jews(11.297-301)whichis sandwiched betweentheparaphrases of
Esther(11.184-296)and thenarrative aboutSanballat,Jaddus,and Alex-
ander(11.302-47).60The storytellsofthemisdeeds oftheJews.The high
priestJoannesfeuds withhisbrother Jesusand killshim inthetemple. "Nei-
theramongGreeksnorbarbarians had so savageandimpiousa deedever
beencommitted" (299, trans.Marcus).Justas God wouldlateruse the

58. Jacquelinede Romilly,The Rise and Fall of States Accordingto GreekAuthors(Ann

Arbor,1977);ShayeJ. D. Cohen, "Josephus,Jeremiah, and Polybius,"a paperdeliveredat the
59. RecognitionthatGod appointsand removesgentilekings:see n. 48 above. Discomfi-
tingthe Samaritans:AJ11.16,61, 97-104, and 114-19. Cambyseswas readyto listento the
Samaritansbecause he "was wicked"(11.26). In AJ11Josephusstressestheenmitybetweenthe
Jewsand theSamaritans;see 84-88 and 174.
60. The problemsanalyzedby H. G. M. Williamson,"The HistoricalValue ofJosephus's
XI. 297-301," Journalof TheologicalStudies28 (1977): 49-66, do notaffect
our discussion.

RomanstopunishtheJewsforsimilar crimes, God usedthePersians onthis

occasion, but withone major difference. In the Jewish War Romansare
God's righteous avengers whoseekto purify thetempleofitscontagion,
whereasin theJewish Antiquities thePersiansled byBagosesarewicked.
Josephus emphasizes theirguilt.They,nottheJews,aresaidto pollutethe
temple(miainein, 297 and 300).Bagosesenters thesacredprecincts (301)and
"enslaves"theJews(300)byimposing a feeon thetamidsacrifices (297).61
Immediately following thisis thefirst partoftheSanballat-Alexander story
whichtellsofSanballat'sattempts to builda templeforhisson-in-law. Pre-
viousPersiankingshad discomfited theSamaritans, butSanballatseems
confident thatDariuswillgranthisrequestwhenhe returns fromfighting
Alexander (311 and 315). The nextparagraph relatesAlexander's victory
(316)andhisapproachtoJerusalem (317).
Herethenis Josephus's explanation forthedownfall ofthePersians. As
long they behaved benevolently toward theJews and malevolently toward
theSamaritans, theirruleendured.Oncetheyreversed thesepoliciesthey
weredoomed.SinceJosephus hadlittlehardevidence forsucha reversal,62
he triedto forcehis materialto fithis thesis.The new Persianenmity
towardtheJewsis documented bya story whichdescribes thewickedness of
boththeJewsandthePersians, buttheeditorial introduction(297)andcon-
clusion(301)to thestoryignorethewickedness oftheformer andhighlight
thatofthelatter. ThenewPersianpolicytowardtheSamaritans isexpressed
only in the wishful thinking of Sanballat, but Josephus leavesthe readerlit-
tle doubtthatDarius was preparedto complywithSanballat'swishes.
Alexander, theinheritor of thePersianmantle,continues theold Persian
policies, not the new. True, he is maneuvered by the wilySanballatinto
granting permission forthebuilding ofa temple(324),butin theendthe
Samaritans are discomfited nonetheless (340-44). In contrast to Bagoses
whoprofaned thetempleandinterfered withthesacrificial cult,Alexander
respects thetemple, venerates thepriests, andoffers ThePersian
a sacrifice.
leadership andAlexander thusforma contrasting pair,theonewickedand
failing,theotherrighteous andsuccessful.63
61. Cf. 2 Maccabees: thesinsofwickedhighpriestsbringthepollutionof thetempleby a
gentilemonarch.Redemptioncomes whenboth thehighpriestsand thegentilemonarchare
62. At this point Josephus obviously knew nothing about the Persian persecutions
describedby Hecataeus (CA 1.191) or about the JewishrevoltagainstOchus chronicledby
Eusebius(Chroniclead 359 a. Chr.) and otherwriters(see CA 1.194withthenoteof Menahem
Stern,Greekand LatinAuthorsonJewsandJudaism,2 vols. [Jerusalem, 1974-1980],1:43).
63. Such contrastingpairs appear elsewherein Josephus,e.g., AntiochusEpiphanes and
AntiochusSidetes(AJ13.243),and JohnofGischala and Titus(BJ6.93-95).

In theperiodofCyrus,Persianhegemony waslegitimatedbyprophecy.
Daniel predictedthecollapseof theBabylonians and Isaiahpredicted
riseofthePersians.ThereforeJosephus claimsthatMacedonianhegemony
too was legitimatedby thedivine,not onlythrough prophecybut also
through a dream.
I suggestedabovethatin theoriginalepiphany storyAlexandersaw a
warning dream thenightbeforehis planned assault
on The
Jerusalem. God
of theJews,in theformof thehighpriest,warnedhimnotto touchhis
people.In the extantversionof the storythewarningdreamhas been
replacedby an exhortatory dreamwhichgivesdivinesanctionto Alex-
ander's conquests. Alexandertells Parmenionthat while still at Dion in
Macedonia he saw a figurein a dreamexhortinghimto attackthePersians
and assuringhimof victory(334-35). In antiquitygeneralsand kingsrou-
tinely,and especiallyat theiraccessionto power,werehonoredwithvisions
sentbythegods,and Alexanderwas no exception.64 At Tyrehe saw a dream
in whichHeracles,thegod ofthecity(= Melqart),beckonedto himand led
him into the city.65In the romanceAlexander'sdreamsplay an important
role. In one dreamSarapis assuredhimofworlddominionand revealedto
him the eternalgloryof Alexandria.In anotherAmmonappeared to him
and instructed himhow to proceed.66 Alexander'sdreamin theAntiquitiesis
of this type,perhaps a Jewishversionof a dream which was originally
ascribedto someothergod.67
More effectivethan dreamsforthe legitimationof powerwere omens
and oraclesbecausethey,unlikedreams,wereusuallypublic.Alexander,no
less than many Roman emperors(e.g., Vespasian),68industriously sought
out favorableomensand oracles.His visitsto theoracleofApollo at Delphi

64. See, e.g., Cohen,p. 109,n. 37, and Merkelbach(n. 57), p. 39; J.RufusFears,Princepsa
diiselectus(Rome, 1977).
65. Arrian2.18.1; Curtius4.2.17; Plutarch,Alexander24.3 (wherePlutarchjuxtaposesitto
a dreamoftheTyrians,therebycreatinga "double-dream"story).
66. Ps.-Kallisthenes1.33.7-11 (pp. 34-37, ed. Kroll) and 2.13 (pp. 80-81, ed. Kroll).
67. This possibilitywas well notedby Bfichler, p. 13. Gutmann,pp. 282-85, suggeststhat
the dreamis based on the Heraclesstory,whileAbel, p. 51, suggeststhatit is a judaizationof
Alexander'ssacrificesto thegods at Dion as describedby Diodorus Siculus 17.16.3,butI have
not foundany singleeventor dreamwhichis theobvious model fortheJewishstory.In later
versionstheAmmondreamreferred to in n. 66 was judaized (christianized?)
Phinehasto Ammon(Vita Alexandri,p. 59, ed. Trumpf)or by thereplacementof Ammonby
Jeremiah (see Trumpf'sapparatus).
68. It was Josephushimselfwho gave Vespasianone oftheoracleswhichbestoweddivine
legitimation on thenewrulinghouse.

and Ammon at Siwah are famous.At both he receivedpredictionsof his

futuregreatness.69 Not to be outdone,theJewstoo pointedto their"ora-
cles" whichpredictedAlexander'sconquests:thebook of Daniel. Whileat
JerusalemAlexanderwas shownthe book of Daniel and learnedthatthe
God of theJewshad preordainedthatone of theGreekswould destroythe
Who was theauthorwho convertedAlexander'sdreamof warningto a
dreamofexhortation, and insertedtheDaniel episodeintothenarrative, an
episode whichis an integralpartof neitherthe epiphanynor the adventus
stories?To rephrasethe question: Which Jewwishedto show thatAlex-
ander's conquest of Persia was effectedwith divine approval and divine
aid?70I suggestthatit was Josephus.In theJewishWarhe piouslydeclares
thatGod approvesof the Roman dominionover theJews.He inventsthe
fictionthatCyrusread Isaiah.7' He is familiarwiththetraditionabout Alex-
andertheGreat,boththehistoricaland theromantic.72 Hence he maywell
have been theone to createthe Dion dream based on a pagan modeland to
inserttheDaniel episodeintothenarrative,73 makingbothchangesin order
to bestowdivinesanctionon theinheritor ofthePersian,and theancestorof

69. Delphi: Plutarch,Alexander14.4. Siwah: Arrian3.3-4; Diodorus 17.49-51; Plutarch,

Alexander26-27; CurtiusRufus4.7; Kallisthenes,FGrH 124 F 14a. I do not thinkthatthe
Josephanstoryis modeledon theSiwahstory.
70. The authorof 1 Macc. was not such a Jew;see 1 Macc. 1:1-9 withthecommentary of
JonathanGoldstein(New York, 1976).
71. As faras I have been able to determinethismotifappears nowhereelse independently
of Josephus.It is notrabbinic(Urbach [n. 56], p. 370) and is not mentionedby Ginzberg,Le-
gends(n. 55), 4: 353 (withthenotes).In one rabbiniclegendCyrusreadsDaniel (Song ofSongs
Rabbah 3.4).
72. Historical:AJ2.347-48 (for parallelssee Jacoby'scommentaryon FGrH 124 F 31).
Romantic:BJ7.245. Jewishstoriesabout Alexander:BJ2.487-88; CA2.35, 37, 42-44, and 72
(civilrightsin Alexandria);CA1.192and 201-5.
73. The Daniel "oracle" parallelsbothAlexander'spagan oraclesand Cyrus'sIsaiah "ora-
cle." Thus the beginningof AJ11 (Cyrus-Isaiah)correspondsto its conclusion(Alexander-
Daniel). Josephus'suse of ringstructure awaitsinvestigation. That it was Josephuswho inser-
tedthereference KleineSchriften,
to Daniel inthenarrativeis suggestedbyPfister, p. 321,n. 60;
Kasher, p. 199; and Arnaldo Momigliano,"Flavius Josephusand Alexander'sVisitto Jeru-
salem,"Athenaeum 57 (1979): 446-47.
74. The divine approval grantedthe Macedonians was forfeitedby AntiochusIV who
favoredtheSamaritans(AJ12.257-64) and profanedthetemple.

AJ 11.302-47 is wovenout ofthreestrands:

(1) A storyabout Sanballatand Alexander
(2) A storyabout Jaddusand Alexander
(2a) Anadventus ormotif
(2b) An epiphanystoryor motif
(3) Data about Persianand Macedonianhistory.
The prehistory ofthismaterialis mostobscuresinceno extantauthorearlier
than Josephus,who completedhis JewishAntiquitiesin 93/4 C.E., betrays
any knowledgeof either(1) or (2), and it is likelythat all post-Josephan
authorswho retellthis materialdepend upon Josephuseitherdirectlyor
indirectly.If, as I have suggested,it was Josephuswho combinedthethree
strandswitheach other,we cannot determinethe date and provenanceof
one strandby thedate and provenanceof anothersinceJosephusmayhave
combinedmaterialof disparateorigins.Ratherthantranscribehis sources
verbatim,Josephparaphrasedthem,adding,changing,and omittingwhat-
ever he wished.75Hence we cannot relyupon isolatedmotifsor phrasesto
revealto us the originsof thethreestrandsof AJ 11.302-347,sincewe can
neverbe certainthatanygivenphraseor motifwas partofthepre-Josephan
Unfortunately,scholars have ignored these problems. Many have
ascribedan Alexandrianprovenanceto theJaddusand Sanballatstorieson
thegroundsthattheyreflecttheJewish-Samaritan tensionswithinthatcity
(cf.AJ12.10and 13.74-79). But theJaddusstoryhas nothingto do withthe
Samaritans,is not dependentupon theSanballatstory,and probablycircu-
lated fora long timebeforebeingjuxtaposed to a storyabout the Samari-
tans.76Similarly,BiichlerarguedthattheJaddusstorywas composedin the
period of JuliusCaesar on thegroundsthatit refersto an exemptionfrom

75. Cohen,pp. 24-47.

76. Biichler,p. 13, argued thatthe Jaddus storyis an imitativereactionto the Sanballat
story but its literaryparallels show that the Jaddus storywas once independent.Under
Biichler'sinfluencemanyscholarshave assignedan Alexandriananti-Samaritanoriginto the
story.See Marcus's appendixin theLoeb editionand GeorgeFoot Moore,JudaismintheFirst
Centuriesof the ChristianEra, 3 vols. (Cambridge,Mass., 1927), 1: 24. Willrich(n. 41), pp.
11-13, deduced from the alleged anti-Samaritantendencya (Palestinian?) settingunder

taxesin theseventhyear(338), a boon thatwas grantedtheJewsby Caesar

(AJ14.202and 206). But thisargumentis precariousformanyreasons,not
leastofwhichis our ignoranceofthepreciseformulation ofJaddus'request
in the originalstory.Josephus(or someone else) may have modifiedthe
request to make it prefigurethe Caesarian exemption.By employing
Biichler'slogicwe could concludethattheJaddusstoryis ofBabylonianori-
ginon thegroundsthatAlexanderis said to guaranteetherightsoftheJews
of Babyloniaand Media (338).77 When we seek to determinethe date and
provenanceof theJaddusstorywe mustrelyupon the fundamentalstruc-
tureand messageofthestoryas a wholeand notupon itsdisjectamembra.
The aim of theadventusstorywas to finda place fortheJewsin Helle-
nistichistory,to showthattheconqueroroftheworldconsideredJerusalem
worthyof a visitand the Jewsworthyof respect.Like everyoneelse, of
course, the Jewsaccepted Macedonian sovereignty:beforehis departure
Alexanderguaranteesthe Jews'rightto follow theirancestrallaws. The
mostplausiblesettingforthisstoryis thepre-Maccabeanperiod,whenthe
Jewslooked benevolently upon gentiledominion.This conclusionwould be
almosta certainty ifwe could be surethatthereference
to theancestrallaws
was an integralpartof thestoryand not a lateraddition,sinceappeal to an
Alexandrianprecedentforpermissionto followthe ancestrallaws would
have been mostusefulduringthePtolemaicand Seleucidperiods.78For the
Jewsin the Maccabean period,who prided themselveson theirvictories
over the Macedoniansand told storiesabout thesavingpowerof God and
thesuccessof thosewho trustedin him(Daniel, 1 Maccabees, Judith),this
adventusstoryabout a polite Macedonian king and obedientJewswas
unsatisfactory.It thereforewas convertedintoan epiphanystorywhoseaim
was to demonstratethe power of the God of Israel. Even Alexanderthe

77. Josephushad connectionswithtrans-Euphratean Jewry(BJ 1.6) and knewhistorical

emanatingfromthatarea (AJ3.318-19; 10.264-65; 11.131-33; 18.310-79; 20.17-96;
cf.CA 1.192). It is possiblethattheJewsof Babyloniaand Media toldtheirown storiesabout
Alexanderthe Great(in responseto theadventusof Alexanderat Babylon?See thepassage of
Arriancitedin n. 14.) and thatAJ11.338combinesa fragment ofsucha storywiththePalestini-
an Jaddusstory.
78. EspeciallythetimeofAntiochusIII; see n. 41 above. It is notimpossiblethattheadven-
tus storyoriginatedin the Maccabean period, when the Jewsinventeda genealogicallink
betweenthemselvesand theSpartans(1 Macc. 12) and soughtto finda place forthemselvesin
thepoliticsoftheHellenisticworld.The adventusstory"putstheJewson themap." All in all I
thinkan earlierdate is moreplausible.

Great had to bow in homageto God and had to leave theJewsin peace. (It
is possiblethattheepiphanystoryabout Alexanderonce circulatedindepen-
motifslinkthisadventus-epiphany storyto theliteratureof Palestineofthe
second halfof the second centuryB.C.E.79It is thisstorywhichformsthe
basis oftheaccountin AJ 11.80
AlthoughAlexandriawas the creativecenterformanytraditionscon-
cerningAlexander,bothhistoricaland novelistic,it is unlikelythatourJad-
dus storyhails fromthat city.AlexandrianJewsspoke of Alexanderthe
Great as the grantorand guarantorof theircivic rights,"but our story
makes no such claim. Alexanderpromisesto protecttherightsof theJews
not onlyin Palestinebut also in Babyloniaand Media, areas whichhe had
not yetconquered,but he does not make a similarpromiseregardingthe
Jewsin thecitieswhichhe was goingto build.In theAgainstApion,a work
based upon AlexandrianJewishsourcesand concernedwiththeproblems
faced by AlexandrianJewry,Josephusgivesa listof monarchswho sacri-
ficedat thetemplein Jerusalemor otherwiseshowedrespectto theJews(CA
2.42-64) but omits Alexander'svisitto Jerusalem.This omissiondemon-
stratesnot only Josephus'ssloppinessbut also the factthat Alexandrian
apologistsdid not know the Palestinianstoryabout Alexander.Similarly,
thenarrativein AJ11omitsor contradictsrelevantinformation containedin

79. For some of the sharedmotifssee sectionIII above. Thereare otherstoo. WithAlex-
ander's invitationto theJewsto join his army(339), comparethesimilarinvitationsissuedby
DemetriusI (1 Macc. 10:36and 13:40).This parallelwas notedbyBiichler,p. 19,buthisdeduc-
tions are extreme.The "Phoeniciansand Chaldeans" readyto plunderJerusalem(AJ11.330)
remindus oftheslave dealersof I Macc. 3:41 (cf.2 Macc. 8:11). Theirpresenceintheepiphany
storyheightensthegloryof thesalvation,muchas Datis scoffedat Athenabeforethegoddess
manifestedher power. ("Phoenicians" probablymeans "traders"and "Chaldeans" probably
means "astrologers";see Marcus's notead loc. and Arrian6.22.4). The epiphanystoryalso has
manyaffinities to 2 Macc. (see sectionIII above) althoughtheresemblancebetweenAJ11.326
and 2 Macc. 3:14-17 is superficial.Not appreciatingthedistinctionbetweentheadventusand
epiphanystories,Momigliano,p. 445, writes,"It is difficultto imaginePalestinianJewsinven-
tinga visitofAlexanderto Jerusalembetween170and 70 B.c."
80. Josephusadded thereference to Daniel, changedthenatureof Alexander'sdream(see
sectionIV above), added the reference to Babyloniaand Media (see n. 77), and made many
otherchangeswhichwe can no longeridentify. Josephusis also responsibleforgivingthestory
itschronologicalsettingand forjuxtaposingitto materialabout theSamaritans(see sectionI).
81. For example,BJ2.487-88; CA2.35, 37, 42-44, 72; cf.AJ12.8. For a recentdiscussionof
thesepassages,see AryehKasher, TheJewsinHellenisticand RomanEgypt[Hebrew](Tel Aviv,
1978),pp. 171-76.

a workascribedto Hecataeus,in all likelihood

a workofAlexandrian ori-
HencetheJaddusstoryis notAlexandrian
gin.82 butPalestinian.83
AlexanderdidnotvisitJerusalem, didnotdo obeisanceto
anddidnotsacrifice to theGod ofIsrael.He wastoo busy
conqueringtheworldto botherwithan insignificant inlandpeopleliving
around a smalltemple.ButAlexander's journeyaffectedtheJewsdeeply
nonetheless.Whentheytold storiesabout himtheytoldthemin Greekand
genresoftheGreeks.As thetensionbetweentheadven-
tus and epiphanystoriesdemonstrates,it was not always easy to decide
whetherAlexandersurrenderedto theJewsor theJewssurrendered to Alex-

Theological ofAmerica
NewYork,NY 10027

82. Hecataeus reportsthatAlexandergave Samaria to theJews"freeof tribute"(CA2.43)

butin AJ11Josephusknowsno suchthingalthoughhe is contrasting Alexander'streatment of
theJewswithhis treatment of theSamaritans.In CA 1.192 Hecataeus reportsthatAlexander
orderedhis soldiers,Jewsincluded,to aid in therebuildingofthetempleofBel. WhentheJews
refusedtheywerepunisheduntilAlexanderrelented.This contradictsAJ11.339whereAlexan-
der assureshis Jewishvolunteersthattheymayremainloyalto theirancestrallaws. This is not
theplace fora discussionof thepassages ascribedto Hecataeus. If genuine,theyare of Egyp-
tianorigin;iffake,theyprobablyare of Egyptian(i.e., AlexandrianJewish)origin.For a brief
discussionand bibliography, see Nikolaus Walter,Fragmentejiidisch-hellenistischerHistoriker
Schriften Zeit, vol. 1,part2), pp. 144-53.
aus hellenistisch-r6mischer
The Hecataean passagesquotedbytheContraApionemare ascribedbyBen Zion Wacholderto
earlyPtolemaicPalestine,butthisviewis notconvincing;see hisEupolemus:A StudyofJudaeo-
GreekLiterature(Cincinnati,1974), pp. 262-73. The protagonistsof the Jewish-Samaritan
debatein Egypt(AJ13.74-79) also do notreferto Alexander.
83. For a recentendorsement of theAlexandrianview,see Momigliano(n. 73), p. 445. By
assumingthe unityof the Jaddusand Sanballat stories,Wacholder,pp. 293-95, ascribesa
Palestinianoriginto AJ11.302-47.