Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Preetha S*
{The paper analyses the provisions of the Biological Diversity Act, 2002 and its efficacy in
protecting the traditional knowledge related to biodiversity. The main thrust of the paper is that
the provisions of the Act are not adequate to protect the interests of the local and indigenous
community.}
The development of new products and the new use of existing products is a major threat
to the survival of many of the local and indigenous communities. The primary
motivation for developing countries to protect the rights of the custodians of traditional
knowledge is to improve the livelihoods of traditional knowledge holders and
communities4. Local and indigenous communities depend on traditional knowledge for
their livelihoods and well-being. Even today, many of the local and indigenous
communities in the Asian community meet their basic needs from the products they
manufacture and sell based on their traditional knowledge. According to the World
Health Organization up to 80 per cent of the world's population depends on traditional
medicine for its primary health needs. The poorest segments of developing nations
depend on traditional knowledge for their survival.5 Commercial exploitation of the
traditional knowledge base without sharing the profits arising from such use with the
local and indigenous communities is a violation of their social, economic and cultural
rights.
At the international level the WIPO-UNESCO Model provisions, the ILO Convention
concerning indigenous and tribal people, and the draft UN Convention on Rights of
Indigenous People, 1994 expressed the need for protecting traditional knowledge. The
Convention on Biological Diversity, 19926 which was primarily intended to provide for
the conservation of biological diversity, also acknowledged the rights of the holders of
traditional knowledge. CBD responded to the emerging inequities arising from private
industry's use of biological resources and the knowledge associated with it by
reasserting national sovereignty over such resources. 7 CBD mandates that states shall
respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of local and
indigenous communities, promote wider application of it with the approval and
involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage
equitable sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge,
innovations and practices.8
As a signatory to the CBD , India enacted the Biological Diversity Act, 2002 to regulate
access to biological resources and the knowledge associated with it .The legislation is
meant to achieve three main objectives namely conservation of biological resources ,
sustainable use of biological resources and equitable sharing of the benefits arising out
of the use of such resources. Protection of traditional knowledge is sought to be
achieved under the Act indirectly through the prevention of piracy of traditional
knowledge by regulating access to biodiversity and knowledge associated with it. Even
though the Act is a pioneering piece of legislation, it has many loopholes that need to be
addressed by a comprehensive sui generis legislation to protect the traditional
knowledge.
The legislation provides for a three tired management structure with the National
Biodiversity Authority9 at the apex level, State Biodiversity Board 10 at the state level
and the Biodiversity Management Committees11 at the local level. NBA shall regulate
access to biological resources and knowledge associated with it by foreigners.12 Prior
approval of NBA is required for applying for any intellectual property right within or
outside India for an invention based on research or information on biological resource
obtained from India. While granting approval NBA is duty bound to secure equitable
sharing of benefits arising out of the use of the accessed biological resources in
accordance with mutually agreed terms between the person applying for such approval,
local bodies concerned and the benefit claimers.13 The Act uses the term 'benefit
claimers' instead of 'local and indigenous communities' and the term has been defined to
mean the conservers of biological resources, their by-products, creators and holders of
knowledge and information relating to the use of such biological resources, innovations
and practices associated with such use and application.14
The sharing of benefits may be in the form of grant of joint ownership of intellectual
property rights to NBA or the benefit claimers, transfer of technology, location of
production, research and development units in such areas which will facilitate better
living standards to the benefit claimers, association of Indian scientists, benefit claimers
and the local people with research and development, setting up venture capital fund for
aiding the cause of benefit claimers and payment of compensation to the benefit
claimers. 15 NBA may withdraw the approval granted for access if the person has
violated the conditions on which access was granted or has failed to comply with the
terms of the agreement.16
Indian citizens and corporations registered in India can use the biological resource and
knowledge associated with it for all purposes after giving intimation to the SBB.17 They
are not bound to seek prior permission from neither the NBA nor the SBB, only an
intimation to SBB is required. The Act allows Indian corporations to use the biological
resources and knowledge associated with it without sharing any benefit arising from its
commercial utilization with the custodians of traditional knowledge. Rather the Act is
silent on whether the SBB should insist for prior informed consent and sharing of
benefits. Thus, the Act indirectly permits the local and indigenous communities to be
exploited by Indian corporations. The local people and communities of the area,
including growers and cultivators of biodiversity, vaids and hakims who have been
practising indigenous medicine are exempted from the obligation to give prior
intimation to the SBB.
The legislation mandates that the NBA and SBB shall be bound by the directions given
by the Central Government and the state governments respectively on questions of
policy18. There is every possibility that NBA and SBB may end up being ineffectual in
carrying out the purposes of the Act.
The Act provides for the constitution of BMC at the local level. NBA and SBB shall
consult the BMC while taking any decision relating to use of biological resources within
their jurisdiction. But the 'consultation' may remain as a mere formality as what is
envisaged in the Act is not a 'prior informed consent'. Further, the Act does not stipulate
that the decision of the BMC shall be binding on NBA and SBB.
The Biological Diversity Rules, 2004 provides that BMC shall consist of a Chairperson
and not more than six persons nominated by the local body, of whom not less than one
third should be women and not less than 18 per cent should belong to the scheduled
castes/scheduled tribes.19 The rules enumerate the functions of BMC .The main function
of the BMC is to prepare People's Biodiversity Register (PBR) in consultation with local
people. The Register shall contain comprehensive information on availability and
knowledge of local biological resources, their medicinal or any other use or any other
traditional knowledge associated with them. BMC shall also give advice on any matter
referred to it by the NBA or SBB. It shall also maintain data about the local vaids and
practitioners using the biological resources.20 The rules have reduced the role of BMC to
that of mere data providers.
The provisions of the Act are not adequate to recognise the local and indigenous
community's sovereignty over the biological resources and the knowledge associated
with it. The national sovereignty approach of the Act needs to be re-examined. It is high
time a new legislation is enacted with adequate provisions to ensure participatory role
for local and indigenous community in decision-making.
_______________________________
1. U.N. Dev. Programme ,Making Global Trade Work For People, 222 (2003),
available at http://www.undp.org/dpa/publications/ globaltrade.pdf (questioning
the relevance of TRIPs for large parts of the Third World); COMM'N ON
INTELLECTUAL PROP.RIGHTS,Integrating Intellectual Prop. Rights& Dev.
Policy ,87 (2002), available at
http://www.iprcommission.org/papers/pdfs/final_report/CIPRfullfinal.pdf
(discussing the treatment of traditional knowledge under existing intellectual
property frameworks).
BY
MANUEL RUIZ
OCTOBER 2002
The author is a lawyer and currently the Director of the Biodiversity programme of the
Sociedad Peruana de
Derecho Ambiental. The paper was edited by Sisule F. Musungu. The views expressed
are those of the author
and do not necessary reflect those those of CIEL, South Centre or The Rockefeller
Foundatio
Commercialization of traditional medicines
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Contents
[hide]
• 2 Famous cases
o 2.3 Hoodia
(CBD)
• 4 Ownership
governments
communities
biodiversity
• 6 See also
• 7 References
• 9 External links
Bioprospecting is an umbrella term describing the discovery of new and useful biological mechanisms,
either with or without the help of indigenous knowledge, and with or without compensation.[1] In this way,
bioprospecting includes biopiracy and also includes the search for previously unknown compounds in
organisms that have never been used in traditional medicine.[2]
Biopiracy is a situation where indigenous knowledge of nature is exploited for commercial gain with no
compensation to the indigenous people themselves.[3]Detractors of utilization of natural knowledge such as
Greenpeace[4] claim these practices contribute to inequality between developing countries rich
inbiodiversity, and developed countries hosting companies which engage in biopiracy.
Famous cases
The rosy periwinkle
The rosy periwinkle case dates from the 1950s. The rosy periwinkle, while native to Madagascar, had been
widely introduced into other tropical countries around the world well before the discovery of vincristine. This
meant that researchers could obtain local knowledge from one country and plant samples from another.
The locally known medical properties of the plant were not the same as the medical properties discovered
and commercially used by Eli Lilly[citation needed]. The use of the plant as a cure for diabetes was the original
stimulus for research, but cures for cancer were the most important results. Different countries are reported
as having acquired different beliefs about the medical properties of the plant.[5] The Hodgkin's
Lymphomachemotherapeutic drug vinblastine is also derivable from the rosy periwinkle.[6]
The neem tree
A Neem tree
In 1995 the U.S. Department of Agriculture and a pharmaceutical research firm received a patent on a
technique to extract an anti-fungal agent from the neemtree (Azadirachta indica), which grows
throughout India and Nepal; Indian villagers have long understood the tree's medicinal value. Although the
patent had been granted on an extraction technique, the Indian press described it as a patent on the neem
tree itself; the result was widespread public outcry, which was echoed throughout the developing world.
Legal action by the Indian government followed, with the patent eventually being overturned in 2005.[7][8]
Importantly, the pharmaceutical company involved in the neem case argued that as traditional Indian
knowledge of the properties of the neem tree had never been published in an academic journal, such
knowledge did not amount to "prior art" (prior art is the term used when previously existing knowledge bars
a patent). Public knowledge and public disclosure (including oral or written descriptions) is considered prior
art in most countries.
Hoodia
The Hoodia Succulent
Hoodia, a succulent plant, originates from the Kalahari Desert of South Africa. For generations it has been
known to the traditionally-living San people as anappetite suppressant. In recent years (2004 onwards)
there has been sensationalist media coverage of the plant. Derived products may be introduced into
developed countries to help obesity. The long-term benefits are controversial.
Further cases
The following is a selection of some of the further cases in recent biopiracy studies. Most of them do not
relate to traditional medicines.
A large selection of African biopiracy cases are discussed at GhanaWeb's Public Agenda (March
31, 2006)
The case of the Maya people's pozol drink is discussed in The New England Journal of
International and Comparative Law and at Global Exchange
The case of the Maya and other people's use of Mimosa tenuifolia, including many other such
cases in general are discussed at GRAIN
The case of the Andean maca radish is discussed in the American University's Trade Environment
Database
The United Kingdom Select Committee on Environmental Audit 1999; Appendices to the Minutes
of Evidence, Appendix 7: Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) and Farmers'
Rights interestingly lists and describes the cases of turmeric (India),
[8]
karela (India), quinoa (Bolivia), brazzeinberries (Gabon), and others.
Captopril
In the United States, patent law can be used to protect "isolated and purified" compounds. In 1873, Louis
Pasteur patented a "yeast" which was "free from disease" (patent #141072). Patents covering biological
inventions have been treated similarly. In the 1980 case of Diamond v. Chakrabarty, the Supreme
Court upheld a patent on a bacterium that had been genetically modified to consume petroleum, reasoning
that U.S. law permits patents on "anything under the sun that is made by man." The United States Patent
and Trademark Office (USPTO) has observed that "a patent on a gene covers the isolated and purified
gene but does not cover the gene as it occurs in nature".[9]
Also possible under US law is patenting a cultivar, a new variety of an existing organism. The patent on the
enola bean (now revoked) was an example of this sort of patent. The intellectual propertylaws of the US
also recognize plant breeders' rights under the Plant Variety Protection Act, 7 U.S.C. §§ 2321-2582.[10]
The CBD came into force in 1993. It secured rights to control access to genetic resources for the countries
in which those resources are located. One objective of the CBD is to enable lesser-developed countries to
better benefit from their resources and traditional knowledge. Under the rules of the CBD, bioprospectors
are required to obtain informed consent to access such resources, and must share any benefits with the
biodiversity-rich country. However, some critics believe that the CBD has failed to establish appropriate
regulations to prevent biopiracy. Others claim that the main problem is the failure of national governments
to pass appropriate laws implementing the provisions of the CBD.[11] The CBD has been ratified all
countries in the world except for Andorra, Holy See and United States. The 1994 Agreement on Trade-
Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) and the 2001 International Treaty on Plant Genetic
Resources for Food and Agriculture are further relevantinternational agreements.
Bioprospecting contracts
The ethical debate has sparked a new branch of international patent and trade law[citation needed].
Bioprospecting contracts lay down the rules, between researchers and countries, of benefit sharing and
can bring royalties to lesser-developed countries. However, the fairness of these contracts has been a
subject of debate. Unethical bioprospecting contracts (as distinct from ethical ones) can be viewed as a
new form of biopiracy.
Ownership
This article may contain original research. Please improve it by verifying the
claims made and adding references. Statements consisting only of original
research may be removed. More details may be available on the talk
page. (September 2007)
The rights at issue in the biopiracy debates are primarily ownership rights. Who (if anyone) owns the
Earth's biodiversity?[13] Under what circumstances is it appropriate to talk of 'ownership' of biodiversity, or of
particular examples of it? Various and sometimes inconsistent regional and international laws and
regulations assign ownership rights to many entities. Moreover, regardless of the legal situation, the case
for any party having an ethical right to ownership of biological resources is a separate issue.[citation needed]
An advantage of national government ownership is that some national governments may be strong enough
to defend property rights (e.g. against pharmaceutical corporations or other nations).[citation needed] Among
objections to national government ownership is the fact that there may be conflicts of interest in developing
countries between national governments and local communities. High biodiversity tends to occur in the
least developed regions. National governments tend to represent the more developed and urbanised
populations of a country.[citation needed] Ethnic, historical, and cultural gaps between governmentally well-
represented groups and the populations of the least developed regions are not infrequent. The knowledge
at issue in the biopiracy debates is often the knowledge of local communities, not the knowledge of their
governments.[citation needed]
One argument against this is that patent and copyright law are widely implemented as temporary legal
mechanisms. Under most intellectual property laws, patents and copyrights expire. In many cases where
local communities have been using traditional medicines for generations, these kinds of intellectual
property rights would have expired.[citation needed] Many such indigenous groups maintain that their knowledge
of the medicines should be protected on an international scale according to each group's internal
intellectual property laws (see Indigenous intellectual property).
Consequentialist arguments
Consequentialist arguments typically consider the maximisation of utility or other benefits.
In the case of the Rosy Periwinkle, the most noticeable consequence of the plant's widespread medicinal
use is the numbers of cancer patients whose lives it saved. Most ownership rights entail the right to refuse
certain uses, and a Consequentialist might conclude that the benefit of saving people's lives should
outweigh and supersede property rights.[citation needed] In the case of the Enola bean, however,
Consequentialist arguments favour the interests of Mexican bean farmers.[citation needed]
Virtue-based arguments
Many virtue-based arguments hold that there is something fundamentally and intuitively offensive or wrong
about outsiders using traditional knowledge from indigenous communities to make a profit without
compensating the communities in question. Virtue-based debates underlie many of this controversy's
ethical issues. Many virtue-based approaches recognize the importance of human knowledge of
biodiversity while encouraging some kind of exchange between bioprospectors and indigenous peoples.
[citation needed]
See also
Intellectual capital
Natural capital
Biological patent
Traditional knowledge
Piracy
Intellectual property
Bioethics
References
1. ^ http://www.oha.org/pdf/bioprospecting/20071130/definition.doc
2. ^ http://www.scq.ubc.ca/bioprospecting-a-new-western-blockbuster-after-the-gold-rush-the-
gene-rush/
3. ^ http://www.thefreedictionary.com/biopiracy
4. ^ http://www.greenpeace.org/australia/issues/GE/overview/causes/corporate/patents-and-
biopiracy
5. ^ Smithsonian Centre for Education and Museum Studies, A traditional brew leads to cancer
cure.
Perspectives (Environmental Health Perspectives, Vol. 109, No. 12) 109 (12): A582–
8. ^ a b c d "Know Instances of Patenting on the UES of Medicinal Plants in India". PIB, Ministry of
10. ^ Jim Chen (2005). "The Parable of the Seeds: Interpreting the Plant Variety Protection Act in
knowledge [1]
12. ^ John Eberlee (2000), Assessing the Benefits of Bioprospecting in Latin America
13. ^ Paul Gepts (2004). "Who Owns Biodiversity, and How Should the Owners Be
14. ^ Jim Chen (2006). "There's No Such Thing as Biopiracy ... And It's a Good Thing
17. ^ "CSIR wing objects to Avesthagen patent claim". Live Mint. Apr 28 2010.
18. ^ "India Partners with US and UK to Protect Its Traditional Knowledge and Prevent Bio-Piracy".
Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. April 28, 2010. Retrieved 25 May
2010.
Shiva, Vandana (1997). Biopiracy : The Plunder of Nature and Knowledge. South End Press.
Jim Chen (2005). "Biodiversity and Biotechnology: A Misunderstood Relation". Michigan State Law
Review 2005: 51–102.
External links
Out of Africa: Mysteries of Access and Benefit-Sharing - a 2006 report on biopiracy in Africa
by The Edmonds Institute
ETC Group papers on Biopiracy : Topics include: Monsanto’s species-wide patent on all
genetically modified soybeans (EP0301749); Synthetic Biology Patents (artificial, unique life forms);
Terminator Seed Technology; etc...
Who Owns Biodiversity, and How Should the Owners Be Compensated?, Plant Physiology, April
2004, Vol. 134, pp. 1295–1307
Traditional knowledge
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article may be unbalanced towards certain viewpoints. Please improve the article by adding
information on neglected viewpoints, or discuss the issue on the talk page. (August 2010)
Primary rights
Trademark
Geographical indication
Trade secret
Database right
Related topics
Part of a series on
Indigenous rights
Rights
Governmental organizations
Issues
Legal Representation
Related Categories
Organizations · Politics
Documentaries · Activists
v·d·e
Traditional knowledge (TK), indigenous knowledge (IK), traditional environmental knowledge (TEK)
and local knowledge generally refer to the long-standing traditions and practices of
certain regional, indigenous, or local communities. Traditional knowledge also encompasses the wisdom,
knowledge, and teachings of these communities. In many cases, traditional knowledge has been orally
passed for generations from person to person. Some forms of traditional knowledge are expressed
through stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs, and even laws. Other forms of traditional knowledge are
often expressed through different means.[1]
Contents
[hide]
• 1 Characteristics
• 2 Property rights
• 3 See also
• 4 References
• 5 External links
[edit]Characteristics
Traditional knowledge typically distinguishes one community from another. For some communities,
traditional knowledge takes on a personal and spiritualmeaning. Traditional knowledge can also reflect a
community's interests. Some communities depend on their traditional knowledge for survival. This is
particularly true of traditional environmental knowledge, which refers to a "particular form of place-based
knowledge of the diversity and interactions among plant and animal species, landforms, watercourses, and
other qualities of the biophysical environment in a given place" (Peña, 2005, p. 198). An example of a
society with a wealth of TEK is the South American Kayapo people, who have developed an extensive
classification system of ecological zones of the Amazonian tropical savannah (i.e., campo / cerrado) to
better manage the land (Posey, 2008, p. 90).
Cosmological connections and differences in worldview distinguish "traditional knowledge" from "local
knowledge". Social scientists often place knowledge within a naturalistic framework, and emphasize the
gradation of recent knowledge into knowledge acquired over many generations. These accounts use terms
like "adaptively acquired knowledge", "socially constructed knowledge," and other terms that emphasize
the social aspects of knowledge. Local knowledge and traditional knowledge may be thought of as
distinguished by the length of time they have existed - decades to centuries versus millennia. A large
number of scholarly studies in the naturalistic tradition demonstrate that traditional knowledge is not a
natural category, and may reflect powerstruggles and relationships for land, resources and social
control than adherence to a claimed ancestry or heritage.
Traditional knowledge, on the other hand, may be perceived very differently by indigenous and local
communities themselves. The knowledge of indigenous and local communities is often embedded in
a cosmology, and the distinction between "intangible" knowledge and physical things is often blurred.
Indigenous peoples often say that "our knowledge is holistic, and cannot be separated from our lands and
resources". Traditional knowledge in thesecosmologies is inextricably bound to ancestors, and ancestral
lands. Knowledge may not be acquired by naturalistic trial and error, but through directrevelation through
conversations with "the creator", spirits, or ancestors. As Chamberlin (2003) writes of a Gitksan elder
from British Columbia confronted by a government land claim: "If this is your land," he asked, "where are
your stories?"
Indigenous and local communities often do not have strong traditions of ownership over knowledge that
resemble the modern forms of private ownership. Many have clear traditions of custodianship over
knowledge, and customary law may guide who may use different kinds of knowledge at particular times
and places, and obligations that accompany the use of knowledge. From their perspective,
misappropriation and misuse of knowledge may be offensive to traditions, and may have spiritual and
physical repercussions in their cosmological systems. Subsequently, indigenous and local communities
argue that others' use of their traditional knowledge warrants respect and sensitivity. Critics of "traditional
knowledge", however, maintain that such demands for "respect" are really an attempt to prevent
unsubstantiated beliefs from being subjected to the same scrutiny as other knowledge claims. This has
particular significance for environmental management because the spiritual component of "traditional
knowledge" can be used to justify any activity, including the unsustainable harvesting of resources.
[edit]Property rights
Buddhist monk Geshe Konchog Wangdu reads Mahayana sutras from an old woodblock copy of the Tibetan Kanjur.
Recently, international attention has turned to intellectual property laws to preserve, protect, and promote
their traditional knowledge. The reasons for this are complex. In 1992, the Convention on Biological
Diversity (CBD) recognized the value of traditional knowledge in protecting species, ecosystems and
landscapes, and incorporated language regulating access to it and its use (discussed below). It soon
became apparent that implementing these provisions would require that international intellectual property
agreements would need to be revised to accommodate them.
This became even more pressing with the adoption of the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade-
Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs), which established rules for creating and protecting
intellectual property that could be interpreted to contradict the agreements made under the CBD. In
response, the states who had ratified the CBD requested the World Intellectual Property
Organization (WIPO) to investigate the relationship between intellectual property rights, biodiversity and
traditional knowledge. WIPO began this work with a fact finding mission in 1999. Considering the issues
involved with biodiversity and the broader issues in TRIPs (involving all forms of cultural expressions, not
just those associated with biodiversity - including traditional designs, music, songs, stories, etc.), WIPO
established the Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional
Knowledge and Folklore (IGC-GRTKF).
The period of the early 1990s to the Millennium was also characterized by the rapid rise in global civil
society. The high-level Brundtland Report (1987) recommended a change in development policy that
allowed for direct community participation and respected local rights and aspirations. Indigenous peoples
and others had successfully petitioned the United Nations to establish a Working Group on Indigenous
Populations that made two early surveys on treaty rights and land rights. These led to a greater public and
governmental recognition of indigenous land and resource rights, and the need to address the issue of
collective human rights, as distinct from the individual rights of existing human rights law.
The collective human rights of indigenous and local communities has been increasingly recognized - such
as in the International Labor Organization (ILO)Convention 169 (1989) and the Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples (2007). The Rio Declaration (1992), endorsed by the presidents and ministers of the
majority of the countries of the world, recognized indigenous and local communities as distinct groups with
special concerns that should be addressed by states.
Initial concern was over the territorial rights and traditional resource rights of these communities.
Indigenous peoples soon showed concern for the misappropriation and misuse of their "intangible"
knowledge and cultural heritage. Indigenous peoples and local communities have resisted, among other
things: the use of traditional symbols and designs as mascots, derivative arts and crafts; the use or
modification of traditional songs; the patenting of traditional uses of medicinal plants; and the copyrighting
and distribution of traditional stories.
Indigenous peoples and local communities have sought to prevent the patenting of traditional knowledge
and resources where they have not given express consent. They have sought for greater protection and
control over traditional knowledge and resources. Certain communities have also sought to ensure that
their traditional knowledge is used equitably - according to restrictions set by their traditions, or requiring
benefit sharing for its use according to benefits which they define.
Three broad approaches to protect traditional knowledge have been developed. The first emphasizes
protecting traditional knowledge as a form of cultural heritage. The second looks at protection of traditional
knowledge as a collective human right. The third, taken by the WTO and WIPO, investigates the use of
existing or novel sui generis measures to protect traditional knowledge.
Currently, only a few nations offer explicit sui generis protection for traditional knowledge. However, a
number of countries are still undecided as to whether law should give traditional knowledge deference.
Indigenous peoples have shown ambivalence about the intellectual property approach. Some have been
willing to investigate how existing intellectual property mechanisms (primarily: patents, copyrights,
trademarks and trade secrets) can protect traditional knowledge. Others believe that an intellectual
property approach may work, but will require more radical and novel forms of intellectual property law ("sui
generis rights"). Others believe that the intellectual property system uses concepts and terms that are
incompatible with traditional cultural concepts, and favors the commercialization of their traditions, which
they generally resist. Many have argued that the form of protection should refer to collective human rights
to protect their distinct identities, religions and cultural heritage.
[edit]Public domain
Hansel and Gretel is a fairy tale of Germanic origin, recorded by theBrothers Grimm in 1812. The tale has been adapted
to various media, most notably the opera Hänsel und Gretel(1893) by Engelbert Humperdinck and a stop-motion
animated feature film based on the opera. Artwork by Arthur Rackham, 1909
Literary and artistic works based upon, derived from or inspired by traditional culture or folklore may
incorporate new elements or expressions. Hence these works may be "new" works with a living and
identifiable creator, or creators. Such contemporary works may include a new interpretation, arrangement,
adaptation or collection of pre-existing cultural heritage that is in the public domain. Traditional culture or
folklore may also be "repackaged" in digital formats, or restorationand colorization. Contemporary and
tradition based expressions and works of traditional culture are generally protected under existing copyright
law, a form of intellectual property law, as they are sufficiently original to be regarded as "new" upon
publication. Once the intellectual property rights afforded to these new works of traditional knowledge
expire, they fall into the public domain.[2]
The public domain, as defined in the context of intellectual property rights, is not a concept recognised by
indigenous peoples. As much of traditional knowledge has never been protected under intellectual property
rights, they can not be said to have entered any public domain. On this point the Tulalip
Tribes ofWashington state has commented that "...open sharing does not automatically confer a right to
use the knowledge (of indigenous people)... traditional cultural expressions are not in the public domain
because indigenous peoples have failed to take the steps necessary to protect the knowledge in the
Western intellectual property system, but from a failure of governments and citizens to recognise and
respect the customary laws regulating their use".[2]
Indigenous intellectual property is an umbrella legal term used in national and international forums to
identify indigenous peoples' special rights to claim (from within their own laws) all that their indigenous
groups know now, have known, or will know.[3] It is a concept that has developed out of a
predominantly westernlegal tradition, and has most recently been promoted by the World Intellectual
Property Organisation, as part of a more general United Nations push [4] to see the diverse wealth of this
world's indigenous, intangible cultural heritage better valued and better protected against probable,
ongoing misappropriation and misuse.[5]
In the lead up to and during the United Nations International Year for the World's Indigenous Peoples
(1993)[6] then during the following United Nations Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples (1995–2004)
[4]
a number of conferences of both indigenous and non-indigenous specialists were held in different parts
of the world, resulting in a number of declarations and statements identifying, explaining, refining, and
defining 'indigenous intellectual property'.[7][8]
Article 8. In-situ Conservation Each Contracting Party shall, as far as possible and as appropriate: (a)... (j)
Subject to its national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of
indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and
sustainable use of biological diversity and promote their wider application with the approval and
involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the equitable
sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations and practices Article 10.
Sustainable Use of Components of Biological Diversity Each Contracting Party shall, as far as possible and
as appropriate: (a)... (c) Protect and encourage customary use of biological resources in accordance with
traditional cultural practices that are compatible with conservation or sustainable use requirements
The interpretation of these provisions has been elaborated through decisions by the parties (ratifiers of the
Convention) (see the Convention on Biological Diversity Handbook, available free in digital format from the
Secretariat).
The parties to the Convention set a 2010 target to negotiate an international legally-binding regime on
access and benefit sharing (ABS) at the Eighth meeting (COP8), 20–31 March 2006 in Curitiba, Brazil. The
ABS negotiations will address inter-governmental obligations related to genetic resources, and these will
involve measures related to the rights of indigenous and local communities to control access to and derive
benefits from the use of genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge.
At the Convention on Biological Diversity meeting, in Buenos Aires, in 1996, emphasis is put on local
knowledge. Key players, such as local communities and indigenous peoples, must be recognized by
States, and given back their sovereignty over the biodiversity of their territories, so that they can continue
protecting it.[9]
The Creative Commons, with its roots in the open software movement, the literary arts, the open access
movement in science and the humanities, and in the media, arts, entertainment and communications
communities, has also proposed that traditional knowledge is an essential and public source of cultural
creativity. Part of the debate involves the question of whether or not traditional knowledge is part of the
public sphere, national commons, or global commons as part of a "common heritage of mankind". There is
no common indigenous and local community position on issues of the "common heritage of mankind" or the
"global public good". Indigenous peoples and local communities have shared much of their knowledge and
resources with the global community and many have traditions of sharing. Healers, in general, have
spiritual obligations to heal the sick and have shared their healing knowledge. Indigenous peoples have
strong traditions of reciprocity, that is people's informal exchange of goods and labour. Much of the
historical appropriation and use of traditional knowledge has not occurred with reciprocity. Though
traditional knowledge and resources have made contributions to the welfare of humankind as the basis of
much of the world's food system and naturally-derived medicines.
IPR Policy of Kerala Govt.(India) - Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) Policy for Kerala released in
2008 [14], proposes adoption of the concepts ‘knowledge commons’ and ‘commons licence’ for the
protection traditional knowledge. The chief architects of the Policy are Prof. Prabhat Patnaik and Mr. R.S.
Praveen Raj. The policy advises to put all the traditional knowledge to the realm of “knowledge commons”
and not to public domain. While codification of TK in digital libraries and sharing the same with patent
offices is a viable solution to direct misappropriation, it is feared that it may provide an opportunity for
capitalists to effect private appropriation by making cosmetic improvements on such traditional knowledge
that is not accessible otherwise as confidentiality cannot be maintained by patent Offices when TKDL is
treated as prior art - says R.S. Praveen Raj [15]
[edit]See also
Biopiracy
Ethnoastronomy
Ethnobiology
Ethnobotany
Ethnoecology
Ethnomathematics
Ethnomedicine
Ethnopharmacy
Ethnoscience
Ethnozoology
Indigenous peoples
Intellectual property
Traditional medicine
[edit]References
1. ^ Acharya, Deepak and Shrivastava Anshu (2008): Indigenous Herbal Medicines: Tribal
Formulations and Traditional Herbal Practices, Aavishkar Publishers Distributor, Jaipur- India. ISBN
9788179102527. pp 440
2. ^ a b Graber, Christoph Beat; and Mira Burri Nenova (2008). Intellectual Property and
Cultural Property Definitions, Ownership and Strategies for Protection. Rainforest Aboriginal Network.
Cairns. Page 65
(2007). "Indigenous peoples" (WEB PAGE). Office of the United Nations High Commissioner of Human
6. ^ WATSON, Irene (1992). "1993: International Year for Indigenous Peoples". Aboriginal Law
8. ^ http://www.indigenouspeoplesissues.com/index.php?
9. ^ The CBD: Local knowledge systems at the heart of international debates, B. Roussel,
Synthèse, n° 2, 2003, Institute for Sustainable Development and International Relations. [1]
11. ^ a b "Know Instances of Patenting on the UES of Medicinal Plants in India". PIB, Ministry of
12. ^ "CSIR wing objects to Avesthagen patent claim". Live Mint. April 28, 2010.
13. ^ "India Partners with US and UK to Protect Its Traditional Knowledge and Prevent Bio-Piracy".
Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. April 28, 2010. Retrieved 25 May
2010.
14. ^ "IPRs policy proposes ‘knowledge commons'". The Hindu (Chennai, India). 28 June 2008.
15. ^ http://www.businessline.in/cgi-bin/print.pl?
file=2010012551041500.htm&date=2010/01/25/&prd=bl
[edit]External links
This article's use of external links may not follow Wikipedia's policies or guidelines. Please improve
this article by removing excessive and inappropriate external links. (August 2010)
International Workshop on Free, Prior and Informed Consent and Indigenous Peoples
Statement by the Tulalip Tribes of Washington on Folklore, Indigenous Knowledge, and the Public
Domain, July 09, 2003
Intellectual Property Rights, Open Source Methods and Traditional Knowledge in Developing
Countries
Traditional ecological knowledge handbook : a training manual and reference guide for designing,
conducting, and participating in research projects using traditional ecological knowledge / prepared by
Rita A. Miraglia. Hosted by Alaska State Publications Program.
Research article by Terra Nuova on "Preservation and maintenance of biological diversity related
knowledge of indigenous diversity and local communities with traditional lifestyles Bony Forest, Ijara
District"
Protecting Codified TK
Introduction
Traditional knowledge has always been an easily accessible treasure and thus has been
susceptible to misappropriation. The traditional knowledge, particularly, related to the
treatment of various diseases has provided leads for development of biologically active
molecules by the technology rich countries. In other words, traditional knowledge is being
exploited for bio-prospecting.Also Traditional knowledge is often misappropriated,
because it is conveniently assumed that since it is in public domain, communities have
given up all claims over it. Traditional Knowledge includes both the codified
(documented) as well as non-codified information (not documented but may be orally
transmitted).
Patent examiners, in the international patent offices, while examining the patentability of
any claimed subject matter, use available resources for searching the appropriate non-
patent literature sources. Patent literature, is usually wholly contained in several
distinctive databases and can be more easily searched and retrieved whereas non-patent
literature prior art is often buried somewhere in the many and diverse sources.
Therefore, a need was felt to create more easily accessible non-patent literature
databases on traditional knowledge of India.
TKDL targets Indian Systems of Medicine, viz., Ayurveda, Unani, Siddha and Yoga
available in public domain. This is being documented by sifting and collating the
information on traditional knowledge from the existing literature existing in local
languages such as Sanskrit, Urdu, Arabic, Persian and Tamil in digitized format, which
will be available in five international languages which are English, German, Spanish,
French and Japanese. Traditional Knowledge Resource Classification (TKRC), an
innovative structured classification system for the purpose of systematic arrangement,
dissemination and retrieval was evolved for about 5,000 subgroups against few
subgroups available in International Patent Classification (IPC), related to medicinal
plants. The information is being structured under section, class, subclass, group and
subgroup as per the International Patent Classification (IPC) for the convenience of its
use by the international patent examiners. Information comprising about 2 lakh
formulations has been transcribed for realizing the objective of TKDL Project.
Each Sloka is read and converted into a structured language using Traditional Knowledge
Resource Classification by subject (Ayurveda, Unani, Siddha or Yoga) experts. The codes
are then filled into the data entry screen. The Slokas are also saved in the database. The
translated version of all the TKRC codes is ported in the database. The abstraction is
done by the subject experts. The codes once saved in meta data directory are converted
in different languages based on Unicode technology. The formulations are presently being
converted into English, German, French Japanese and Spanish languages. The converted
format of the formulation is readable and can be understood by a layman though it is
targeted towards a patent examiner.
TKDL software with its associated classification system i.e., TKRC converts text in local
languages into multiple languages as mentioned above. It may be noted that the
software does not transliterate, rather it does a knowledge-based conversion, where data
abstracted once is converted into several languages by using Unicode, Metadata
methodology. Software also converts traditional terminology into modern terminology,
for example, Jwar to fever, Turmeric to Curcuma longa, Mussorika to small pox etc.
TKDL includes a search interface providing full text search and retrieval of traditional
knowledge information on IPC and keywords in multiple languages. The search features
include single or multiple word searches, complex Boolean expression search, Proximity
search, Field search, Phrase search, etc in the form of simple and advance search
options. Simple search lets the user search a combination of keywords. Advance search
lets the user search using Boolean expressions, using the expressions like “near”, “and”,
“and not”. Searches are also available on IPC and TKRC codes.
TKDL acts as a bridge between formulations existing in local languages and a Patent
Examiner at a global level, since the database will provide information on modern as well
as local names in a language and format understandable to Patent Examiners. It is
expected that the issue of the gap on lack of access to prior art traditional knowledge
shall get addressed.
Annex. 1
The rhizomes of turmeric are used as a spice for flavouring Indian cooking. It also has
properties that make it an effective ingredient in medicines, cosmetics and dyes. As a
medicine, it has been traditionally used for centuries to heal wounds and rashes.
In 1995, two expatriate Indians at the University of Mississippi Medical Centre (Suman K.
Das and Hari Har P. Cohly) were granted a US patent (no.5, 401,504) on use of turmeric
in wound healing. The Council of Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR), India, New Delhi
filed a re-examination case with the US PTO challenging the patent on the grounds of
existing of prior art. CSIR argued that turmeric has been used for thousands of years for
healing wounds and rashes and therefore its medicinal use was not a novel invention.
Their claim was supported by documentary evidence of traditional knowledge, including
ancient Sanskrit text and a paper published in 1953 in the Journal of the Indian Medical
Association. Despite an appeal by the patent holders, the US PTO upheld the CSIR
objections and cancelled the patent. The turmeric case was a landmark judgment case as
it was for the first time that a patent based on the traditional knowledge of a developing
country was successfully challenged. The US Patent Office revoked this patent in 1997,
after ascertaining that there was no novelty; the findings by innovators having been
known in India for centuries.
Neem extracts can be used against hundreds of pests and fungal diseases that attack
food crops; the oil extracted from its seeds can be used to cure cold and flu; and mixed
in soap, it provides relief from malaria, skin diseases and even meningitis. In 1994,
European Patent Office (EPO) granted a patent (EPO patent No.436257) to the US
Corporation W.R. Grace Company and US Department of Agriculture for a method for
controlling fungi on plants by the aid of hydrophobic extracted Neem oil. In 1995, a
group of international NGOs and representatives of Indian farmers filed legal opposition
against the patent. They submitted evidence that the fungicidal effect of extracts of
Neem seeds had been known and used for centuries in Indian agriculture to protect
crops, and therefore, was unpatentable. In 1999, the EPO determined that according to
the evidence all features of the present claim were disclosed to the public prior to the
patent application and the patent was not considered to involve an inventive step. The
patent granted on was Neem was revoked by the EPO in May 2000. EPO, in March 2006,
rejected the challenge made in 2001 by the USDA and the chemicals multinational, W. R.
Grace to the EPO’s previous decision to cancel their patent on the fungicidal properties of
the seeds extracted from the neem tree.
Rice Tec. Inc. had applied for registration of a mark “Texmati” before the UK Trade Mark
Registry. Agricultural and Processed Food Exports Development Authority (APEDA)
successfully opposed it. One of the documents relied upon by Rice Tec as evidence in
support of the registration of the said mark was the US Patent 5,663,484 granted by US
Patent Office to Rice Tec on September 2, 1997 and that is how this patent became an
issue for contest.
This US utility patent was unique in a way to claim a rice plant having characteristics
similar to the traditional Indian Basmati Rice lines and with the geographical delimitation
covering North, Central or South America or Caribbean Islands. The US PTO granted the
patent to Rice Tec on September 2, 1997. The said patent covered 20 claims covering not
only novel rice plant but also various rice lines; resulting plants and grains, seed deposit
claims, method for selecting a rice plant for breeding and propagation. Its claims 15-17
were for a rice grain having characteristics similar to those from Indian Basmati rice
lines. The said claims 15-17 would have come in the way of Indian exports to US, if
legally enforced.
Evidence from the IARI (Indian Agricultural Research Institute) Bulletin was used against
claims 15-17. The evidence was backed up by the germplasm collection of Directorate of
Rice Research, Hyderabad since 1978. CFTRI(Central Food Technological Research
Institute) scientists evaluated the various grain characteristics and accordingly the claims
15-17 were attacked on the basis of the declarations submitted by CFTRI scientists on
grain characteristics.
Eventually, a request for re-examination of this patent was filed on April 28, 2000. Soon
after filling the re-examination request, Rice Tec chose to withdraw claims15-17 along
with claim 4.Biopiracy of traditional knowledge is not limited to India alone. In fact, there
have been several examples from other countries where traditional knowledge biopiracy
has become a concern. Some of these examples are given below:
Kava is an important cash crop in the Pacific, where it is highly valued as the source of
the ceremonial beverage of the same name. Over 100 varieties of Kava are grown in the
Pacific, especially in Fiji and Vanuatu, where it was first domesticated thousands of years
ago. In North America and Europe, Kava is now promoted for a variety of uses. French
company L'Oreal - a global giant with US $10 billion a year in sales - has patented the
use of Kava to reduce hair loss and stimulate hair growth.
For generations, Shamans of indigenous tribes throughout the Amazon basin have
processed the bark of B. caapi Mort. to produce a ceremonial drink known as
“Ayahuasca”. The Shamans use Ayahuasca (which means “wine of the soul”) in religious
and healing ceremonies to diagnose and treat illness, meet with spirits, and divine the
future.
American, Loren Miller obtained US Plant Patent (no.5, 751 issued in 1986), granting him
rights over an alleged variety of B. caapi Mort. which he had collected from a domestic
garden in Amazon and had called “Da Vine”, and was analyzing for potential medicinal
properties. The patent claimed that Da Vine represented a new and distinct variety of B.
caapi Mort., primarily because of the flower colour.
The Coordinating Body of Indigenous Organisations of the Amazon Basin (COICA), which
represents more than 400 indigenous tribes in the Amazon region, along with others,
protested about a wrong patent that was given on a plant species. They protested that
Ayahuasca had been known to natives of the Amazon rainforest and it is used in
traditional medicine and cultivated for that purpose for generations, so Miller could not
have discovered it , and should not have been granted such rights, which in effect,
appropriated indigenous traditional knowledge. On reexamination, USPTO revoked this
patent on 3rd November 1999. However, the inventor was able to convince the USPTO on
17th April 2001, the original claims were reconfirmed and the patent rights restored to
the innovator.
Quinoa is a staple food crop for millions in the Andes, especially Quechua and Aymara
people who have bred a multitude of quinoa varieties. One traditional quinoa variety,
Apelawa, is the subject of US patent 5,304,718 held by two professors from Colorado
State University who claim the variety's male sterile cytoplasm is key to developing
hybrid quinoa. The patent claims any quinoa crossed with male sterile Apelawa plants.
For thousands of years, African tribesmen have eaten the Hoodia cactus to stave off
hunger and thirst on long hunting trips. The Kung bushmen, San who live around the
Kalahari desert in southern Africa used to cut off a stem of the cactus about the size of a
cucumber and munch it.
Hoodia is now at the centre of a bio-piracy row. In 1995, South African Council of
Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR) patented Hoodia’s appetite-suppressing element
(P57) and hence, its potential cure for obesity. In 1997 they licensed P57 to British
Biotech Company, Phytopharm. In 1998, Pfizer acquired the rights to develop and market
P57 as a potential slimming drug and cure for obesity (a market worth more than £ 6
billion), from Phytopharm for $ 32 million. The San people eventually learned of this
exploitation of their traditional knowledge, and in June 2001, launched legal action
against South African CSIR and the pharmaceutical industry on grounds of bio-piracy.
They claimed that their traditional knowledge has been stolen, and the South African
CSIR had failed to comply with the rules of the Convention on Biodiversity, which
requires the prior informed consent of all stakeholders, including the original discoverers
and users.
Phytopharm conducted extensive enquiries but were unable to find any of the knowledge
holders. The remaining San were apparently at the time living in a tented camp 1500
miles away from their tribal lands. The South African CSIR claimed that they have
planned to inform the San of the research and share the benefits, but wanted to make
sure that the drug proved successful.
The two sides entered into negotiations for a benefit-sharing agreement, despite
complications regarding who should be compensated: the person who originally shared
the information, their descendants, the tribe, or the entire country. The San are nomads
spread across four countries.
However, in March 2002, a landmark was reached in which the San will receive a share of
any future royalties. The settlement will not directly affect Phytopharm or Pfizer since the
San would be paid out of the CSIR’s royalties, as South African CSIR is the patent holder.
South African CSIR will probably receive a royalty of around 10% from Phytopharm,
which itself will receive royalties from sales from Pfizer. Thus San are likely to end up
with only a very small percentage of eventual sales.
Other examples
To cite some more examples of biopiracy, the plant Phyllanthus amarus Schum.et Thonn.
is used for Ayurvedic treatment for jaundice, a US patent has been taken for use against
Hepatitis B. The plant Piper nigrum Linn. is used for Ayurvedic treatment for vitiligo (a
skin pigmentation disorder). A patent has been taken in UK for the application of a
molecule from Piper nigrum Linn. for use in treatment of vitiligo.
The local communities or individuals do not have the knowledge or the means to
safeguard their property in a system, which has its origin in very different cultural values
and attitudes. The communities have a storehouse of knowledge about their flora and
fauna, their habits, their habitats, their seasonal behaviour and the like-and it is only
logical and in consonance with natural justice that they are given a greater say as a
matter of right in all matters regarding the study, extraction and commercialization of the
biodiversity. A policy that does not obstruct the advancement of knowledge, and provides
for valid and sustainable use and adequate intellectual property protection with just
benefit sharing is what is needed.
India in the WTO
Seema Sapra on India's engagement with the World Trade Organization
“The battle for ayurveda: India is racing to record the details of its traditional medicine
By Andrew Buncombe
Published: 23 November 2007
They range from the everyday to the decidedly obscure, from items with a specific, specialised use to those with a
host of applications. Their common heritage is one of the world’s oldest cultures, and their details are being gathered
together to guard against theft by the West.
For several years the Indian authorities have been collating information about hundreds of thousands of plants, cures,
foods and even yoga poses to create a vast digital database of traditional knowledge dating back to up to 5,000 years
ago, available in five international languages. Now, the first part of that database – relating to ayurveda or traditional
Indian medicine – has been completed and it is set to launch the fight back against what some have termed “bio-
colonialism”.
“The ayurveda part has been completed,” said Dr Vinod Gupta, the chairman of India’s National Institute for Science
Communication and Information Resources (Niscair), which is overseeing the project. “Now we are negotiating an
agreement with international patent offices [for access to this database].”
The database, totalling more than 30 million pages and known as the Traditional Knowledge Data Library, has come
about for one very simple reason: to prevent Western pharmaceutical giants and others using this traditional Indian
information to create a product for which they then obtain a patent.
The danger of such “misappropriation” is all too real. In 1994 an American company was granted a patent for a
product based on the seeds of the need tree, an item that had for centuries been used in India as an insecticide. It
took the Indian authorities more than 10 years to have the patent overturned. Similar battles were fought over a
product based on the spice turmeric – traditionally used to heal wounds – as well as a Texan company’s attempt to
trademark its strain of rice as “Texmati”.
“In 2000 we did a study of the US patent database. We found there were 4,986 patents for products based on
medicinal plants,” said Dr Gupta. “Of those around 80 per cent were based on plants from India … 50 percent of those
patents should never have been given – there was no change to the traditional knowledge.”
Under international guidelines, patents should not be given if it is shown there is “prior knowledge” or existing
information about the product or item. In the United States – where many of the patent applications have been made
– this prior existing knowledge is only recognised if the information has been written down. It does not consider
information passed down for centuries by means of oral tradition to be valid.
Unlike many cultures from which traditional information has been misappropriated, India has an extensive written
tradition. But most of the writing was in languages not widely read in the West. For example ayurvedic texts were
written in Sanskrit or Hindi, writings about unani medicine – based on Ancient Greek practices now only practiced in
the sub-continent – were in Arabic and Persian, while writings about another form of traditional medicine known as
siddha was in the Tamil language.
To get around this challenge, Dr Gupta called in more than 100 practitioners of Ayurveda, siddha and unani to help
compile the information using computer software. The database is being made available in Japanese, English,
German, French and Spanish and the contents will be made available to patent officials once agreements on
protecting the information and preventing it from being passed to corporations, are reached.
Also included within the database are more than 1,500 positions or asanas of yoga. This is because in recent years
several yoga teachers in the West have tried to copyright methods of teaching yoga that they are argue are unique
but which have existed for centuries in India.
One high-profile case involved Los Angeles-based Bikram Choudhury, the self-styled “yoga teacher to the stars”. Mr
Choudhury, who moved to America in the 1970s, first obtained a copyright for a book he wrote. But when other
teachers began copying the way he taught yoga – with 26 specific poses performed in a room heated to 41C (105F) –
he sought legal advice and was told to obtain a copyright for the moves themselves. It has been recognised by the US
courts despite India’s objections.
Dr Dinesh Katoch, an adviser on ayurveda within India’s Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, said more than 50,000
different ayurvedic formulations for treating everything from heart disease to memory loss had been entered into the
database. Some of the information is mentioned in the Vedas, the ancient Hindu texts that date back several thousand
years.
“We want to use this information for the global benefit but it should be done in a judicious way, not by stealing,” he
said, sitting in his office in central Delhi. “We want to prevent misappropriation. Prevention is the most important
thing because it is not easy to repeal a patent.”
In addition to the considerable cost incurred by the Indian authorities fighting patents they do not believe are genuine
or fair, there is a widespread feeling that Western corporations should not be making vast profits from traditional
knowledge while the people who discovered the information receive no benefit.
But campaigners say the misappropriation also has cultural and political implications. “I have termed it bio-
colonialism,” said Vandana Shiva, an Indian environmental activist and author.
“The international intellectual property laws as promoted by the World Trade Organisation [WTO] promote bio-
colonialism because while they say there should be a global system to patent everything, the reality is that patent
inspection is done at a national level. If you want to have a global system you have to have global inspection,” she
said. “This would involve setting up a global database. This will take a decade and cost billions of dollars.”"
Bioprospecting
Bioprospecting is the search in the biosphere, the collection of all living things, for new materials
that have commercial value. Bioprospectors have been likened to the Indiana Joneses of the
21st century(1) heading deep into jungles, scaling the highest mountains and plunging to the
depths of the oceans searching for 'green gold' – the plants and animals with properties which
businesses could use for new products and services. Bioprospectors often search for useful
substances in 'extremophiles' – microorganisms, plants and fungi that grow in extreme
environments, such as rainforests, deserts and hot springs.
In some cases bioprospectors have to obtain the useful materials they discover by harvesting the
organism that contains it. This clearly has implications for the trail of destruction they left through
the world’s fragile ecosystems. This 'supply issue' is still a limiting factor for some areas of
research. An example is the marine sponges known to contain microbes which appear to
safeguard the health of the host sponge and it therefore appears to be the microbe rather than
the sponge that is the source of the active ingredient being sought. Even though the sponges
have 50% of their weight made up from their symbiotic microbes, the sponges still have to be
harvested, and wasted, to gather the microbe. The University of Maryland Biotechnology Institute
is researching this issue(3) and has noted that “the reason why many of these compounds are not
progressing in clinical trials is that it is extremely difficult to obtain sufficient compound by
harvesting sponges and this approach can do severe environmental damage”.
Research can proceed faster, and more productively, where bioprospectors only need to collect
a small sample of the novel material that will underpin a new product, and from that small sample
they can replicate chemistry and functionality in the laboratory.
Many of the new discoveries are enzymes, biological molecules that are like catalysts for
chemical reactions. For instance, insulin for the treatment of diabetes is produced from bacteria
specially bred for lab use. Molecular biologists can also make compounds by identifying the gene
in a wild organism that controls production of that compound. The compound-producing gene is
inserted into lab bacteria and as the bacteria grow, they produce more of the compound.
Sometimes scientists identify a need for a certain chemical and look for it in nature. Just as often,
however, a scientist undertaking academic research suddenly notices an unexpected and
valuable use for the substances they are using – like the "Eureka!" moment experienced by a
researcher who accidentally discovered new kinds of antibiotics while studying frogs(4). These
are difficult to plan for in commercial research! One scientist might examine microorganisms for
new cancer-fighting drugs. Another may just be trying to understand how microorganisms live
and accidentally discover how those microorganisms protect themselves from something like
cancer.
There are thorny ethical issues raised by bioprospecting, the major one being who benefits from
any discoveries? If the active ingredient in a drug is found in the remote rainforest, how much
credit, or financial reward, will go to the indigenous people who provided expert help to find the
plant involved?
In 1991, the pharmaceutical company Merck entered into an agreement with Costa Rica's
National Biodiversity Institute, and gained access to plants, fungi and environmental samples
from Costa Rica's protected rainforests. The Costa Ricans got the right to royalties if any
marketed drugs resulted(5). The agreement ended after ten years and there seems to be little
public information on whether the agreement is worth repeating. Why didn’t Merck get what they
wanted? What’s the learning for others who would mine the chemical wealth of the rainforest?
Such commercial agreements are still rare and 'biopiracy' is now being debated by the parties to
the UN Convention on Biological Diversity. Genetic information is difficult to cover with existing
patenting systems and poor nations want a binding agreement to ensure they get a share of the
profits from any plant taken out of their country that ends up in a drug, cosmetic or health food.
So while the potential rewards from bioprospecting are significant, those rewards are far from
assured. And business needs partnerships with academia and with indigenous peoples if it
wants to avoid paying too high a price the ‘green gold’ of bioprospecting.
Country India
Type Digital library
Established 2001
Traditional Knowledge Digital Library is an Indian digital knowledge repository of the traditional
knowledge, especially about medicinal plants and formulations used in Indian systems of medicine. Set up
in 2001, as a collaboration between the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)
andDepartment of Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homoeopathy (Dept. of
AYUSH), Ministry of Health & Family Welfare, Government of India,[1] the objective of the library is to
protect the ancient and traditional knowledge of the country from exploitation through bio-
piracy and unethicalpatents, by documenting it electronically and classifying it as per international patent
classification systems. Apart from that, the non-patent database also serves to foster modern research
based on traditional knowledge, as its simplifies access to this vast knowledge, be it of traditional remedies,
or practices.[2][3][4]
As of 2010, it had transcribed 148 books on Ayurveda, Unani, Siddha and Yoga in public domain, into 34
million pages of information, translated into five languages — English, German, French, Spanish and
Japanese. Data on 80,000 formulations in Ayurveda, 1,000,000 in Unani and 12,000 in Siddha had already
been put in the TKDL. Plus it has also signed agreements with leading international patent offices such
as European Patent Office (EPO), United Kingdom Trademark & Patent Office (UKPTO) and the United
States Patent and Trademark Office to protect traditional knowledge from biopiracy, by giving patent
examiners at International Patent Offices access to the TKDL database for patent search and examinations
purposes.[2][5][6]
Contents
[hide]
• 1 History
• 2 See also
• 3 Reference
• 4 External
links
[edit]History
The issue of biopiracy and unethical bioprospecting made headlines after Government of India successfully
achieved revocation of turmeric and basmati rice patents granted by United States Patent and Trademark
Office (USPTO) and the neem patent granted by European Patent Office (EPO) in late 1990s. Soon cases
of more such patent claims came into light and also the fact that India’s vast traditional medicine knowledge
existed in languages like Sanskrit, Hindi, Arabic, Persian, Urdu, and Tamil, making it inaccessible for patent
examiners at the international patent offices to verify such claims. This experience prompted
the Department of AYUSH, Government of India to create a task force of experts in the areas of traditional
medicine systems of India, i.e. Ayurveda, Unani, Siddha as well as Yoga, patent examiners, IT experts,
scientists and technical officers, for the creation Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL), which was
finally initiated in the year 2001. The task included, for example transcribing Sanskrit shlokas which
describe an Ayurvedic formulation in text form, using Traditional Knowledge Resource Classification
(TKRC) devised for the purpose, so that it is easily understandable to any patent examiner, anywhere in
the world. For this reason, the entire text, all 34 million pages of it, is available in five languages: English,
German, French, Spanish and Japanese.[5][7][8][9]
As the database project reached its completion, the government in 2006 decided to allow access to the
library to international patent offices, including European Patent Office (EPO), Japan and the UK, subject to
a non-disclosure clause. This allowed patent examiners to evaluate patent applications and stop attempts
to patent traditional knowledge as "new" inventions.[2][6][7][10][11] Subsequently, agreements were signed with
European Patent Office (EPO) in February 2009, with United Kingdom Trademark & Patent Office
(UKPTO) in January 2010, apart from an agreement with the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO)
after the Summit meeting between US President Barack Obama and Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh,
also in January 2010. With patent examiner getting access to TKDL database, legal cases regarding
unethical patent claims, which in the past have taken years and vast expenditure for bringing each case to
fruition, could be avoided.[7][12][13]
Another project to include data relating to 1,500 postures in yoga began in 2008, after new reports of a
large number of false gurus and yoga masters, who attempted to patent in their country this ancient
knowledge, for example 131 yoga-related patents were traced in the US alone in 2007, and after uproar in
the parliament and media, Government of India took up the issue with USPTO.[14][15]Thereafter, a team of
yoga gurus from nine schools working with government officials and 200 scientists from the Council of
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) scanned 35 ancient texts including the Hindu epics,
the Mahabharata and the Bhagwad Gita, and Patanjali's Yoga Sutras to register each native pose, and end
2009, 1500 asanas were to be added.[13][16]
In 2010, Union Environment Minister, Jairam Ramesh stated that over a period of eight years on 34 million
pages of information have been collected at an estimated cost of Rs 7 crore, further at least 36 cases had
been identified by the EPO and 40 cases by USPTO, using TKDL. As a future project, a people’s Register
of Biodiversity, is also being set up by the government, to document and protect, traditional knowledge
passed down through the oral tradition, under India’s National Biodiversity Act of 2002.[17][18]
[edit]See also
Some IPR Experts have expressed concern [19] over sharing TKDL in the form of 'prior art' with foreign
patent offices, as this action would undermine its confidentiality according to them. 'Prior art' definition
covers everything that has been published, presented or otherwise disclosed to public anywhere in the
world on the date of patent and includes documents in foreign languages.
“I wonder how confidentiality can be maintained if TKDL is treated as a prior art, quips Mr R. S. Praveen
Raj, an IPR Expert, who was formerly an Indian Patent Examiner and presently scientist with the National
Institute for Interdisciplinary Science and Technology (NIIST), Thiruvananthapuram.
[edit]References
2. ^ a b c "Know Instances of Patenting on the UES of Medicinal Plants in India". PIB, Ministry of
3. ^ "CSIR chief stress on non-patent literature database". Business Line. September 23, 2000.
4. ^ Sengupta, p. 187
6. ^ a b "CSIR wing objects to Avesthagen patent claim". Live Mint. Apr 28 2010.
7. ^ a b c "India Partners with US and UK to Protect Its Traditional Knowledge and Prevent Bio-
Piracy". Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. April 28, 2010. Retrieved 25
May 2010.
8. ^ Dutz, p. 14
9. ^ Alikhan, p. 85
10. ^ "Free access to traditional knowledge library". Financial Express. Jul 14, 2006.
11. ^ "Patents offices given access to TK library". Financial Express. Jun 30, 2006.
12. ^ "India documents traditional formulations, yoga postures". The Hindu. January 4, 2010.
13. ^ a b "India’s Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL): A powerful tool for patent
14. ^ "Indian Government in Knots Over U.S. Yoga Patents". ABC News. May 22, 2007.
OFFICE – THE FACTUAL POSITION". PIB, Ministry of Commerce & Industry. June 13, 2007.
16. ^ Nelson, Dean (23 Feb 2009). "India moves to patent yoga poses in bid to protect traditional
17. ^ "India favours pact for benefit sharing of bio-resources". Business Standard (May 22, 2010).
18. ^ "Biodiversity study with replay whiff". The Telegraph. January 5 , 2010.
19. ^ http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2010/01/25/stories/2010012551041500.htm
Alikhan, Shahid; R. A. Mashelkar (2004). Intellectual property and competitive strategies in the
21st century. Kluwer Law International. ISBN 9041121196.
Dutz, Mark Andrew (2007). Unleashing India's innovation: toward sustainable and inclusive
growth. World Bank Publications. ISBN 0821371975.
Sengupta, Nirmal (2007). Economic Studies of Indigenous and Traditional Knowledge. Academic
Foundation. ISBN 8171885
Bio-prospecting or Bio-piracy?
Sudhir D Ghatnekar & Mandar S Ghatnekar
Biotechnology is indeed a big business. The manipulation
of living materials to create new types of medicines and
agricultural products is currently worth $2 billion a year in
the United States. Estimates show that biotech profits will
soar to $50 billion by the year 2000. Most of the "raw
material" for this booming industry comes from the
world's dwindling rainforests of the Southern Hemisphere.
Pharmaceuticals as Biopirates
Now we have won the battle but many more such battles
are in the offing and are awaited. Before we lose our
stronghold in the foreign hands to conserve our rich
diveristy we all third world countries need to unite. There
are 200 such medicinal plants from our country on which
multinationals are trying to take patents on various usages
all over the world. And India with such wider scientific
base and cultural background should take lead to stop all
kinds of biopiracies by multinational companies. Rather
India should take lead to form bio-partnership and being
senior partner in manpower and genetic resources amongst
all the third world countries. Indeed this is the need of
time. After all, the prospects of Bioprospecting depend on
successful Bio-Partnership only.