Abuse in Australia – Gender & Interlocking Oppressions

This essay provides a brief overview of the social problem of sexual abuse in Australia from
different perspectives. The purpose of this essay is to understand the diversity of experiences
as they relate to social problems, and the implications of diversity and difference for social
policy. The implications of such competing social discourses and how they contribute to and
impact on social policy and social work practice will be explored.

Child Abuse
Child sexual abuse is a major social phenomenon that is deeply rooted in cultural, economic
and social practices worldwide. UNICEF, the United Nations Children’s Fund provides a
global estimate of one million children, mainly girls, being forced into the multi-billion dollar
commercial sex trade every year. The exploitation of children through prostitution,
pornography and ‘sex tourism’ is a growing form of commercialised violence, with girls as
main victims (UNICEF 2001).
In Australia many children and young people experience sexual abuse. Recent research
undertaken by the National Crime Prevention, Young Australians and Domestic Violence
(2001) report (as cited in Mulroney 2003) found that up to a quarter of young people aged
between 12-20 years old had witnessed domestic violence and that in 60% of families where
there is domestic violence, child abuse was also present.
A number of studies have examined the extent and prevalence of child abuse in Australia. In
the Northern Territory from 1999-2000 almost 1,800 children experienced family violence of
which 10 percent of the children experienced sexual abuse (Mulroney 2003). In Victoria in
1993 domestic violence occurred in 40% of the sexual abuse cases and in 50% of the physical
abuse cases (ibid). Each year in Australia, more than 20,000 women seek shelter in women's
refuges and take out protection orders and the number of children that access refuge services
equal more than four times that figure (Alexander 1993).
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (2003) has collected substantial information that shows
that the social and economic costs of sexual abuse are expansive. With the breakdown of
familial relationships caused by domestic violence extra burdens are placed on society and
more resources are required to provide support and education programs for children, young
people and adults affected by sexual abuse, both victims and offenders alike (ibid).
The ABS (2003) figures on sexual violence shows that additional burdens are placed on
society. The Australian judicial system takes on the extra strain of dealing with family
violence and sexual abuse criminal and legal matters. There are also additional requirements
for housing, welfare and benefits, employment, health, and child care. People may no longer
be able to work or pursue education as a result of their experiences (Mugford 1989).

At a personal level the cost to victims/survivors of sexual abuse has a considerable body of
evidence that shows that the cost to individuals is enormous. Children lose the opportunity to
move through developmental milestones to adulthood and have lost any understanding of
what constitutes safe, healthy relationships between adults and children (Regan 2001). The
effects resulting from the abuse children experienced were long lasting and required some
level of professional intervention (ibid). Victims of violent crimes also experience the long
term emotional costs of loss of self-esteem, depression, fear and mistrust (CASA 2004).
Non-offending parents or guardians of children who are sexually abused often say that they
feel they are to blame and feel remorse and shame (Mugford 1989).
The individual and social impact of child sexual abuse leads to many differing experiences
and perspectives. Children, young people and women can be further disadvantaged by
‘interlocking oppressions’ (Yeatman 1995, p.42). Disadvantage or oppression may be further
complicated when people have “several ‘identity categories’ such as being black and female
with a disability” (Deakin University ASK316 Unit Guide 2004, p.16).

Oppression and sexual violence

Oppression occurs as a social relationship where a dominant group (or groups) subordinate
and exploit other groups politically economically, socially and culturally (Mullaly 2002;
Yeatman 1995). Contemporary social movements such as feminist and anti-racist or anti-
oppressive movements interpret how this notion of a complicated interaction of categories or
‘interlocking oppressions’ mutually determine one another and affect their members
(Yeatman 1995).
In her description of the modern politico–ethical terrain of ‘oppression,’ Yeatman (1995)
argues that in order to be oppressed there needs to be a consciousness of being oppressed and
secondly, a sense or knowledge that things could be different. Structurally, the condition of
oppression has to contradict or violate core values which are widely accepted (ibid). For
example, the introduction of the ‘pill’ in the 1960’s presented women with options around
birth control. It is very hard for contemporary Australian women in 2004 to imagine a world
without that choice.
Sexual violence is a gendered crime and amongst adults it is primarily women that are
victimised (ABS 1996). As outlined previously the issue of sexual abuse for women is
further complicated by membership to different ‘sub-groups’ for example, race, ethnicity,
culture, age, class, income (Yeatman 1995). The concept of interlocking oppressions is
relevant in gaining greater knowledge about the social problem of sexual abuse in Australia.
Understanding how individual experiences may be shared or different from other members
leads to diverse ways of interpreting the impact of sexual violence and determining
approaches for dealing with the issue (ibid).
Although a group of women may share having experienced sexual abuse, how they define
their experience or respond is diverse. For example, Aboriginal women experience violence
at far higher rates than non-Aboriginal women (Mulroney 2003). According to Ferrante et al
(1996) Aboriginal women living in rural areas were 45 times more likely to be victims of
domestic violence than non-Aboriginal women and 1.5 times more likely to experience
violence than other Aboriginal women living in metropolitan areas.
These figures highlight the multiple oppressions such as race, gender, geography, class and
income that Aboriginal women experience.
One leading explanation or discourse as to reasons why Aboriginal women are more
vulnerable is that they are further oppressed by an historical legacy of racial violence through
colonisation (Thomas 2004).
The Australian Report of National Inquiry into Racist Violence 1991 (as cited in Thomas
2004) gives a brief indication of the violence used against Aboriginal people:
“The process of colonisation was characterised by small scale but systematic
physical violence… for more than 160 years” and it is estimated that during that time
“approximately 20,000 Aborigines were killed in frontier conflict” (National Inquiry
into Racist Violence in Australia 1991, p.38).

Aboriginal women
Whilst evidence shows that all Aboriginal people experienced extremely high levels of racial
violence, Aboriginal women were further disadvantaged because of their gender. An 1899
South Australian Royal Commission noted there were stations “where every hand on the
place had a gin” (Reynolds 1990, p.207 as cited in Thomas 2004). (A gin is a derogatory
term that non-indigenous men use towards Aboriginal women). “Aboriginal women were
preyed on by any and every white man whose whim it was to have a piece of ‘black velvet’
wherever and whenever they pleased” (ibid, p.75). This legacy founded on racial and sexual
discrimination affects Aboriginal women’s experiences and responses to sexual abuse today
(Thomas 2004).
Aboriginal women have identified sexual abuse issues and barriers which specifically relate
to them (Thomas 2004). Generally, Aboriginal women are not reporting sexual assaults and
some factors that contribute to this are police attitudes and responses. The court system,
lack of culturally-appropriate counselling and support services and the whole general social
lack of understanding of the socio-historical impact of violence on Aboriginal people all
contributed to reasons why help was not sought (ibid). The Violence in Indigenous
Communities Report (Memmott et al 2001 as cited in Thomas 2004) lists multi-causal factors
such as the loss of land and traditional culture, the disempowerment of traditional elders,
breakdown of community kinship systems and Aboriginal law, and entrenched poverty and
racism.
When institutional structures of dominance intersect with intimate forms of violence, the
result is one of compounding oppression (Yeatman 1995). Aboriginal women have the
legacy of colonisation, poverty, devaluation as women and lack of access to services, and the
recognition of their basic human right to be safe from abuse and violence (Mugford 1989).

Aboriginal Children
Stanley (2003) reports that figures for Aboriginal children who experienced some
‘substantiated’ form of abuse in 2000-2001 were disproportionately higher than non-
Aboriginal children (4.3 times on average) with Victoria and Queensland reaching figures up
to 8 times higher. The Gordon Report (2002) as cited in Stanley (2003, p.3) states that the
rate of child sexual abuse of indigenous children is significantly greater than non-indigenous
children. Western Australian Police reports confirmed that although the rates of sexual
assault reports of indigenous girls was double that of non indigenous girls only 10% of sexual
assaults were formally reported (ibid). Fear of racism, shame, reprisals, police response,
legal system and terminology and a general lack of trust of the ‘white system’ were all factors
contributing to low reporting rates of indigenous child sexual abuse (ibid).
Social, economic and cultural factors contribute to high rates of child sexual abuse. Stanley
(2003) purports that the level of violence is so high and common in some indigenous
communities that it is not treated seriously. The legacy of the 'stolen generation' has impacted
on both indigenous and non-indigenous Australians in that people fear responding and are
confused about the right response (ibid). Rural communities are much smaller than their
urban counterparts and lack of anonymity, appropriate culturally-determined and appropriate
child protection responses and community services all contribute to the high rates of family
violence and sexual abuse in indigenous communities (ibid).

Men
Information about the sexual assault of males is limited. Information sourced from Victorian
Police figures and SECASA (a sexual assault centre in the South-East region of Melbourne)
showed that reporting figures were low and men were further disadvantaged by stereotypical
negative assumptions that men can defend themselves. Men also have to contend with a
societal myth that men don’t get raped and those that do are “gay” (SECASA 2004). Men
share feelings of self blame, confusion and loss of self and support for male victims is
extremely limited. CASA (2004) literature highlights the fact that many sexual abuse
services will only see women.

Perpetrators of sexual abuse

As with adult male victims there is still a lot unknown about perpetrators of sexual abuse and
some limited information on the characteristics of male offenders exists (Edwards 2003).
Edwards (2003) contends that prior exposure was a strong predictor of the severity and
prevalence of subsequent violence.
No evidence could be substantiated about a direct causal link between experiencing sexual
abuse as a child leading to becoming an abusing adult (Edwards 2003). Despite the wide
acceptance of socio-political explanations for domestic violence, most interventions with men
who perpetrate violence in intimate relationships have been individualised (ibid).
When their review of interventions with men who use violence identified no interventions
addressing the socio-cultural level, Edelson et al (as cited in Edwards 2003) speculated that
“It may be easier and less threatening to society to target individuals and families for change
rather than the norms or values that are part of an intricate web of social order” (1989, p.
407).

Theoretical perspectives
A number of theoretical perspectives and explanations exist about sexual abuse. An
individual or psychological explanation of child abuse focuses on the individual and his or
her psychological characteristics or childhood experiences. The explanation centres on a
‘typology’ of perpetrators of sexual abuse and that there is something ‘abnormal’ or ‘criminal’
present in the individual (Saraga 1995).
Family explanations exist where the focus shifts away from the individual to relationships
between family members and family events (Saraga 1995). Family focused interventions
sought to combine a systems approach with feminist ideology to place the issue of child
abuse in a structural societal context (ibid). Economic, social and cultural factors were taken
into account and used to explain the issue of child abuse.
Feminist analyses further recognised that individual experiences and behaviour can be
understood in terms of the ideologies and social conditions of femininity and masculinity and
acknowledged that gendered power differentiations exist in relationships (Saraga 1995).
Feminist ideology rests on the beliefs that women are oppressed by ‘sexism’ which is a set of
beliefs, practices and institutional structures which is reinforced by patriarchy (Thompson
2001).
Critical and radical social movements have lead to the establishment of anti-discriminatory
practices that seek to address the unequal nature of relationships in society (Thompson
2001). Such practices influence social policy. For example, the Women’s Safety Strategy
(2002) is part of a whole-of-government approach that recognises the need for a specific
strategy to address violence against women. This strategy arose as a direct response to anti-
discriminatory and feminist influences (DVIRC 2002).
Social Policy and Discourse
Social policy is an area that reflects the diverse ideological nature of Australian society.
Social discourses influence and contribute to the changing nature of society. Yeatman (1995)
explains how contemporary social movements work to overcome oppression of people in
their membership and how these culturally determined ‘discourses’ occur within a historical
context. Social policies are usually based on conflicting principles of which some may work
together, for example feminists and conservatives may combine to support a policy to restrict
or ban the use of pornography (Blakemore 2003). Competing principles act as signposts that
influence new developments in social policy (ibid). There is no one universal reality but
many realities and social discourse largely reflects the interests and world views of dominants
groups of the day (Mullaly 2002).
The political system is another arena where dominant discourses or social theories can be
evidenced. In Australia the Liberal party and new right tenets form the majority of the
newly-elected government. The new right presents a conservative, free market-determined,
consumer paying economy with government providing minimal intervention (Gamble 1988).
The new right libertarian approach includes policies which reflect individual responsibility
and free enterprise based on assumptions that everyone in society has equal opportunities and
access to resources (ibid). A secondary aspect of the new right approach supports the notion
of ‘traditional family values’ with father as the head of the household and mother the main
caregiver which supports “the continuing dominance of traditional British cultural traditions
and values” (Deakin University Critical Social Policy Guide 2004 Topic 3, p.3).
The discourse of social democracy advocates state intervention, citizenship and integration
components to how society functions (Deakin University Critical Social Policy Guide 2004,
Topic 3). State intervention serves to regulate the economy in times of prosperity in order to
ensure a healthy state in times of economic downturn. The major difference with social
democracy is that it is the government’s role through policy to ensure the welfare of its
citizens (ibid).
Current policies are a direct result of economic rationalist reform and restructuring of primary
health and welfare services undertaken in the late 1990’s (Dalton et al 1996). A health and
welfare model was established where the Government purchased services on behalf of
consumers with a focus on a centralised coordinated service delivery based on outcomes, cost
effectiveness and resource efficiency (ibid).
Social policy addresses both similarities and differences in relation to responding to the social
problem of sexual abuse. Blakemore (2003) argues that there is rarely any clear single
principle underlying any policy or welfare system. He suggests that social policies are
usually based on conflicting principles. This is evidenced in the policies which seek to
address ways of reducing family violence. For example, the Women's Safety Strategy (2002)
provides a co-ordinated approach to reducing violence against women and is currently
pursuing an initiative to develop a framework for Government to include for the provisions of
men who perpetrate domestic violence.
It is important for social policy and social work practice to understand how experiences of
problems may be shared and different. Issues of family violence, child abuse and sexual
abuse are of concern to many people around the world. The notion of what is acceptable
behaviour is complicated by cultural determinants which occur in a socio-historical context
and change as social norms evolve (WHO 2002). The World Health Organisation’s World
Report on Violence (2002) maintains that violence is largely ignored as a health issue because
there is no clear definition and argues that violence is therefore difficult to address globally.
There is also no clear worldwide definition of what constitutes child abuse although there is
agreement being sought through the United Nations International Convention on the Rights
of The Child (CRS) which 194 countries, including Australia, are signatories (United Nations
CRC 2004). Any policies which seek to address sexual abuse in any meaningful way will
need to provide appropriate resources and legislate against violence in all forms.

Social Workers and Anti-Oppressive / Anti-Discriminatory Role in Society

Social work seeks to address issues of oppression and discrimination and requires an
understanding of how complex multi-layered, competing social discourses influence social
change. “Domination is structural, yet also personally experienced” and requires a critical
approach (Fook 2002, p.17). As there are no clear national or international definitions of
what constitutes child abuse Social workers are even more heavily reliant on their own
understandings and theoretical interpretations. As Fook (2002) highlights, effective social
work practice requires a ‘reflective’ approach which ‘critiques’ the multi-faceted impact of
structural domination on people’s lived experiences.
Mullaly (2002) examines the personal, cultural, and structural levels of oppression. He
demonstrates how and why social workers should approach those who experience social
problems based on an imposed inferior type of citizenship (gender, age, disabilities, colour,
and sexuality) with a broader and deeper understanding of the dynamics and various forms of
oppression. Mullaly (2002) outlines the reasons why social workers need to join with
marginalised people to confront oppression by dealing with their own professional fatalism
and elitism as well as the despair of oppressed peoples. Thompson (2001) also supports the
view that acknowledgement and understanding of structural oppression underpins effective
anti-discriminatory practice.
Fook (2002) advocates that social workers are required to practice “in ways which further a
society without domination, exploitation and oppression” (ibid, p.18). This is only possible if
social work practitioners gain greater understanding of the diverse and competing nature of
social ideologies and dominant social discourses and how they influence and contribute to
social policies.

Liz Harris,
October 2004

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