History of Economic Development in Jamaica

1494 to 1838

Columbus sailed westward from Spain in the search of gold and riches for his benefactor,
Queen Isabella. When he stumbled on the islands in the Caribbean he thought he was in India,
hence the later naming of the islands; the West Indies. Following Columbus’ arrival on the
shores of Jamaica, the Spanish established a colony on the island. They drove the native
Arawaks into forced labor and introduced various European diseases such as smallpox. As a
result, in just over 150 years after the arrival of the Spanish, the Arawak population was nearly
completely wiped out. In 1655 the English seized control of the island from the Spanish. At that
time the island’s population was only a few thousand, the majority of whom were African, or a
mixture of Spanish, African, and Arawak Indian. The early English settlers arrived, not only from
the mother country, England, but from Barbados, an earlier British colony. Like most colonial
settlers they were mostly uprooted persons, misfits, and outcasts who could not make a
successful living in England.

Sugarcane, introduced from Barbados, soon became a profitable crop and small farms were
quickly gobbled up by large sugar cane plantations. Large scale sugar production required a
large, cheap labor force. With the indigenous Arawak Indians nearly wiped out by European
disease and slave labor under the Spanish, the only local source of labor was the dispossessed
Europeans. But Europeans had to be paid for their labor and so a solution was found by
importing African slaves.

By the late 17th century the English began importing a large number of slaves for sale to
planters in Jamaica. For the next 160 years Jamaica was a slave plantation society specializing
in sugar cane for export to England. Capital to purchase slaves and other sugar production
materials were provided by English merchants while goods imported into the colony arrived
exclusively from England. The fundamental relationship between English merchant and
Jamaican planter was that of client and debtor.

Meanwhile, within the Jamaican society and on the plantations there existed social stratification
along strict racial lines. White European capitalists, plantation owners and managers stood at
the pinnacle of society while Black African slaves languished at the lowest level of the social
order. Over time, as a result of cross-breeding between the Europeans and Africans there
developed in between these two classes, the Brown mulatto class of “Free Coloreds” who
served as a buffer or broker between the two principal classes. This rigid pattern of social

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stratification did not permit any social mobility with the society for the enslaved Africans. Only
by escape into the dense hilly interior of the island could he survive.

Slave plantation economy was segmented in that there was very little economic exchange
between the plantations, since they were all producing the same thing. Generally plantations
depended on a small group of local merchants and shippers for their import and export needs.
In reality the local merchants were hardly more than agents for English-based merchant houses.
In their attempt to be self sufficient each plantation strove to produce their own farm equipment
and services such as blacksmiths and carpenters. Thus, while there was little or no exchange
among plantations, there was an extensive division of labor with the plantation which
necessitated an exchange of functions, tasks and products though not market exchange.

From a slave’s perspective, the plantation was a total institution in so far as it provided for all
permissible needs. It dominated the slaves’ existence totally, from birth to death. The Africans
were put through a process of reculturization promoted by deliberate mixing of slaves from
different tribes while suppressing all cultural symbols and relations and even language. As a
result there developed a patois, made up of English and various African tribal language features
which permitted communication among slaves and between the slaves and planter classes.
Another result was the use of song as a medium of articulating resistance to oppression and
relief from the psychological and physical pain the slaves had to endure. Today’s reggae and
calypso have their roots in the songs of the African slaves.

Throughout the slavery period in Jamaica’s history, which lasted until the official abolishment of
slavery in 1838, the Africans resisted and rebelled against the oppression. Runaway slaves
who defied the English planters by mounting attacks on plantations and resorting to guerilla
warfare were known as Maroons. Eventually the English signed a peace treaty with the
Maroons. In exchange for being left alone to live in freedom in the dense rain forests of the hilly
regions of the island, the Maroons promised to return any runaway slaves back to the
plantations. Thus, in their fight for their own freedom they aided and abetted the perpetuation of
slavery.

Eventually slavery was brought down by a movement in England that grew out of a change in
the focus of the capitalist system. As capitalism developed in England there arose a class of
industrial capitalists who usurped the dominant role which the merchants had enjoyed.
Increasingly, merchant capital came to serve the needs of industrial capital by distributing its
products, and in so doing became subordinated to it. Prior to that it was the merchants who

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financed the initial industrial system whereby craftsmen were supplied with materials by the
merchants to produce goods for them.

The newly formed ruling class of industrialists began pressing for the abolition of slavery.
However, despite the moralistic character of their arguments, ultimately their case rested on the
inefficiency of slave production of cane sugar compared to European small farmer production of
beet sugar. For the industrialists, cheaper sugar and grain meant cheaper goods and hence
lower wages they had to pay their workers. Thus, slavery in Jamaica and the entire British West
Indies was abolished chiefly because of the strong arguments made by the industrialists who
were concerned that the inefficiencies of the system led to lower profits.

Of course, other factors helped to bring the end to slavery in Jamaica. There began a slow
development of a “free black” class comprising mainly of the mulatto offspring of the planter
class. Many of them had acquired small but substantial property in land, cattle, or even slaves.
Others became preachers, teachers, and businessmen. The free blacks sought to articulate the
demands of freedom for the slaves and to unite them in a struggle against the colonialists for
their rights. But the free blacks played a dual and contradictory role in early colonial Jamaican
society. They would often switch to tactics of confusion and division among the masses out of
deep fear that if the oppressive society was overturned, they, the mulatto class, might be swept
away as well. This role of the mulatto middle class would continue to be pivotal in Jamaica’s
economic and political development through to the present day.

1838-1938

Following the abolition of slavery in 1838 most ex-slaves fled the sugar estates which existed on
the plains and lived on captured Crown lands (belonging to the Colonial government) in
Jamaica’s hilly interior. Some of them, because of their economic circumstances, were forced
to work for meager wages on the very plantations that they were freed from. Others bought
small plots of land. During slavery the plantation owners had permitted slaves to supplement
their diet with ground provisions they cultivated near their quarters. The slaves were also
allowed to sell their excess produce at regular Sunday markets. It was with the savings from
these Sunday market sales that some of the newly freed slaves were able to purchase land.

Sunday markets played an important role in the economic development of Jamaica apart from
providing a source of income for slaves. First, the Sunday Market was a meeting place for

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slaves to gather and share information about the most recent developments in their struggle for
freedom. Second, it provided a means for the Maroons to purchase supplies and, later on, to
engage in regular trade. Third, it gave missionaries a captive congregation to receive the
message of Christianity which became crucial in shaping the outlook of the ex-slaves in their
struggle against economic oppression. Finally Sunday markets, because of their geographical
placement across the island, laid the foundation for a highly developed infrastructure of roads
connecting districts in the hilly interior. Thus, the Sunday Market formed the basis for the
ultimate diversification of the economy from the mono-culture of sugar cane.

Emancipation of the slaves created a peasant class in Jamaica. To ensure a large pool of
cheap labor for the sugar plantations, the English colonial government, prodded by the planters,
introduced indentured workers from India and China. They also devised laws and levied high
land taxes to prevent ex-slaves from owning land. Thus, the vast majority of ex-slaves had no
means of owning land to produce crops. Those who owned land were forced to occupy
marginal, hillside lands not suitable for agriculture since the prime fertile lands were owned by
the sugar plantations on the plains. The result was that Jamaica’s economy was nearly entirely
a plantation economy geared towards exporting sugar with a tiny amount of peasant
subsistence production.

Nearly a generation after emancipation, the vast majority of the Jamaican peasantry continued
to exist under oppressive conditions. In 1865 a small free farmer living in St. Thomas, one of
Jamaica’s eastern parishes, was unjustly accused of squatting on land that he had already
bought. He was supported by an angry mob who marched in protest to Morant Bay, the capital
of St. Thomas parish. The leader of the march was a preacher named Paul Bogle. At the same
time, George William Gordon, a member of the mulatto middle class, used his position in the
legislature’s House of Assembly to protest against the oppressive regime of the English colonial
governor. The protests, known as the Morant Bay Rebellion, culminated in one of the major
uprisings by the peasantry in the British West Indies. The rebellion was eventually quelled by
the militia, and Paul Bogle and William Gordon were hanged for their leadership role in the
rebellion. Both were later declared National Heroes soon after Jamaica gained independence
from England in 1962.

At about the same time of the Morant Bay Rebellion, major changes were taking place in the
world economy. The United States, coming out of its civil war, was about to eclipse Britain as
the number one economic power in the world. The world’s economy was passing through a

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period of contraction coming after a century of expansion spurred by the industrial revolution in
Europe. Small firms were going bankrupt and were being taken over by larger firms. Huge
multinational corporations, such as the United Fruit Company, were formed and they began to
play a major role in the economies of developing countries. With their large supply of cheap
labor, Jamaica and other poor countries provided much of the raw materials to fuel machines in
the industrialized countries. Now, in addition to sugar, Jamaica was producing bananas for
export.

With the proliferation of banana plantations in Latin America, many Jamaican peasants migrated
to larger countries like Panama, Costa Rica, and Cuba in search of employment and better
wages. Thus began a vital feature in Jamaica’s economy which has lasted to the present day;
that of remittances to poor and unemployed relatives from Jamaicans living and working abroad.
There was a third crucial addition to Jamaica’s economy brought on by the banana trade. The
banana boats also brought wealthy tourists to the island. By the early 1900s the opportunity for
making money in tourism was obvious. Jamaica’s lush rain forests, majestic mountains and
pristine white sand beaches made it a popular place to visit. Consequently, the Crown Colony
government offered incentives to hotel developers to encourage the growth of fledgling tourist
trade.

The cultivation of bananas diversified and expanded Jamaica’s economy in a number of other
ways. The price of sugar on the world market had fallen drastically, causing some sugar
factories to close. The planters were able to avoid financial ruin by converting their sugar cane
fields into banana plantations. Also, unlike sugar cane, bananas could be successfully
cultivated on marginal, hilly land. This meant that peasant small farmers could earn money by
planting bananas for export. This money further stimulated growth of the local economy
because more peasants were able to purchase local consumer goods such as handicraft and
foodstuffs. Banana cultivation and packaging for export also required new facilities such as
refrigeration and storage at the wharfs as well as added modes of transportation such as river
barges. These requirements further spurred the need for additional workers and even greater
participation in the local economy.

Finally, banana cultivation further helped to delineate Jamaica’s social strata. The mulatto
middle class, who possessed larger plots of land than the few ex-slaves fortunate enough to
own land, were able to produce more bananas than the small farmers in the lower class. The
result was that many of the mulattos became wealthy directly from banana production. They

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further gained wealth by serving as agents between the small planters and the United Fruit
Company and by becoming merchants, supplying farm equipment to the small farmers. The
social pyramid consisted of white European planters at the top, mulatto planters and merchants
in the middle, and African and East Indian peasants at the bottom.

By the turn of the 20th century, the upper ranks of the middle class were expanded by Jews,
Lebanese, and Syrian merchants. They had migrated to Jamaica decades earlier to hawk
goods to the peasants working on the sugar estates. Gradually these itinerant traders who
became collectively known by Jamaicans as “Syrians” gained wealth and, aided by their quasi-
European features, easily found acceptance into the upper ranks of the middle class. The
Chinese, who along with East Indians had originally been imported as indentured servants to
replace the freed slaves, saw their numbers increase via a second wave of migration from
mainland China. They established a network of small grocery shops throughout Jamaica
catering mainly to the consumption needs of the peasantry. The “Chiney shops” as Jamaicans
called them would play a vital role in the economy and forge a strong bond between Africans
and Chinese in the years to come.

1938 – 1962

In the 1930s Jamaica was about to experience major social and economic changes. By this
time, the U.S. had replaced Britain as the world’s major economic power and trade with Jamaica
had increased substantially. In addition to sugar, bananas, and tourism, Jamaica’s economy
included a small manufacturing sector confined to the processing of agricultural crops such as
coffee, logwood, coconuts, and tobacco. The handicraft industry was also flourishing because of
cutbacks in consumer imports. But the economy was still heavily focused on agriculture and
prices for the main exports had fallen because of the Great Depression in the U.S. and the poor
state of economies of the developed nations. Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s resistance to Italian
aggression had inspired black people all over the world, including Jamaicans. The newly
crowned Ethiopian Emperor, Haile Selassie I, took on the role of “Messiah” for a sect of black
Jamaican peasantry who acclaimed Selassi as Jah Rastafari. The sect became known as
Rastafari and was to later become the voice of the dispossessed and oppressed throughout the
world mainly through the popularity of reggae superstar, Bob Marley, who espoused the
Rastafarian philosophy.

In 1938 the poor state of the world economy caused high unemployment and economic
hardship in Jamaica, leading to another rebellion in the country. This time the farmers were

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joined by the workers on the sugar and banana plantations as well as dock workers all over the
island. Their leader was Alexander Bustamante, a mulatto, who had formed the first trade
Union. Another member of the mulatto class, Norman Manley, formed the first political party,
the People’s National Party (PNP) based on a socialist philosophy. Together, they agitated for
social change and forced the colonial government to adopt real representative self-government.
This was finally granted under a new Constitution in 1944 which saw the end of the Crown
Colony government. However, Jamaica was presided over by a colonial governor representing
the British monarchy. Although England still ruled the island, the locals had a greater
participatory role. By this time Bustamante had split with Norman Manley to form the Jamaica
Labor Party (JLP) based on a conservative capitalist ideology. General elections were held
every five years to select which of the two parties, PNP or JLP, would represent the interests of
the people.

Soon after the end of WW II, and into the early 1950s a new wave of foreign capital began to
flow into Jamaica’s economy. Large deposits of bauxite, the raw material for aluminium had
been discovered in the island and demand for the metal had been stimulated by the Korean war
and the space exploration program. American and Canadian companies began investing in the
mining industry and tourism and their bankers came with them. These included First National
City Bank, First Chicago, and Citizens to join the other British and Canadian banks which had
already been established; Barclays, Bank of Nova Scotia, and Royal Bank of Canada. The
foreign capital stimulated the diversification of the economy, but because of the lack of central
planning, no links were established between the various sectors. In addition, the import-export
orientation of the economy was reinforced. Almost all inputs, raw materials, services, and
skilled manpower were imported by the mining, manufacturing, and tourist industries. All the
bauxite and alumina and much of the manufactured output were exported.

The new sectors in the economy were primarily foreign-owned although an increasing amount
of the mulatto middle class were taken in as partners to front for the foreigners. The merchant
class became richer as trade for consumer goods and raw materials for industry increased.
Entrepreneurs of all sorts emerged, selling services such as entertainment, restaurants, and
transport. The standard of living for the merchants and entrepreneurs increased but the
experience of the large masses of workers tied to the agricultural sector remained unchanged.

The neglect of agriculture in developmental planning of pre-independence Jamaica was to

prove disastrous for the country in later years. As a result of the increase in jobs available in the
manufacturing and service sectors of the economy, many farm workers migrated from the rural

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areas into the towns and cities seeking better employment. This caused a sever shortage of
labor for agricultural production. It also led to overpopulation and severe unemployment in the
urban areas because too many people were chasing after the limited amount of industrial jobs.

1962 – 1980

By the end of WW II, Britain began to realize that its war ravaged economy would not allow it to
continue to be a world power and maintain its empire. Britain had already begun to divest itself
of its former colonies as early as 1931 when Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa
became self-governing dominions. In 1947 India and Pakistan became independent and in the
early 1950s Britain began to push the British West Indies to be weaned off of the economic
hand-outs that colonies had grown accustomed to. Although Britain wanted to reduce the
burden the Caribbean was placing on the British economy, they had no intention of giving up
their political influence in the region. In 1958 Britain devised a West Indies Federation of all
their former colonies in the Caribbean. But the Federation was doomed to failure because of
the petty jealousies and rivalry among the rulers of the islands, a situation that had been
spawned by the “divide-and-rule” strategy by the British throughout the colonial years. Among
the vexing issues that led to the break up of the West Indies Federation were the questions of
taxation, intra-regional trade, the role and function of the Federal Prime Minister, the siding of
the Federal Government against Trinidad in negotiations with the U.S. to give back the WW II
naval base to Trinidad, and Jamaica’s proposal to construct an oil refinery in Jamaica to
compete with Trinidad’s oil industry.

In 1961 Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados, the islands with the three biggest economies,
announced their intention to pull out of the West Indies Federation. This was the final “nail in
the coffin” for the Federation. Soon after, in August, 1962, Jamaica became independent from
Britain and proudly hoisted its flag of black, green and gold as Britain’s Union Jack was lowered.
Like the former colonies such as Canada, Australia, and India, Jamaica became a member of
the British Commonwealth of Nations, a status that it still maintains today in 2006.

Since gaining independence, Jamaica has exhibited a strong democracy with power being
exchanged between the two main political parties, the Peoples National Party (PNP) and the
Jamaica Labor Party (JLP). Jamaica became the first country to have written in its constitution
a provision guaranteeing a “leader of the opposition” although making no reference to political
parties. Thus, it is virtually impossible for a one-party state to be created without over-turning
the constitution. The government consists of an Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branch.

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The Executive is a cabinet of at least 12 Ministers headed by a Prime Minister, all of whom must
be members of the House of Representatives elected every five years by the citizens of the
country. The Legislative branch is made up of two chambers; the House of Representatives
and the Senate which is appointed by the Governor-General under advice of the Prime Minister
and Leader of the Opposition. Both chambers are represented in the Cabinet. The Judiciary is
made up of a Court of Appeal, a Supreme Court and other lesser courts. The legal system is
based on British Common Law and Practice. As a member of the British Commonwealth of
Nations, the local Governor-General represents Queen Elizabeth II as “head of state” a purely
ceremonial role with no real political power.

The Jamaican economy has continued to experience much turbulence since gaining
independence. The early government adopted what is known as the “Puerto Rican Model” for
economic development. This model essentially entices foreign investment by granting tax
holidays for the companies in exchange for the setting up of “screw-driver” manufacturing
plants, hotels, and other service industries. But throughout the planning, in the first two
decades after independence, no attempt was made to restructure agriculture or to bring the
underdeveloped and backward rural areas into an overall national economic plan.

In 1972 a populist leader by the name of Michael Manley, a mulatto and son of the man who
formed Jamaica’s first political party, led the PNP to victory at the polls. Manley espoused a
democratic socialist ideology, preached the doctrine of self reliance and attempted to overhaul
the agricultural sector. Manley put idle land to work and encouraged farmers to grow crops that
would substitute foreign imports with local products. For example, flour made from plantains
and cassava was used instead of wheat flour imported from North America. Manley demanded
more money from the buyers of Jamaica’s bauxite and alumina and initiated an international
debate on establishing a New International Economic Order. In his view the system was rigged
so that richer countries continued to grow richer while the poorer countries sank deeper into
debt. At the same time, Manley became friends with Cuba’s Fidel Castro and established closer
ties between Jamaica and Cuba.

The U.S. congress began to act to put economic pressure on Manley. The result was a severe
deterioration of Jamaica’s balance of payments (the difference between the hard currency the
country earned from its exports and the payments for its imports) and negative growth in real
GDP. The government was forced to borrow money from the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
to meet Jamaica’s international debt payment obligations. For its role in the “bail out”, the IMF
imposed strict rules and regulations on the local economy. These included devaluations of the

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Jamaican currency, a sharp increase in taxation, restrictions on wage increases, decrease in
the power of trade unions, and a ban on the importation of certain foreign goods. Naturally, all
of this led to social upheaval as the Jamaican workers experienced a sharp (40%) increase in
their cost of living and a 25% decline in real wages in a single year. Supporters of the
government alleged that “external agents” had entered the country to destabilize the economy.
Whether or not this was actually true is up to speculation. Nevertheless, the mid- to late- 1970s
in Jamaica saw much political unrest and violent demonstrations against the government which
in turn caused a sharp decline in tourism earnings. Manley was finally voted out of office in
1980 and the JLP took over the reigns and quickly signaled to the newly elected Reagan
administration that Jamaica had had enough of its experimentation with socialism and was
ready to resume its close alliance with the U.S.

1980 – Present

The two most devastating blows to Jamaica’s development, born out of the turbulent times
leading up to the 1980 general elections, were the illegal export of huge amounts of foreign
currency and a mass migration of the professional and business class to North America. These
actions have had a far-reaching impact lasting even today. The export of foreign exchange
meant that the country could not afford to import raw materials essential to running the economy
and there were tremendous shortages of basic consumer goods such as soap, flour, cooking oil,
and rice. The mass migration of professionals and businessmen led to a breakdown of medical
services, a decimation of the top leadership in the civil service, and a void in the entrepreneurial
ranks necessary for driving the economy. The net effect was that Jamaica’s plans for improved
social and economic development were blown off course. Reeling from a high crime rate
spawned by widespread unemployment and destabilizing activities from outside and within, the
country was totally demoralized, bankrupt, and on the verge of a state of anarchy.

Soon after coming to power in 1980, the JLP, under the leadership of Edward Seaga (of
Lebanese descent) convinced the U.S. government that Jamaica and most of the Caribbean
countries were in dire need of economic aid from their “big brother” to the north. The U.S.
responded with the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI). The essential idea of the plan was that
Canada and the U.S. would urge their private sectors to help develop agricultural and
manufacturing industries in countries bordering the Caribbean Sea. These industries would
include traditional ones like sugar, rum, bananas, tourism, leather goods, and textiles but also
non-traditional ones such as electronics, chemical, and “screw-driver” assembly manufacturing.
The exports from these industries into North America would receive preferential treatment for

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the first 12 years by the lowering of import duties. Only countries that were loyal to the way of
thinking of the U.S. would benefit from the CBI. Thus, Jamaica, under the new Seaga-led
regime was a beneficiary, but communist leaning countries such as Cuba, Nicaragua, and
Panama were excluded.

By the early 1990s, when the CBI had been in force for over a decade, economists and political
scientists in the Caribbean appraised the impact of the CBI on the region. Unfortunately, the
consensus of opinion, from a Caribbean point of view, was that the CBI benefited the U.S. more
than it did the Caribbean countries. Because of political pressure within the U.S., most of the
initial benefits to the Caribbean were over-ruled by congress. For example, to protect the U.S.
textile and apparel industry, no preferential tariffs were given to Caribbean imports. Moreover,
all the inputs for the “screw-driver” type manufacturing plants had to originate from the U.S.
Garments assembled in the Caribbean were pre-manufactured and cut to specification in the
U.S. Owing to increasingly strict laws enacted by congress, Jamaica experienced nearly a 50%
decline in its sugar exports to the U.S. Other forms of agricultural exports to the U.S. such as
citrus, ornamental flowers, and ackee (a vegetable favored by Africans and Jamaican’s living in
the U.S.) saw significant decline. Among the reasons given by the U.S. government for the
decline was to prevent the spread of fruit disease.

Jamaica saw a modest increase in investment in the tourist industry as a result of the CBI but
the country’s main benefit from the CBI was indirect. By aligning its policies with the U.S., the
Jamaican government was able to attract large-scale U.S. economic assistance along with U.S.
support for loans and grants from international agencies. These helped Jamaica from defaulting
on its debt payments. Critics of the Seaga government, however, point out that the economic
aid was tied to harsh sanctions imposed by the IMF which adversely affected Jamaica’s long
range economic development. Moreover, the cynics opined that the CBI simply gave the U.S. a
convenient disguise to significantly increase their military involvement in the Caribbean basin.
They also argue that Jamaica and other English speaking countries were forced to significantly
increase their expenditure on military equipment bought almost exclusively from the U.S. Thus,
the U.S. arms industry benefited greatly while poor Caribbean countries had to divert funds from
more essential developmental needs.

Today, Jamaica continues to struggle economically. Tourism is the country’s main foreign
exchange earner followed by mining and, to a lesser extent, manufacturing. However, a
sobering thought is that the economy is kept afloat by a significant inflow of money sent home to
relatives by Jamaicans who have migrated, mainly to North America, to better their lives. It is

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also depressing to most Jamaicans to consider that 70 cents in every dollar generated by the
Jamaican economy goes to servicing payments on foreign debt.

The rich nations in the world have come to the realization that poor, undeveloped countries are
falling further and further behind their more fortunate “brothers”. As despair sets in, the
governments of these poor countries are open targets for being taken over by radical groups
that are not friendly to the more prosperous nations. To stem the tide of radicalism, the rich
countries have recently agreed, in principle, to “forgive” the debts of those countries which will
never be able to pay. Unfortunately for countries like Jamaica, they are not deemed poor
enough to benefit from this debt forgiveness. It will be left to a lot of belt tightening, sound
economic planning, and hard work by many generations yet to come for Jamaica and her ilk to
ever enjoy economic prosperity.

References

Witter, M., and Beckford, G. Small Garden Bitter Weed: Struggle and Change in Jamaica.
Maroon Publishing House, Morant Bay, Jamaica 1982.

Hewan, C. G. Jamaica and the United States Caribbean Basin Initiative: Showpiece or Failure?
Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., New York 1994.

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