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CONTENT

Editorial 4
Editorial 6

Exclusion and reintegration of inmates in France 8


L’exclusion et la réinsertion des détenus en France 8

Border Security. Current Status and Recommendations 27


Securitatea Frontierei. SituaŃia Actuală şi Recomandări 27

BOOK REVIEW
Bălan, A., 2008, Female crime - causes and social effects. Prevention strategies,
C.H. Beck Publishing, Bucharest 40
RECENZIE
Bălan, A., 2008, Criminalitatea feminină – cauze şi efecte sociale. Strategii de
prevenire, Editura C.H. Beck, Bucureşti 40

Civil Society Implications in Criminal Justice System. Rapport 48


ImplicaŃiile SocietăŃii Civile în Sfera JustiŃiei. Raport 48

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Editorial

We are introducing the second edition of volume two. In this edition we are
pleased to bring to light new phenomenon that concern us all. As always, we start by
thanking you for being with us on every edition, for supporting and believing in
PROBATION junior.
In this edition we challenge you with four extremely interesting articles.
The first article authored by a group of students from France proves that in
France as in other developed countries, there is a strong strategy of social
reintegration of offenders. Nonetheless, the article mentions the high number of
recidivism cases which shows a high failure rate of the reintegration program.
The second article highlights a phenomenon little known by the general
public. The article is linked to the issue of an innovative book based on empirical
research that presents female crime. The second article is the review of Mrs. Ana
Bălan’s book Female crime - causes and social effects. Prevention strategies.
Analyzing the phenomenon, the author underlines the importance of the factors that
have contributed to the appearance and development of female crime and stresses the
fact that the notion of female crime should be treated as distinct in the analysis of the
crime phenomenon in general.
The third article deals with U.S. border security when the border acts as a
buffer zone for criminal actions. People working in these locations have the
responsibility to control the possible criminial enterprise, such as human trafficking
and drugs.
The last article reflects a new perspective in the field of criminal justice
tackling the involvement of the NGOs in the penitentiary environment and the
probation period. The research was carried out in 2010 and given the selection
method of the respondents to the study is supposed to be an exhaustive one. In
opinion, the results are quite interesting given the fact that it focuses our attention on
’things to do’ and how we can turn problems into opportunities. As it is highlighted
in this final article, sooner or later convicted persons will return in our communities
and the way they will do that depends to a great extent of those outside the criminal
justice system.

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We hope that the current edition will stir your intellectual interest as much as
our previous editions. We end by reminding you that PROBATION junior allows its
readers to comment on the published articles and we encourage such kind of
endeavors. Enjoy your reading!
For major changes in the filed of criminal justice we need to think BIG!

PROBATION junior Team

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Editorial

Ne aflăm la numărul 2, volumul II şi suntem bucuroşi să vă aducem în atenŃie


fenomene noi ce se petrec în lumea întreagă. Începem ca de fiecare dată,
mulŃumindu-vă că sunteŃi alături de noi la fiecare număr şi că ne susŃineŃi şi ne
promovaŃi. Sperăm să nu încetaŃi să fiŃi un susŃinător continuu al PROBATION
junior!
Pentru acest număr vă provocăm cu 4 articole extrem de interesante care
surprind fenomene actuale.
Aşadar, primul articol, analizat de un grup de studenŃi din FranŃa, ne arată că
la fel ca peste tot în Ńările dezvoltate şi în FranŃa există o strategie de reintegrare
socială a infractorilor, dar se vorbeşte în continuare de rata mare a recidivei. Din
numărul mare a recidivelor se evidenŃiază prezenŃa unei mari rate de eşec în ceea ce
priveşte reinserŃia deŃinuŃilor, fără a uita de relele condiŃii de detenŃie.
Cel de-al doilea articol relevă un fenomen, despre care se cunosc relativ
puŃine lucruri, iar apariŃia unei cărŃi care să prezinte fenomenul criminalităŃii
feminine este cel puŃin inedită, cu atât mai mult cu cât are şi o fundamentare
empirică. Articolul doi al acestui număr prezintă recenzia cărŃii doamnei lector
universitar, Ana Bălan, Criminalitatea feminină – cauze şi efecte sociale. Strategii de
prevenire. Prin analiza fenomenului este subliniată importanŃa factorilor ce au
contribuit la apariŃia şi dezvoltarea criminalităŃii feminine şi se urmăreşte percepŃia
lui ca noŃiune distinctă în cercetarea fenomenului de criminalitate la modul general.
Cel de-al treilea articol abordează securitatea graniŃei americane atunci când
această graniŃă funcŃionează drept zonă tampon pentru acŃiunile infracŃionale.
Oamenii care lucrează în aceste locaŃii au responsabilitatea de a controla fenomenul
criminalitaŃii în formatul traficului de persoane, droguri etc.
Ultimul articol al numărului curent reflectă o perspectivă nouă în justiŃia
penală prin prezenŃa ONGurilor în spectrul sistemului penitenciar şi celui de
probaŃiune. Cercetarea este realizată în 2010 şi perspectiva se doreşte a fi una
exhaustivă prin metoda de selecŃie a respondenŃilor la studiu. Rezultatele sunt
interesante, spunem noi, dat fiind faptul că se focusează atenŃia pe ceea ce se poate
face şi pe transformarea problemelor în oportunităŃi. Aşa cum se susŃine în această

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ultimă cercetare, mai devreme sau mai târziu persoanele condamnate se vor întoarce
în societate şi felul în care ele o vor face, depinde într-o mare măsură de cei din afara
sistemului penal.
Sperăm ca şi numărul curent să vă suscite interesul intelectual, cel puŃin la fel
de mult ca şi precedentul şi vă dorim lectură plăcută! Încheiem prin a vă reaminti că
PROBATION junior permite cititorilor să comenteze articolele publicate, iar noi
susŃinem aportul dumneavoastră în acest sens!
Pentru schimbări vizibile în sfera justiŃiei penale este nevoie să gândim
MARE!

Echipa PROBATION junior

7
Exclusion and reintegration of inmates in France
L’exclusion et la réinsertion des détenus en France

Amandine CAPRON
Catherine CHAUVIN
Laura DENIS
Marie DAMAY
Students
Artois University

Abstract: The French Ministry of Justice since 1911 has administered French
prisons. The prison administration has two missions: to punish criminal offenders
and to reintegrate offenders, both of which serve to protect society and avoid the
phenomenon of recurrence. The intent of this article is to stress the importance of
exclusion and reintegration of inmates as part of a social policy of the French
democratic state. Although it is obvious that the French government is implementing
various methods of reintegration, the vast amount of recidivism cases shows a high
failure rate for reintegration programs. Taking this into account, lends one to ponder
if not the preventive rather than repressive policies are the solution.

Key words: reintegration, inmate, recidivism

Abstrait: Lieux privatifs de liberté, les prisons françaises gérées par l’administration
pénitentiaire sont rattachées au Ministère de la Justice depuis 1911. L’administration
pénitentiaire possède une double mission: permettre la punition des auteurs
d’infractions pénales en vue de protéger la société, et permettre la réinsertion de
détenus, tout en évitant le phénomène de récidive. A travers cet exposé, nous avons
voulu souligner l’intérêt de la question de l’exclusion et de la réinsertion des détenus
dans le cadre d’une politique sociale de l’Etat démocratique français. Il est évident
que le gouvernement met en œuvre de nombreux moyens de réinsertion. Mais, il y a
la présence d’un taux d’échec élevé en matière de réinsertion, du grand nombre de
récidive, sans oublier l’observation du mal être des détenus en prison. A cause de

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cela, on se demande s’il n’y a pas une solution d’exercer une politique préventive au
lieu d’une politique répressive?

Mots-clés: réintégration, détenu, récidivisme

Comment les systèmes judiciaires et carcéraux français excluent-ils les


personnes condamnées? Quels sont les effets et les évolutions de cette exclusion? La
réinsertion est-elle un moyen efficace de lutter contre l’exclusion carcérale?

Introduction

Longtemps décrite comme «le pays des droits de l’Homme» grâce à son
rayonnement culturel, la France est aujourd’hui pointée du doigt par la communauté
européenne pour les nombreux dysfonctionnements qui entachent son système
judiciaire et carcéral.
En effet, de nombreux rapports d’enquêtes tendent à démontrer que l’Etat
français ne tient plus son rôle en matière de politique carcérale.
Lieux privatifs de liberté, les prisons françaises gérées par l’administration
pénitentiaire sont rattachées au Ministère de la Justice depuis 1911. Elément de
l’organe étatique chargé de l’exécution des peines, selon le Code de Procédure
Pénale, la prison a non seulement pour mission la répartition des condamnés entre
les différents établissements afin d’assurer la garde et l’entretien des détenus, de la
discipline et de la sécurité, mais également d’assurer la réinsertion des personnes qui
lui sont confiées.
Ainsi, l’administration pénitentiaire possède une double mission: permettre la
punition des auteurs d’infractions pénales en vue de protéger la société, et permettre
la réinsertion de ces individus dans la société, tout en évitant le phénomène de
récidive.
Dès lors, si la mission de réinsertion sociale a été attribuée au service public
pénitentiaire dès 19871, ce n’est que récemment que cette notion a pris une
dimension légale: en effet, n’étant définie ni dans le Code Pénal, ni dans le Code de

1
Loi du 22 Juin 1987

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Procédure Pénale, la réinsertion demeurait jusqu’à présent un concept aux contours
flous. Depuis la loi pénitentiaire du 24 Novembre 2009, la réinsertion des détenus est
reconnue comme une nécessité visant «à transformer le temps de détention en temps
de reconstruction»2.
La notion de réinsertion des détenus, ainsi muée en obligation légale, devient
alors un élément majeur dans une politique gouvernementale de lutte contre
l’exclusion.
A travers cet exposé, nous avons voulu souligner l’intérêt de la question de
l’exclusion et de la réinsertion des détenus dans le cadre d’une politique sociale de
l’Etat démocratique français.
Il nous paraissait important d’étudier cette évolution en matière de politique
socio-judiciaire de l’Etat français car, outre le caractère actuel de ce sujet, la question
de l’exclusion et de la réinsertion des détenus met également en exergue des sous
questionnements d’ordre politique, économique et éthique.
La population carcérale étant composée de différentes catégories (condamnés
mineurs ou majeurs, personnes assignées à résidence, etc.) et ne pouvant pas nous
lancer dans une étude trop approfondie de l’administration pénitentiaire, nous nous
sommes donc intéressé en priorité aux détenus majeurs et au milieu spécifique de la
prison (car il existe d’autres lieux d’exécution des peines: maisons de correction,
assignation à résidence, etc.).
A travers l’exploration de l’environnement carcéral comme source
d’exclusion (I), nous analyserons les politiques de réinsertion au sein et en dehors
des prisons (II).

Partie I. L’environnement carcéral: source d’exclusion

La privation de certains droits pour les détenus a des effets aussi bien à
l’extérieur qu’à l’intérieur des prisons: répercussions socio-économiques (A) et une
double peine pour les condamnés (B).

2
Extrait d’un discours de Michèle Alliot-Marie (Ministre d'État, Garde des Sceaux, Ministre de la
Justice et des Libertés, remplacée par Michel Mercier depuis le 15.11.2010), à propos de la loi
pénitentiaire, le 24 Mars 2010 [source: http://www.loi-penitentiaire.justice.gouv.fr].

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A) Restriction des droits sociaux et répercussions socio-économiques

1. Des liens familiaux et sociaux restreints


Quatre réactions sont perceptibles à l’annonce de l’incarcération d’un proche:
le traumatisme, l’émotion, le soulagement et l’indifférence. Pourtant, la structure
familiale et le type de délit déterminent principalement la rupture des liens avec les
proches, plus que la durée de la peine. En effet, un grand nombre de détenus se
retrouvent souvent isolés, plongés dans une errance et une misère après avoir rompu
les liens familiaux.
Les aménagements pénitentiaires, constituent une possibilité supplémentaire
pour les proches de se retrouver; ainsi ils peuvent améliorer des relations existantes.
Prenons comme exemple le cas de pères détenus: l’incarcération constitue une
période où les contacts sont limités avec leurs enfants. Cette séparation peut
emmener auprès de certains pères un sentiment de perte, d’impuissance et de
culpabilité. Plusieurs se sentent aussi coupables d’avoir bouleversé la vie de leurs
enfants et de ne plus être présents pour assumer leurs responsabilités parentales.
Néanmoins, certains détenus préfèrent rompre tous liens familiaux. Cette
rupture peut être interprétée par les proches comme un sentiment de désintérêt, et de
la part du détenu, comme une volonté de ne pas «salir» l’image de sa famille ou de la
protéger tout en se protégeant lui-même de cette famille. Mais ces liens familiaux,
sources d’angoisses et de ressources pour les détenus, doivent consentir à la mise en
place des ajustements propres à la vie de ces personnes isolées.
En effet, l’incarcération constitue une perte des repères sociaux antérieurs.
Certains détenus sont incarcérés loin de leurs familles et la durée des parloirs n'est
pas extrêmement longue. Il n’existe aucune intimité pour les couples dont le ou la
partenaire est en prison. En effet, l’intimité et la sexualité restent un sujet tabou dans
le milieu carcéral.

2. Les problèmes économiques et scolaires


La population carcérale est plutôt précarisée à l’entrée. En effet, la prison
accueille avant tout une population plutôt défavorisée, en dehors de cas

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exceptionnels récents, liés à la délinquance financière. Cette population arrive en
situation d’échec: au niveau scolaire, familial ou économique.
En ce qui concerne les problèmes économiques, si l’on retire les personnes
inactives (femmes au foyer, mineurs scolarisés), un tiers seulement des détenus
exerce une activité régulière et rémunérée avant leur incarcération. Près de la moitié
des détenus sont sans emploi au moment de leur incarcération. Pour les jeunes de
moins de vingt-cinq ans, cette proportion atteint 62%. Une enquête de 1996 montrait
que 6% des détenus percevaient le RMI (revenu minimum d'insertion) au moment de
leur incarcération.
En ce qui concerne les problèmes scolaires, un programme systématique de
repérage de l’illettrisme a été mis en place, ce qui a permis de mettre en évidence
l’importance de ce phénomène. En effet, un tiers des détenus à leur entrée en
détention se situe en-dessous du seuil de lecture fonctionnelle. Un sixième de la
population carcérale a des difficultés, même pour déchiffrer de simples mots ou des
fragments de phrase.

3. Le problème psychologique et psychique


Les problèmes de santé sont extrêmement nombreux en prison. Les plus
importants sont liés à la détention, plus particulièrement des problèmes d’ordre
psychologiques: stress, angoisse, dépression. D’autres problèmes sont eux liés à la
condition sociale des détenus, souvent d'origine modeste et qui, même en dehors de
la prison, ne font pas le nécessaire pour se soigner (exemple: problèmes dentaires).
Les médecins traitent les maladies des détenus dans la plus part des cas. Mais le
manque de moyens (le nombre de médecins par rapport au nombre de détenus) ne
permet pas de tout soigner. Par exemple les problèmes d’ordre psychologique des
détenus ne sont pas ou peu traités.
Il existe une violence de la prison en tant que telle: l'enfermement. Celle-ci est
symbolique, physique, psychologique: la contrainte des corps, celle de la liberté
d'aller et venir, la perte de la proximité physique des proches etc. sont autant de
souffrances cruelles. La souffrance imposée est violente par nature. Pour les détenus,
au-delà de l'enfermement, les contraintes subies et vécues sont souvent présentées
comme les plus insupportables des violences au quotidien.

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B) La double peine de l’emprisonnement
Il existe des peines au cœur même de la peine d’emprisonnement: à un niveau
juridique (1) mais également matériel (2), qui peuvent être perçues comme de réels
freins à la sortie de prison.

1. La restriction des droits civiques, civils, familiaux et fondamentaux


Selon l’article 131-26 du Code Pénal, l’interdiction d’exercer les droits
civiques, civils et de famille s’entend comme une peine complémentaire à un
jugement civil ou pénal. Il peut s’agir de restreindre le droit de vote, le droit d’être
éligible (ces deux peines sont également prévues à l’article 7 du Code Electoral), le
droit d’exercer une fonction juridictionnelle, le droit de témoigner en justice, le droit
d’être tuteur ou curateur, mais également d’exercer l’autorité parentale, le droit
d’exercer une fonction publique ou une fonction commerçante, etc.
Autrefois, les juges pouvaient procéder à une condamnation de «mort civile»,
qui retirait tous droits civiques à une personne jugée coupable, même lorsque cette
dernière avait purgé sa peine et avait été réintégrée dans la société.
Dès le dix neuvième siècle, les criminologues ont compris que cette peine
supplémentaire, qui poursuivait les anciens détenus jusqu’à la fin de leurs jours, était
un frein à la réinsertion de ces derniers. C’est pourquoi une loi du 31.05.1854 est
venue abolir cette «peine après la peine»: désormais, les personnes condamnées
retrouvent leurs droits à leur sortie de prison, sauf inscription contraire dans le
jugement; inscription qui devra alors être limitée dans le temps (cinq ans maximum
pour les délits, et dix ans maximum pour les crimes).
Quant aux droits et libertés fondamentaux, consacrés notamment par la
Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen (DDHC) de 1789 et la Déclaration
Universelle des Droits de l’Homme (DUDH) de 1948, si dans le cas d’une
condamnation à une peine d’emprisonnement, certains peuvent être bridés, d’autres
sont en revanche intouchables. Ainsi, en introduction à l’entrée en vigueur de la Loi
Pénitentiaire du 24.11.2009, le Garde des Sceaux de l’époque, Madame Rachida
Dati, préconisait une garantie de certains droits des détenus.

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«L’usage de certains droits est garanti aux prisonniers avec notamment
une domiciliation dans l’établissement pénitentiaire permettant
l’obtention de papiers d’identité, l’exercice du droit de vote ou
l’obtention de prestations sociales. Parmi les autres points concernant la
vie en détention, il est prévu de faciliter le maintien des liens familiaux,
le droit au travail, le droit à la formation, l’aide aux plus démunis. Les
détenus ont aussi désormais la possibilité de se pacser, y compris avec
un autre détenu, alors que jusqu’alors seuls les mariages étaient
possibles. […] Enfin, le principe de l’encellulement individuel est
réaffirmé, mais un moratoire permettant des dérogations à ce principe
pendant 5 ans a été fixé.»3

Tous ces textes de lois garantissent ainsi une protection juridique des
détenus. Mais lorsqu’une personne est condamnée à une peine d’emprisonnement
ferme, elle doit supporter la punition qu’est l’enfermement et la restriction des droits
civiques, civils et familiaux. Mais lorsque les droits fondamentaux de l’Homme sont
bafoués au sein des prisons, comment les détenus peuvent-ils ne pas sombrer dans
une spirale de l’échec à leur future réinsertion?

2. La pénibilité des conditions de vie


Depuis 2008, le Contrôleur général des lieux privatifs de liberté, Jean-Marie
Delarue, ne cesse d’établir des rapports alarmants sur les conditions de vie dans les
prisons françaises, et dont il adresse les avis aux institutions publiques concernées.4
Mais ce constat sur l’état des prisons françaises n’est cependant pas un fait
nouveau: dès 1944, un rapport, établi par la Croix Rouge, et relatif aux mauvaises
conditions d’hygiène à la Maison d’Arrêt d’Arras, avait été adressé aux pouvoirs
publics (à l’époque, le Préfet) et relatait des problèmes de surpopulation carcérale, de
manque de moyens sanitaires et de situations dégradantes, y compris au moment de
l’exécution des peines, comme par exemple le fait qu’un condamné à mort, devant
être exécuté par guillotine, se soit vu amené, sans explication ni considération, face à

3
Site officiel de l’administration française – http://www.service-public.fr
4
Selon l’Article 11 de la Loi du 30 octobre 2007, «Le Contrôleur général remet chaque année un
rapport d’activité au Président de la République et au Parlement. Ce rapport est rendu public».

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un peloton d’exécution par fusillade de la Gendarmerie, la guillotine ayant été
détruite à la suite de bombardements ennemis durant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale.
Dans de telles situations, il parait légitime de se demander si une personne, bien que
condamnée à la peine capitale, n’avait pas le droit au respect de sa dignité…
Il y a certes eu des améliorations sur les conditions de détention en France
depuis le milieu du vingtième siècle, mais force est de constater que le climat qui y
règne n’est toujours pas au beau fixe. En effet, en mars 2010, le Contrôleur Général
décrivait encore les lieux privatifs de liberté en ces termes: «Vétusté, brutalité,
pauvreté, indignité». Selon lui, les prisons sont, encore à l’heure actuelle, des lieux
où les conditions de vie sont tellement dégradantes que «les personnes [qui en]
sortent [sont] rarement […] autrement que brisées ou révoltées».
A travers ses différents rapports, il remet notamment en cause:
- La promiscuité due à la surpopulation carcérale;
- Le manque d’humanité et d’humanisation grandissant du fait d’une «vision
maximaliste de la sécurité», qui fait appel aux nouvelles technologies
(vidéosurveillance) plutôt qu’aux hommes pour encadrer les détenus;
- Le non respect du droit de propriété des détenus (disparition, dégradation,
vol);
Ce sont autant d’éléments perturbant la vie commune dans le microcosme
qu’est la prison, et qui, par conséquent, parasitent la réinsertion des détenus libérés.
Plus récemment, à travers un mouvement national de protestation en date du
15 novembre 2010, le personnel pénitentiaire soulignait le manque de moyens pour
le milieu carcéral: le personnel en sous effectif n’est pas capable de réaliser
normalement ses missions d’encadrement; ce qui est également préjudiciable pour la
réinsertion des détenus.
Cependant, après toutes ces épreuves subies pendant une période
d’emprisonnement, est-ce qu’une personne quittant le milieu carcéral après sa peine
est totalement libre dans la société?

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C) La surveillance des personnes libérées

De part les différents points qui viennent d'être abordés, on constate une
certaine méfiance envers les détenus sortant de prison. En effet, de nombreuses
actions sont mises en place pour restreindre leurs droits.
Le fichier le plus connu reste le casier judiciaire, créé en 1848 dans le but de
centraliser les renseignements relatifs aux condamnations pénales prononcées à
l'encontre d'une même personne.
Il n'est pourtant pas le seul outil qui recense les détenus: on retrouve
également le Fichier National Automatisé des Empreintes Génétiques (FNAEG), qui
regroupe les auteurs de certaines infractions ou les individus qui n'ont pas encore été
condamné.
La loi du 18 Mars 2003 instaure le Système de Traitement des Infractions
Constatées (STIC) qui répertorie quant à lui les personnes «à l'encontre desquelles il
existes des indices graves et concordants rendant vraisemblable qu'elles aient pu
participer, comme auteurs ou complices, à la commission de ces infractions».
Le Fichier Judiciaire National Automatisé (FIJAIS) fut établi par la loi du 9
Mars 2004, afin de les identifier. Il permet de répertorier les individus en fonction de
l'infraction commise, qu'elle soit sexuelle ou violente. L'existence de cet état est
fondée sur l'idée que les criminels sexuels ou violents présenteraient des risques
importants de récidive, bien qu'aucune étude n'étaye ce postulat. L'inscription à ce
fichier comporte certaines contraintes pour les personnes libérées en effet, elles
doivent:
- justifier de leur adresse une fois par an;
- signaler tout changement d'adresse sous un délai de quinze jours.
Il est utile de se demander quelle place la société souhaite accorder aux
personnes qui ont été incarcérées. Les sortants de prison restent une population
discriminée puisque de nombreux dispositifs poussent instinctivement à leur
exclusion.
Cette population problématique se doit de trouver des remèdes pour s'insérer
sereinement dans leur nouvelle vie.

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Partie II. La mise en œuvre de la réinsertion au sein et en dehors des prisons

A travers l’étude des actions de réinsertion (A), nous tenterons d’expliquer la


politique gouvernementale (B) et ses limites (C).

A) Les actions de réinsertion en milieu fermé

1. Les différents types de réinsertion pendant la détention


1.1 Le travail en prison
Le travail des détenus permet de les aider pour une amélioration de leur vie
mais également pour préparer leur sortie et leur réinsertion dans la société.
Il est tout de même important de rappeler que le travail en prison n’est pas
obligatoire; c’est ce que précise la loi du 22 juin 1987. L’administration pénitentiaire
n’a pas le pouvoir de forcer un détenu à travailler, seul celui-ci peut exprimer le
souhait de travailler. A partir de ce postulat, l’administration prend la décision
d’accepter ou non le travail du détenu, fixe sa rémunération et se charge de le payer.
Néanmoins, le travail carcéral ne donne aucun droit ni aucune prestation en sortant
de prison.

1.2 L’enseignement, la formation et l’activité socioculturelle en prison


L’enseignement primaire est obligatoire dans toutes prisons. Les premiers en
bénéficier sont surtout les détenus ne savant ni écrire ni calculer. Concernant les
personnes ne parlant pas le français, ils ont accès à des cours d’alphabétisation. Plus
de la moitié des personnes détenues se situent au mieux à un niveau de fin d'études
primaires et ne disposent pas de réelle qualification professionnelle. Le taux
d'illettrisme de la population pénitentiaire, d’environ 15%, est par ailleurs supérieur à
la moyenne nationale.

17
La formation professionnelle

La formation, qu'elle soit générale ou professionnelle, constitue donc l'un des


outils essentiels de la réinsertion. Un dispositif important est mis en place à cet
égard, en association avec les partenaires institutionnels.
Les détenus peuvent y accéder, notamment à travers le Centre National
d’Enseignement à Distance (CNED). Si la formation nécessite le travail avec un
autre établissement que l’Education Nationale, il faut absolument l’accord du chef
d’Etablissement du centre pénitentiaire.
Les détenus peuvent donc accéder aux examens et peuvent bénéficier d’une
sortie exceptionnelle si l’examen se situe en dehors de la prison. Le fait que l’élève
ait été en détention n’est pas inscrit sur le diplôme.
La formation professionnelle est principalement axée sur les secteurs des
services et du bâtiment pour les formations pré-qualifiantes et qualifiantes dispensées
sous forme de stages modulaires, et de formation à distance ou personnalisée.

L’enseignement

Plus de 20% des détenus bénéficient d'une formation générale dispensée par
des enseignants que l'Éducation nationale met à la disposition du ministère de la
Justice. En 1995, une convention signée entre ces deux ministères a créé des unités
pédagogiques régionales en milieu pénitentiaire ayant pour objectif de dispenser
l'ensemble des formations initiales et de préparer aux diplômes de l'Éducation
nationale. Le dispositif de formation comprend des formations de base: lutte contre
l'illettrisme, remise à niveau, formation générale.

2. Les problèmes inhérents à ces actions


Les actions socio-éducatives menées dans les établissements pénitentiaires se
caractérisent par leur multiplicité et leur extrême diversité. Qu’il s’agisse
d’enseignement, de formations, ou d’activités culturelles, leur accès est extrêmement
différent en fonction des établissements mais aussi en fonction des détenus.
En effet, les séjours courts des détenus en prison rendent difficile toute action
de formation professionnelle. Il y a également des difficultés sur l’accès aux activités

18
sociales et culturelles selon les établissements: par exemple, en zone rurale, il est très
difficile de faire venir des enseignants. De plus, certaines prisons disposent de salle
de sport, ou d’ateliers alors que dans d’autres, la cour de promenade sert également
de local pour enseigner ou faire du sport. L’accès au matériel est donc variable en
fonction du budget et des demandes des établissements. Les impératifs de sécurité
empêchent également les associations bénévoles d’envoyer du matériel.
Il y a donc un conflit entre l’enseignement, la formation et le travail: les
détenus les plus pauvres sont souvent les plus pauvres culturellement. Ainsi,
lorsqu’on leur propose de travailler ou de suivre une formation, ils font le choix de
travailler pour gagner un minimum de revenus. Or, la réinsertion passe-t-elle
uniquement par le travail en prison? Ou par la culture? Il y a différentes réponses
possibles à ce problème: les détenus devraient-ils être rémunérés pour se former?
Faut-il créer des bourses d’études pour les détenus? Quid de l’acceptation des
entreprises de former en alternance des détenus?
La loi pénitentiaire proposée en 2007 par Rachida Dati, à l’époque Garde des
Sceaux, avait pour objectif de garantir les droits fondamentaux des détenus et
d’engager le gouvernement et la justice pour la réinsertion des détenus. Car jusqu’en
2007, seules des dispositions réglementaires ou circulaires régissaient les droits et
obligations des prisonniers.
L’objectif de cette loi permet aux entreprises d’insertion de signer un
engagement avec un détenu et l’établissement pénitentiaire afin d’effectuer une
formation ou pour exercer une activité. Cet engagement permet un encadrement sur
le suivi d’un projet individuel et professionnel.
La loi prévoit aussi le développement de la formation professionnelle des
prisonniers, en faisant un test expérimental dans plusieurs régions pour une durée de
trois ans. Nous saurons donc dans quelques temps ce qu’il en ressort. Cette loi a été
adoptée par les sénateurs le vendredi 6 mars 2009 et a été promulguée le 24
novembre 2009.

19
B) La politique gouvernementale de réinsertion

Rattachée au ministère de la Justice depuis 1991, l’administration


pénitentiaire française est composée de divers services dont un service intitulé SPIP:
Service Pénitentiaire d’Insertion et de Probation.
L’administration pénitentiaire a pour objectif principal : la sécurité publique.
Deux missions lui sont attribuées: surveiller les personnes qui lui sont confiées par
l’autorité judiciaire et favoriser la réinsertion sociale.
Créé en 1999, le SPIP a une compétence départementale. Il a un siège et
différentes antennes auprès des établissements pénitentiaires. Le SPIP est une fusion
entre:
- le comité de probation et d’assistance aux libérés appelé maintenant
milieu ouvert (MO) c'est-à-dire hors détention
- les services sociaux éducatifs nommées aussi milieu fermé (MF)
c'est-à-dire dans les établissements pénitentiaires.
Actuellement, les cent SPIP en France s’occupent de 60.000 personnes
détenues et 125.000 condamnés à d’autres peines (exemple: les travaux d’intérêts
généraux, sursis avec mise à l’épreuve).
Les SPIP sont composés d’un directeur du SPIP et des directeurs d’insertion
et de probation, de chefs de service d’insertion et de probation voire même plusieurs
adjoints. Les antennes, elles, sont composées de conseillers d’insertion et de
probation et parfois d’assistants de service social, ainsi que du personnel
administratif.

1. Les missions des Service Pénitentiaire d’Insertion et de Probation (SPIP):


1.1 Les missions du SPIP
- favoriser la réinsertion des personnes,
- veiller au respect des obligations imposées par le magistrat,
- réaliser des enquêtes sociales avant la comparution devant une
juridiction,
- assurer le suivi des mesures judiciaires,
- informer les autorités judiciaires,

20
- proposer au magistrat des aménagements de peine,
- prévenir les effets désocialisant de l’incarcération,
- maintenir les liens familiaux et sociaux,
- aider les sortants de prison à leur retour à la vie libre.

1.2 Les domaines de compétences du SPIP


En milieu fermé (MF): les SPIP assurent le lien entre personnel de
surveillance et le personnel de la direction, ainsi que l’intérieur et l’extérieur. Grâce
aux différents partenaires de l’administration, les détenus sont suivis
individuellement. Ainsi le SPIP mettent en place des moyens pour amener à une
réinsertion sociale et pour prévenir les risques de récidive (aide au maintien des liens
familiaux, préparation à la sortie et à la réinsertion, accès à la formation, accès aux
soins médicaux…).
En milieu ouvert (MO): les SPIP travaillent avec les magistrats et les autorités
locales pour la préparation et l’exécution des décisions de justice. Le juge
d’instruction ou le procureur de la république peut demander de faire une enquête
sociale sur la situation familiale, professionnelle ; ou un suivi des personnes sous
sursis avec mise à l’épreuve, libération conditionnelle, interdiction de séjour,
condamnés à un travail d’intérêt général.

2. Le Pôle Emploi et les prisons


En 2010, Pôle Emploi évolue et facilite les recherches d’emploi dans les
centres de détention. Pour consulter les offres, des ordinateurs vont être installés dans
les prisons et des agents de pôle emploi seront là pour accompagner les détenus à
préparer leurs futurs entretiens d’embauche et à bien rédiger leur curriculum vitae.
Selon un article paru dans la revue Le Point du 29 janvier 2010:
«L'administration pénitentiaire a renouvelé sa convention avec Pôle emploi
prévoyant une soixantaine de conseillers pour aider les détenus à trouver du travail
en sortant de prison, «chiffre qui n'a pas augmenté depuis 2003», a regretté
l'Observatoire international des prisons. Selon Marie Cretenot, de la permanence
juridique de l'OIP: «Maintenir ce nombre de conseillers est le signe d'un nouveau
désengagement de l'Etat vis-à-vis des personnes détenues, malgré les annonces de la

21
loi pénitentiaire» d'octobre 2009. Alors que depuis 2003, le nombre de personnes
écrouées a augmenté. «C'est en totale contradiction avec tous les discours faits sur la
nécessité de favoriser l'insertion des personnes détenues, et qui ne tient pas compte
de l'augmentation de la population carcérale», a-t-elle ajouté.
La convention-cadre nationale de collaboration 2010-2012 entre la direction
de l'administration pénitentiaire (DAP) et Pôle emploi doit «permettre aux personnes
placées sous main de justice d'accéder au service de droit commun et ainsi de
préparer leur réinsertion dans la vie active et prévenir les risques de récidives». Or,
selon une étude de la DAP en 2008 sur la mise en œuvre de la convention, trois
condamnés libérés sur quatre n'ont vu aucun conseiller ANPE. Seuls 3% sont sortis
avec une promesse d'embauche via l'ANPE (devenu Pôle emploi) et 1,3% avec une
inscription en formation professionnelle. «Plus de 68% des conseillers passent entre
un et cinq jours par mois vraiment au contact des détenus. Ces derniers travaillent
une partie de leur temps en agence. En prison, ils ne voient que ceux dont la
libération est proche ou susceptible d'un aménagement de peine. 20% n'ont pas de
local fixe pour mener les entretiens en prison, 14% le font dans les parloirs avocat.»
Malgré la politique gouvernementale qui tente de mettre en place des moyens
pour réinsérer les détenus (les SPIP et Pôle emploi), il est à l’heure actuelle très
difficile de voir si cette politique porte réellement ses fruits.

C) Les limites de la réinsertion

Malgré les actions de réinsertion mises en œuvre par le gouvernement pour


essayer d'aider les détenus lors de leur sortie, nous pouvons constater une inutilité
partielle à long terme de ces dernières.
Les détenus sortant de prison font face à des situations pouvant être néfastes à
leur réinsertion. La première difficulté qu'ils peuvent rencontrer est souvent de ne pas
être prévenu de leurs droits. En effet, ils sont d'ailleurs privés de certains droits en
fonction de la décision des juges: certains ne peuvent pas voter, avoir un poste avec
des responsabilités, etc. C'est pourquoi certains de leurs diplômes qu'ils avaient
auparavant ou qu’ils ont obtenu lors de leur emprisonnement ne leur sont pas utiles et
cela constitue un frein non négligeable à leur resocialisation. Cependant, depuis

22
1994, le Nouveau Code Pénal prévoit que la privation de droit ne peut excéder une
période de 10 ans, mais certaines administrations continuent à refuser d'embaucher
d'anciens détenus, cela ne permettant donc pas une réinsertion réussie tant que ces
personnes n'auront pas récupérer en intégralité leurs droits civils.
Puis, nous constatons par une étude menée par l'administration pénitentiaire
en 1997 que les personnes libérées ont très peu recours aux institutions d'aides mises
en place par le gouvernement. Malgré une proportion importante de chômeurs parmi
les libérés (60%), moins du quart des sans-emplois sont inscrits au Pôle Emploi. De
même, le RMI a été sollicité par à peine 14% de ces individus.
La sortie de prison reste un moment difficile quelle que soit la peine purgée:
les détenus peuvent alors se retrouver dans un environnement hostile, voire
criminogène, ou totalement isolé s’ils ne reçoivent aucune préparation ni
accompagnement à leur sortie. Le soutien est primordial pour qu'ils ne retombent pas
dans des troubles d'addictions comme l'alcool, la drogue ou dans la récidive.
Par conséquent, cette population n’est pas suivie régulièrement par les
différents organismes publics, ni par les associations spécialisées. Les anciens
détenus reprennent alors contact avec leurs anciennes bandes. Ces individus étant
considérés comme fragiles à leur sortie de prison, ils avant sont perçus comme
dangereux par les médias et les pouvoirs publics.
Ils sont ainsi plus manipulables par leurs pairs et ils ont très souvent de
nouveau à faire avec la justice. Par exemple, un détenu sur deux récidive dans les
cinq ans suivant sa sortie et 40,7% ont été condamné à de nouvelles peines
d’emprisonnement ferme selon une étude de l’administration pénitentiaire. Le risque
de récidive est sans cesse mis en avant pour justifier le maintien de détention des
personnes accessibles à la liberté conditionnelle. Les délinquants et les criminels
deviennent dés lors les boucs émissaires de la société toute entière.
Pour finir, la sortie de prison est un moment anxiogène pour les détenus.
Normalement cela est présentée comme un nouveau départ, mais les anciens
condamnés se sont adaptés à la détention et ne veulent pas retrouver leur quotidien
qui était souvent difficile avant l’incarcération.
Il en résulte qu’il est nécessaire pour eux de se réinsérer grâce à un
accompagnement régulier et personnalisé. Il doit être aussi préparé à cette réinsertion

23
par des mesures ponctuelles grâce à des permissions ou des libérations
conditionnelles qui sont trop peu utilisés.
La société émet également des freins puisqu’elle a une image négative des
détenus qui sont considérés comme dangereux et nuisibles. Il faut par conséquent
être moins méfiant face à cette population qui peut se décourager facilement. La
réinsertion passe avant tout par la motivation que l’individu pourra exprimer pour
obtenir une nouvelle vie en s’accoutumant aux nouvelles règles.

Conclusions

Il est important de souligner le fait qu’aujourd’hui la prison a pour objectif de


punir le fautif, de protéger la population de cet individu mais également de l’aider
dans sa réinsertion. Depuis quelques jours, nous pouvons visualiser sur nos écrans de
télévision un nouveau spot publicitaire: on y aperçoit un canari en cage, la porte
s’ouvre, il hésite, s’élance et s’écrase contre une vitre. Une voix off dit alors «La
liberté, ça se prépare». Cette publicité vise à sensibiliser le grand public sur le fait
que «chacun a droit à une seconde chance». Nous constatons donc une évolution sur
l’image des détenus, sur l’après prison.
A travers notre travail, nous sommes arrivées à la conclusion suivante: il est
évident que le gouvernement met en œuvre de nombreux moyens de réinsertion.
Cependant dans la réalité des choses ce n’est pas aussi arbitraire. D’un côté il y a des
moyens tels que l’enseignement, la formation professionnelle, le travail et les liens
familiaux qui favorisent la réintégration des détenus dans le système économique et
social actuel. Mais d’un autre côté il y a la présence d’un taux d’échec élevé en
matière de réinsertion, du grand nombre de récidive, sans oublier l’observation du
mal être des détenus en prison.
Nous réagissons aussi sur le fait que le gouvernement ne modifie pas la base
de son fonctionnement devant cette situation. En effet, l’Etat continue à construire
des prisons à cause de la surpopulation carcérale, au lieu de se fixer l’objectif d’une
diminution du nombre de personnes incarcérées. Peut être serait-ce une solution
d’exercer une politique préventive au lieu d’une politique répressive?

24
Le groupe de travail «Prison» de l’Institut Montaigne a consacré quand à lui,
un rapport sur les faiblesses de l’institution carcérale. Il refuse une vision réductrice
de l’aide de du gouvernement face aux problèmes de réinsertion et formule donc une
quinzaine de propositions pour limiter les risques de rechute et préparer au mieux les
détenus à un retour réussi à une vie «normale».

Bibliographie & Webographie

Législation:
Loi du 22 Juin 1987.
Loi du 30 octobre 2007, Le Contrôleur général remet chaque année un rapport
d’activité au Président de la République et au Parlement, ce rapport est
rendu public.
Loi pénitentiaire – http://www.loi-penitentiaire.justice.gouv.fr, 15.11.2010.

Ouvrages:
Combessie, P., 2009, Sociologie de la prison, édition La découverte, collection
Repères, 3ème édition, Paris.
Hyest, J.J. et Cabanel, G.P., 2000, Prisons: une humiliation pour la République,
commission d’enquête sur les conditions de détention dans les établissements
pénitentiaires en France, tome 1 n°449 (99/2000), Paris.
Mermez, L. et Floch J., 2000, La France face à ses prisons, document de
l’Assemblée Nationale n°2521 (2000), tome 1, Paris.
Petit, J.G., 1991, Histoire des galères, bagnes et prisons du 13ème au 20ème siècle,
introduction à l’histoire pénale de la France, bibliothèque historique Edition
Privat, Toulouse.
Petit, J.G., 1991, Histoire des galères, bagnes et prisons, Toulouse.
Wacquant, L., 1999, La prison de la misère, édition Raisons d’agir, Paris.

Revues & journaux:


La Dépêche, 10.03.2010, Le contrôleur des prisons inquiet des difficultés de
réinsertion des détenus.
Libération, 10.03.2010, Le contrôleur des prisons s’alarme de la ‘vision maximaliste
de la sécurité’.
Le Point, 10.03.2010, Le contrôleur des prisons ‘très pessimiste’ sur les nouveaux
établissements.
Le Télégramme, 15.11.2010, Les surveillants de prison réclament des moyens.

Sites:
CERAS, Recherches et actions sociales – www.ceras-projet.org, 10.11.2010.
Contrôleur Général des Lieux de Privation de Liberté – www.CGLP.fr, 15.11.2010.
Institut Montaigne. Comment rendre la prison enfin utile –
www.InstitutMontaigne.org, 3.09.2008.
L’Administration française – http://www.service-public.fr, 7.11.2010.
L’Observatoire International des prisons – www.oip.org, 10.11.2010.

25
Pénitentiaire du 24 Novembre 2009 (actualité du 25.11.2009) – www.senat.fr,
12.11.2010.

26
Border Security. Current Status and Recommendations
Securitatea Frontierei. SituaŃia Actuală şi Recomandări

Erika A. WIKER
Specialist in Contemporary Criminal Justice
U.S.A.

Abstract: The Northern and Southern borders of the United States are comprised of
over 7.458 miles consisting upwards of over 109 official ports of entry, admitting
over 1.050.000 visitors a year (Wasem et.al, p. 2). The men and women of the United
States border patrol must meet the challenge of safeguarding our border from the
non-criminal illegal aliens, drugs, as well as the emergent threat of terrorism. Over
the past nine years, much has been done to increase the workload of the Customs and
Border Patrol (CBP); with little forethought to the need of increased man-power
and/or the development of a validated risk management strategy that supports the
abundance of dollars that has been spent on penetrable systems such as physical
fences.

Key words: drugs, border security, criminality

Abstract: Frontierele de nord şi de sud a Statelor Unite sunt alcatuite din peste 7.458
mile constând în peste 109 porturi oficiale de intrare, cu o prezenŃă a peste 1.050.000
de vizitatori pe an (Wasem et.al, p. 2). BărbaŃii şi femeile de patrulare la frontiera
Statelor Unite trebuie să răspundă provocării de a proteja frontiera noastră de
imigranŃii ilegali, droguri, precum şi de ameninŃarea emergentă a terorismului. În
ultimii nouă ani, ceea ce s-a creionat, s-a focusat mai degrabă pe creştea volumului
de muncă a Vămilor şi Patrulelor de Frontieră (Customs and Border Patrol – CBP);
fiind puŃin chibzuiŃi la investirea în pregătirea acestor patrule şi/sau la elaborarea
unei strategii validate de management al riscului. Această strategie sprijină
abundenŃa de dolari, dolari cheltuiŃi pe sisteme penetrabile, cum ar fi gardurile de
protecŃie.

27
Cuvinte cheie: droguri, securitatea frontierei, criminalitate

The Northern and Southern borders of the United States are comprised of
over 7.458 miles consisting upwards of over 109 official ports of entry, admitting
over 1.050.000 visitors a year (Wasem et.al, p. 2). The men and women of the United
States border patrol must meet the challenge of safeguarding our border from the
non-criminal illegal aliens, drugs, as well as the emergent threat of terrorism. Over
the past nine years, much has been done to increase the workload of the Customs and
Border Patrol (CBP); with little forethought to the need of increased man-power
and/or the development of a validated risk management strategy that supports the
abundance of dollars that has been spent on penetrable systems such as physical
fences.
The race to strengthen the borders of the United States came soon after the
attacks of September 11, 2001. Investigations found that the hijackers had been
living and moving freely within the United States without legitimacy. Congress and
the American people demanded changes in border controls and computer systems to
monitor and track foreign visitors as they seek to enter and leave the country by
developing a database which compares finger prints against known and or suspected
terrorist.
This paper will discuss the current status of Border Security nine-years post
September 11 and the various efforts instituted to strengthen our borders. It will
conclude with outlining recommendations on efforts that should be further supported,
both financially and politically.

Current Efforts

Efforts to strengthen border security were in effect long before the institution
of the Department of Homeland Security. In 1994, CBP implemented a program
titled Operation Gatekeeper, where tiers of agents were assigned to various points
within the San Diego Sector (Center for American Progress, p. 8). However, this
effort was isolated and expensive, resulting in Congress and the CBP realizing that a
more comprehensive approach to strengthening our border was necessary. Resulting

28
in 1996, the Illegal Reform and Illegal Immigrant Responsibility Act which gave the
government full authority to install additional physical security barriers. This method
of physical security has met substantial resistance as many contend that it does not
do an effective job of keeping illegal aliens out. As discussed in Securing Our
Borders, research conducted by the Center for Comparative Immigration Studies
shows that 97 percent of illegal immigrants are successful in penetrating the fences
on their second and/or third attempt.
The Homeland Security Act of 2002 positioned the Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) as the primary federal agency responsible for securing our borders.
Within DHS is the Directorate of Border and Transportation Security (BTS), which
is charged with securing the borders, territorial waters, terminals, waterways, and air,
land, and sea transportation systems of the United States (Seghetti, p. 4). These
efforts are supported by the Bureau of Customs and Border Protection (CBP),
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Immigration and Naturalization
Services (INS), the U.S. Border Patrol, Animal and Plant Health Inspection Services
(APHIS), the United States Coast Guard (USCG), and the Transportation Security
Administration (TSA).
Current policies at the border can be separated into two major categories:
people related security and goods related border security (Seghetti, p. 4).

People Related Border Security


The attacks of September 11, showed that not only were we weak on
immigration control at our borders, we were significantly weak in visa controls.
Before the attacks, State Department visa focus on determining whether or not those
seeking entry into the United States intended to work or reside illegally in the United
States. The protocol for ensuring “potential terrorist” did not enter the United States
the State Department consular managed a “look out system” to check names with
numerous agencies to determine the probability of them being a terrorist.
Investigations after September 11 showed that 19 terrorists were aliens who entered
the United States legally despite provisions in immigration laws regulations that
could have barred their entrance (Seghetti, p. 5)5. Because of these findings the State

5
Investigations have found that the 9/11 terrorists entered the United States through the use of

29
Department has stepped up their security posture when issuing visas by doubling the
names and amount of information on the lookout system.

Programs Which Support People Related Border Security


Pre-Inspection. First authorized by Congress in 1996, the pre-inspection
program focuses on immigration inspections conducted at foreign ports of
embarkations by US authorities for passengers seeking entry. Under this program,
DHS details immigration officers to foreign ports. These officers are able to perform
general inspection functions. The original intent of the program was to limit the
number of inadmissible aliens entering the US, officials now view it as a useful
measure to better secure our borders while facilitating the flow of travel (Seghetti, p.
7).
Advance Passenger Manifest. Requires air carriers en route to the US from
foreign countries to submit passenger manifests in advance of their arrival to ports of
entry. The subsequent inspections are conducted on U.S. soil, the advance notice
allows for CBP officers to identify those travelers who many need additional
screening.
Computer Aided Passenger Pre-Screening System. Instituted in 1996, the
CAPPS system analyzes ticket purchasing behavior to identify air travelers who pose
a threat. Efforts are currently underway to develop the next generation CAPPS II
system which conducts passenger risk assessments and pre-screening have been
scrapped due to privacy concerns and operational issues.
No Fly and Selectee List. TSA is mandated by law to maintain a watch list of
individuals suspected of posing a risk of air piracy and/or terrorism, created in 1990.
Individuals on this list are subjected to additional security measures, with no fly
matching requiring individuals to be detained and questioned by federal law
enforcement and selectees requiring additional screening.
Federal Air Marshal Service6. Created as a direct result of September 11,
places plain clothed federal law enforcement agents aboard high risk flights either
originating and/or destined in the U.S.

fraudulent documents.
6
Per CRS Report: Border and Transportation Security: Selected Programs and Policies Federal Air
Marshalls over a two year period following the attacks responded to over 2.000 aviation security

30
U.S. VISIT Program. In 2004 to further meet the challenges of the new
asymmetrical threats posed by international and domestic terrorist alike the
Department of Homeland Security (DHS) embarked on an ambitious journey to
institute a $10 billion dollar program titled US-VISIT. This program is intended to
create a virtual border that can screen the millions of foreign travelers who enter and
leave the U.S.
Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative. Requires U.S. and Canadian travelers
to present a passport and/or other form of document that denotes identity and
citizenship when entering the U.S., this program is a result of the Intelligence
Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (IRTPA). The goal of WHTI is to
facilitate entry for U.S. citizens and legitimate foreign visitors, while strengthening
U.S. border security. Standard documents will enable the Department of Homeland
Security to quickly and reliably identify a traveler.
Immigration and Nationality Action Section 287 (g). The Illegal Immigration
Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act (IIRAIRA), effective September 30,
1996, added Section 287 (g), performance of immigration officer functions by state
and local officers and employees, to the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA).
Section 287 (g) authorizes the secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland
Security (DHS) to enter into memorandums of understanding (MOU) to allow
designated officers to perform immigration law enforcement activities provided that
the officers and/or employees have received appropriate training and function under
the supervision of a sworn U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)
officers. The program provides a flexible solution for ICE and state and local law
enforcement agencies to combat terrorism and criminal activities conducted by
illegal aliens.

Goods Related Border Security


The maritime system of the United States consists of more than 300 sea and
river ports with more than 3.700 cargo and passenger terminals, with most ships
being foreign owned (Seghetti, p. 5). In the recent years, focus has been placed on
container ship security as there has been infiltration of stowaways from both friendly

incidents, used non-lethal force 16 times, discharged their weapons on 3 occasions and were involved
in 28 arrests and/or detainments of individuals.

31
and non-friendly countries7. In an effort to focus limited inspection resources the
CBP has launch multiple initiatives to target high risk shipments and attempt to
secure the supply chain.
Advance Electronic Cargo Manifest Requirement. As discussed in CRS
Report Border and Transportation Security: Selected Programs and Policies (2005)
cargo inspections are dependent on receiving accurate information in a timely
manner. To provide inspectors with adequate time to perform risk assessments on
arriving cargo what has been known as the 24-hour rule was implemented. CBP
published the following regulations:
Vessel - 24 hours prior to lading in the foreign port
Air - Wheels up for four hours prior to departure for the U.S.
Rail - Two hours prior to arrival in the U.S.
Truck - One hour prior to arrival for shipments entering through the Pre-
Arrival Processing System8 or Automated Broker Interface9 and 30 minutes prior to
arrival for shipments entered through FAST10.
Container Security Initiative (CSI). Initiated by CBP in January 2002 to
prevent terrorists from exploiting containers entering the U.S. CSI is made up of four
elements a) developing criteria to identify high risk containers, b) prescreening high
risk containers at the earliest possible point in the supply chain, c) using technology
to pre-screen high risk containers quickly, and d) developing and using smart11 and

7
11 stowaways were found on a containers ship originating from the Caribbean entering the US. The
individuals aboard were said to be seeking a better life here in the U.S. While these individuals were
not focused on nefarious acts, this shows the ease in which stowaways can enter the US aboard
container ships.
8
Pre-arrival Processing System (PAPS) is a U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) system
designed to provide CBP with advance information on goods entering the U.S. It expedites
clearances, reduces traffic congestion at ports of entry and enables CBP to perform risk assessment
and clearance in advance of goods arriving at the border. Shipments entering the U.S. at overland
ports of entry along the Canada - U.S. border must utilize the Pre-Arrival Processing System (PAPS),
the Border Release and Selectivity System (BRASS) or the FAST – National Customs Automation
Program (FAST/NCAP) procedures.
9
The Automated Broker Interface (ABI) is a component of the U.S. Customs Service's Automated
Commercial System that permits qualified participants to electronically file required import data with
Customs. ABI is a voluntary program available to brokers, importers, carriers, port authorities, and
independent service centers. Currently, over 96% of all entries filed with Customs are filed through
ABI.
10
FAST is a joint program between Canada and the United States to enhance security at the border
while keeping the shared border open to the free flow of identified low risk shipments. The FAST
program relies on the integrity of the supply chain, technology and in identifying shipments that are
low risk.
11
CBP provides sensors to selected importers to be secured inside a container. The sensors can detect

32
secure containers. Under this program officers are sent to participating ports to
collaborate with host nations to identify and pre-screen high risk cargo.
Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism. Initiated in April 2002 and
offers importers expedited processing of cargo if they comply with CBP
requirements for securing their entire supply chain. This program is a self assessment
that is reviewed by CBP officials so that they gain and understanding of the
company’s security policy and posture. Based on the review the company and CBP
official will work together to address any security concerns and/or further reduce the
company’s risk score.

Recommendations

As with any issue there must be direct documentation and information


available to all persons who have a vested interest in border security. This is not
limited to border States and federal agencies who play an active role in securing our
border; but each and every state and federal agency who have critical infrastructure
and key resources that can be targets to those intent on executing nefarious acts
within the United States. Iessence border security is a National issue that impacts
each and every State and local, federal, and private sector partners alike. Since the
attacks of September 11, policy doctrine such as the Target Capability List (TCL)12
and the National Response Framework13 has articulated what needs to be
strengthened in order to safeguard the Homeland from another attack. The key
elements of the TCL such as Planning, Risk Management, and Information Sharing
and Dissemination all have direct feeds into the Border Security. By strengthening
these areas and developing a formulated and comprehensive risk management
strategy that has governmental and private sector support, would limit the vast

whether the container has been tampered with prior to entry into the US.
12
The Target Capabilities List identifies the thirty six capabilities required to prevent, protect against,
respond to, and recover from “incidents of national significance”. The list also establishes the plans,
procedures, system relationships, training/exercises, and mutual aid agreements required to do so. The
list partitions the thirty six target capabilities into five broad categories: Common Target Capabilities,
Prevent Mission Area Target Capabilities, Protect Mission Area Target Capabilities, Respond Mission
Area Target Capabilities, and Recover Mission Area Target Capabilities.
13
The National Response Framework presents the guiding principles that enable all response partners
to prepare for and provide a unified national response to disasters and emergencies - from the smallest
incident to the largest catastrophe. The Framework establishes a comprehensive, national, all-hazards
approach to domestic incident response.

33
amount of dollars spent on failed systems such as the CAPP II. However, prior to
spending down of dollars on physical and virtual systems that are able to be
circumvented by the technological savvy and well funded/connected terrorist,
spending the money on information sharing networks and man-power would equally
enhance border security.
Over the past nine years information sharing has increased, however it is
nowhere near the levels needed to counter the shadowy threat of terrorism. What
makes terrorist cells hard to counter is that they are able to operate with little to no
chatter/intelligence until the time of the looming attack. In many cases, any
information found that is shared with all stakeholder agencies provides the impacted
area needed information to possibility counter the attack. I recommend that key
stakeholder work in concert to build an information sharing matrix that identifies a
single system, with redundancies, to disseminate pertinent information with each
other. The current argument is that the information supports an active investigation,
however, the reality is that traditional and non-traditional response agencies alike on
the lookout for nefarious activity have a better chance of mitigating a threat than law
enforcement on its own.
The FY2011 budgetary constraints have resulted in drastic cuts in CBP and
USCG personnel; however their mission has been increased. These two entities work
in tandem to safeguard our borders, a cut in man-power, but an increased in mission
focus will result in less time being spent on forward thinking and planning to
continue to enhance our border security posture.
To further enhance border security posture we must be able to expand our
screening and immigration control mechanisms. I contend that continued support and
direct funding for the 287 (g) program as a Freedom of Information Act request
dated 12 July 2005 Judicial Watch.org reveals that since its first implementation by
the Florida Department of Law Enforcement in 2002 and subsequent implementation
programs by Alabama Department of Public Safety, Arizona Department of
Corrections, Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department and the San Bernardino
County Sheriff’s Department; each agency have been able to track the success of 287
(g)’s implementation based on their specific needs. The documents show that there is
between a 1.3-1.9 percent difference between Federal indictments and Federal

34
convictions and less than a 0 and 2.5% percent difference between state arrests and
state convictions from states law enforcement agencies utilizing 287 (g) to
supplement their immigration control programs. When we apply Schneier’s Model to
the program we are able to see not only a decrease in risk but a cost benefit in
continuing to apply and support the program.
What assets are you attempting to protect and how well does this security
solution mitigate the risk? Support for 287 will work to protect all critical
infrastructure and key resource assets throughout the United States as it allows for
local law enforcements to work as immigration officers, given them the authority to
stop and questions those who are suspected illegal aliens. It is a well known fact that
enhanced local, state, and federal cooperation is essential to improving our homeland
security and preparedness. Local and state law enforcement agents and employees
are the first line of defense when it comes to arresting and processing criminals and
potential terrorists. The state of Florida understand this very well post 9/11 after
finding that many of the hijackers either entered through Florida or had operated in
Florida while preparing for the attack. Further investigations found that four
members of the hijackers were stopped by state and local law enforcement in the
U.S. for routine traffic violations - in all four instances they were illegally present in
the U.S. This provides us with a clear view that state and local law enforcement
officers are more often than not in the best position to come across and identify alien
terrorist and/or criminals operating in the U.S. Thus, supporting that addition and
implementation of Section 287 (g) can significantly increase law enforcement efforts
in the war against terror and violent crime (Koback, 2005). 287 (g) delegates
authority that is much broader than the simple arrest of an illegal alien its authorities
include not only the power to collect, arrest, and transfer; but also the power to
investigate immigration violations, the power to collect evidence, and assemble an
immigration case for prosecution or removal, the power to take custody of aliens on
behalf of the federal government. Authorizing this authority to local and state law
enforcement agencies is a win-win situation for both local/state and federal law
enforcement agencies. Take for instance the state of Alabama which had experienced
widespread and increased violations of feral immigration laws by aliens in its
jurisdiction; at times there were fewer than three interior enforcement officers

35
operating in the state (Koback, 2005); to mitigate this that the state of Alabama
addressed the man-power shortfall by adding and implementing section 287 (g) and
committing its own officers.
What costs and tradeoffs does the security solution impose? The addition and
implementation of 287 (g) by state and local law enforcement agencies does not
require that their effort be placed strictly on the identification and processing of
undocumented aliens, instead it also provides a manner in which to combat violent
gang sects. This effort can be seen in Los Angeles area. Mara Savatrucha-13 (MS-
13) is one of the most violent, notorious, and fastest growing alien gang in the
country. It currently operates in over 33 states in the U.S., ranging from metropolitan
areas such as Los Angeles, CA to rural towns such as Wauchula, FL. Because the
number of the gang members are illegal aliens a robust and effective enforcement of
immigration laws would substantially mitigate the number of gang members thus,
violent crimes committed. Operation Community Shield in Las Angeles is a picture
of success resulting in over 103 MS-13 member arrests with approximately half
having prior arrest records for violent crimes (Kobach, 2005).
The average costs to support cross-discipline training of local and state law
enforcement officers and employees on average is $519.58 [287 (g) FOIA response].
This cost supports the student attending the 5-week 287 (g) Delegation of Authority
training, travel, student handouts, workbooks, training material, and law books; the
owning agency will pay for salary costs during the 5-week period. Information
Technology support and expenses needed to access the ICE database are funded by
ICE. Support and administration of designated law enforcement agents and
employees are administered by ICE. These cost savings are far greater than the
incarceration and re-incarceration of illegal aliens.
What are the risks? As with any security program there are inherit risks.
However, the risks for the 287 (g) program are lessened by the overall increase in
security posture that the program provides.
1. Inability to adequately train in short timeframe: Unfortunately, all
that you need to learn about immigration and naturalization issues
cannot be learned in a 5-week training period and mentorship;
however, what the training and mentorship provides is a baseline

36
and a direct point of contact for questions. The lack of adequate
training could result in an increase in arbitrary cases being brought
forth that will clog the system and place increase pressure of the
community and agencies.
2. Shifting from optional to an unfunded mandate. With federal, state,
and local governments’ in budget crisis there is a distinct fear that
this program will shift from optional to and unfunded mandate. We
see this in many other programs initiated by the Department of
Homeland Security with respect to Homeland Security
Preparedness, for example the identification and mapping of
Critical Infrastructure and Key Resources and the implementation
of the National Incident Management System (NIMS). Although,
these programs make sense for security preparedness, the fact that
all budgets are tight, there is a possibility that the 287 (g) program
will turn into an unfunded mandate and hurt state and local
governments more than help them.
3. Shifting of priority for local law enforcement: The implementation
of 287 (g) at the state and local level has a select and designated
group of officers and employees who focus on this program.
However, in smaller agencies and/or those with a large illegal alien
issue will become inundated with immigration control issues and
place policing/law enforcement activities as secondary priorities.
What other risks does the security solution cause? Although I would contend
that there are minimal risks with supporting this security solution, the reality is that if
the aforementioned risks are realized, the focus of local law enforcement lends to
terrorist and criminals alike exasperating the vulnerability of law enforcement man-
power; thus enhancing local threat levels.

37
References

Carafoano, J., (March) 2006, Heritage Foundation, Retrieved February 3, 2009.


Available at:
http://www.heritage.org/Research/HomelandSecurity/upload/94536_1.pdf,
25.11.2010.
Center for American Progress, (April) 2010, Securing Our Borders, Retrieved 1
April, 2010. Available at:
http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/04/secure_borders.html,
18.10.2010.
Hanley, R., (September) 1994, 11 Stowaways Found on Ship in Container,
Retrieved 1 April, 2010. Available at:
http://www.nytimes.com/1994/09/02/nyregion/11-stowaways-found-on-ship-
in- container.html?pagewanted=1, 12.11.2010.
Judicial Watch, 287 (g) FOIA request, Retrieved February 3, 2009. Available at:
http://www.judicialwatch.org/foia/2006/287g.pdf, 12.11.2010.
Kobach, K., (July) 2005, Testimony on “The 287 (g) Program: Ensuring the
Integrity of America’s Border Security System through Federal-State
Partnerships”, Retrieved February 4, 2009. Available at:
http://www.cairco.org/articles/art2005jul27_testimony_kobach.pdf,
18.10.2010.
Office of Pubic Affairs, Department of Homeland Security, (August 16) 2006,
Section 287 (g) Immigration and Nationality Action. A Law enforcement
Partnership, Retrieved February 1, 2009. Available at:
http://www.ice.gov/doclib/pi/news/factsheets/060816dc287gfactsheet.pdf,
25.11.2010.
Neto, B., (May) 2005, Border Security: Key Agencies and Their Missions, Library of
Congress, Washington D.C.
Seghetti, L., Lake, J., Robinson, W., (March) 2005, Border and Transportation
Security: Selected Programs and Policies, Library of Congress, Washington,
D.C.

38
U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security
(August 18) 2008, Delegation of Immigration Authority Section 287(g)
Immigration and Nationality Act, Retrieved February 1, 2009. Available at:
http://www.ice.gov/partners/287g/Section287_g.htm, 25.11.2010.
Wasem, R. E., Monke, J., and Vina, S., (May) 2004, Border Security: Inspections
Practices, Policies and Issues, Library of Congress, Washington D.C.

39
BOOK REVIEW
Bălan, A., 2008, Female crime - causes and social effects. Prevention
strategies, C.H. Beck Publishing, Bucharest
RECENZIE
Bălan, A., 2008, Criminalitatea feminină – cauze şi efecte sociale.
Strategii de prevenire, Editura C.H. Beck, Bucureşti

Ştefania DUDĂU
Master in Probation
Bucharest University

Abstract: Presented in an attractive manner, the reviewed book is meant to unravel


and at the same time analyze the notion of female crime. Structured in eight chapters,
the author attempts to illustrate how the phenomenon of female criminals appeared.
Analyzing the phenomenon, the author highlights the importance of the factors that
have contributed to the appearance and development of the female crime and stresses
the fact that the notion of female crime should be treated as distinct in the analysis of
the crime phenomenon in general.

Key words: criminality, feminine delinquency, prevention

Abstract: Lucrarea autoarei are caracter explicativ şi de analiză asupra noŃiunii de


criminalitate feminină. Cartea este prezentată într-un format atractiv, fiind structurată
în 8 capitole prin care autoarea încearcă să explice apariŃia fenomenului de
criminalitate feminină. Prin analiza fenomenului este subliniată importanŃa factorilor
ce au contribuit la apariŃia şi dezvoltarea criminalităŃii feminine şi se urmăreşte
percepŃia lui ca noŃiune distinctă în cercetarea fenomenului de criminalitate la modul
general.

Cuvinte cheie: criminalitate, delincvenŃă feminină, prevenire

40
Lucrarea autoarei Ana Bălan are caracter explicativ şi de analiză asupra
noŃiunii de criminalitate feminină. Cartea este prezentată într-un format atractiv, fiind
structurată în 8 capitole prin care autoarea încearcă să explice apariŃia fenomenului
de criminalitate feminină. Prin analiza fenomenului este subliniată importanŃa
factorilor ce au contribuit la apariŃia şi dezvoltarea criminalităŃii feminine şi se
urmăreşte percepŃia lui ca noŃiune distinctă în cercetarea fenomenului de
criminalitate la modul general.
Lucrarea debutează cu motivaŃia alegerii temei, prezentată sub formă de
introducere. Aici se face remarcată o propoziŃie, ce declanşează o serie de întrebări
ce o determină pe autoare să dorească o analiză a noŃiunii de criminalitate, percepută
ca noŃiune distinctă în cadrul fenomenului de criminalitate tratat la modul general:
„Este importantă o abordare diferită atunci când se studiază criminalitatea feminină”.
În susŃinerea acestei afirmaŃii, apar o serie de întrebări, care pe parcursul
lecturării încep să îşi contureze răspunsuri: Sunt femeile şi bărbaŃii la fel de
predispuşi să comită infracŃiuni? Sunt infracŃiunile comise de femei diferite, mai
ascunse şi mai greu de descoperit? Îşi asumă femeile mai degrabă rolul de instigator
decât pe cel de autor în comiterea infracŃiunilor? Este sistemul justiŃiei penale mai
îngăduitor cu femeile, sunt autorităŃile mai puŃin dispuse să le aresteze, să le
sancŃioneze şi să le priveze de libertate? Este delincvenŃa în rândul femeilor o
problemă a societăŃii române de astăzi? Care sunt formele de manifestare ale
criminalităŃii feminine? Care sunt metodele de prevenire ale acestui fenomen?
Prin cercetarea a 1.439 de dosare de penitenciar a tuturor femeilor
condamnate, aflate într-un penitenciar din România în anul 2004, lucrarea de faŃă
oferă răspunsurile dorite într-o manieră sistematizată. Se porneşte de la interpretarea
unor noŃiuni de bază, se continuă prin explicarea factorilor ce contribuie la
dezvoltarea fenomenului, inclusiv prin prezentarea unor pasaje ce reliefează exemple
concrete ce vin în susŃinerea factorilor declanşatori. Ulterior, sunt prezentate o serie
de strategii de prevenire a fenomenului, ce au drept scop schimbarea mentalităŃii
publicului larg, în ceea ce priveşte noŃiunea de criminalitate feminină.
Pe parcursul lecturii, s-au evidenŃiat o serie de idei pe care intenŃionez să le
comentez, deoarece reprezintă esenŃa lucrării. Cercetarea criminalităŃii feminine este
o necesitate. De-a lungul timpului, infracŃiunile comise de femei au fost explicate ca

41
fiind influenŃate mai degrabă de factori biologici decât de factori sociali sau
economici. Cu toate acestea există o serie de elemente ce contribuie la amplificarea
acestui fenomen.
În viziunea Fridei Adler, criminalitatea feminină apare ca o parte întunecată a
liberalizării femeilor, care reflectă mai departe atitudinea feministă a femeilor
delincvente. Însă, există o legătură între schimbările din sfera economică şi socială a
femeilor şi criminalitate? Pentru a răspunde la această întrebare, trebuie să aducem în
discuŃie factorii posibili care pot contribui la apariŃia criminalităŃii feminine.
Literatura de specialitate prezintă următoarea clasificare: factori interni ce Ńin de rolul
eredităŃii în formarea personalităŃii criminale şi factori externi, ce aduc în atenŃie
studierea mediului ce favorizează dobândirea unui comportament deviant. Acesta
poate fi mediul familial de provenienŃă, vecinătatea, anturajul sau un mediu
ocazional, mediul personal sau mediul impus.
Autoarea, interpretează comportamentul delincvent din patru perspective:
perspectiva biologică, psihiatrică, sociologică şi integrativă. În susŃinerea interpretării
menŃionează faptul că societatea percepe femeile ca fiind captive ale unor forŃe
biologice care le scapă de sub control. De asemenea, femeile sunt percepute ca fiind
pasive şi slabe, impulsive şi nonşalante, acŃionând în mod intuitiv şi ilogic. Totodată,
femeile sunt în continuă nevoie de protecŃie, adică sunt naive şi uşor de manevrat.
Totodată, interesantă este ideea Ginei Lombroso, prezentată în lucrarea de
faŃă. Aceasta afirmă faptul că, în afara diferenŃelor fizice şi biologice dintre cele două
sexe, există o altă diferenŃă care le domină, aproape absolut pe toate celelalte: femeia
este altruistă, fapt ce poate inspira virtuŃi sau din contră, vicii.
NoŃiunea de criminalitate feminină este percepută prin prisma diferenŃelor de
gen. În mass-media femeile sunt prezentate comparativ cu bărbaŃii, însă în ipostaze
degradante. Exemplele de acest fel se referă la prezentarea prostituatelor sumar
îmbrăcate sau în situaŃii intime surprinse cu ocazia raziilor poliŃiei, în timp ce
bărbaŃii sunt mai puŃin vizaŃi de aceste aspecte. Totodată, femeile sunt arătate în
suferinŃă, plângând sau în stare de şoc, fapt ce subliniază ideea menŃionată mai sus,
faptul că femeile sunt captive ale unor forŃe biologice care le scapă de sub control.
Astfel, putem afirma faptul că mass-media are o dominanŃă misogină vizibilă, cu sau

42
fără voie, conştient sau nu, ele perpetuează şi întăresc discriminarea de status, rol şi
de vârstă între bărbaŃi şi femei.
De asemenea, în literatura de specialitate s-a creionat ideea de legătură între
noŃiunea de victimizare şi criminalitate, în ceea ce priveşte femeile. În susŃinerea
acestei conexiuni putem invoca: violenŃa şi violul, în special între persoanele care
convieŃuiesc împreună, care sunt mult mai frecvente decât se presupunea înainte;
poliŃia, instanŃele de judecată, opinia publică nu acordă atenŃia cuvenită victimelor
violenŃelor grave, mai ales atunci când între victimă şi agresor există relaŃii
apropiate; în timp ce femeile victime se simt stigmatizate şi ruşinate, bărbaŃii
infractori nu realizează că au avut un comportament greşit. ConsecinŃele violenŃei
asupra sănătăŃii sunt serioase şi depăşesc cu mult rănile imediate, cum ar fi
echimozele sau fracturile. Femeile victime ale abuzurilor fizice, sexuale sau afective
comit de cinci ori mai multe tentative de sinucidere şi necesită îngrijire psihiatrică pe
perioade lungi de timp. De asemenea, violenŃa domestică poate avea repercursiuni
negative asupra copiilor, care se manifestă prin tulburări mentale afective şi
comportamentale, motiv pentru care actele de violenŃă se perpetuează de la o
generaŃie la alta. ViolenŃa se manifestă, pe fondul consumului de alcool în mod
frecvent, pe fondul sărăciei, care declanşează complexe şi frustrări, mediul de
provenienŃă fiind caracterizat prin tensiuni.
Interesantă este şi ideea medicului Cesare Lombroso, susŃinută şi de către
istoricul Guliermo Ferrero, care au afirmat faptul că femeile sunt Ńinute sub control în
mod obişnuit de unele trăsături biologice, ca pasivitatea, dar atunci când devin
criminale, ele sunt mult mai rele decât bărbaŃii: ,,simŃul lor moral este deficient… ele
sunt răzbunătoare, geloase, înclinate spre răzbunare printr-o cruzime rafinată. În mod
obişnuit, aceste defecte sunt neutralizate de evlavie, maternitate, lipsa de pasiune,
răceala sexuală, de slăbiciune şi inteligenŃa nedezvoltată.” Însă, nu putem fi de acord
cu opiniile care consideră că deosebirile de ordin biologic sunt atât de profunde încât
determină superioritatea integrală şi constantă a bărbatului în raport cu femeia şi că
doar acestea influenŃează rata mai redusă a criminalităŃii feminine, comparativ cu cea
masculină.
În urma analizei teoriei psihosexuale a lui Freud, reiese următoarea idee:
criminalitatea feminină este în mare măsură sexuală deoarece ea provine din tulburări

43
emoŃionale. Putem afirma acest lucru cu certitudine? Din păcate nu ne putem ghida
în explicarea fenomenului, invocând doar teoria lui Freud. Astfel, teoriile de
orientare sociologică ce încearcă să explice criminalitatea au fost concepute pentru a
explica comportamentul deviant al bărbaŃilor, nu au fost adaptate şi pentru femei.
Ulterior, s-a încercat explicarea fenomenului de criminalitate feminină pe baza
teoriilor sociale. Aşadar, factorii ce declanşează dobândirea unui comportament
delincvent în cazul femeilor pot fi: condiŃiile de viaŃă dificile, şomajul, insecuritatea
economică, conflictele familiale, statutul de minoritate, lipsa oportunităŃilor,
inegalităŃile sociale, impulsuri sociale.
Teoriile rolului de gen susŃin că socializarea diferită dintre bărbaŃi şi femei
este motivul participării mai reduse a femeilor la delincvenŃă. Există modele de
socializare şi aşteptări de rol diferite. De la fete se aşteaptă să aibă nevoie de
protecŃie şi să aibă mai multe responsabilităŃi în ceea ce priveşte îndatoririle legate de
casă. Ele sunt mai puŃin dornice de a-şi dezvolta anumite abilităŃi, care pot fi
importante înainte de angajarea în acte delincvente. De asemenea, există diferenŃe de
gen în aplicarea controlului social, în sensul că spre exemplu, fetele trebuie să ajungă
mult mai devreme acasă decât fraŃii lor şi se aşteaptă de la ele ca, după terminarea
programului şcolar, să stea în familie în loc să îşi petreacă timpul liber în altă parte.
Există şi oportunităŃi diferite de a comite infracŃiuni, fetele sunt mai mult acasă sau în
casa unei persoane cunoscute, astfel au mai puŃine posibilităŃi să se angajeze în acte
delincvente.
În concluzie, caracteristicile biologice şi psihologice, stereotipurile de gen,
condiŃiile economice, sociale şi politice caracteristice comunităŃilor în care trăiesc şi
muncesc şi violenŃa împotriva femeilor sunt factorii declanşatori ai criminalitătii
feminine. CorelaŃia dintre delincvenŃă şi gradul de instruire şi educaŃie nu poate fi
neglijată. Pregătirea şcolară redusă, nivelul precar al cunoştinŃelor determină carenŃe
educaŃionale pronunŃate şi o reprezentare inexactă asupra valorilor şi normelor
sociale, constituind o cale spre criminalitate.
Schimbările intervenite în configuraŃia populaŃiei penitenciare sunt adesea
interpretate ca fiind rezultatul direct al dinamicii înregistrate în ceea ce priveşte rata
criminalităŃii. Cu toate acestea, în literatura de specialitate se subliniază faptul că
mărimea populaŃiei penitenciare nu este influenŃată de un singur factor, ci de un

44
complex interactiv de mecanisme: externe (schimbările structurale din societate –
demografie, migraŃie, economie); interne (justiŃia penală, politica penală, strategii de
prevenire şi control) şi intermediare (opinia publică, mass-media).
Foarte interesant mi s-a părut faptul că în lucrare au fost prezentate două
infracŃiuni ce pot fi comise exclusiv de femei. Acestea sunt: pruncuciderea şi
prostituŃia. Argumentele oferite în explicaŃiile acestora sunt de reŃinut. Astfel, în ceea
ce priveşte pruncuciderea, intenŃia de a ucide poate să se fi născut ca urmare şi sub
impulsul unei stări de tulburare psihică, consecutiv naşterii, în condiŃiile unei
responsabilităŃi afectate de această dată. NoŃiunea de tulburare psihică nu se referă la
stările psihice normale, ci la o tulburare de natură psihopatologică apărută în
perioada următoare naşterii, cunoscută sub denumirea de perioada post-partum,
perioada puerperală. Studiile efectuate evidentiază că, în cazul sarcinilor nedorite
apare un mecanism de autoapărare, numit negare a realităŃii, adică refuzul de a
percepe obiectiv sarcina şi implicit, crearea condiŃiilor pentru trecerea la
pruncucidere. În perioada sarcinii, psihicul femeii poate fi influenŃat sau chiar serios
alterat. Femele atinse de febra puerperală îşi pierd instinctul matern şi în ura lor
pentru noul născut pot merge până la pruncucidere. Din acest motiv, unele infracŃiuni
săvârşite de femeile gravide îşi au o explicaŃie patologică. CondiŃiile fiziologice
particulare sunt reale şi ştiinŃa penală nu le poate ignora. De asemenea, după
revoluŃia din 1989, prostituŃia a ieşit la vedere şi a cunoscut o largă diversificare în
ceea ce priveşte formele de manifestare. Există o legătură între noŃiunea de
prostituŃie şi traficul de persoane. Fiind o problemă care vizează întreaga societate,
traficul de persoane este în atenŃia unor instituŃii de stat cu atribuŃii în domeniu, dar şi
altor organizaŃii neguvernamentale, care au dezvoltat o serie de programe, mai ales
pentru persoanele victimizate. Activitatea desfăşurată până în prezent demonstrează
însă că intervenŃia secvenŃială nu este eficientă, acŃionându-se prioritar la nivelul
efectelor produse şi nu asupra cauzelor fenomenului.
CombinaŃia dintre explozia sărăciei, şomajului, schimbarea sistemului de
control social, deschiderea bruscă către Occident, privatizarea economiei au avut
consecinŃe directe şi indirecte care au determinat o înrăutăŃire a modului în care
femeile sunt tratate în anumite contexte sociale.

45
ConsecinŃele materiale ale criminalităŃii, violenŃei şi lipsei de siguranŃă sunt
greu de estimat. Societatea românească plăteşte scump ciminalitatea mai ales pe cea
cu violenŃă, în urma căreia nu numai că se pierd vieŃi omeneşti, dar se produc traume
psihice greu de depăşit, cu consecinŃe care nu pot fi evaluate. În cazul criminalităŃii
feminine se ridică şi problema copiilor care, rămaşi pentru perioade lungi fără mamă
şi fără tată (când acesta este victima infracŃiunii comise), au toate şansele ca, lipsiŃi
de familie, de afecŃiune şi educaŃie să devină, la rândul lor, infractori. łinta
principală a prevenirii sau strategiei primare o reprezintă publicul în general. Studiile
efectuate în penitenciare evidenŃiază faptul că problemele care caracterizează
experienŃele de viaŃă ale multora dintre femeile aflate în penitenciare pot fi definite
prin două cuvinte: excludere socială, cu tot ce presupune aceasta – educaŃie şcolară
precară, lipsa unei ocupaŃii stabile, venit scăzut, locuinŃe necorespunzătoare, familii
dezorganizate, probleme de sănătate, abilităŃi reduse pentru a face faŃă provocărilor
vieŃii. Acest tip de sărăcie le plasează în afara beneficiilor accesibile altor membri ai
societăŃii şi favorizează recurgerea la delincvenŃă.
În vizinea autoarei, un posibil model de prevenire a criminalităŃii feminine ar
putea fi eficient prin: revitalizarea unor instituŃii sociale, gen familia, şcoala, mass-
media, biserica, prin îmbunătăŃirea serviciilor de asistenŃă a familiei. Crearea unor
centre locale de sprijin, consiliere şi consultanŃă pentru femeile aflate în situaŃii
economico-sociale dificile: mame singure, mame cu mulŃi copii unice întreŃinătoare
ale familiei, femei agresate de soŃi sau parteneri. Elaborarea unor programe coerente
la nivel naŃional de prezentare şi promovare a drepturilor femeii şi pentru înŃelegerea
responsabilităŃilor egale ale soŃilor/părinŃilor faŃă de educaŃia copiilor.
În ceea ce priveşte violenŃa domestică, campaniile destinate conştientizării
gravităŃii violenŃei asupra femeilor, programe de consiliere psiho-comportamentală a
persoanelor cu un comportament violent faŃă de femei; dezvoltarea unor servicii de
consiliere şi adăpost pentru femeile victime până la soluŃionarea situaŃiei;
perfecŃionarea cadrului legislativ referitor la introducerea ordinelor de restricŃie
pentru persoanele violente; combaterea alcoolismului în familie prin includerea, la
cerere, a dependenŃilor în programe de dezalcolizare.

46
În şcoală trebuie încurajată colaborarea cu familia şi celelalte autorităŃi locale,
cu reprezentanŃii comunităŃii. Dezvoltarea unei reŃele de sprijin şi consiliere pentru
tinerii care în mod repetat au un comportament antisocial.
Prevenirea recidivei este un aspect extrem de important, astfel în viziunea
autoarei prin înfiinŃarea de penitenciare speciale pentru femei în toate regiunile
geografice ale Ńării, prin programe specifice, adaptate caracteristicilor femeilor
delincvente, prin asigurarea unui loc de muncă, prin desfăşurarea unor programe de
reconversie profesională, prin educaŃie, în sensul de a înŃelege calitatea de părinte,
pentru o viaŃă independentă şi pentru sănătate, prin pregătirea personalului care
lucrează în penitenciarele pentru femei, prevenirea terŃiară nu ar mai reprezenta o
idee abstractă.
În concluzie, voi încerca să răspund punctual întrebărilor formulate la
început. Atât femeile, cât şi bărbaŃii sunt predispuşi să comită infracŃiuni. Mediul
frecventat, stilul de viaŃă, decepŃiile, stresul cotidian fiind principalii factori
declanşatori în ceea ce priveşte dobândirea unui comportament delincvent.
InfracŃiunile comise de femei sunt mai greu de explicat, deoarece societatea le
percepe ca fiind captive ale unor forŃe biologice care le scapă de sub control. De
asemenea, femeile îşi pot asuma rolul de instigator, prin adoptarea unei atitudini ce
determină acest lucru. Putem afirma faptul că delincvenŃa în rândul femeilor este o
problemă a societăŃii române de astăzi. Formele de manifestare a crimnalităŃii
feminine sunt diverse şi diferă de la un caz la altul, iar metodele de prevenire actuale
nu sunt eficient reglementate.

47
Civil Society Implications in Criminal Justice System. Rapport
ImplicaŃiile SocietăŃii Civile în Sfera JustiŃiei. Raport

Cecilia POPA
Master in Probation, Romania

I would like to thank Erika Wiker, specialist in Contemporary Criminal Justice,


U.S.A, for her important contribution at the present article

Abstract: 20 years after the fall of the communist regime, Romania still does not
have a compact civil society able to engage all its human, material and financial
capital in the rehabilitation and reintegration of offenders. Sooner or later convicted
persons will return to our communities and their success will depend to a large extent
on those outside the criminal justice system. Although the society has developed a lot
after 1989 and in other areas it has succeed with real impact; one must wonder why
we have not reached a substantive and significant change in the field of criminal
justice? By means of a qualitative research, the present paper brings to your attention
the benefits that civil society can have, especially nongovernmental organizations, on
providing real solutions to the criminal justice system. Amid 21 interviews with the
main social actors in Romania and 31 questionnaires with community respondents
regarding restructuring the punitive system and drafting a real background of human
rights for those who expiate a criminal penalty, we will to draw your attention to
some concrete and convenient solutions.

Key words: civil society, criminal justice, reintegration

Abstract: La 20 de ani de la comunism încă nu avem o societate civilă compactă


care să-şi angreneze întreg capitalul uman, material şi financiar în reabilitarea şi
reintegrarea persoanelor condamnate. Mai devreme sau mai târziu persoanele
condamnate se vor întoarce în societate şi felul în care ele o vor face, depinde într-o
mare măsură de cei din afara sistemului penal. Deşi societatea civilă s-a dezvoltat
foarte mult după 1989 şi în alte sectoare de activitate a reuşit să-şi aducă un real
impact, ne punem întrebarea de ce în justiŃia penală nu reuşim să aducem o
schimbare semnificativă de fond? Studiul nostru doreşte să aducă în atenŃie, printr-o
cercetare calitativă, beneficiile societăŃii civile, cu predilecŃie organizaŃiile
nonguvernamentale, care pot constitui o soluŃie reală la sistemul justiŃiei penale. Pe
fondul a 21 de interviuri realizate cu actorii sociali cheie din România şi 31 de
chestionare cu respondenŃi din comunitate, privind restructurarea sistemului punitiv
şi creionarea unui fond real al drepturilor omului pentru persoanele care ispăşesc o
pedeapsă penală, dorim să atragem atenŃia asupra soluŃiilor concrete şi la îndemână.

Cuvinte cheie: societate civilă, justiŃie penală, reintegrare

Acronyms

AAS – AsociaŃia Alternative Sociale/Social Alternatives Association


ANP – AdministraŃia NaŃională a Penitenciarelor/National Administration of Prisons
APADOR-CH – AsociaŃia Pentru Apărarea Drepturilor Omului-Comitetul
Helsinki/Association For Human Rights Protection-Helsinki Committee
GRADO – Grupal Român pentru Apărarea Drepturilor Omului/The Romanian Group
for Human Rights Protection
MJ – Ministerul JustiŃiei/Ministry of Justice
PFR – Prison Fellowship Romania
UAIC – Universitatea Alexandru Ioan Cuza/Alexandru Ioan Cuza University
UB – Universitatea din Bucureşti/Bucharest University
UBB – Universitatea Babeş Bolyai/Babeş Bolyai University
UH – Universitatea Hyperion/Hyperion University
UVT – Universitatea de Vest din Timişoara/Timişoara West University

Introduction

Justice is measured by finding balance between fairness and safety inducing


continuity in natural parameters of social life. For this reason, dimension of justice in
a state shall provide balance. The sphere of justice encompasses many social actors

49
destined provide a good approach in a diverse range of actions for justice. Criminal
justice in particular, would have to rule action towards a desirable end. This is
because criminal justice involves social actors in several contextual phases.
Implicitly in the context of civil society, is where we where we find NGOs.

NGOs and Justice

Plowden (2003) speaks about a cooperation protocol between the American


governments and the non-governmental sector, in 1999 a number of NGOs, those
with strong evidence of seriousness, received one-third of their income from the
state. Even if in Romania a law defining NGOs on public utility14, the benefit at first
glance is not very favorable for NGOs and maybe here would require a
reconfiguration.
Faulkner (2008) reinforces those related till now, indicating that the Ministry
of Justice must show interest and understanding on community concerns regarding
criminality. It should recognize that sometimes it does not holds the most effective
solutions and to realize that crime fundaments its vigor inside the community and
undoubtedly, the responsibility is directly related to the public and social services. In
this context, the government should offer support to local services and to community
in finding solutions. We are at a turning point that requires recognition of a new set
of social actors in key roles in the community.
One cannot highlight the cooperation of probation services in Europe with
volunteers and NGOs spectrum. Moreover, we have at least one instance which is
very eloquent; Dutch Probation Service is defined as the foundation. Dutch Probation
Service is a private foundation, even though all funds are received from the Ministry
of Justice, it is an organization itself, with its own management structure and its
Leadership Council”. (Ploeg – Ist Book, Chapter 4, Netherlands in Van Kalmthout
ed. 2004, p 132)
So it requires a reconfiguration of the status-roles, both from the community
in a more effervescent implication and the probation and prison systems and other
institutional bodies working in the criminal justice system; all this, in the way of

14
GO 26/2000 regarding associations and foundations in Romania

50
expansion joint organizational structure to make room for civil society. Once they
recognize a number of merits of the NGOs, it is reasonable to continue to do so,
offering them credits and giving them power. For this, it requires the allocation of
practical tasks and direct involvement of community, because it holds the reasoning
that only by dividing the tasks, will exist the assumption of a fair work team!

RESEARCH

The research presents two perspectives, of the social actors directly involved
in the process of rehabilitation and reintegration of offenders and of the community,
which indirectly, is a recipient of rehabilitation and reintegration programs for
offenders. For an exhaustive approach to the subject discussed here, we considered
important to include the community’s perspective. In this context, two inquiries were
launched with by two separate methodologies and we will refer to them as follows:
1. Primary research - the perspective of social actors directly involved in the
process of rehabilitation and reintegration of offenders;
2. Secondary Research - community perspective.

Purpose

The aim of the present research is to demonstrate that NGOs can be a


facilitator of change in and near the prison and probation.

Research hypothesis

a. The justice system can be changed to a greater extent following the


intervention of NGOs.
b. Change in the justice system facilitated by NGOs depends heavily on the
management of these NGOs.

51
Primary research

Methodological framework
To achieve our purpose we substantiate research on a qualitative approach,
using interview and focus group methods, working with interview guide as a tool.
The research was undertaken in May 2010, conducted in the four major universities
in Romania (Timişoara, Cluj, Bucharest, Iaşi), where we meet both renowned
academics, large NGOs in this area, leaders of institutions of interest to study,
nursery volunteers and beneficiaries of the two systems. (Table 1)
Outside beneficiaries of the two systems, for other respondents we have used
the interview method designed to absorb from them the information of interest. For
the category of beneficiaries, we chose to use focus group method because we started
from the premise that multiple perspectives embedded in a single context will be
more useful for this research.

Table 1
Respondents by Category

Category Name and Surname Status


Academics Doina Balahur PhD Professor – UAIC
Gheorghe Florian PhD Univ. Conf. – UB and UH
Mihaela TomiŃă PhD Univ. Lect. – UVT
Petronel Dobrică PhD Univ. Conf. – UB
Sorina Poledna PhD Univ. Conf. – UBB
Ştefan Buzărnescu PhD Professor – UVT
Vasile Miftode PhD Professor – UAIC
Institutions Leaders Gabriel Oancea Chief of Bucharest Probation Service
Ioan Băla General Manager, ANP
Iuliana Cărbunaru Manager, Direction of Probation, MJ
Mihaela LuminiŃa MedeleŃ Adjunct Manager, Rahova Prison
NGOs Leaders Carmen Fiscuci Programs Coordinator, PFR
Cătălin Luca Executive Manager, AAS
Horea Nistor Psychologist, Rescue Foundation
Mihai Popescu President, GRADO
Nicoleta Andreescu Marian Expert, APADOR-CH
Volunteers Andra Glăvan Jilava Prison
Emilia Scheul Bucharest Probation Service
Beneficiaries Group of 5 youngsters Rahova Prison
Group of 9 adults Jilava Prison
Group of 10 offenders Bucharest Probation Service

For each category we used a specific interview guide, but the indicators
followed were on the same skeleton. Please note that there are respondents who
answered our request and agreed to record the interview (14 respondents), however,

52
there were those who did not wish to be registered (2 respondents), or failed to
record because of technical reasons (2 respondents) and also, the third category
which, due to certain circumstances, they preferred to respond by email (3
respondents). We also mention of potential respondents who were approached in this
regard and whether they did not wanted to participate in the study (1 respondent),
whether they were not available during the study (1 future respondent) only post-trial
and so, the interview will not be included in current research.
Unrecorded interviews were reproduced later.

Data analysis
Analysis and interpretation of data by default will take place on the indicators
for a better fit with the assumptions of research and with their later validation or
invalidation.

NGO
 “Must have”
Mr. Buzărnescu – „alternative pragmatic, resolution to the same set of
problems that the whole government can not solve”
Mrs. Poledna – „until 2000 there was the team working in the community and
this team is very important, inclusive on this dimension, collaboration with NGOs,
even if there is this dimension of activities”
Mrs. TomiŃă – „a real reform can not be done without the help of NGOs”
Mr. Buzărnescu - „as in mathematics, we have social problems and social
issues should be put in a managerial equation to find solutions. NGOs are a kind of
guide for civil society to learn it how to put into managerial equation the problems”
+ Mr. Luca, volunteers, Mr. Nistor, Mrs. TomiŃă, Mrs. Cărbunaru, Mr.
Miftode, Mr. Oancea, Mr. Băla, Mrs. MedeleŃ
 Federation
Mr. Popescu – “there isn’t a union type structure, such as NGOs and those,
federation and confederation. A pyramid structure that does not exist and what makes
each NGO to have its approach”
+ Mrs. Poledna, Mr. Oancea

53
 Complementarities
Mrs. Poledna – „NGOs should somehow help professionals and prison and
probation systems, to keep their standards of professionalism, they must cooperate.
You are not better because another is weak. You must be all better just because you
have a partner all the best”
+ Mrs. MedeleŃ, Mr. Florian, Mr. Buzărnescu
 Finance
Ms. Emilia – „NGOs must have some sponsorship behind, something that
would help implement these programs somehow!”
+ Mrs. Marian, Mrs. Fiscuci, Mrs. Poledna, Mr. Dobrică, Mrs. MedeleŃ, Mr.
Popescu, Mrs. TomiŃă, Mr. Luca
 Community
Mrs. Cărbunaru – “I have seen some reluctance from other institutions that
seem to be nongovernmental organizations directed only to exist and nothing more.
And although they are non-profit it is aimed at a certain status of wealth for some
people”
Mrs. Marian – „To whom it is given 2%?”
+ Mr. Nistor, Mrs. Fiscuci, Ms. Emilia, Mrs. Balahur, beneficiaries, Mr.
Băla, Mr. Popescu, Mr. Buzărnescu
 Public utility
Mr. Popescu – „it would be normal to go on social services version through
public utility non-governmental organizations, but changing the law in a clear way,
with the state through a representative, to say it is a member of the board of directors
and monitors the correct use of public funds and to minimize the state's social
services from community”
+ Mr. Băla
 Social entrepreneurship
Mr. Buzărnescu - „Social Entrepreneurship! So this is it: to take contracting
one big social problem, unemployment for example, is taken by NGOs under
contract and they find the solution. And then it will increase NGO’s at
communitarian level and the man sees in it a possible rescue and he comes to the
NGO!”

54
+ Mr. Băla

Prison and Probation


 System
Mr. Băla – „The presence of others is also an institutional balancing factor,
because always when a guest comes you are more attentive, you put what you have
delicious on the table, you broom frequently, aspire more often... (laughs). Yes, why
should we lie?”
Mr. Oancea – „I think that probation is sprightly throughout the world where
working because of the activities they carry, people whom come in contact with
make the system more dynamic”
Mr. Buzărnescu – “as what concerned us, most of the shortcomings are
exogenous of probation, do not come from inside; they come from the global social
space and the other related institutions”
+ Mr. Dobrică, Mr. Luca, Mrs. TomiŃă, beneficiaries, Mrs. Cărbunaru
 Evaluation
Mrs. Poledna – „the programs are not evaluated, no one knows what their
effectiveness is”
+ Mrs. TomiŃă, Mr. Popescu, Mr. Buzărnescu
 Staff
Mrs. Marian – „they are few, are unprepared, even if they wanted to do
something about those who are ready, as resources thez have nothing”
+ Ms. Emilia, Mr. Băla, Mrs. Cărbunaru, Mrs. Poledna, Mr. Popescu, Mr.
Nistor, Mr. Dobrică
 Programs
Mrs. Cărbunaru – „the assistance part is a priority for us and we want, but do
not know to what extent we can this year so difficult, to form all probation officers,
to aware programs and one to one motivational interview technique, which is more
than necessary”
Mr. Oancea – „things must be timely, specific needs, programs on which are
involved must be specifics and the intervention of the probation officer to not ne like:

55
let's talk to talk, but work focused on your problem that brought you into conflict
with criminal law”
Jilava beneficiaries – „instead of us, here's my colleague, he helps prisoners
to relax the brain, to blood flow to the gym”
Mrs. Marian – „state institution ordering officer can buy even social services”
+ Mrs. Fiscuci, Ms. Emilia, Mrs. TomiŃă, Mr. Miftode, Mr. Buzărnescu, Mr.
Dobrică, Mr. Luca, Mr. Popescu, Mr. Nistor
 Community
Mr. Buzărnescu – „in the collective mental there is a disabling stalinism
according to which there does not deserve to give to much authority to this structure
because it is perceived by some people as an interference-rooted stereotypes and
practiced for decades”
+ Mrs. Poledna, Mrs. TomiŃă, Mr. Popescu, Mrs. Cărbunaru, Mr. Florian,
Ms. Andra, beneficiaries, Mr. Nistor, Mr. Oancea

ONG prototype
 Local NGOs
Mrs. Cărbunaru – „there are poles in which NGOs are well represented, see
Iaşi, Cluj, Timişoara, Bucharest, like universities, and counties where the NGO
sector is very poorly represented or even absent”
+ Mrs. Marian, Mrs. Balahur
 Team
Mrs. TomiŃă – „those who works among active NGOs must be well prepared,
otherwise things become very wrong, especially in this field of crime, where you can
very easily be wrong”
+ Mrs. Marian, Mr. Popescu, Mrs. MedeleŃ, Mr. Oancea, Ms. Andra, Mr.
Miftode, Mrs. Fiscuci, Mr. Dobrică, Mr. Luca
 Creativity
Mr. Buzărnescu – „the NGO itself is a solution to social problems of a
community!”

56
Mr. Băla – „open minded people, routine, with elk, with human resources,
whether with material resources are an awesome contribution, enormously to our
work”
Mr. Buzărnescu – „one source, sociologically speaking, to restore confidence
in the people themselves and to explore alternatives, including economic
development and solve some problems through services”
+ Mrs. TomiŃă, Mr. Popescu, Mr. Oancea, Mr. Miftode
 Structured voluntary
Mrs. Poledna – „also volunteers can be used, whom we form before, but not
sensationalist waz, we shape them in time because we know for what we form
them...”
Jilava beneficiaries – „ it would be able to let us do voluntary work, that
some of us may even come out of prison...”
Mr. Băla – „volunteering is not someone's prerogative to say, we can all be
volunteers and must be volunteers”
+ Mrs. TomiŃă, voluntarees, Mr. Buzărnescu, beneficiaries, Mr. Miftode
 Collaboration
Mrs. Poledna – „solutions lie in collaboration, local pride, personal,
professional, regional, institutional do not have a purpose because they lose
everything”
+ Mrs. TomiŃă, Mr. Oancea, Mrs. MedeleŃ, Mr. Dobrică, Ms. Andra

Conclusions
We can now say that the intervention of NGOs can make a difference in the
sphere of justice and when we say such thing, we not make it in a grotesque manner
in which NGOs come and save the justice system. The NGO may be the resource or
the alternative to solutions that did not work.
Also, we believe that the change that NGOs can bring in and together with the
two systems: probation and prison systems; is subjugated to a kind of organizational
ordinance.
When we examined indicators for the first case, the only disadvantage of
NGOs, which could threaten its existence and thus his status as a facilitator of

57
change, linked to funding, while the benefits are undeniably more substantial. If we
look closer, we deduce that the issue of funding is defined in a time and a space
which are limited, while advantages as well as enthusiasm, creativity, energy, know a
temporal and spatial limitlessness. Moreover, if their funding has mostly foreign
origin, no doubt, creativity, energy, enthusiasm, etc., are internal bodies. And these
bodies can create themselves funding.
And so if that is the only amendment, funding, due to which we have been
tempted to say that NGOs are unable to make change because they are likely
becomes essentially insignificant compared to all other benefits, undoubtedly we
validate the first hypothesis.
Moreover, the presence of funding as the supreme attribute of a typical NGO
to promote change, if we coordinate after reports of respondents for the 1st
hypothesis, ought to be one of the strengths of the prototype of NGOs. In contrast,
any respondent in question did not define the presence of funding for defining the
prototype of NGO, but only internal attributes of these non-governmental bodies.
This is because we tend to believe in effervescence, motivation and willingness to
change as the primary reconfiguration, the rest being details.
And if at first we were tempted to accuse hypothesis 2 as an axiom, now we
believe we have been wrong. And so we can say that we are validating the
hypothesis 2.
We may want to review also possible solutions that we have identified, as we
promised at the beginning of research analysis. Categorically, the solutions lie in
collaboration, and stupid egos are pointless.
Building on Durkheim's assumption, namely that 1 +1 = <2, we infer that
through simple presence of an NGO in partnership with probation for instance, we
have the premises of an action intended to replicate, and of whose multiplication to
produce also re-action toward a societal optimum. Thus, we speak of multi-
disciplinary and inter-disciplinary team.
As we said, NGOs are able to create their own funding from existing grants,
of social entrepreneurship, of public utility NGOs, of the NGO set up a company to
produce profits, sell their services in public institutions, ordering officer, in funds
from the community as do Christian NGOs etc.

58
We believe that financial solutions do not stop here because we rely on an
inexhaustible source of creativity. They are, however, possible solutions identified
by the research.
To produce the necessary change is needed to focus on solutions and bring
these NGOs in a federation, confederation, etc., who can offer verticality to the
movement of civil society. And last but not least, develop a structured voluntary on
the one hand, to ensure implementation of programs, projects, activities and on the
other hand, to ensure their multiplication.
We see that in some western countries that public-private partnership is
working. Why wouldn’t work in Romania also? Even if we are talking about a 200
years experience in what concerns those to whose systems we harbor, all started from
somewhere. It is important to find palliatives which give us confidence that we are
on a good path. After 10 years we see that we managed to develop an alternative,
which is a formidable thing. It is important to continue to build, not in a morbid way,
but one that will help us grow.
Can be the solutions found here, worthy of consideration for what we want to
undertake from now on? If the answer is partly yes means that our efforts were not
duplicative.

Secondary research

Methodological framework
The proposed method is questionnaire survey and the instrument we used is
semi-structured questionnaire. The questionnaire sought the same flags as those used
in the interview guides that were used at the basic research and it was applied online.
This method involved posting online to fill out our application on about 100
discussion groups of students from faculties on specific profiles (specializations:
sociology, social work, psychology, pedagogy, law, deviance and criminology) from
Romania, and of young people concerned and/or involved in the civic sphere in the
country. When I started this research we estimate a relatively large number of
questionnaires completed, since on these discussion groups are currently logged

59
approximately 30,000 individuals, and the deadline to respond to our request was for
a month.
Despite the fact that this research is an annex to the present research itself,
research that focused on gathering information from the main actors involved in
rehabilitation and social reintegration of offenders, for this community perspective
we followed, on the population concerned, to give everyone the statistically chance,
to be a respondent for this research. That is, individuals of the sample is chosen with
a uniform and identical probability for each, choosing such, simple random sampling
method.
Due to some independent factors, of the new dead-line to complete your
questionnaire, only 31 respondents answered our request. Further reason why we
will refer to the group of respondents. Also due to the relatively small number of
questionnaires, for data analysis, we focus more on the open questions, thus making
an qualitative analysis.
The analysis and interpretation of data by default will take place on the
indicators, just as in primary research, for a better correlation with the research
hypotheses and their subsequent validation or invalidation.

Data analysis
- tables and graphics

Table 2
Respondents’ status

Variables Age Sex Occupation NGO Justice


NGO
Values 18- 26- 31- 36- F M Studen Worke Other Yes, Yes, No Yes No
25 30 35 40 t r volun- em-
teer ployed
Frequencies 21 6 2 2 25 6 20 9 2 20 5 6 5 26

Percents 67,7 19,4 6,5 6,5 80,6 19,4 64,5% 29% 6,5% 64,5% 16,1% 19,4% 16,1 83,9
% % % % % % % %

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Regarding the rehabilitation of convicted persons and their
Do you think that NGOs could facilitate an effective reintegration into society, do you think it is needed a change in
change in the criminal justice field? approach from the following three bodies vis-à-vis these
convicted persons?

60% 55%
48,40%
50% 45,20%
35,50%
Yes 40%
45,20% 45,20%
No 30% 25,80% NGO
19,40%
Don't know 20% 16,10% Prison
10%
10% 7% Probation
9,70% 0%
absolutely probably need don't need
need

What do you think about efficiency in the following three bodies of What do you think about the effectiveness of the following three
remodeling behavior (rehabilitation) of convicted people? bodies in the social reintegration of offenders?

45% 41,90% 40%


35,50%
40% 35% 32,30%
35% 29%
30% 29%29% 30%
26%
25% 22,60% 22,60% 22,60% 25% 22,60% 22,60% 22,60%
19,40% 16,10% 19,40%
20% NGO 20% NGO
16,10%
15% 12,90% Prison 15% 12,90% 6,50% 9,70%
10% 6,50% 6,50% Prison
10% 6,50% 3,20%
5% 3,20% 3,20% Probation Probation
0% 5% 3,20%
0% 0%
very good neither bed very 0%
very good neither bed very
good good, bed
good good, bed
nor bed
norbed

T o what extent do you find the following factors important in shaping a more
complete profile of an NGO to act effectively in the sphere of justice?

90% voluntary
80% leadership
70%
internal communication
60%
50% PR
40% projects
30% funding
20% networking
10%
team
-
0% indicators
social entrepreneurship
very big big extent so so small in a very
extent extent small
extent

NGO
 Mentality change
(1) – „ NGOs must fight to change the general mentality regarding former
convicts in prison”

61
(11) – „NGOs seek to change public perception issues against convicted persons
and support community involvement in activities undertaken for the benefit
of such persons. Identify viable forms of partnership with institutions in the
field”
 Rehabilitation and reintegration
(3) – „NGOs can facilitate access to employment, counseling for successful
reintegration into the community”
(12) – „partnerships with various companies for hiring former prisoners. Lobby
them. Eventually surveillance programs at work place with the
beneficiaries agreement and the representatives of that job”
 Voluntary
(2) – „Provide as active as possible volunteers resources from NGOs,
providing services such as quality for the reintegration of former prisoner”
(6) – „More professionalism; providing feedback to the volunteers; specific
training for each program”
 Cooperation with institutions
(3) – „Active collaboration with prisons, constant communication with them,
creating a common database to prisons, to know specific details, about the
length of the sentence, time to release, personal aspects of convict’s life”

Prison and Probation


 Activities
(17) – „several training programs for prisoners, a different attitude of employers
towards prisoners, greater involvement of inmates in educational programs
and business activities, cultural and sporting”
(20) – „assistance and advice may not be made only until the client application, it
should be a compulsory measure”
 Cooperation with the community
(2) – „Citation of cases of detainees who have short term to release, to NGOs
that provide services to former prisoners”
(11) – „Given the structural prerequisites for socio-economical nature, that we
can not ignore, changes would take more on facilitating and supporting the

62
involvement of society, through NGOs in activities that, is easily that, they
can not run”
(21) – „Since there is a large volume of work related to the number of employees
of the Probation System, I believe it would be effective in a more openness
on volunteers (potential future probation counselors) who want to help in
working with persons convicted”
 Specialists
(2) – „Improving the number of staff of social workers, psychologists, changes in
prison equipment, changes in the quality of services provided by people
working directly with prisoner”; „Social worker's involvement in a lawsuit.
Social worker’s references in the court to be given priority when deciding
are taken regarding on the time of conviction and type of conviction”
(12) – „Avoiding generalizations; interventions by individualizing cases; more
staff to carry out the «assist and befriend»”

NGO prototype
 Voluntary
(6) – „First (volunteers) are a welcome aid to employees, they have fresh ideas
and they are not trapped in the daily routine, they can look from outside
and observe certain problems that the insiders do not see them. They are,
perhaps, more open and more willing to engage in certain programs that
can be a challenge even for the staff in the field of justice”
 Lobby
(12) – „viable strategy for the involvement of decisive factors, through society
belief in the importance of community action, through the perfectibility of
rules, through the ease of how society can make legitimate changes (based
on experience) in some features of laws, provisions and how they are
applied. (limitation of the stiffness of criminal justice system, criminal react
to society's current problems through solutions to current legislative
changes, regulatory changes)”

63
 News
(20) – „the NGOs would reduce the work of a probation counselor, and would
reduce prison costs and overcrowding them with «little criminals»”
(2) – „NGOs should sensitize law enforcement on the factors that led to the
crime. Increased attention to issues/social factors that influenced the
offense. Participated collaboration between the condemned and law
enforcement”

Conclusions
Also, after this research, we can say categorically that NGOs represent a real
solution to the criminal justice system and that they can facilitate change in the
system. Furthermore, as one respondent claimed „the work for social reintegration
of an offender begins with his entry into prison, with the first contact with the
foreman/foreman deputy supervisor agent, continue with the work of educators and
psychologists in prison and should be continued after the release of the prisoner,
indefinitely” (9). And this reintegration takes place in the community, identify the
table here, where relatively significant, of the NGOs. They are a viable solution in
this regard and they should be capacitated.
Since from the summary analysis regarding some frequencies, we observed
inclination of the sample from the community to an appreciation of the work of
NGOs in the process of rehabilitation and social reintegration, to the detriment of
prison and probation systems. Also, in the analysis on indicators we found the same
fact. There are a number of directives that NGOs should follow in order to succeed
in the action started on the criminal justice and those are: lobby in the community,
rehabilitation and reintegration programs for offenders, developing a structured
voluntary and conjunction with third parties. All this on the background that the
NGOs are always more responsible and effective, they can ever replace criminal
justice system, when the latter, for various reasons, fail to comply with duties.
The first hypothesis, according to which the justice system can be changed to
a greater extent following the intervention of NGOs, has been validated repeatedly
drafting the invaluable advantage that NGOs have from prison and probation

64
systems. Moreover, as mentioned above, it have been highlighted guidelines of the
NGOs for which their contribution to be relevant and measurable.
The second working hypothesis, namely that the change in the justice system
facilitated by NGOs depend heavily on the management of these NGOs, is has been
validated too. Validation came amid the fact that besides factors who form a solid
governance of NGO, that respondents have identified, namely, the presence of
constant activity of NGOs, qualified personnel and constant collaboration with the
community, have been extensively analyzed other factors too, meant to support a
sound management of NGO. Although we have been tempted to submit this
hypothesis suspected as a axiom, such a careful analysis of various factors that
should underpin an NGO, demonstrates that the hypothesis is not an axiom.
Moreover, as we see the last graph of the frequencies of different values,
these factors are not only extremely important, but they know also their order of
importance inside of an NGO. There is an hierarchy of factors that make up a sound
management of NGO, to facilitate a real change in and near the prison and probation
systems.
We can say that we managed to reach the purpose of this scientific approach
more so, as we hope, to have cast a new light on this criminal phenomenon and to be
singled out solutions to gaps in the criminal justice system. As one of the respondents
supported in this study (Mrs. Poledna): „solutions consist in collaboration”. Any
other approach, individual or invoice, will be designed to fail. Highlighting the
importance of real and permanent presence of NGOs in the field of criminal justice,
it must be understood in the context of partnership between institutional actors from
Romanian judiciary. If this will be exactly understood, means that we can start
working together, amid those outlined here, right now!

65
Solutions

- NGOs of public utility - Complementarities between partners


- Social Entrepreneurship - Focusing o solutions
- 1+1= <2 (Durkheim) - United NGOs → Federation
- Buying Social Services by NGOs - Multi/Inter – disciplinary Team
- Personalities from the community - Structured Voluntary
- Grants on Social Entrepreneurship - Collaboration
- Grants specific on justice - NGO – not paying VAT + can have
companies

Bibliography

Durkheim, E., 2002), Regulile Metodei Sociologice, trad. Lungu, D., Polirom
Publishing, Bucharest
Faulkner, D., 2008, „The new shape of probation in England and Wales: Values and
opportunities in a changing context” in Probation Journal, vol. 55 (1), Sage
Publications Publisher, pp 71-83
Plowden, W., 2003, „The compact: Attempts to Regulate Relationships between
Government and the voluntary sector in England” in Nonprofit and Voluntary
Sectro Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 3, Sage Publications Publisher, pp 415-438
Van Kalmthout, A. ed., 2004, Reintegrarea socială şi supravegherea infractorilor în
opt Ńări europene, trans. Durnescu, I., Sitech, Craiova
*** OG 26/2000 regarding associations and foundations in Romania

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