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Bleiburg massacre
Bleiburg massacre
The Bleiburg massacre,[1] which also encompasses Operation Keelhaul[2] is a term encompassing events that took place during mid-May 1945 near the Carinthian town of Bleiburg, itself some four kilometres from the Austrian-Slovenian (then German-Yugoslav) border. Shortly after midnight on 13 May 1945, the British 5th Corps Headquarters in Austria estimated that there were "approximately 30,000 POWs, surrendered personnel, and refugees in Corps area. A further 60,000 reported moving north to Austria from Yugoslavia".[3] [4] The retreating columns A large group mainly consisting of Ustae and Domobrani troops from the Independent State of Croatia retreating over the border with Austria and the British had fled to southern Austria ahead of the occupation zone (at the junction of the Griffen, Vlkermarkt and Unterdrauburg advance of the victorious Yugoslav (Dravograd) roads). Partisans (Yugoslav Army), hoping to surrender to the British Army. The British refused to accept the Axis surrender and directed them to surrender to the Yugoslav forces. Most of the captured military personnel in the columns were subjected to forced marches over long distances.[5] Contrary to explicit orders from the Yugoslav prime minister and commander-in-chief Marshal Josip Broz Tito and the General Headquarters,[6] Yugoslav Partisan troops summarily executed for treason and collaboration an unknown number of persons from the retreating columns of Nazi collaborationist forces previously in power in the Croatian and Bosnian parts of occupied Yugoslavia.[7] The columns were, for the most part, made up of remnants of the Croatian Home Guard and Ustae units of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) (a fascist puppet state of the Nazi regime in Germany, established in the occupied Croatian and Bosnian areas of the Yugoslavia), the Russian Cossacks of XVth SS Cossack Cavalry Corps and the remnants of the Chetnik movement. The number of casualties has proven difficult to ascertain, with exact numbers being a subject of much debate. The events took place a week after the formal end of World War II in Europe, but at a time when hostilities on the Yugoslav front were still on, due to the goal of the local Axis forces to attempt an escape into the British occupation zone.[8]
Background
The main fighting force against the Axis occupation of Yugoslavia (194145), in terms of numbers involved and campaigns undertaken, was the communist-led Partisan movement. The Axis-appointed Ustae government in Zagreb headed the Nazi puppet state[9] [10] the Independent State of Croatia and had its own lethal agenda for Serbs, Jews, Roma and anti-fascist Croats.[11] This was manifested in the atrocities at Jasenovac concentration camp and elsewhere, the scale of which even shocked German and Italian
Bleiburg massacre occupying forces. As early as July 10, 1941, Wehrmacht General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau reported the following to the German High Command, the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW): Our troops have to be mute witnesses of such events; it does not reflect well on their otherwise high reputation... I am frequently told that German occupation troops would finally have to intervene against Ustae crimes. This may happen eventually. Right now, with the available forces, I could not ask for such action. Ad hoc intervention in individual cases could make the German Army look responsible for countless crimes which it could not prevent in the past. General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, German military attach in Zagreb The Gestapo report to Reichsfhrer SS Heinrich Himmler, dated February 17, 1942, states that: Increased activity of the bands is chiefly due to atrocities carried out by Ustae units in Croatia against the Orthodox population. The Ustae committed their deeds in a bestial manner not only against males of conscript age, but especially against helpless old people, women and children. The number of the Orthodox that the Croats have massacred and sadistically tortured to death is about three hundred thousand. Gestapo report to Reichsfhrer SS Heinrich Himmler, February 17, 1942 The Yugoslav Partisan movement grew rapidly, partly as a result of these atrocities. Eventually, units of the Ustae military began defecting to the Partisans. By 1945, the Yugoslav Partisans had become the Yugoslav People's Army, numbering over 800,000 men organized into five field armies, and were in pursuit of the remnant of the defeated German and Croatian forces.[12] [13]
Events
The Army of the Independent State of Croatia was reorganized in November 1944 to combine the units of the Ustae and Croatian Home Guard.[14] Among the remnants of these forces were numerous Ustae dignitaries along with the ruling fascist elite, but also a number of civilians, inextricably mixed with the others in the confusion of the retreat. To the pursuing Partisans, the appearance was that the civilians within the retreating column were for the most part collaborationists, as they abandoned their homes and businesses to flee with Ustae leaders. Retreating alongside the Ustae forces and the Chetniks (Yugoslav monarchic movement) were the remaining units of the Slovene Home Guard (a Slovenian collaborationist militia). By the end of March, 1945, it was obvious to the Croatian army command that, although the front remained intact, they would eventually be defeated by sheer lack of ammunition. For this reason, the decision was made to retreat into Austria, in order to surrender to the British forces advancing north from Italy.[15] A large-scale exodus of people took place. On May 6, 1945, the collaborationist government of the Independent State of Croatia fled Zagreb. The Wehrmacht was in retreat and General Alexander Lhr, Commander-in-Chief of Army Group E was about to surrender, handing command of the Croatian forces to Paveli on May 8.[16] [17] When Ante Paveli, the leader of the NDH, left Zagreb on May 6, he intended to join his regime in Austria. On May 9 Paveli issued an order from Rogaka Slatina for Front lines in Europe on May 1, 1945 his troops not to surrender to the Partisans, but to escape to Austria, in order to implement the Croatian government's decision of May 3 to flee to Austria.[17] [18] The remnants of the Ustae forces, the Russian Cossacks of XVth SS Cossack Cavalry Corps and the Chetniks began to withdraw to the Austrian border on May 12, traveling to Bleiburg where the 38th British Infantry Brigade was stationed. Stipulations of the unconditional German Instrument of Surrender would normally also have applied to the armed forces of the puppet NDH. This would ordinarily have meant that they too had to cease their activities on May 8 and
Bleiburg massacre stay where they found themselves. The Ustae military, however, were now under the command of Ante Paveli.[19] As late as 14 May 1945, a week after the war in Europe had ended, the collaborationist troops fought pitched battles to keep their escape routes open. They refused to obey the stipulations of surrender and lay down their arms. The Yugoslav Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Josip Broz Tito, repeatedly issued calls for surrender,[20] and on May 14 dispatched a telegram to the supreme headquarters Slovene Partisan Army prohibiting "in the sternest language" the execution of prisoners of war and commanding the transfer of the possible suspects to a military court.[21] This diktat was, however, as subsequent events were to illustrate, plainly ignored. This was due to the policy established in November 1944 by the interim Partisan government of destroying all quisling and collaborationist forces on Yugoslav territory.[22]
British negotiator Yugoslav negotiators Croatian negotiators Infantry General Ivo Hereni (5th Ustasha Corps) Infantry General Vjekoslav Servatzy Infantry General Vladimir Metiko (6th Croatian Infantry Division) Colonel Danijel Crljen
Brigadier Patrick Scott Major-General Milan Basta (38th (Irish) Infantry Brigade) (51st Vojvodina Division) Commander Ivan Kovai-Efenka (14th Attack Division)
The main column traveled through Celje, otanj, and Slovenj Gradec on its way to Dravograd.[23] On May 11 and 12, generals Vjekoslav Servatzy and Vladimir Metiko entered discussions with Bulgarian generals to allow the Croatian column to pass into Austria.[24] The discussions were inconclusive, but the Bulgarians suggested they head in the direction of Prevalje and Bleiburg which the column did. They began surrendering to the British on May 15, and this continued until the May 17, making these remnants of the NDH military the last Axis force in Europe to surrender. During this time Ustae generals Ivo Hereni of the V. Corps, and Vjekoslav Servatzy as well as a translator, Professor Danijel Crljen, began surrender negotiations with the British and the Partisans, represented by Milan Basta. On May 15, the Croatian forces raised white flags in surrender.[25] Ustae military representatives attempted to negotiate a surrender to the British under the terms of the Geneva Convention, but were directed to surrender to the Yugoslav military, in accordance with Article 20 of the Hague Convention: After the conclusion of peace, the repatriation of prisoners of war shall be carried out as quickly as possible. General Brian Robertson gave British troops the order, "All surrendered personnel of established Yugoslav nationality who were serving in German Forces should be disarmed and handed over to Yugoslav forces". Unfortunately for the NDH troops and civilians, he was not to know that the Croatian "surrendered personnel" were not actually under the command of, or serving with, any German forces. The Independent State of Croatia had joined the Geneva Convention on January 20, 1943, and was recognised by it as a "belligerent", that is, as a national state with armed forces in the field. All the signatories of the Convention, including Great Britain and the United States, were informed that this recognition had been given.[15] However, this did not in any way nullify the requirement to immediately repatriate foreign nationals per the Hague Convention, but merely guaranteed the Yugoslav Axis soldiers prisoner of war status upon their surrender, as opposed to that of civilians. In light of subsequent events, it is doubtful that the details concerning the Hague Convention were raised during the surrender process by the Yugoslav military. Military conflicts between the Partisans and the retreating collaborationist forces continued across Slovenia and in their time in Austria. Of these, the biggest confrontation was the Battle of Poljana on 14 May, which ended in a Partisan victory and caused the reteating column to change direction, at a cost of several hundred caualties. The vast majority of the refugees were returned to Yugoslavia via forced marches over long distances under inhumane conditions and the remaining survivors were repatriated as Yugoslav citizens.[26]
Bleiburg massacre
Number of victims
The exact number of those who met their death in Bleiburg is impossible to ascertain accurately. Unlike many other operations of the Yugoslav Partisans, which have been described in the minutest detail, very little has been written on operations in Slovenia near the Austrian border during the week of May 715, 1945.[27] Generally, there are three schools that have tried to ascertain the number of victims: The first school whose estimates are based mainly on the historiographic and demographic investigations of scientists. Croatian journalist Vladimir erjavi estimates the numbers of Croats and Bosniaks who were killed during Bleiburg massacre on the Austrian border in 1945 at 45,000 to 55,000.[27] [28]
Memorial in Bleiburg
Reports in the independent press state that actual figures of killed at Bleiburg were about 12,000 to 15,000.[29] Slovene historian Jerca Voduek Stari writes about the mass killings following liberation of Slovenia and Croatia in May 1945: "It is impossible to find out the exact number of those liquidated. Today the number reaches 14,531 Slovenes and an estimate 65,000 to 100,000 Croats (mainly the Croat Home-guard, which was the regular army and not ustasha forces). Among them were also civilians." [30] The second school based its findings on accumulated eyewitness accounts. Juraj Hrenjak in his book, Bleiburg i Krini put 1945 ("Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross 1945") affirms that the majority of the victims in Bleiburg were killed by various means at the hands of Ustae execution squads from elite formations like the Black Legion, who were treating all soldiers attempting to surrender as traitors and deserters for not fighting to the last. According to this research, a figure of between 12,000 and 14,000 people were shot after returning to Yugoslavia. Additionally, 20 individuals committed suicide and at least 1,500 concentration camp guards were shot near Maribor. According to Misha Glenny, "As German troops streamed out of Yugoslavia the Croat fascist leader Ante Paveli and 100-200,000 Ustaa troops and civilians set off for the Austrian border on 7 May 1945, with Partisan forces in hot pursuit. They got as far as Bleiburg, a small Austrian border town, before being surrounded by British troops to the north and Partisan's to the south. With RAF Spitfires buzzing overhead, about 30-40,000 soldiers, including Paveli, managed to disappear into the surrounding woods and then deep into Austria. But the remainder were taken prisoner by Partisan forces amid scenes of carnage. Some 30,000 Ustae were killed on the four-day march towards the Slovene town of Maribor. On 20 May, near the village of Tezna, 50,000 Croat soldiers and about 30,000 refugees, mainly women and children, were executed over a five-day period.[31] Petar Brajovi, a Yugoslav general who participated in the battles around Bleiburg, claims in his book Konano osloboenje ("Final Liberation") published in 1983, that the Ustae did not suffer serious casualties during capture, adding that artillery was not used. The work affirms that a grand total of 16 soldiers were buried in the local cemetery. It is also estimated that a figure of 30,000 soldiers (6,000 of them Chetniks) and 20,000 civilians were captured by the Partisan 3rd Army. This third school bases its estimates on archeological evidence mostly consisting of mass graves found in Slovenia. Investigations were completed in October 2009. The total number of potential mass grave locations that the Slovenian Commission on Concealed Mass Graves now intends to investigate is around 581.[32] According to Milko Mikola in his contribution to the document on "Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes" published by the Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union in April 2008, the victims were executed without a trial.[33]
Bleiburg massacre
Bleiburg massacre military report that the deportees were being appallingly treated and so had written something that he thought was so ludicrous how could the deportees be given light refreshments? that future historians would know he was being ironic. But, before Mr Nicolson admitted what hed done, some historians had taken his written report at face value and used it to try and prove that the surviving deportees who now spoke of how badly they had been treated were lying. If Nigel Nicolson hadnt told the truth years later than that inaccurate report would still be in the written archives and the suffering of the deportees still disputed. So my advice is to be as careful of the accuracy of written archives as you are careful of the accuracy of people.[43]
Bleiburg commemoration
The first Croats to return to the fields of Bleiburg came in secret in 1952, while regular annual visits began in the early 1960s.[44] The first Croatian religious leader to come to the site was Cardinal Franjo eper, then Prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, who paid a visit in 1977.[44] This date was officially marked by the Republic of Croatia, by an act of the Croatian Parliament in 1995.[44] Many top-ranking politicians and Catholic and Muslim clerics visit the site annually. Prime Minister Ivica Raan visited the site in 2002.[45] Prime Minister Ivo Sanader visited the site in 2004.[46] For the 60th anniversary commemorations in 2005 a large crowd was in attendance, with speeches by Croatian parliamentary speaker Vladimir eks and head of the Muslim Community of Croatia, Mufti evko Omerbai.[47] In 2006, the site was attended by Croatian government officials ura Adlei and Damir Polanec and Bosnian Croat politician Martin Ragu.[48] Catholic mass was led by bishop Josip Mrzljak, while imam Idriz Bei represented the Islamic Community of Croatia.[48] In 2007 a new altar was installed at the site.[49] Cardinal Josip Bozani inaugurated the altar at the 2007 commemorations which drew 10,000 people.[50] In 2008, the Croatian Parliament was represented by the leader of the Croatian Peasant Party Josip Frii, while the Croatian Government was represented by minister Berislav Ronevi[51] The Croatian and Slovenian governments reached an agreement at this time of cooperation on organizing military cemeteries, similar to earlier agreements Slovenia reached with Italy and Germany.[52] According to the Slovene government, the mass grave site in Tezno is being planned as a memorial park and cemetery.[53]
Memorial for the Bleiburg massacre and aftermath massacres victims in Sovii, Bosnia and Herzegovina
In 2009, Croatian President Stipe Mesi made a statement declaring that the Bleiburg commemoration has turned into an Ustae festival funded by the Parliament, whose representatives he criticized for idly standing by while people in the crowd displayed Ustaa markings (which are illegal in Croatia).[54]
Bleiburg massacre
In popular culture
The Bleiburg massacre was the subject of a 1999 film etverored, based on the 1997 novel of the same name by Ivan Aralica. Croatian-American painter Charles Billich has painted a series of works on the event.[55]
References
[1] Yalta and the Bleiburg Tragedy (http:/ / www. ess. uwe. ac. uk/ genocide/ yugoslav-hist1. htm) Memorial for the victims of communist mass killings after the end of the World War II, in Zagreb's Mirogoj Cemetery, Croatia
[2] Epstein, 1973. [3] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 759 [4] "Southeastern Europe, 1918-1995" (http:/ / www. serendipity. li/ hr/ bleiburg_massacres. htm), Croatian Heritage Foundation & Croatian Information Centre, 2000, ISBN 9536525054
[5] "Memories of a Croatian Soldier: Zvonko's Story" (http:/ / www. cosy. sbg. ac. at/ ~zzspri/ 1945Tragedy/ index. html), Autobiographic annotations prepared by Zvonko Springer (ZS), Anif (Salzburg), 1999 [6] Sabrina P. Ramet, Davorka Mati; Democratic transition in Croatia: value transformation, education & media; 2007, Texas A&M University Press; p. 274 ISBN 1-58544-587-8 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=GxuXQW58E14C& pg=PA274& dq=Tito+ bleiburg& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=Tito bleiburg& f=false) "Regarding accusations leveled at Tito for the execution of the 'people's enemies' at the end of World War II (the famous case of Bleiburg), and under his watch, historian Zorica Stipeti notes: 'It is certain that Tito has his share of responsibility... but I have to mention that documents involving this were published a number of times (in Ridley's book Prometej Magazine). Tito's telegram from Belgrade to the main headquarters of the Slovenian Partisan Army, dated 14 May 1945, prohibits in the sternest language the execution of prisoners of war and commands the transfer of the possible suspects to a military court." [7] Tomasevich, 2001. [8] Tomasevich, 1975 [9] Independent State of Croatia - Britannica Online Encyclopedia (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ topic-1413183/ Independent-State-of-Croatia) [10] USHMM about Independent State of Croatia (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ article. php?lang=en& ModuleId=10005456) [11] "For the rest - Serbs, Jews and Gypsies - we have three million bullets. We will kill one part of the Serbs, the other part we will resettle, and the remaining ones we will convert to the Catholic faith, and thus make Croats of them.", Mile Budak, Minister of Education of Croatia, July 22, 1941, The Yugoslav Auschwitz and the Vatican, Vladimar Dedijer, Anriman-Verlag, Freiburg, Germany, p. 130 [12] Thomas, 1995, p.32 [13] Jancar-Webster, 1989, p.46 [14] Thomas, 1995, p.30 [15] Shaw, 1973, p.101 [16] Croatian Axis Forces in WWII (http:/ / www. feldgrau. com/ a-croatia. html) [17] Dominik Vuleti, Kaznenopravni i povijesni aspekti bleiburkog zloina (http:/ / hrcak. srce. hr/ file/ 53823), Pravni fakultet Sveuilita u Zagrebu, 2007. [18] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 755 [19] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 754 [20] Dizdar, Zdravko; An Addition to the Research of the Problem of Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross [21] Ramet, 2007. [22] Tomasevich, 1975, p. 437-38. [23] Bleiburg tragedy (http:/ / www. croatia. ch/ kultura/ knjizevnost/ 040513. php) [24] Dizdar, Zdravko, An addition to the research of the problem of Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross (http:/ / hrcak. srce. hr/ file/ 27515). (pg. 136) [25] Martina Grahek Ravani, Izruenja zarobljenika s bleiburkog polja i okolice u svibnju 1945. (http:/ / hrcak. srce. hr/ file/ 29734), Journal of Contemporary History, Vol.39 No.3 January 2008. [26] Bleiburg tragedy (http:/ / www. cosy. sbg. ac. at/ ~zzspri/ 1945Tragedy/ index. html) [27] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 765 [28] Yugoslavia, Manipulations with the Number of Second World War Victims (http:/ / www. hic. hr/ books/ manipulations/ p07. htm) Vladimir Zerjavic [29] Cvijeto Job, Yugoslavia's Ruin, p.28 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=yH3Hz2AXonwC& pg=PA28& dq=12,000+ bleiburg+ 15,000)
Bleiburg massacre
[30] Voduek Stari, Jerca. The making of the communist regime in Slovenia and Yugoslavia In "Crimes committed by totalitarian regimes: reports and proceedings of the 8 April European Public Hearing on Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes", ed. Peter Jambrek, 2008. p. 36. ISBN 978-961-238-977-2 [31] Glenny, 1999, p. 530 [32] www.jutarnji.hr (http:/ / www. jutarnji. hr/ u-581-grobnici-je-100-000-zrtava/ 310887/ ) U 581 Grobnici je 100.000 rtava. English version-The Jutarnji newspaper reported on the 01/10/2009 commissions find, in all it is estimated that there are 100,000 victims in 581 mass graves (http:/ / translate. google. com. au/ translate?hl=en& sl=hr& u=http:/ / www. jutarnji. hr/ u-581-grobnici-je-100-000-zrtava/ 310887/ & ei=8x3BS-n7MYH-6QP17L3CCQ& sa=X& oi=translate& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CAcQ7gEwAA& prev=/ search?q=http:/ / www. jutarnji. hr/ u-581-grobnici-je-100-000-zrtava/ 310887/ & hl=en& client=safari& rls=en-us) [33] European Public Hearing on "Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes (http:/ / www. mp. gov. si/ fileadmin/ mp. gov. si/ pageuploads/ 2005/ PDF/ publikacije/ Crimes_committed_by_Totalitarian_Regimes. pdf) Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union (JanuaryJune 2008) and the European Commission. Note A: According to official data, there are 3,986 wartime graves and mass graves in Slovenia from World War Two 2, that data did not, and still does not, include the secret mass graves. Only in the past few years have active search and investigation been initiated. The numbers known up to now are shocking: 571 other graves have already been recorded by the year 2008. page 155. Dr Mitja Ferenc, Associate Professor, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts. Note B: Mass killings without court trials: The Communist repression in Slovenia reached its peak in the first months after the war ended in 1945 with the carrying out of mass killings without court trials of so-called national enemies. As already implied in the term killings without a court trial, these were killings carried out without any proceedings before a court and without establishing the guilt of the individual victims. Milko Mikola: Pages 163-165. [34] Booker, 1997, p.85 [35] MacDonald, 2003, pp.170-171 [36] Ridley, 1994 [37] Booker, 1997 [38] (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=YAxnAAAAMAAJ& dq=12. + Bleiburg:+ The+ Massacre+ That+ Never+ Was) [39] The Minister and the Massacres by Nikolai Tolstoy, Hutchinson 1986 ISBN 9780091640101 ISBN 0091640105 [40] Booker, p.188 [41] Tolstoy [1986] pp. 124-125: In a second telegram sent to Combined Chiefs of Staff, Alexander asked for guidelines regarding the final disposition of 50,000 Cossacks including 11.000 women, children and old men; present estimate of total 35,000 Chetniks 11,000 of them already evacuated to Italy and 25,000 German and Croat units. In each of above cases return them to their country of origin immediately might be fatal to their health. [42] Musgrove (Ed.) 2009, p. 70 [43] Lees, 2007. [44] Vukui, Boo. Bleiburg Memento, Udruga Hrvatski Krini Put, Zagreb 2005. [45] Raan apologizes to those who suffered because of Bleiburg (http:/ / www. vjesnik. hr/ Html/ 2002/ 05/ 15/ Clanak. asp?r=unu& c=1) [46] Premier Sanader visited Burgenland and Bleiburg (http:/ / vijesti. hrt. hr/ arhiv/ 2004/ 02/ 20/ HRT0021. html) [47] 60th anniversary of Bleiburg commemorated (http:/ / www. matis. hr/ vijesti. php?id=96) [48] Memorial Day for the victims of Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross (http:/ / www. vlada. hr/ hr/ naslovnica/ novosti_i_najave/ 2006/ svibanj/ spomendan_bleiburskim_zrtvama_i_zrtvama_kriznog_puta) [49] Bozani's mass at Bleiburg with record number of pilgrims (http:/ / www. jutarnji. hr/ dogadjaji_dana/ clanak/ art-2007,5,8,zagreb_bleiburg,73533. jl) [50] Bozani: Communism systematically committed crimes (http:/ / www. javno. com/ hr/ hrvatska/ clanak. php?id=43638) [51] More people in black (http:/ / www. jutarnji. hr/ clanak/ art-2008,5,17,,119897. jl) [52] Croatia and Slovenia signed agreement on organizing military cemeteries (http:/ / hakave. org/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=2564& Itemid=173) [53] Memorial park in Tezno planned (http:/ / www. sarajevo-x. com/ clanak/ 070906130) [54] Oslobodjenje (http:/ / oslobodjenje. ba/ index. php?id=599) [55] Croatian art (http:/ / www. croatianhistory. net/ etf/ art. html)
Bleiburg massacre
Sources
Booker, C., A Looking-Glass Tragedy. The Controversy Over The Repatriations From Austria In 1945, Gerald Duckworth & Co Ltd, London, 1997. Epstein, J., Operation Keelhaul, Devin-Adair, 1973. ISBN 978-0815964070 Cohen, P J., Riesman, D., Serbia's Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History, Texas A&M University Press, 1996. ISBN 0-89096-760-1 Glenny, M., The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804-1999, Penguin Books, New York, 1999. ISBN 0-670-85338-0 Jancar-Webster, B., Women & revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945, Arden Press, Denver, 1989. McDonald, D.B., Balkan holocausts?: Serbian and Croatian victim-centered propaganda and the war in Yugoslavia, Manchester University Press, 2003. ISBN 978-0719064678 Musgrove, D. (Ed.), BBC History Magazine, Falsified Yugoslav Handover to Tito, BBC Worldwide Publications, Bristol, 2009. ISBN 978-0956203625 Ramet, S., The three Yugoslavias: State-building and Legitimation, 1918-2005, Indiana University Press, 2006 ISBN 0-253-34656-8 Ramet, S., Mati, D., Democratic transition in Croatia: value transformation, education & media, Texas A&M University Press, 2007. ISBN 1-58544-587-8 Rees, L., Their Darkest Hour: People Tested to the Extreme in WWII, Ebury Press, London, 2007. ISBN 978-0091917579 Ridley, J.S., Tito, Constable, 1994. ISBN 0094712603, Shaw, L., Trial by Slander: A background to the Independent State of Croatia, Harp Books, Canberra, 1973. ISBN 0-909432-00-7 Thomas, N., Mikulan, K. and Pavelic, D. Axis Forces in Yugoslavia 1941-45, Osprey, London, 1995. ISBN 1-85532-473-3 Thomas, N., Abbot, P. and Chappell, M. Partisan Warfare 1941-45, Osprey, London, 2000. ISBN 0-85045-513-8 Tolstoy, N., The Minister and the Massacres, by Nikolai Tolstoy, Hutchinson, 1986. ISBN 9780091640101 Tomasevich, J., War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks, Stanford, Cal., London, Oxford University Press, 1975. ISBN 0-8047-0857-9 Tomasevich, J., War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration, Stanford, Cal., Stanford University Press, 2001. ISBN 0-8047-3615-4
Bosniaks
10
Bosniaks
Bosniaks Bonjaci
Gradaevi
Safvet Baagi
Kulenovi
Bosniaks
11
United States Germany Serbia Austria Turkey Sweden Montenegro Switzerland Kosovo Slovenia Canada Denmark Croatia Macedonia Australia Norway Italy Belgium European Union total
350,000 [2] 158,158 [3] 136,087 [4] 128,047 [5] 101,000 [6] 55,464 [7] 48,184 [8] 46,773 [9] 45,600 [10] 21,542 [11] 21,040 [12] 21,000 [13] 20,755 [14] 17,018 [15] 17,993 [16] 15,649 [17] 3,600 [18] 2,182 [19] 400,000 [20]
Languages Bosnian Religion Sunni Islam 90% Atheist 8% Christian and Judaism 2% Related ethnic groups Other Slavs, especially other South Slavs [21] Croats, Serbs, Montenegrins and Slovenes are the most related
The Bosniaks or Bosniacs (Bosnian: Bonjak, pl: Bonjaci, pronounced[batsi])[22] are a South Slavic ethnic group, living mainly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a smaller minority also present in other lands of the Balkan Peninsula especially in Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia. Bosniaks are typically characterized by their tie to the Bosnian historical region, traditional adherence to Islam since the 15th and 16th centuries, and common culture and language. In the English-speaking world, Bosniaks are also referred to as Bosnian Muslims (although not all are followers of Islam because although Bosniaks make up 48% of the population, only 40% of Bosnia and Herzegovina is Muslim). Bosniak has replaced Muslim as an official ethnic term in part to avoid confusion with the religious term
Bosniaks Muslim - an adherent of Islam.[23] The term Bosnian is used to denote all inhabitants of Bosnia regardless of ethnic origin.
12
Overview
Bosniaks are a South Slavic people. Nonetheless, it has been proposed, based on genetic signatures, that their roots also go back to pre-Slavic inhabitants of the Dinaric region.[24] [25] [26] There are around three million Bosniaks living in the Balkans today. Several instances of ethnic cleansing and genocide have had a tremendous effect on the territorial distribution of the population. Partially due to this, a notable Bosniak diaspora exists in a number of countries, including Austria, Germany, Australia, Sweden, Turkey, Canada and the United States. Both within the region and throughout the world, Bosniaks are often noted for their unique culture, which has been influenced by both eastern and western civilizations and schools of thought over the course of their history.
Rebirth
The generally accepted definition (and the one used in this article) holds that Bosniaks are the Slavic Muslims on the territory of the former Yugoslavia who identify themselves with Bosnia and Herzegovina as their ethnic state and are part of such a common nation. However, individuals may hold their own personal interpretations as well. Some people, such as Montenegrin Abdul Kurpejovi, recognize an Islamic component in the Bosniak identity but see it as referring exclusively to Slavic Muslims in Bosnia.[29] Still others consider all Slavic Muslims in the former Yugoslavia (i.e. including the Gorani) to be Bosniaks.[30]
Bosniaks
13 In Yugoslavia, unlike the preceding Austro-Hungarian Empire, Bosniaks were not allowed to declare themselves as Bosniaks. As a compromise, the Constitution of Yugoslavia was amended in 1968 to list Muslims by nationality recognizing a nation, but not the Bosniak name. The Yugoslav "Muslim by nationality" policy was considered by Bosniaks to be neglecting and opposing their Bosnian identity because the term tried to describe Bosniaks as a religious group, not an ethnic one. When Bosnia declared independence from Yugoslavia, most people who used to declare themselves as Muslims by nationality began to declare themselves as Bosniaks. In September 1993, the Second Bosniak Congress (Bosnian: Drugi bonjaki sabor) officially re-introduced the historical ethnic name Bosniaks instead of the previously used Muslim in former Yugoslavia.[28] Today, the election law of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, recognizes the results from 1991 population census as results referring to Bosniaks.
2010. Note: Due to the ethnic cleansing of the 1990s, Bosniaks have been expelled from large areas (notably eastern Bosnia and Vrbas) in [1] which they formerly constituted the majority.
[4] [8] [10]
In other countries with significant Bosniak populations that constituted former Yugoslavia it is not the case. The effects of this phenomenon can best be seen in the censuses. For instance, the 2003 Montenegrin census recorded 48,184 people who registered as Bosniaks and 28,714 who registered as Muslim by nationality. Although Montenegro's Slavic Muslims form one ethnic community with a shared culture and history, this community is divided on whether to register as Bosniaks (i.e. adopt Bosniak national identity) or as Muslims by nationality.[29] Similarly, the 2002 Slovenian census recorded 8,062 people who registered as Bosnians, presumably highlighting (in large part) the decision of many secular Bosniaks to primarily identify themselves in that way (a situation somewhat comparable to the Yugoslav option during the socialist period). However, such people represent a minority (even in countries such as Montenegro where it is a significant issue) and that the great majority of Slavic Muslims in the former Yugoslavia have adopted the Bosniak national name.
Republic 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991
Bosnia and Herzegovina 788,403 (30.7 %) 891,800 (31.3 %) 842,248 (25.7 %) 1,482,430 (39.6 %) 1,630,033 (39.5 %) 1,905,829 (43.7 %) Montenegro Croatia Macedonia Slovenia Serbia Yugoslavia 387 (0.0%) 1,077 (0.1%) 1,560 (0.1%) 179 (0.0%) 17,315 (0.3%) 808,921 (5.1%) 8,396 (2%) 16,185 (0.4%) 1,591 (0.1%) 1,617 (0.1%) 79,109 (1.1%) 998,698 (5.9%) 30,655 (6.5%) 3,113 (0.1%) 3,002 (0.3%) 465 (0.0%) 93,457 (1.2%) 972,940 (5.2%) 70,236 (13.3%) 18,457 (0.4%) 1,248 (0.1%) 3,197 (0.2%) 154,364 (1.8%) 1,729,932 (8.4%) 78,080 (13.4%) 23,740 (0.5%) 39,512 (2.1%) 13,425 (0.7%) 215,166 (2.3%) 1,999,957 (8.9%) 89,614 (14.6%) 43,469 (0.9%) 35,256 (1.7%) 26,867 (1.4%) 246,411 (2.5%) 2,347,446 (10.0%)
Bosniaks
14
History
The first auspices of a Bosnian identity begun in the thirteenth century, when a Bosnian kingdom centred on the river Bosna emerged. However, it was not until the Ottoman occupation of Europe that Bosniaks became distinct from surrounding Slavs, as Islam's self-identifying role for the Bosniaks was similar to that played by Catholicism for the Croats and Orthodoxy for the Serbs.[31] Many features of Bosniaks' biological, cultural and linguistic origins can be traced back to the Migration Period of the Early Middle Ages. It was then that the Slavs, a people from northeastern Europe, colonized the Eastern Roman Empire with their Avar allies and settled in the regions which now comprise modern-day Bosnia and Herzegovina. Here, they assimilated scattered remnants of the tribes generically referred to as Illyrians, who were the earliest attestable inhabitants of the region.[32] Like all modern European nations, a large degree of 'biological continuity' exists between modern Bosniaks with ancient predecessors. Genetic studies show that the earliest (genetic) roots of the Bosniak people (as well as those of other ethnic groups in Bosnia) can be traced back to the ancient populations that expanded from the Balkans following the Last Glacial Maximum 21 thousand years ago.[25] These studies have indicated that the dominant Y-chromosome haplogroup I, and specifically its sub-haplogroup I-P37 found in Bosniaks, are associated with the paleolithic settlers.[25] The name Bosnia - derived from the Bosna river - is itself probably of Illyrian origin: Bosona (Bosnian: Bosna) and a testament to the Illyrian heritage of the region.[28]
The 14th century Bosnian king Tvrtko Kotromani, is seen as an important aspect of the heritage of Bosniak people and Bosnians in general.
The period from the 6th to 10th centuries saw both external migrations and raids by Slavs and Avars, and internal political and cultural re-organization of the formerly Roman province of Dalmatia. It is only from the ninth century that Frankish and Byzantine sources begin to mention early Slavic polities in western Illyricum. The first reference to Bosnia itself only comes in the tenth century De Administrando Imperio. The Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus described Bosnia as a territory of Serbia.[33]
After frequent change of rule over the area between medieval Serb, Croatian, Bulgarian and Byzantine rule, a semi-independent banovina arose in the 12th century, although still nominally ruled by foreign powers. These foreign rulers tried to gain the loyalty and cooperation of the local people by attempting to establish religious jurisdiction over Bosnia. After the Hungarian conquest of Croatia, Bosnia became nominally a Hungarian vassal,
18th century Bosniaks on a day trip to Mount Vranduk at the Bosna river.
Bosniaks under the ecclesiastic jurisdiction of the Catholic diocese of Split. In reality, however, Bosnia was characterized by religious plurality and tolerance, even when later leaders undertook oaths to quell heretical movements. In addition to the influences of Catholicism and Orthodoxy, a Bosnian Church was established, that existed as a small organization in parts of the area.[34] Eventually, an independent Kingdom of Bosnia flourished in present central Bosnia between the 14th and the 15thcenturies, and even expanded into neighbouring Serb and Croat territory. However, even with the emergence of a kingdom, no concrete Bosnian identity emerged, even in a medieval sense. Religious plurality, independent-minded nobility, and a rugged, mountainous terrain precluded cultural and political unity. As Noel Malcolm stated: "All that one can sensibly say about the ethnic identity of the Bosnians is this: they were the Slavs who lived in Bosnia."[35] The Ottoman occupation of the Balkans further modified the 'ethnic' picture. Throughout the entire Balkans, people converted in small numbers to Islam in order to escape the burden of taxation and resulting social discrimination. However, in Bosnia, large-scale conversions to Islam were prevalent. This left the landscape as a checkerboard of Muslim, Catholic, and Orthodox villages existing side by side. By 1870 the Bosnian Muslims were the largest population in Bosnia (694,00), slightly less than 50 percent of the total.[36] After the rebellion that began in 1875 the population of the Muslims and Serbs in Bosnia decreased. The Serbian population (534,000 in 1870) decreased by 7 percent but the Muslims decreased far worse a loss of more than one third.[36] Many Muslims migrated to the Ottoman Empire after the Austrian occupation and many died in the 1875 revolt. The Austrian census in 1879 recorded 449,000 Muslims and 496,485 Serbians in Bosnia. The losses were 245,000 Muslims and 37,500 Serbians.[36]
15
With the decay of the Ottoman Empire, Serbia became independent from Ottoman control in 1870, whilst Bosnia was occupied by Austria-Hungary in 1878. It was the time of a concomitant "re-awakening" of Serbian and Croatian nationalism. Both Serbs and Croats claimed 'historical rights' to Bosnia. However, members of the 19th century Illyrian movement, most notably Ivan Frano Juki, emphasized Bosniaks alongside Serbs and Croats as one of the "tribes" that constitute the "Illyrian nation".[37] A huge number of Bosniaks left Bosnia and Herzegovina after Austrian occupation. Official Austro-Hungarian records show that 56,000 people, mostly Bosniaks, emigrated between 1883 and 1920, but the number of Bosniak emigrants is probably much larger, as the official record does not reflect emigration before 1883, nor include those who left without permits. Those who stayed were concentrated in towns. They were particularly proud of their urban culture, especially in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, which soon became one of the most ethnically mixed cities in the former Yugoslavia. Ideas proposing a pan-South-Slavic state had already been present prior to World War I, although several models were proposed as to the exact composition for a future South Slav state. In order to confront constant influence from Serbia and Croatia on Orthodox and Catholic population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the administration of Benjamin Kallay, the Austria-Hungarian governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, promoted the idea of one united Bosniak nation that would include Christians, not just Muslims.[38] The idea was fiercely opposed by Croatian and Serbian nationalists. Being a newly independent sovereign state, Serbia acted as a center of stimulus for South Slavic nationalism, a policy that would lead to conflict with Austria-Hungary. Bosnia and Herzegovina had always been a multi-ethnic region, but under the influence of Serbia and Croatia, Orthodox and Catholic inhabitants living in Bosnia wished for unification with their respective kin. With the dawn of Illyrian movement, Muslim intelligentsia gathered around magazine Bosnia in the 1860s promoted the idea of a Bosniak nation. A member of this group was father of Safvet-beg Baagi, a poet. This Bosniak group would remain active for several decades, with the continuity of ideas
Bosniaks and the use of the archaic Bosniak name. From 1891 until 1910, they published a magazine titled Bosniak. The Austrian policy further clouded the Bosnian ethnic issue and made the Bosniak group seem as pro-regime. After Kallays death in 1903, the official policy slowly drifted towards accepting the three-ethnic reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the outbreak of World War I, Bosniaks were drafted into the K.u.k. (the Slavic contingent of the Austro-Hungarian army in World War I), some chose to desert rather than fight against fellow Slavs, whilst some Bosniaks attacked Bosnian Serbs in apparent anger after the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand. "One can only guess what kind of feeling was dominant in Bosnia at the time. Both animosity and tolerance existed at the same time".[39] After World War I, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later known as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) was formed. In it, Bosniaks along with Macedonians and Montenegrins were not acknowledged as a distinct ethnic groups.[40] However; the first provisional cabinet included a Muslim.[41] Politically, Bosnia and Herzegovina was split into four banovinas and after the Cvetkovi-Maek Agreement parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina were incorporated into the Banovina of Croatia. After this Bosniaks created the Movement for the Autonomy of Bosnia-Herzegovina.[42] Land reform was proclaimed in February 1919 and affected 66.9% of land in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Given that the old landowning was predominantly Bosniaks owned, they resisted land reforms. Violence against Muslims and the seizure of their land shortly ensued. Bosniaks were offered compensation but it was never fully materialized. The regime sought to pay 255,000,000 dinars in compensation per a period of 40 years with an interest rate of 6%. Payments began in 1936 and were expected to be completed in 1975; however in 1941 World War Two erupted and only 10% of the projected remittances were made.[41] During World War II, Bosniak elite and notables issued resolutions or memorandums in various cities that publicly denounced Croat-Nazi collaborationist measures, laws and violence against Serbs: Prijedor (23 September), Sarajevo (12 October), Mostar (21 October), Banja Luka (12 November), Bijeljina (2 December) and Tuzla (11 December). The resolutions condemned the Ustae in Bosnia and Herzegovina, both for their mistreatment of Muslims and for their attempts at turning Muslims and Serbs against one another.[43] One memorandum declared that since the beginning of the Ustae regime, that Muslims dreaded the lawless activities that some Ustae, some Croatian government authorities, and various illegal groups perpetrated against the Serbs.[44] At this time several massacres against Bosniaks were carried out by Serb and Montenegrin Chetniks.[45] [46] [47] "The Muslims" remarked one German General, "bear the special status of being persecuted by all others".[48] Germans soon exploited the situation and raised the 13th Waffen Mountain Division of the SS Handschar (1st Croatian) on 10 February 1943 offering Bosniaks protection from Serb attacks. On the other hand, a number of Muslims joined the Yugoslav Partisan forces, "making it a truly multi-ethnic force".[39] During the Yugoslav period, Bosniaks were simply referred to as Muslims by nationality, because they were seen as Islamicized Serbs and Croats. The Bosniaks saw this as neglecting and opposing to their Bosnian identity. During the Bosnian war, the Muslims officially appropriated the name Bosniaks. During the war, the Bosniaks were subject to genocide carried out by both Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs, especially the latter. The war caused tens of thousands of Bosniaks to flee the nation. The war also caused many demographic changes in Bosnia. Bosniaks were prevalent throughout almost all of Bosnia in 1991, a year before the war began. Now, as a result of the war, Bosniaks are concentrated mostly in areas that were held by the Bosnian government (most of northwestern Bosnia around Biha, as well as central Bosnia).
16
Bosniaks
17
Culture
Folklore
Bosniak folklore has a long tradition dating back to the 15th century. Like many other elements of Bosniak culture, their folklore is derived from European and Ottoman influences, typically taking place prior to the 19th century. Generally, folklore also varies from region to region and city to city. Cities like Sarajevo and Mostar have a rich tradition all by themselves. Many man-made structures such as bridges and fountains, as well as natural sites, also play a significant role. At the very roots of the Bosniak folk soul are the national music genres called Sevdalinke and Ilahije. Slavic traditions such as fairies, Vila, are also present. Pre-Slavic influences are far less common but nonetheless present. Certain elements of Illyrian, and Celtic belief have been found. National heroes are typically historical figures, whose life and skill in battle are emphasised. These include figures such as Gazi Husrev-beg, the second Ottoman governor of Bosnia who A medieval tombstone called a Steak found primarily conquered many territories in Dalmatia, Northern Bosnia, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatia, Gerz Eljaz erzelez Alija, an almost mythical character who even the Ottoman Sultan was said to have called "A Hero", and Husein Gradaevi, who led an uprising against the Turks in the 18th century. Old Slavic influences can also be seen, such as Ban Kulin who has acquired legendary status. The historian William Miller wrote in 1921 that "even today, the people regard him as a favorite of the fairies, and his reign as a golden age."[49]
Language
Bosniaks speak the Bosnian language. This language differs only slightly from the Serbian or Croatian language in writing and grammar, but its speakers are, on the level of colloquial idiom, more linguistically homogeneous than either Serbs or Croats. The Bosnian language has a number of orientalisms as well as Germanisms not often used in the neighboring languages. The language forms in many ways a middle ground between the Serbian and Croatian languages, not least because Bosnia itself is geographically situated in the middle of the region where the "Serbo-Croatian"-dialects are spoken. Bosniaks have also had two of their own unique scripts. The first was the Begovica (also called Bosanica), a descendant of local Cyrillic script that remained in use among the region's nobility. The second was the Arabica, a version of the Arabic alphabet modified for Bosnian that was in use among nearly all literate Bosniaks until the 20th century (compare with Morisco Aljamiado). Both alphabets have practically died out, as the number of people literate in them today is undoubtedly minuscule.
Bosniaks
18
Religion
Most Bosniaks are Sunni Muslim, though historically Sufism has also played a significant role in the country. Bosniaks in Sandak are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim, though there is also a small community of Slavitized Bektashis with Azeri roots identifying their language as Bosnian. In a 1998 public opinion poll, 78.3% of Bosniaks in the Bosnian Federation declared themselves to be religious.[50]
Bosniaks
19
Symbols
The best known Bosniak national symbol is the Fleur-de-lis (Lilium Bosniacum) and crescent moon. The most popular Bosniak symbols are derived from medieval times, from the old flag of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from the flag of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They were used by King Tvrtko Kotromani and the intention was that they represent Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole, but the flag was not commonly accepted by the Serb and Croat leadership, which led to the flag being associated with Bosniaks, although some Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs still venerate the flag. The earliest Bosniak flags date from the Ottoman era, and are typically a white crescent moon and star on a green background. The flag was also the symbol of the short lived independent Bosnia in the 19th century and of the resistance against the Turks led by Husein Gradaevi.
The coat of arms with the Fleur-de-lis, a common symbol of Bosniaks.
Diaspora
Today, a national consciousness is found in the vast majority of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the country, Bosniaks make up a large majority in the Bosna river valley and western Bosnian Krajina, with significant populations found in Herzegovina. Currently, they are estimated to make up 48% of the total population.[52] National consciousness has also spread to most Bosniaks in the neighboring countries. The largest number of Bosniaks outside of Bosnia and Herzegovina are found in Serbia and Montenegro (specifically in the Sandak region). The city of Novi Pazar is home to the largest Bosniak population outside of Bosnia. Another 40,000 Bosniaks are found in Croatia and 38,000 in Slovenia. However, some of them still identify themselves as "Muslims" or "Bosnians", according to latest estimates. In Macedonia there are estimated to be about 17,000 Bosniaks. Due to warfare and ethnic cleansing during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a large part of the world's 3.4 million (est.) Bosniaks are found in countries outside of the Balkans. The highest Bosniak populations outside of the ex-Yugoslavian states are found in the United States, Sweden, Austria, Germany, Switzerland, Australia, Canada, and Turkey. Prior generations of Bosniak immigrants to some of these countries have by now been mostly integrated. Regarding the Western countries most of the Bosniaks are war refugees that only arrived in these countries during the past 15 years or so. They still speak Bosnian, and maintain a cultural and religious community and visit their mother country regularly.
Bosniaks
20
United States
The United States is home to about 300,000 (est.) Bosniaks, the cities with the highest Bosniak populations are St. Louis, Chicago, and Grand Rapids, Michigan. The following major American cities, ordered randomly, have notable Bosniak communities: Richmond, Virginia; Charlotte; Indianapolis; Houston; Jacksonville; Phoenix; Portland, Oregon; San Jose; Salt Lake City; Tampa, Florida; and New York City.
Canada
In Canada, the largest Bosniak communities are in Toronto, Vancouver and Hamilton.
Turkey
In Turkey, Bosniaks mostly live in the Marmara Region which is in other words the north-west Turkey. The biggest Bosniak community in Turkey is in Istanbul and also there are notable Bosniak communities in zmir, Karamrsel, Yalova, Bursa and Edirne.
Further reading
Fritz, Hans (1931). Bosniak. Verl. d. Druckerei Waidhofen a.d.Ybbs. Kari, Fikret (1999). The Bosniaks and the Challenges of Modernity: Late Ottoman and Hapsburg Times. El-Kalem. ISBN9958230216. Pinson, Mark (1994). The Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia. Harvard University Press. ISBN0932885098. Zulfikarpai, Adil (1998). The Bosniak. C. Hurst & Co.
Notes
[1] CIA Fact Book (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ geos/ bk. html) [2] (http:/ / www. bosniak. org/ about/ ) (http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Bosnian_American) [3] Germans and foreigners with an immigrant background (http:/ / www. en. bmi. bund. de/ nn_148248/ Internet/ Content/ Themen/ Auslaender__Fluechtlinge__Asyl__Zuwanderung/ DatenundFakten/ Deutsche__Auslaender__mit__Migrationshintergrund__en. html) [4] Census 2002 (http:/ / webrzs. stat. gov. rs/ axd/ Zip/ NEP1. pdf) [5] (http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Bosnian_Austrians) [6] (http:/ / www. joshuaproject. net/ people-profile. php?peo3=10953& rog3=TU) [7] Census 2006 by birth (http:/ / www. scb. se/ statistik/ _publikationer/ BE0101_2006A01_BR_03_BE0107TAB. pdf) [8] Montenegrin census 2003 (http:/ / www. monstat. org/ Popis/ Popis01a. zip) [9] 2005 Figures (http:/ / www. bfs. admin. ch/ bfs/ portal/ de/ index/ themen/ 01/ 22/ publ. Document. 88215. pdf) [10] World Bank Living Standards Measurement Study 2001 Estimate (http:/ / enrin. grida. no/ htmls/ kosovo/ SoE/ popullat. htm) [11] Census 2002 (http:/ / www. stat. si/ popis2002/ en/ rezultati/ rezultati_red. asp?ter=SLO& st=15) [12] By Ethnic origin (http:/ / www12. statcan. ca/ english/ census06/ data/ topics/ RetrieveProductTable. cfm?ALEVEL=3& APATH=3& CATNO=& DETAIL=0& DIM=& DS=99& FL=0& FREE=0& GAL=0& GC=99& GK=NA& GRP=1& IPS=& METH=0& ORDER=1& PID=92333& PTYPE=88971& RL=0& S=1& ShowAll=No& StartRow=1& SUB=801& Temporal=2006& Theme=80& VID=0& VNAMEE=& VNAMEF=) [13] (http:/ / www. folkedrab. dk/ sw52060. asp?usepf=true) [14] Cro Census 2001 (http:/ / www. dzs. hr/ Eng/ censuses/ Census2001/ Popis/ E01_02_02/ E01_02_02. html) [15] Macedonian Census 2002 (http:/ / www. stat. gov. mk/ pdf/ kniga_13. pdf) [16] By ancestry (http:/ / www. ausstats. abs. gov. au/ ausstats/ free. nsf/ Lookup/ C41A78D7568811B9CA256E9D0077CA12/ $File/ 20540_2001 (corrigendum). pdf) [17] Figures 2008 (http:/ / www. ssb. no/ english/ subjects/ 02/ 01/ 10/ innvbef_en/ tab-2008-04-29-01-en. html) [18] (http:/ / www. joshuaproject. net/ people-profile. php?peo3=10953& rog3=IT) [19] Belgium figures (http:/ / www. dofi. fgov. be/ fr/ statistieken/ statistiques_etrangers/ Stat_ETRANGERS. htm) [20] Census 2006 (http:/ / www. ine. es/ prodyser/ pubweb/ anuario06/ anu06_02demog. pdf) [21] "Ethnologue - South Slavic languages" (http:/ / www. ethnologue. com/ show_family. asp?subid=373-16). www.ethnologue.com. . Retrieved 2011-02-08. }} [22] Bosniac is the spelling used in the Oxford English Dictionary
Bosniaks
[23] "Bosnia and Herzegovina: People" (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ index. html), The World Factbook, American Central Intelligence Agency, ISSN1553-8133, , retrieved 15 May 2007 [24] Carleton S. Coon, The Origin of Races (New York: Knopf, 1962). Chapter XI, section 17 [25] Marjanovi, Damir; et al. " The peopling of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina: Y-chromosome haplogroups in the three main ethnic groups (http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ entrez/ query. fcgi?cmd=Retrieve& db=PubMed& list_uids=16266413& dopt=Abstract)." Institute for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology, University of Sarajevo. November, 2005 [26] John J. Wilkes, "The Illyrians" (Wiley; New Ed edition (November 30, 1995)) [27] Enver Imamovi, Korijeni Bosne i bosanstva, Sarajevo 1995 [28] Imamovi, Mustafa (1996). Historija Bonjaka. Sarajevo: BZK Preporod. ISBN 9958-815-00-1 [29] Dimitrovova, Bohdana. " Bosniak or Muslim? Dilemma of one Nation with two Names (http:/ / www. seep. ceu. hu/ issue22/ dimitrovova. pdf)." Southeast European Politics, Vol. II, No. 2. October, 2001. [30] Bajrami, Kerim. " Reagovanje na lanak: Uz 90 godina od slavne Bitke za anakkale (http:/ / nasagora. info/ reagovanje. html)." Naagora.info. [31] Coppieters, Bruno (2003). Contextualizing Secession: Normative Studies in Comparative Perspective. Oxford University Press. p.119. ISBN0199258716. [32] Malcolm 1996 [33] Malcolm 1996, p. 10. [34] Pinson, Mark (1994). The Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia. Harvard University Press. p.7. ISBN0932885098. [35] Malcolm 1996, p. 12. [36] The Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Mark Pinson, page 81, 1996 [37] Okey, Robin (2007). Taming Balkan Nationalism: The Habsburg 'Civilizing Mission' in Bosnia 1878-1914. Oxford University Press. p.14. ISBN0199213917. [38] Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Routledge. 1999. p.214. ISBN1857430581. [39] Andjelic, Neven (2003). Bosnia-Herzegovina: The End of a Legacy. Frank Cass. pp.13, 14, 17. ISBN071465485X. [40] Klemeni, Matja (2004). The Former Yugoslavia's Diverse Peoples: A Reference Sourcebook. ABC-CLIO. p.113. ISBN1576072940. [41] Ramet 2006, p. 49. [42] Djoki, Dejan (2003). Yugoslavism: Histories of a Failed Idea, 19181992. University of Wisconsin Press. p.104. ISBN1850656630. [43] Hoare, Marko Attila (2007). The History of Bosnia: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day. SAQI. p.227. ISBN0863569536. [44] Tomasevich 2001, p. 492. [45] Malcolm 1996, p. 188. [46] Lampe, John R. (2000). Yugoslavia as History. Cambridge University Press. pp.206, 209, 210. ISBN0521774012. [47] Glenny, Misha (2001). The Balkans: Nationalism, War & the Great Powers, 1804-1999. Penguin Books. pp.494495. ISBN0140233776. [48] Lepre, George (2000). Himmler's Bosnian Division: The Waffen-SS Handschar Division 1943-1945. Schiffer Publishing. pp.1516. ISBN0764301349. [49] Miller, William (October 1898). "Bosnia before the Turkish Conquest". The English Historical Review (Oxford University Press) 13 (52): 643666. [50] Velikonja, Mitja (2003). Religious separation and political intolerance in Bosnia-Herzegovina (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Rf8P-7ExoKYC& pg=PA261). Texas A&M University Press. p.261. ISBN1585442267. . Retrieved 6 January 2011. [51] Muslimanska licna imena: sa etimologijom, etimoloskom grafijom i sematikom Trece izdanje. Autor: Senad Agic; El-Kalem; 7/1/1999 (Muslim personal names with etimology and semantics) [52] https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ geos/ bk. html
21
References
Malcolm, Noel (1996). Bosnia: A Short History. New York University Press. ISBN0814755615. Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918-2004. Indiana University Press. ISBN0271016299. Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford University Press. ISBN0804708576.
Bosniaks
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External links
Bosniaks in United States (http://www.baic-detroit.com/news.php) IGBD - Bosniaks in Germany (http://www.igbd.eu/) (Bosnian) (German) Congress of North American Bosniaks (http://www.bosniak.org) BAACBH.org - Bosniak American Advisory Council for Bosnia-Herzegovina (http://www.baacbh.org/) Bosniaks - Wiktionary entry for Bosniaks BOSNJACI.net (http://www.bosnjaci.net/) (Bosnian)
23
Ivo Andri
A. B. imi
Peter Tomich
Vladimir Prelog
Milan Bandi
Tomo Milievi
Vedran orluka
Total population 571,317 Languages Croatian Religion Mostly Roman Catholic Related ethnic groups Other Slavic nations, especially South Slavs
Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina form one of the three constitutive nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[1] There is no precise data regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina's population since the last war. Ethnic cleansing within Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s saw the vast majority of Croats move and take up residence in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Croatia.[2] It is estimated that there are approximately 571,317 Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to 2000 data from the CIA World Factbook, Bosnia and Herzegovina is ethnically 14.3% Croat.[3]
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History
Early medieval age
Croats settled into the areas of modern Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in VII Century, finding Illyrians and Romans in that area, which they soon assimilate in the early seventh century, during the great migration of the Slavs. They accept Christianity and develop their own culture and art, they form their own political institutions and soon their own state. The Croatian people formed two principalities: Pannonia in the north and Dalmatia in the south. One of the most important events of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina in early medieval age is First Croatian Assembly held in 753 in Tomislavgrad. Second one is coronation of first Croatian king Tomislav in cca. 925, in fields of Tomislavgrad[4] (at the time it was called upanjac). After that Croats lived in Kingdom of Croatia. In 1102 Croatia entered into a personal union with Kingdom of Hungary. As Bosnian king Tvrtko conquered part of Croatian Kingdom and as House of ubi was weaken, Bosnia and Herzegovina feld under new state, Bosnian Kingdom, so did Bosnian Croats, even though, part of Bosnia and The migration of the Croat people from Bosnia Herzegovina was still under Kingdom of Croatia. Specific religion in and Herzegovina after the Ottoman takeover medieval Bosnia was Bogomilism and Bosnian Church, so some of the notable medieval Bosnian Croats were followers of this religion, like Croatian duke Hrvoje Hrvatini.[5] Kingdom of Bosnia lasted from 1377 to 1483 when it was conquered by Turks and their Ottoman Empire.
Ottoman Empire
Over the centuries Croatia saw its land shrink as the Ottoman Turks invaded Europe, and occupied Bosnia and much of present day Croatia for centuries to come.[6] Many Croats living in Bosnia converted to Islam during this time period, and their numbers in areas shrank as many fled from fear of conversion and persecution, as the Christian folk were mistreated as low-grade citizens. The region henceforth became known as "Turkish Croatia" in Croatian literature.[7] From 1815 to 1878 Ottoman authority in Bosnia and Herzegovina was decreasing. After reorganization of Ottoman army and abolition of Jannisaries, Bosnian nobility revolted, led by Husein Gradaevi who wanted to establish autonomy of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to stop any further social reforms. During 19th Century, various reforms were made in order to increase freedom of religion which sharped relations between of Catholics and Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Soon, economical decay happen and nationalist influence from Europe came to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since state administration was very unorganized and since national conscience was very strong among Christian population, Ottoman Empire lost control over Bosnia and Herzegovina. On June 19, 1875 Catholic Croats, led by Don Ivan Musi, revolted because of high taxes in West Herzegovina. Soon after, Orthodox population also revolted in East Herzegovina, which led to Herzegovina Uprising. Turks were unable to defeat rebels, so Serbia and Montenegro used their weakness and attacked Ottoman Empire in 1876, soon Russian Empire done the same. Turks lost the war in 1878, and this resulted with over 150,000 Croatian refugees who went in Croatia. After that, after Congress of Berlin was held in same year, Bosnia and Herzegovina got new ruler, Austria-Hungary.
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Late history
In the 19th century with the Croatian national reawakening movements, acts were made to unite all Croats into one state. Such an act was realized only in 1939, when the Croatian Banate autonomous within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed, that included most of western Herzegovina and parts of central Bosnia. From 1941 to 1945, most of Bosnia and Herzegovina was a part of the Axis Ustasha Independent State of Croatia.[6] After 1945, the current state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was created under the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On April 8, 1992, the "Socialist" was dropped and was renamed the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[8]
Population geography
Early population data comes from the Austro-Hungarian empire's censuses. After taking control of Bosnia and Herzgovina, the empire had a few censuses. After World War I the Yugoslav monarchy had two censuses.
Ethnic totals and percentages Year/Population 1879 1885 1895 1910 1921 1931 209,391 265,788 334,142 434,061 444,308 547,949 Croats 18.08% 19.88% 21.31% 22.87% 23.50% 23.58% % Total BiH Population 1,158,164 1,336,091 1,361,868 1,898,044 1,890,440 2,323,555
Official Population Census Results - note: some Croats declared themselves as Yugoslavs in some censuses
Official Yugoslav census data shows that the total number of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina has increased in almost every census, asides from between 1971 and 1981. Despite this, their total percentage of the total population has decreased.
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Ethnic totals and percentages Year/Population 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 614,123 654,229 711,666 772,491 758,140 760,852 Croats 23.93% 22.97% 21.71% 20.62% 18.39% 17.38% % Total BiH Population 2,565,277 2,847,790 3,277,948 3,746,111 4,124.008 4,377,053
Official Population Census Results - note: some Croats declared themselves as Yugoslavs in some censuses
Prior the war in 1991, Croats made up 17.3% of the population, less than in previous years. From 1971 to 1991, the Croat percentage fell due to emigration into Croatia and lands of Western Europe. This fact should be taken into account for any estimation, regional or for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole.[9] [10] Nevertheless, the fall in population percentage is only absent in western Herzegovina municipalities where Croats account for more than 98% of population. The majority of Croats live in Western Herzegovina, Western Bosnia, Central Bosnia and Posavina (BiH Croats 1991). The war saw a large scale of ethnic cleansing and the migration of populations on all sides. Municipalities in which Croats are the majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina today: Mostar, Stolac, Ravno, apljina, Neum, itluk, Grude, Kiseljak, Kreevo, Livno, Ljubuki, Kupres, Dobretii, Odak, Domaljevac-amac, Oraje, Posuje, Prozor-Rama, iroki Brijeg, Tomislavgrad, Vitez, epe, Usora, Novi Travnik and Busovaa.
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Culture
One of the most important cultural institutions for the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats is the Croatian Cultural Society Napredak.[11] It helps educate Croatian youths by granting university scholarships, and works to promote culture. It has dozens of branches throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, as well as the Croatian diaspora. In the diaspora it is one of the main concert organizers for Croatian artists. The University of Mostar is the only Croatian language institute of higher education in the country. Many of the nation's Croats also attend universities in Croatia, with the University of Zagreb being the most popular.
There are currently two major Croatian music festivals in the country: Etnofest Neum and Melodije Mostara. These festivals regularly attract the best native Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croat singers as well as top artists within Croatia itself. Popular Croatian musicians coming from the country include Bijelo Dugme's eljko Bebek, Mate Buli, Ivan Mikuli, Boris Novkovi, Vesna Pisarovi and the group Feminnem.
Literature
Croatian literature in Bosnia and Herzegovina has its foundations in the 17th century writer Matija Divkovi. From the 19th-20th centuries, Father Ivan Franjo Juki, Antun Branko imi, Musa azim ati, are well known for their works. In the Yugoslav period Ivo Andri became the most well-known ethnic Croat writer from Bosnia and Herzegovina. He won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1961.
Divkovi's Besjede
Modern-day writers from Bosnia and Herzegovina today include Mirko Vidovi, eljko Ivankovi, and Miljenko Jergovi.
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Religion
Croats form the core of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The metropolitan diocese is the Archdiocese of Vrhbosna. There are also dioceses centered in Banja Luka and in Mostar, which is the largest. Vinko Pulji is the current Cardinal and Archbishop of Vrhbosna. The parish of Meugorje is a significant Marian shrine which attracts approximately one million visitors annually. It became a popular site of religious pilgrimage due to reports of apparitions of the Virgin Mary to six local Catholics in 1981.[12] Over a thousand hotel and hostel beds are available for religious tourism. The Cathedral of Jesus' Heart in Sarajevo is the largest cathedral in Bosnia and Herzegovina,[13] and is the seat of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Vrhbosna. The other three Roman Catholic cathedrals in Bosnia and Herzegovina are: the Cathedral of Saint Bonaventure in Banja Luka, the Cathedral of Mary the Mother of the Church in Mostar, and Cathedral of the Birth of Mary in Trebinje.
There are numerous monasteries throughout the region. The oldest is the 14th century Monastery of the Holy Spirit located in Fojnica in central Bosnia. It houses a large library filled with many historical documents dating back to medieval Bosnia. Two other well-known monasteries are the Gua Gora Monastery and Kraljeva Sutjeska Monastery. Both are located in central Bosnia, near Travnik and Kakanj respectively. The rest of the monasteries in the region are: the Monastery of St. Anthony in Sarajevo, the Monastery of St. Mark in Derventa, Gorica Monastery in Livno, and the Assumption of Mary Monastery in Prozor-Rama.
Sport
Croatian-run clubs in Bosnia and Herzegovina number among the country's most successful. They are well-represented in terms of national championships in relation to the percentage of Croats in the population. In football NK Zrinjski Mostar, NK iroki Brijeg, NK epe, NK Posuje, and HNK Oraje are some of the most successful. Collectively, they have won three national Cup and five national Championships since national competition began in 2000. Other Croatian-run clubs are NK Brotnjo, NK SAK Napredak, HNK Ljubuki, HNK Sloga Uskoplje and others. The clubs themselves are often among the nation's most multi-ethnic.
Prior to 2000, the Croats ran their own First League of Herzeg-Bosnia in football. However, they have joined the UEFA-approved Football Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina's league system. Bosnia and Herzegovina has produced many successful internationals, both for the Croatian national team and the national team of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Politics
Historically, the Croats formed their own parties with the end of Ottoman rule. The Croatian National Community and the Croatian Catholic Association took part in the country's first elections in 1910.[14] Currently, there are several Croatian political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, many corresponding to parties within Croatia itself. The Flag of Herzeg-Bosna. Croatian Democratic Union, Croatian Democratic Union 1990, and the Croatian Party of Right are the most popular parties. The Croatian Peasant Party, New Croatian Initiative, Croatian Right Bloc, People's Party Work for Betterment are relatively minor Croatian parties. In 2005, a conference on the Constitutional-law position of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina was held in Neum. It addressed ways to fix the political system.
References
[1] Bosnia and Herzegovina - Constitution (http:/ / www. servat. unibe. ch/ icl/ bk00000_. html) [2] Kacowicz, Arie Marcelo & Lutomski, Pawel. Population resettlement in international conflicts: a comparative study. Lexington Books, 2007. p89. [3] CIA Factbook: Bosnia and Herzegovina (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ geos/ bk. html) [4] Dzino, Danijel. Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat: Identity Transformations in Post-Roman and Early Medieval Dalmatia. Koninklijke Brill NV; The Netherlands, 2010. p24. [5] [6] [7] [8]
(Bosnian) Ibrahimagi, Omer. (1996) Bosanska srednjovjekovna drava i suvremenost, p. 100. Fakultet politikih nauka u Sarajevu
Tanner, Marcus (1997) Croatia: A Nation Forged in War. Encyclopedia Britannica - Page 475. Hugh Chisholm Uredba o izmjeni naziva Socijalistike Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. in: "Slubeni list Republike Bosne i Hercegovine", god. I., br. 1, 9. aprila 1992., str. 1. [9] "Bosniaks or Muslims" (http:/ / www. seep. ceu. hu/ issue22/ dimitrovova. pdf). Southeast European Politics Online (http:/ / www. seep. ceu. hu). . Retrieved 2009-07-11. [10] "Academician Dalibor Brozovic interview" (http:/ / www. ex-yupress. com/ hrvrijec/ hrvrijec6. html). Hrvatska rije (http:/ / www. ex-yupress. com/ boscro. html). . Retrieved 2009-07-11 "chapter title: Important Croats Deserve Special Treatment - (second question) second paragraph)". [11] Napredak (http:/ / www. napredak. com. ba/ ) [12] Medjugorje.org Overview of Medjugorje (http:/ / www. medjugorje. org/ overview. htm) [13] Katolika Tiskovna Agencija (http:/ / www. ktabkbih. net/ info. asp?id=510) [14] Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: Europe. Gale Group, 2001. p69.
Notes
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Ethnic map of BIH before Bosnian War, 1991. Bosnian Croats - Blue, Bosnian Muslims - Green, Bosnian Serbs - Red.
The most easily recognizable feature that distinguishes the three ethnic groups is their religion, with Bosniaks predominantly Muslim, Serbs predominantly Orthodox Christians, and Croats Catholic Christians. This has led some to believe that these ethnic groups emerged from religious groups in a process that occurred in 19th century. On the other hand, numerous historians, culturologists and ethnologists consider that Croats and Serbs have merely completed their ethnic integration in the 19th century (like, for instance, Norwegians or Slovaks), while Bosniaks crystallized into a separate ethnic group only at the end of the 20th century. A Y chromosome haplogroups study published in 2005 found that "three main groups of Bosnia-Herzegovina, in spite of some quantitative differences, share a large fraction of the same ancient gene pool distinctive for the Balkan area".[1]
Ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina with the decision of the Court. There was a narrow majority (5-4), in the favour of the applicant. In its decision, among other things, the Court stated: Elements of a democratic state and society as well as underlying assumptions pluralism, just procedures, peaceful relations that arise out of the Constitution must serve as a guideline for further elaboration of the issue of the structure of BiH as a multi-national state. Territorial division (of Entities) must not serve as an instrument of ethnic segregation on the contrary it must accommodate ethnic groups by preserving linguistic pluralism and peace in order to contribute to the integration of the state and society as such. Constitutional principle of collective equality of constituent peoples, arising out of designation of Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs as constituent peoples, prohibits any special privileges for one or two constituent peoples, any domination in governmental structures and any ethnic homogenisation by segregation based on territorial separation. Despite the territorial division of BiH by establishment of two Entities, this territorial division cannot serve as a constitutional legitimacy for ethnic domination, national homogenisation or the right to maintain results of ethnic cleansing. Designation of Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs as constituent peoples in the Preamble of the Constitution of BiH must be understood as an all-inclusive principle of the Constitution of BiH to which the Entities must fully adhere, pursuant to Article III.3 (b) of the Constitution of BiH.[2] The formal name of this item is U-5/98, but it is widely known as the "Decision on the constituency of peoples" (Bosnian: Odluka o konstitutivnosti naroda), referring to the Court's interpretation of the significance of the phrase "constituent peoples" used in the Preamble of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The decision was also the basis for other notable cases that came before the court.
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Ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina Austria-Hungarian project of a Bosnian nation was accepted only among Bosniak intellectual elite and a small number of Catholics. Serbs formed a resistance organization that grew into an opposition party named Serb Peoples1 Organization. A corresponding Muslim Peoples1 Organization was organized in 1906, and immediately entered into alliance with Serb Peoples1 Organization. These two parties combined with Croat Peoples1 Community won the 1910 elections by a large margin. This gave birth to the well-known concept of three natio-religions that we still see alive today. The origins of the three nations now present in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be traced back to the period (ca. 1500. to ca. 1800.) of intense islamization when "triple" ethnic-denominational differentiation served as the focal point for growth of modern national individualities based on ancient ethnic loyalties: as Camus has said, people become what they already are - notwithstanding the fact that they may not yet be aware of it. Bosnian Croats and Serbs have definitely crystallized into modern nations during the 19th century, simultaneously retaining their regional Bosnian and Herzegovinian identities rooted in history and conjoining with their compatriots in Croatia and Serbia. Bosnian Muslims, on the other hand, have set out on the trek for self-identity. Feeling in their bones the unbridgeable separateness and distance from both Croats and Serbs, these "Turkey's abandoned children" found themselves in an uneasy position: being a cultural/denominational transplant from Asia Minor grafted onto South Slavic ethnicities whose nascent Croat and Serb identities melted away in the process of Islamization, they vacillated between a few national and semi-national individualities: Turkish, Croat, Serb, supranational Yugoslav and quasidenominational ethnic Muslim designation - Bosnian Muslims were officially recognized as a nation under the name of Muslims in the 1971 Yugoslav census. Finally, this identity crisis was resolved in an abrupt way: the Bosniak designation (a word meaning Bosnian Muslim) was adopted in 1993 as a sign of differentiating ethnic identity from denominational loyalties. Although circumstances of the procedure may look somewhat weird (it was unanimously accepted on September 28, 1993, at the 2nd Bosniak Congress - an institution of Bosnian Muslim intellectuals and ideologues), it seems that, in all likelihood, Bosnian Muslims have definitively reached the goal in their quest for national identity.
1
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References
[1] Marjanovic, D; Fornarino, S, Montagna, S, Primorac, D, Hadziselimovic, R, Vidovic, S, Pojskic, N, Battaglia, V, Achilli, A, Drobnic, K, Andjelinovic, S, Torroni, A, Santachiara-Benerecetti, AS, Semino, O (2005). "The peopling of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina: Y-chromosome haplogroups in the three main ethnic groups" (http:/ / www. blackwell-synergy. com/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1111/ j. 1529-8817. 2005. 00190. x). Annals of Human Genetics 69 (6): 757763. doi:10.1111/j.1529-8817.2005.00190.x. PMID16266413. . [2] Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, U-5/98 (Partial Decision Part 3), p. 36, Sarajevo, 01 July 2000 [3] Stipevi, Aleksandar, "The Illyrians", Noyes Pubns, 1977, ISBN 0815550529 ISBN 978-0815550525
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Location of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (red) inside of Bosnia and Herzegovina (camel) on the European continent (white).
Location of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (yellow) within Bosnia and Herzegovina.1 Capital (and largest city) Official language(s) Ethnic groups(2002) Sarajevo Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian Bosniaks: 70% Croats: 28% Serbs: 1%
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Parliamentary system ivko Budimir Nermin Niki
Government - - President Prime Minister Entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina - - Formed Recognized in Bosnia and Herzegovina constitution Area - Total
Water(%)
- - -
2,327,318 2,444,665
2
[1]
2
The Flag of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Coat of arms of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina have been deemed unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina and were due to be replaced by September. On 31 March 2007, the Constitutional Court placed its decision into the "Official Gazette of Bosnia and Herzegovina" officially removing [2] them. The federation has not yet adopted a new anthem or coat of arms, but uses the symbols of the central state as a provisional [3] solution.
1
Although the Brko District is formally held in condominium by both entities simultaneously (the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska), it is a de facto third entity, as it has all the same powers as the other two entities and is [4] [5] under the direct sovereignty of BiH. Refugees abroad included
The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina listen (Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian: Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine Serbian Cyrillic: ) is one of the two political entities that compose the sovereign country of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the other entity is the Republika Srpska). The two entities are delineated by the Inter-Entity Boundary Line. The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is primarily inhabited by Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats, which is why it is informally referred to as the Bosniak-Croat Federation (with the Bosnian Serbs as the third constituency of the entity). The Federation was created by the Washington accords signed on 18 March 1994, which established a constituent assembly that continued its work until October 1996. The Federation now has its own capital, government, president, parliament, customs and police departments, postal system (in fact, two of them), and airline (BH Airlines). It used to have its own army, the Army of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, though along with the Army of the Republika Srpska it was fully integrated into Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, controlled by the Ministry of Defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 6 June 2006.
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History
The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was formed by the Washington Agreement of March 1994. Under the agreement, the combined territory held by the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Croatian Defence Council forces was divided into ten autonomous cantons. The cantonal system was selected to prevent dominance by one ethnic group over another. In 1995, Bosnian government forces and Bosnian Croat forces of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina defeated forces of the Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia, and this territory was added to the federation. By the Dayton Agreement of 1995, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was defined as one of the two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and included 51% of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina (another entity, Republika Srpska included 49%). On 8 March 2000, the Brko District was formed as an autonomous entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina and it was created from part of the territory of both Bosnian entities. Brko District is now a shared territory that belongs to both entities.
Geography
Boundary
The Inter-Entity Boundary Line (IEBL) that distinguishes Bosnia and Herzegovina's two entities essentially runs along the military front lines as they existed at the end of the Bosnian War, with adjustments (most importantly in the western part of the country and around Sarajevo), as defined by the Dayton Agreement. The total length of the IEBL is approximately 1080km. The IEBL is an administrative demarcation and not controlled by the military or police and there is free movement across it.
Cantons
The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is divided into ten cantons (Bosnian: kantoni Croatian: upanije):
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No. VI.
Center Travnik
VII. Herzegovina-Neretva Mostar VIII. West Herzegovina IX. X. Sarajevo Canton 10 iroki Brijeg Sarajevo Livno
Five of the cantons (Una-Sana, Tuzla, Zenica-Doboj, Bosnian Podrinje and Sarajevo) are Bosniak majority cantons, three (Posavina, West Herzegovina and Canton 10) are Croat majority cantons, and two (Central Bosnia and Herzegovina-Neretva) are 'ethnically mixed', meaning there are special legislative procedures for protection of the constituent ethnic groups. A significant portion of Brko District was also part of the Federation; however, when the district was created, it became shared territory of both entities, but it was not placed under control of either of the two, and is hence under direct jurisdiction of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Currently the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina has 79 municipalities.
Cities
List of the municipalities in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina:[6] [7] [8] Sarajevo is not a municipality and comprises four municipalities Centar, Novi Grad, Novo Sarajevo and Stari Grad. It has a total population of 310605 inhabitants[9] .
No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. Tuzla Zenica Name Population 131718 127103
Novi Grad - Sarajevo 124742 Mostar Novo Sarajevo Centar - Sarajevo Cazin Biha Ilida ivinice Travnik Graanica Lukavac Teanj Velika Kladua Gradaac Sanski Most Kakanj 111364 73394 69889 62510 61358 59271 55305 54878 52212 50998 48266 46759 46154 44322 43300
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19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. Stari Grad - Sarajevo 42580 Srebrenik Visoko Zavidovii Bugojno Kalesija Livno epe Gorade Konjic Bosanska Krupa Tomislavgrad iroki Brijeg Banovii Vitez Novi Travnik Jajce Ljubuki Maglaj apljina Vogoa Hadii 41692 40320 37983 37209 35751 31878 31056 30123 28266 28062 27116 26267 25786 25109 24884 24328 23689 23381 23050 23038 22727
Demographics
The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina comprises 51% of the land area of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and is home to 62.1% of the country's total population.[10] All data dealing with population, including ethnic distributions, are subject to considerable error because of the lack of official census figures.
Year 1991
Muslims
[11]
Croats
Serbs
Yugoslavs
Others
Total
1,423,593
5.9% 62,059
2.3% 2,720,074
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Gallery
Pliva Waterfall.
Troglav.
Vrelo Bosne.
Notes
[1] Federation Office of Statistics (http:/ / www. fzs. ba/ Podaci/ Federacija u brojkama 2010. pdf) [2] "30th Plenary session" (http:/ / www. ccbh. ba/ eng/ press/ index. php?pid=349& sta=3& pkat=507). Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. . [3] Reuters (16 July 2008). "Muslim Outcry Over Bosnian Serbs `State` Symbols" (http:/ / dalje. com/ en-world/ muslim-outcry-over-bosnian-serbs-state-symbols/ 164758). Dalje. . [4] Office of High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina (http:/ / www. ohr. int/ ohr-offices/ brcko/ gen-info/ default. asp?content_id=5528) [5] Office of High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina (http:/ / www. ohr. int/ ohr-offices/ brcko/ default. asp?content_id=5358) [6] The town of Brko is part of the Brko District, which is part of both, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. [7] "Estimation total number of present population by age, sex and cantons and municipality, 30 June 2008" (http:/ / www. fzs. ba/ Dem/ ProcPrist/ stalno. pdf) (PDF). Federal Office of Statistics, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. . Retrieved 2009-08-10. [8] http:/ / www. fzs. ba/ saopcenja/ 2010/ 14. 2. 1. pdf [9] http:/ / www. fzs. ba/ saopcenja/ 2010/ 14. 2. 1. pdf [10] "POPULATION OF THE FEDERATION BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1996 - 2006" (http:/ / www. fzs. ba/ Dem/ stanovnistvo-bilten110. pdf). Federal Office of Statistics. . [11] The vast majority of Muslims by nationality today consider themselves Bosniaks. [12] "Federation of Bosnia And Herzegovina A Parallel Crisis" (http:/ / www. crisisgroup. org/ en/ publication-type/ media-releases/ 2010/ europe/ federation-of-bosnia-and-herzegovinaa-parallel-crisis. aspx). International Crisis Group. 28 September 2010. .
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Kingdom of Bosnia
Bosnian history from then until the early 14th century was marked by the power struggle between the ubi and Kotromani families. This conflict came to an end in 1322, when Stjepan II Kotromani became ban. By the time of his death in 1353, he had succeeded in annexing territories to the north and west, as well as Zahumlje and parts of Dalmatia. He was succeeded by his nephew Tvrtko who, following a prolonged struggle with nobility and inter-family strife, gained full control of the country in 1367. Under Tvrtko, Bosnia grew in both size and power, finally becoming an independent kingdom in 1377. Following his death in 1391 however, Bosnia fell into a long period of decline. The Ottoman Empire had already started its conquest of Europe and posed a major threat to the Balkans throughout the first half of the 15th century. Finally, after decades of political and social instability, Bosnia officially fell in 1463, while resistance was active and fierce for a few more centuries. Southern regions of Bosnia, nowadays known as "Herzegovina" would follow in 1482, with a Hungarian-backed reinstated "Bosnian Kingdom" being the last to succumb in 1527.
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The four centuries of Ottoman rule also had a drastic impact on Bosnia's population make-up, which changed several times as a result of the empire's conquests, frequent wars with European powers, migrations, and epidemics.[1] A native Slavic-speaking Muslim community emerged and eventually became the second largest ethno-religious group (mainly as a result of a gradually rising number of conversions to Islam),[3] while a significant number of Sephardi Jews arrived following their expulsion from Spain in the late 15th century. The Bosnian Christian communities also experienced major changes. The Bosnian Franciscans (and the Catholic population as a whole) were protected by official imperial decree, although on the ground these guarantees were often disregarded and their numbers dwindled.[1] The Orthodox community in Bosnia, initially confined to Herzegovina and Podrinje, spread throughout the country during this period and went on to experience relative prosperity until the 19th century.[1] Meanwhile, the schismatic Bosnian Church disappeared altogether. As the Ottoman Empire thrived and expanded into Central Europe, Bosnia was relieved of the pressures of being a frontier province and experienced a prolonged period of general welfare and prosperity.[3] A number of cities, such as Sarajevo and Mostar, were established and grew into major regional centers of trade and urban culture. Within these cities, various Sultans and governors financed the construction of many important works of Bosnian architecture (such as the Stari most and Gazi Husrev-beg's Mosque). Furthermore, numerous Bosnians played influential roles in the Ottoman Empire's cultural and political history during this time.[2] Bosnian soldiers formed a large component of the Ottoman ranks in the battles of Mohcs and Krbava field, two decisive military victories, while numerous other Bosnians rose through the ranks of the Ottoman military bureaucracy to occupy the highest positions of power in the Empire, including admirals, generals, and grand viziers.[3] Many Bosnians also made a lasting impression on Ottoman culture, emerging as mystics, scholars, and celebrated poets in the Turkish, Arabic, and Persian languages.[3] By the late 17th century, however, the Ottoman Empire's military misfortunes caught up with the country, and the conclusion of the Great Turkish War with the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699 once again made Bosnia the empire's westernmost province. The following hundred years were marked by further military failures, numerous revolts within Bosnia, and several outbursts of plague.[1] The Porte's
Bosnian Revolt Flag, 1831
History of Bosnia and Herzegovina efforts at modernizing the Ottoman state were met with great hostility in Bosnia, where local aristocrats stood to lose much through the proposed reforms.[1] This, combined with frustrations over political concessions to nascent Christian states in the east, culminated in a famous (albeit ultimately unsuccessful) revolt by Husein Gradaevi in 1831.[3] Related rebellions would be extinguished by 1850, but the situation continued to deteriorate. Later, agrarian unrest eventually sparked the Herzegovinian rebellion, a widespread peasant uprising, in 1875. The conflict rapidly spread and came to involve several Balkan states and Great Powers, which eventually forced the Ottomans to cede administration of the country to Austria-Hungary through the Treaty of Berlin in 1878.[1]
43
Religious confessions in the Austro-Hungarian region of Bosnia-Herzegovina and surroundings in 1901: OrthodoxCatholicMuslimMixed Orthodox and Catholic
44
Although successful economically, Austro-Hungarian policy - which focused on advocating the ideal of a pluralist and multi-confessional Bosnian nation (largely favored by the Muslims) - failed to curb the rising tides of nationalism.[1] The concept of Croat and Serb nationhood had already spread to Bosnia and Herzegovina's Catholics and Orthodox communities from neighboring Croatia and Serbia in the mid 19th century, and was too well-entrenched to allow for the widespread acceptance of a parallel idea of Bosnian nationhood.[1] By the latter half of the 1910s, nationalism was an integral factor of Bosnian politics, with national political parties corresponding to the three groups dominating elections.
Flag of Bosnia during Austro Hungarian administration (the country was formally under the sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire) (1878 1908)
The idea of a unified South Slavic state (typically expected to be spear-headed by independent Serbia) became a popular political ideology in the region at this time, including in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[2] The Austro-Hungarian government's decision to formally annex Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908 (the Bosnian Crisis) added to a sense of urgency among these nationalists.[2] The political tensions caused by all this culminated on 28 June 1914, when Serb nationalist youth Gavrilo Princip assassinated the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, in Sarajevo; an event that proved to be the spark that set off World War I. Although 10% of the Bosniak population died serving in the armies or being killed by the various warring states, Bosnia and Herzegovina itself managed to escape the conflict relatively unscathed.[2]
45
Starting in 1941, Yugoslav communists under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito organized their own multi-ethnic resistance group, the partisans, who fought against Axis ,Ustase and Chetnik forces.[1] On 25 November 1943 the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia with Tito at its helm held a founding conference in Jajce where Bosnia and Herzegovina was reestablished as a republic within the Yugoslavian federation in its Ottoman borders. Military success eventually prompted the Allies to support the Partisans, and the end of the war resulted in the establishment of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, with the constitution of 1946 officially making Bosnia and Herzegovina one of six constituent republics in the new state.[1]
46
While the first casualty of the war is debated, significant Serbian offensives began in March 1992 in Eastern and Northern Bosnia. Following a tense period of escalating tensions the opening shots in the incipient Bosnian conflict were fired when Serb paramilitary forces attacked Bosniak villages around Capljina on 7 March 1992 and around Bosanski Brod and Gorazde on 15 March. These minor attacks were followed by much more serious Serb artillery attacks on Neum on 19 March and on Bosanski Brod on 24 March. The killing of a Bosniak civilian woman on 5 April 1992 by a sniper, while she was demonstrating in Sarajevo against the raising of barricades by Bosnian Serbs, is widely regarded as marking the start of warfare between the three major communities..[7] Open warfare began in Sarajevo on April 6.[1] International recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina meant that the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) officially withdrew from the republic's territory, although their Bosnian Serb members merely joined the Army of Republika Srpska. Armed and equipped from JNA stockpiles in Bosnia, supported by volunteers, Republika Srpska's offensives in 1992 managed to place much of the country under its control.[1] By 1993, when an armed conflict erupted between the Sarajevo government and the Croat statelet of Herzeg-Bosnia, about 70% of the country was controlled by the Serbs.[2] In March 1994, the signing of the Washington accords between the Bosniak and ethnic-Croatian leaders led to the creation of a joint Bosniak-Croat Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This, along with international outrage at Serb war crimes and atrocities (most notably the Srebrenica massacre of as many as 8,000 Bosniak males in July 1995[8] ) helped turn the tide of war. The signing of the Dayton Agreement in Paris by the presidents of Bosnia and Flag of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Herzegovina (Alija Izetbegovi), Croatia (Franjo Tuman), and 1992-1998 Yugoslavia (Slobodan Miloevi) brought a halt to the fighting, roughly establishing the basic structure of the present-day state. The three years of war and bloodshed had left between 200,000 and 250,000 people killed and more than 2 million displaced.[9]
The distribution of the three main ethnic groups in 1991 prior to the Bosnian War. Bosniaks Croats of Bosnia and HerzegovinaCroats Serbs of Bosnia and HerzegovinaSerbs
47
References
[1] Malcolm, Noel (1994). Bosnia A Short History. New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-5520-8. [2] Riedlmayer, Andras (1993). A Brief History of Bosnia-Herzegovina (http:/ / www. kakarigi. net/ manu/ briefhis. htm). The Bosnian Manuscript Ingathering Project. [3] Imamovi, Mustafa (1996). Historija Bonjaka. Sarajevo: BZK Preporod. ISBN 9958-815-00-1 [4] An International Symposium "South-Eastern Europe 1918-1995" Serbian Land Reform and Colonization in 1918 (http:/ / www. hic. hr/ books/ seeurope/ 010e-semiz. htm#top) [5] Stojic, Mile (2005). Branko Mikulic - socialist emperor manqu (http:/ / www. bosnia. org. uk/ bosrep/ report_format. cfm?articleid=3058& reportid=170). BH Dani [6] http:/ / phron. org/ Reference/ Books/ Balkans%20-%20post%20communist%20history. pdf [7] http:/ / phron. org/ Reference/ Books/ Balkans%20-%20post%20communist%20history. pdf [8] Federal Commission for Missing Persons; "Preliminary List of Missing and Killed in Srebrenica"; 2005 (http:/ / www. domovina. net/ srebrenica/ page_006/ Preliminarni_spisak_Srebrenica_1995. pdf)PDF(522KB). [9] November. 21, 2005. Bosnian war "claimed 100,000 lives". Deutsche Presse-Agentur.
Further reading
Marko Attila Hoare, The History of Bosnia: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day, London: Saqi, 2007 Roger Cohen, Hearts Grown Brutal: Sagas of Sarajevo, New York: Random House, 1998 Lenard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1993 Roy Gutman, A Witness to Genocide: The 1993 Pulitzer prize-winning dispatches on the "ethnic cleansing" of Bosnia, New York: Macmillan, 1993 Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History, 1994 Murray, Elinor et al., The Struggle for Peace in Bosnia: Considering U.S. Options, Providence, RI: Center for Foreign Policy Development of Brown University, 1992, ED 371 965 Matthew Parish, A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia, London: I.B.Tauris, 2009 Paolo Rumiz, Maschere per un massacro, Editori Riuniti, Roma, 2000 Joe Sacco, War's End Profiles from Bosnia 1995-96, Drawn & Quarterly, 2005 Michael Sells, The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia, University of California Press, 1996 Charles Shafer, Not My War, Williams and Wiliams Press, 2004.
Ed Vulliamy, Seasons in Hell: Understanding Bosnia's War, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994
48
External links
General history
Serbian land reform and colonization of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1918, by Denana E. Semiz, University of Sarajevo (http://www.hic.hr/books/seeurope/010e-semiz.htm) (strongly recommended) Oriental Institute Sarajevo (http://www.ois.unsa.ba/INDEX/tabid/53/Default.aspx) Bosniak Institute Sarajevo (http://www.bosnjacki-institut.com.ba/) Bosnian Institute (http://www.bosnia.org.uk/) Bosnian language (http://www.bosanskijezik.com/) Bosnia and Herzegovina: Everything you need to know (http://www.bosniafacts.info/web/index.php) Genealogy of Rulers and History of Medieval Bosnia (http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/BOSNIA. htm#_Toc190684819) (Excellent web source) Origin of the Medieval Bosnian Royal Dynasty Kotromani (http://www.transoxiana.org/Eran/Articles/ karatay.html) (Excellent web source) Regnal Chronologies (http://web.raex.com/~obsidian/westbalk.html) (Excellent resource) Historical and Geographical Outline (http://www.hercegbosna.org/engleski/evil.html) (Note huge discrepancy between relatively objective views in authoring texts hosted by tha site and general editor contributions in writings on issue of medieval and history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in general) Medieval Bosnia: a reassessment - Bosnian Borders (http://www.hercegbosna.org/engleski/medi.html) (Note huge discrepancy between relatively objectiv views in authoring texts hosted by tha site and general editor contributions in writings on issue of medieval and history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in general) The Hval Manuscript (http://www.hercegbosna.org/engleski/hval_eng.html) Selected Bibliography of English-language Print Resources for Bosnia and Herzegovina at Yale University Library (http://www.library.yale.edu/slavic/research/bosnia.html) (Excellent web source) General sources for the study of Bosnian Civilization (http://web.archive.org/web/*/http://www.bihpress. ba/Vijesti/knjiga/02.htm) Brief history of Bosnia and Herzegovina (http://web.archive.org/web/*/http://www.bihpress.ba/Vijesti/ knjiga/05.htm) Religion and culture in medieval Bosnia, from "The Late Medieval Balkans" by John V.A Fine, Jr. (http://www. webcitation.org/query?url=http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Troy/9892/bhrelig.html&date=2009-10-25+ 06:24:29) A Brief History of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Andras Riedlmayer, Harvard University (http://www.kakarigi.net/ manu/briefhis.htm) History of Bosnia and Herzegovina (http://www.historyofnations.net/europe/bosniaandherzegovina.html) WWW-VL: History: Bosnia & Herzegovina (http://vlib.iue.it/history/europe/Bosnia/) Bosnian history (http://home.freeuk.com/iandart/history.htm) Open Book: Preserving Cultural Heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina (http://www.openbook.ba/) ODJEK - review for Art, Science and Social issues (http://www.odjek.ba/) Spirit of Bosnia (http://www.spiritofbosnia.org/?lang=eng) Timeline: Bosnia-Hercegovina at BBC News (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/country_profiles/1066981. stm)
49
50
19411945
Flag
Coat of arms
The Independent State of Croatia (light grey) within its 1941-43 territories of Axis-occupied Yugoslavia.
Capital Language(s) Religion Zagreb Croatian Catholic, Lutheran, Islam, Croatian Orthodox Single-party state
Political structure King - 19411943 Poglavnik - 19411945 Prime Minister - 19411943 - 19431945
Tomislav II
Ante Paveli
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Parliament World War II 10 April 1941 8 May 1945
Legislature Historical era -Established -Disestablished Area -1941 Population -1941 est. Density Currency Today part of
115133km2 (44453sqmi)
6966729 60.5/km2 (156.7/sqmi) NDH Kuna Bosnia and Herzegovina Croatia Montenegro Serbia Slovenia
[1] * Prince Aimone, Duke of Aosta accepted nomination on 18 May 1941, abdicated 31 July 1943 and renounced all claims on 12 October 1943. [2] [3] Subsequently, the state was no longer a technical monarchy. Ante Paveli became head of state, and his title as leader of the ruling Ustae movement, "Poglavnik", officially became the title of the NDH head of state.
The Independent State of Croatia (Croatian: Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska, NDH) was a World War II puppet state of Nazi Germany,[4] established on a part of Axis-occupied Yugoslavia. The NDH was founded on 10 April 1941, after the invasion of Yugoslavia by the Axis powers. The state was technically a monarchy and Italian protectorate from the signing of the Rome agreements on May 19, 1941 until the Italian capitulation on September 8, 1943, but the king-designate, the Prince Aimone of Savoy-Aosta, refused to assume the crown in opposition to the Italian annexation of the Croat-populated Yugoslav region of Dalmatia.[1] [2] [3] The state was actually controlled by the governing fascist Ustae movement and its Poglavnik,[5] Ante Paveli, which in turn were primarily under German influence. For its first two years up to 1943, the state was also a territorial condominium of Germany and Italy.[6] Additionally, central Dalmatia was annexed directly into Italian territory as part of the irredentist agenda of an Italian Mare Nostrum (Our Sea). Italian influence collapsed in 1943, with the ousting of Italian fascist leader Benito Mussolini. Racial targets of the NDH were Jews, Serbs and Roma people, against whom large-scale genocide campaigns were conducted in places such as the Jasenovac concentration camp.[7] [8] [9]
Government
The absolute leader of the NDH was Ante Paveli, who was known by his Ustae title, Poglavnik, throughout the war, regardless of his official government post. From 1941 to 1943, while the country was a de jure monarchy, Paveli was its powerful Prime Minister (or "President of the Government"). After the capitulation of Italy, Paveli became the head of state in the place of Aimone, Duke of Aosta ("Tomislav II") and retained the position of Prime Minister until early 1944, when he appointed Nikola Mandi to replace him.[10]
52
Monarchy
Upon the formation of the NDH, Paveli conceded to the accession of Aimone, the 4th Duke of Aosta, as a figurehead King of Croatia under his new royal name, Tomislav II. Tomislav II was not interested in being the figurehead King of Croatia,[11] never actually visited the country and had no influence over the government. In the summer of 1941, Tomislav II declared that he would accept his position as King, only if certain demands were met: 1. that he should be informed about all Italian activities on NDH territory; 2. that his reign should be confirmed by the NDH Croatian State Parliament; and 3. that politics should play no part in the Croatian armed forces.[12] The demands for German and Italian military departures were obviously impossible to be met by the Italian and German governments, and Tomislav II thus avoided taking up his position in Croatia. Following the dismissal of Italian leader Benito Mussolini on 25 July 1943, Tomislav II abdicated on 31 July on the orders of King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy. Shortly after the armistice with Italy in September 1943, Ante Paveli declared that Tomislav II was no longer King of Croatia.[13] Tomislav II formally renounced his title in October 1943 after the birth of his son Amedeo, to whom he gave the name Zvonimir II.[14] [15] Tomislav II's full title was "King of Croatia, Prince of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Voivode of Dalmatia, Tuzla and Knin, Duke of Aosta (from 1942), Prince of Cisterna and of Belriguardo, Marquess of Voghera, and Count of Ponderano."
Parliament
The NDH Parliament was established by the Legal Decree on the Croatian State Parliament on 24 January 1942.[16] The parliament members were not elected and meetings were convened just over a dozen times after the initial session in 1942. Its president vas Marko Dosen. This decree established five categories of individuals who would receive an invitation to be a member of parliament from the Ustae-appointed government: living Croatian representatives from the Croatian Parliament of 1918, living Croatian representatives elected in the 1938 Yugoslavian elections, members of the Croatian Party of Rights prior to 1919, certain officials of the Supreme Ustae Headquarters and two members of the German national assembly.[16] The responsibility for assembling all eligible members of parliament was given to the head of the Supreme Court, Nikola Vukeli, who found 204 people to be eligible.[16] In accordance with the decree, Vukeli ruled that those who had received the position of senator in 1939, had been part of Duan Simovi's government, or had been part of the Yugoslav government-in-exile forfeited their eligibility.[16] Two hundred and four people were declared eligible for the parliament, with 141 actually attending parliamentary meetings. Of the 204 eligible parliament members, 93 were members of the Croatian Peasant Party, 56 of whom attended meetings.[16]
Inauguration of the Government of NDH
The Parliament was only a deliberatory body and was not empowered to enact legislation. However, during the eighth session of the parliament in February 1942, the Ustae regime was put on the defensive when a joint Croatian Peasant Party-Croatian Party of Rights motion, supported by 39 members of parliament, questioned about the whereabouts of the Peasant Party's leader Vladko Maek.[16] The following session, Ante Paveli responded that Maek was being kept in isolation to prevent him from coming into contact with Yugoslav government officials. In less than a month, Maek was moved from the Jasenovac concentration camp to house arrest at his property in Kupinec.[16] Maek was later called upon by foreigners to take a stand and counteract the Paveli government, but he refused. Maek fled the country in 1945, with the help of Ustae General Ante Mokov.[17]
Independent State of Croatia After its February 1942 session, the Parliament met only a few more times, and the decree was not renewed in 1943.
53
Court system
The NDH retained the court system of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but restored the courts' names to their original forms. The state had 172 local courts (kotar), 19 district courts (judicial tables), an administrative court and an appellate court (Ban's Table) in both Zagreb and Sarajevo, as well as a supreme court (Table of Seven) in Zagreb and a supreme court in Sarajevo.[18] The state maintained men's penitentiaries in Lepoglava, Hrvatska Mitrovica, Stara Gradika and Zenica, and a women's penitentiary in Zagreb.[19]
Military
The NDH founded the Croatian Home Guard (Croatian: Hrvatsko domobranstvo) in April 1941 with the consent of the German armed forces (Wehrmacht). The task of the new Croatian armed forces was to defend the new state against both foreign and domestic enemies.[20] The Home Guard had an air force and a minimal navy. The NDH also created the Ustaka Vojnica, which was conceived as an elite militia, and a Croatian gendarmerie. The Croatian Home Guard was originally limited to 16 infantry battalions and 2 cavalry squadrons - 16,000 men in total. The original 16 battalions were soon enlarged to 15 infantry regiments of two battalions each between May and June 1941, organised into five divisional commands, some 55,000 men.[21] Support units included 35 light tanks supplied by Italy,[22] 10 artillery battalions (equipped with captured Royal Yugoslav Army weapons of Czech origin), a cavalry regiment in Zagreb and an independent cavalry battalion at Sarajevo. Two independent motorized infantry battalions were based at Zagreb and Sarajevo respectively.[23] Under the terms of the Rome Agreement with Italy, the NDH navy was restricted to a few coastal and patrol craft, which mostly patrolled inland waterways. When established in 1941, the Air Force of the Independent State of Croatia (Croatian: Zrakoplovstvo Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske) (ZNDH), consisted of captured Royal Yugoslav aircraft (seven operational fighters, 20 bombers and about 180 auxiliary and training aircraft) as well as paratroop, training and anti-aircraft artillery commands. During the course of the war on the Yugoslav Front it was supplemented with several hundred new or overhauled German, Italian and French fighters and bombers, until receiving the final deliveries of new aircraft from Germany in April 1945.[24]
54 The Croatian Air Force Legion (Croatian: Hrvatska Zrakoplovna Legija), or HZL, was a military unit of the Air Force of the Independent State of Croatia which fought alongside the Luftwaffe on the Eastern Front from 1941 to 1943 and then back on Croatian soil. The unit was sent to Germany for training on 15 July 1941 before heading to the Eastern Front. Many of the pilots and crews had previously served in the Royal Yugoslav Air Force during the Invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Some of them also had experience in the two main types that they would operate, the Messerschmitt 109 and Dornier Do 17, with two fighter pilots having actually shot down Luftwaffe aircraft.[25] During operations over the Eastern Front, the unit's fighters scored a total of 283 kills while its bombers participated in some 1,500 combat missions. Upon return to Croatia from December 1942, the unit's aircraft proved a welcome addition to the strike power of the Axis forces fighting the Yugoslav Partisans on the Yugoslav Front right up to the end of 1944.[26]
Because of low morale among Home Guard conscripts and their increasing disaffection with the Ustaa regime as the war progressed, partisans came to regard them as a key element in their supply line. According to William Deakin, who led one of the British missions to the partisan commander-in-chief Josip Broz Tito, in some areas, partisans would release Home Guard soldiers after disarming them, so they could come back into the field with replacement weapons, which would again be seized.[27] Other Home Guard soldiers either defected or actively channelled supplies to the partisans particularly after the NDH ceded Dalmatia to Italy. Home Guard troop numbers dwindled from 130,000 in early 1943 to 70,000 by late 1944, at which point the NDH government amalgamated the Home Guard with the Ustae Army and was organised into eighteen divisions, including artillery and armoured units.[28] Despite these difficulties, the Croatian Army, with the help of the German-commanded XV Cossack Corps and other Wehrmacht formations, held its lines in Syrmia, Slavonia and Bosnia against the combined Soviet, Bulgarian and Partisan offensives from late 1944 to shortly before the NDH collapse in May 1945. The Air Force of the Independent State of Croatia provided some level of air support (attack, fighter and transport) right up until May 1945, encountering and sometimes defeating opposing aircraft from the British Royal Air Force, United States Air Force and the Soviet Air Force. The final deliveries of up-to-date German Messerschmitt 109G and K fighter aircraft were still taking place in April 1945.[29]
Croatian Air Force Legion (HZL) aircrew pose in front of their Dornier Do 17Z bomber in recognition of the unit's 1,000th sortie over the Eastern Front, 16 September 1942. The unit returned to Croatia in December 1942.
55
By the end of March, 1945, it was obvious to the Croatian Army Command that, although the front remained intact, they would eventually be defeated by sheer lack of ammunition. For this reason, the decision was made to retreat into Austria, in order to surrender to the British forces advancing north from Italy.[30] The German Army was in the process of disintegration and the supply system lay in ruins.[31] The Croatian Army remained engaged in battle a week after the capitulation of Germany on 8 May 1945. At that time, the combined fighting forces numbered some 200,000 troops.[32]
Croatian legionnaires, including many Muslims, in Bosnia heading to fight against Tito's partisans, 22 December 1943.
Currency
The NDH currency was the Independent State of Croatia kuna. The Croatian State Bank was the central bank, responsible for issuing currency.
Railways
The NDH formed the Croatian State Railways after the Yugoslav Railways was dissolved, and Serbian State Railways in Serbia was devolved.[33] [34]
Politics
Under the Independent State of Croatia all parties but the Ustae party were banned.[35]
Foreign relations
The NDH was granted full recognition by the Axis Powers and by countries under Axis occupation, it was also recognized by Spain.[36] The state maintained diplomatic missions in several countries, all in Europe. Embassies of Nazi Germany, Italy, Tiso's Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Finland, Spain, and Japan, as well as the consulates of Italy, Sweden, Switzerland, Denmark, Portugal, Argentina and Vichy France were located in Zagreb.[37] [38] In 1941, the county was admitted to the Universal Postal Union. On August 10, 1942 an agreement was signed at Brijuni which re-established the Society of Railways Danube-Sava-Adriatic between the Independent State of Croatia, Germany, Hungary and Italy.[39] After the 11 December 1941 declaration of war by the Germany against United States, the Independent State of Croatia declared war on the United States and the United Kingdom on December 14.[40] The Independent State of Croatia signed the Geneva Conventions on 20 January 1943.[41]
56
Economy
German influences
In the Independent State of Croatia, which the Germans formally treated as a sovereign state, most, if not all, industrial and economic activity was either monopolized, or given a high priority for exploitation, by Germany. Agreements between the two governments in mid 1941 regulated foreign trade and payments and the export of Croatian labour to Germany. Germany already controlled a large number of industrial and mining enterprises in Croatia that were owned in part or in full by German citizens or citizens of German-occupied countries. Many other enterprises in Croatia, especially in the bauxite mining and timber industries, were leased to the Germans for the duration of the war. The Germans also held large interests in Croatian commercial banks, exercised either directly by banks in Berlin and Vienna, or indirectly, by German banks that had large interests in Prague and Budapest banks.[42] From the beginning, the Germans showed great interest in the high-quality iron ore mines of Ljubija in northwest Bosnia, in the industrial complex (steel, coal and heavy chemicals) in the SarajevoTuzlaZenica triangle in northeast Bosnia, and in bauxite. As the war advanced and German military involvement in Croatia expanded, more and more Croatian industry was put to work for the Germans. The bauxite mines in Hercegovina, Dalmatia and western Bosnia, were in the Italian zone of occupation, but their total production was earmarked for German needs for the duration of the war under the German-Italian agreement of 1941.[43] Other Croatian industrial assets utilized by the Germans included the production of brown coal and lignite, cement (major plants in Zagreb and Split), oil and salt. Crude oil production, from fields to the east of Zagreb developed by the American Vacuum Oil Company, only started in November 1941 and never reached a high level, averaging 24000barrels (3800m3) a month in mid 1944. The most important commodities manufactured in Croatia for German use were prefabricated barracks (utilizing the large Croatian timber industry), clothing, dry-cell batteries, bridge construction parts and ammunition (grenades). The Vares iron ore mine supplied the steel mill at Zenica, which had a capacity of 120,000 tons of steel annually. The Zenica mill, in turn, supplied the state arsenal in Sarajevo and the machinery and railroad car factory in Slavonski Brod, both of which produced various items for the Wehrmacht during the war, including grenades and shell casings. Some Vares iron ore was also exported to Italy, Hungary and Romania.[44]
Italian influence
The region of the NDH controlled by Italy had few natural resources and little industry. There were some important timber stands, several cement plants, an aluminium plant at Lozovac, a carbide and chemical fertilizer plant at Dugi Rat, and a ferromanganese and cast iron plant near ibenik, ship building operations in Split, a few brown coal mines supplying fuel to railways, shipping and industry, and rich bauxite fields.[45]
Geography
57
Independent State of Croatia, borders 1943-45 (after the Italian capitulation of September 1943)
Geographically, the NDH encompassed most of modern-day Croatia, all of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and part of modern-day Serbia. It bordered the Third Reich to the north-west, Kingdom of Hungary to the north-east, Serbian administration (a joint German-Serb government) to the east, Montenegro (an Italian protectorate) to the south-east and Italy along its coastal area.
Establishment of borders
The exact borders of the Independent State of Croatia were unclear when it was established.[46] Approximately one month after its formation, significant areas of Croat-populated territory were ceded to its Axis allies, the Kingdoms of Hungary and Italy. On 13 May 1941, the NDH government signed an agreement with Nazi Germany which demarcated their borders.[47] On 19 May the Rome contracts were signed by diplomats of the NDH and Italy. Large parts of Croatian lands were occupied (annexed) by Italy, including most of Dalmatia (including Split and ibenik), nearly all the Adriatic islands (including Rab, Krk, Vis, Korula, Mljet), and some smaller areas such as the Boka Kotorska bay, parts of the Hrvatsko Primorje and Gorski kotar areas. On 7 June the NDH government issued a decree that demarcated its eastern border with Serbia.[47] On 27 October the NDH and Italy reached an agreement on the Independent State of Croatia's border with Montenegro. On 8 September 1943, Italy capitulated and the NDH officially considered the Rome contracts to be void, along with the Treaty of Rapallo of 1920 which had given Italy Istria, Rijeka and Zadar.[48] German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop approved of the NDH retaking the territory from the Rome contracts.[48] By now most of the territory was controlled by the Yugoslav Partisans, since the cessions of these areas made them strongly anti-NDH (a third of the total population of Split is documented to have joined the Partisans). By 11 September 1943, NDH foreign minister Mladen Lorkovi received word from German consul Siegfried Kasche that the NDH should wait before moving on Istria. Germany's central government had already annexed Istria and Rijeka into the
Independent State of Croatia Operational Zone Adriatic Coast a day earlier.[48] Zadar was occupied solely by the Germans, and was probably considered a part of the puppet Italian Social Republic. Meimurje and southern Baranja were annexed (occupied) by the Kingdom of Hungary. NDH disputed this and continued to lay claim to both, naming the administrative province centred in Osijek as Great Parish Baranja, despite none of the region lying within its control. This border was never legislated, although Hungary may have considered the Pacta conventa to be in effect, which delineated the two nation's borders along the Drava river. When compared to the republican borders established in the SFR Yugoslavia after the war, the NDH encompassed the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with its majority of non-Croat (Serbian and Bosniak) populations, as well as some 20km of Slovenia (villages Slovenska vas near Bregana, Nova vas near Mokrice, Jesenice in Dolenjsko, Obreje and edem)[49] and the whole of Syrmia (part of which was previously in the Danube Banovina).
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Administrative divisions
The Independent State of Croatia had three levels of administrative divisions: great parishes (Velika Zhupa), districts and municipalities. At the time of its foundation, the state had 22 great parishes, 142 kotars and 1006 municipalities.[50] The highest level of administration were the great parishes (Velike upe),[51] each of which was headed by a Grand upan.
1 Baranja 2 Bilogora 3 Bribir and Sidraga 4 Cetina 5 Dubrava 6 Gora 7 Hum 8 Krbava - Psat
16 Prigorje 17 Sana and Luka 18 Usora and Soli 19 Vinodol and Podgorje 20 Vrhbosna 21 Vuka 22 Zagorje
10 Lika and Gacka 11 Livac and Zapolje 12 Modru 13 Pliva and Rama 14 Pokupje 15 Posavje
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History
Influences on the rise of the Ustae
In 1915 a group of political emigres from Austria-Hungary, predominantly Croats but including some Serbs and a Slovene, formed themselves into a Yugoslav Committee, with a view to creating a South Slav state in the aftermath of World War I. They saw this as a way to prevent Dalmatia being ceded to Italy under the Treaty of London (1915). The committee was succeeded by a national council which in 1918 sent a delegation to the Serbian monarch to offer unification within a State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. The leader of the Croatian Peasant Party, Stjepan Radi, warned on their departure for Belgrade that the council had no democratic legitimacy. But a new state, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was duly proclaimed on 1 December 1918, with no heed taken of legal protocols such as the signing of a new Pacta Conventa in recognition of historic Croatian state rights.[52] [53] Croats were at the outset politically disadvantaged with the centralized political structure of the kingdom, which was seen as favouring the Ante Paveli, self-proclaimed "Poglavnik" of the Serb majority. The political situation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, Independent State of Croatia. and Slovenes was fractious and violent. In 1927, the Independent Democratic Party, which represented the Serbs of Croatia, turned its back on the centralist policy of King Alexander. On 20 June 1928, Stjepan Radi and four other Croat deputies were shot while in the Belgrade parliament by a member of the Serbian People's Radical Party. Three of the deputies, including Radi, died. Resultant outrage threatened to destabilise the kingdom. In January 1929, King Alexander responded by proclaiming a royal dictatorship, under which all dissenting political activity was banned and renaming the state the "Kingdom of Yugoslavia". One consequence of Alexander's 1929 proclamation and the repression and persecution of Croatian nationalists was a rise of support for the Croatian extreme nationalist, Ante Paveli, who had been a Zagreb deputy in the Yugoslav parliament and who was to be implicated in Alexander's assassination in 1934, went into exile in Italy and gained support for his vision of liberating Croatia from Serb control and racially "purifying" Croatia. While residing in Italy, Paveli and other Croatian exiles founded the Ustaa insurgency.[54]
Establishment of NDH
Following the attack of the Axis powers on the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1941, and the quick defeat of the Yugoslav Army (Jugoslavenska Vojska), the country was occupied by Axis forces. Slavko Kvaternik, deputy leader of the Ustae proclaimed the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH - Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska) on April 10, 1941. Paveli, who was known by his Ustae title, "Poglavnik" returned to Zagreb from exile in Italy on 17 April and became the absolute leader of the NDH throughout its existence (the Axis powers had offered Vladko Maek the opportunity to form a government, since Maek and his party, the Croatian Peasant Party (Croatian: Hrvatska seljaka stranka - HSS) had the greatest electoral support among Yugoslavia's Croats. Maek refused that offer.) [55] [56] Acceding to the demands of Benito Mussolini Fascist regime in the Kingdom of Italy, Paveli reluctantly accepted Aimone the 4th Duke of Aosta as a figurehead King of the NDH under his new royal name, Tomislav II. Tomislav II never visited the NDH and had no influence over the government, which was dominated by Paveli. Tomislav II was
Independent State of Croatia not interested in being the figurehead King of Croatia.[11] On learning that he had been named King of Croatia, he told close colleagues that he thought his nomination was a bad joke by his cousin King Victor Emmanuel III though he accepted the crown out of a sense of duty.[57] Tomislav II's position was intended by the Italian Fascist regime to legitimize the presence of Italian armed forces on Croatian soil. From a strategic perspective, establishment of the NDH was a means by Mussolini and Hitler to pacify the Croats, while reducing the use of Axis resources, which were more urgently needed for Operation Barbarossa. Meanwhile, Mussolini used his long-established support for Croatian independence as leverage to coerce Paveli into signing an agreement on 19 May 1941, under which central Dalmatia and parts of Hrvatsko primorje and Gorski kotar were ceded to Italy.[58] Under the same agreement, the NDH was restricted to a minimal navy and Italian forces were granted military control of the entire Croatian coastline. After Paveli signed the agreement, other Croatian politicians rebuked him. Paveli publicly defended the decision and thanked Germany and Italy for supporting Croatian independence.[59] This concession to Italy sowed the seeds of discontent between the "home" and "emigre" elements of the Ustaa that continued through the lifetime of the NDH. After refusing leadership of the NDH, Maek called on all to obey and cooperate with the new government. The Roman Catholic Church was also openly supportive of the government. According to Maek, the new state was greeted with a "wave of enthusiasm" in Zagreb, often by people "blinded and intoxicated" by the fact that the Germans had "gift-wrapped their occupation under the euphemistic title of Independent State of Croatia". But in the villages, Maek wrote, the peasantry believed that "their struggle over the past 30 years to become masters of their homes and their country had suffered a tremendous setback". (Maek pp.220231). Dissatisfied with the Paveli regime in its early months, the Axis Powers in September 1941 asked Maek to take over, but Maek again refused. Perceiving Maek as a potential rival, Paveli subsequently had him arrested and imprisoned in the Jasenovac concentration camp. The Ustae initially did not have an army or administration capable of controlling all the territory of the NDH. The Ustae movement had fewer than 12,000 members when the war started. While the Ustae's own estimates put the number of their sympathizers even in the early phase at around 40,000.[60] The northeastern half of NDH territory was in the so-called "German Zone of Influence" where the German armed forces (Wehrmacht) exercised de facto control. The southwestern portion of the NDH was controlled by the Italian army until capitulation of Fascist Italy in 1943, when the NDH acquired control of northern Dalmatia (Split and ibenik). Role of existing organizations Previously important organizations, the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) and the Catholic Church, were relatively uninvolved in the creation and maintenance of the Independent State of Croatia. Many organizations that opposed or threatened the Ustae were eventually outlawed. For example, the Croatian Peasant Party was banned on 11 June 1941 in an attempt by the Ustae to displace the party as the primary representative of the Croatian peasantry and its leader, Vladko Maek, was sent to the Jasenovac concentration camp. The Catholic Church initially participated in state mandated religious conversions, but eventually the main branches of the Church stopped when it became obvious that these conversions were merely a form of punishment for the undesirable population.
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Independent State of Croatia Italian influence Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and Ante Paveli had close relations prior to the war. Mussolini and Paveli both despised the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Italy had been promised, in the London Pact of 1915, that it would receive Dalmatia from Austria-Hungary at the end of World War I. The peace negotiations in 1919, however, influenced by the Fourteen Points proclaimed by Woodrow Wilson, called for national self-determination and determined that the Yugoslavs rightfully deserved the territory in question. Italian nationalists were enraged. Italian nationalist Gabriele D'Annunzio raided the Croatian town of Fiume (which held a mixed population of Croats and Italians) and proclaimed it part of the Italian Regency of Carnaro. D'Annunzio declared himself "Duce" of Carnaro and his blackshirted revolutionaries held control over the town. D'Annunzio was known for engaging in passionate speeches aimed to draw Croatian nationalists to support his actions and to oppose Prince Aimone, Duke of Aosta known as King Yugoslavia.[61] Croatian nationalists, such as Paveli, opposed the Tomislav II (1941-1943). border changes that occurred after World War I. Not only was D'Annunzio's symbolism copied by Mussolini but also D'Annunzio's appeal to Croatian support for the dismantling Yugoslavia was copied and implemented as a foreign policy approach to Yugoslavia by Mussolini. Paveli had been in negotiations with Fascist Italy since 1927 that included advocating a territory-for-sovereignty swap in which he would tolerate Italy annexing its claimed territory in Dalmatia in exchange for Italy supporting the sovereignty of an independent Croatia.[62] In the 1930s, upon Paveli and the Ustae being forced into exile by the Yugoslav government, Mussolini offered Paveli and the Ustae sanctuary in Italy and allowed them to use training grounds to prepare for war against Yugoslavia. In exchange for this support, Mussolini demanded that Paveli agree that Dalmatia would become part of Italy if Italy and the Ustae successfully waged war on Yugoslavia. Although Dalmatia was a largely Croat-populated territory, it had been part of various Italian states, such as the Roman Empire and the Republic of Venice, for centuries and was part of Italian nationalism's irredentist claims. In exchange for this concession, Mussolini offered Paveli the right for Croatia to annex all of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had only a minority Croat population. Paveli agreed to this controversial exchange. After the invasion and occupation of Yugoslavia, Italy annexed numerous Adriatic islands and a portion of Dalmatia that was formed into the Italian Governorship of Dalmatia including territory from the provinces of Split, Zadar, and Kotor.[63] Though Italy had initially larger territorial aims that extended from the Velebit mountains to the Albanian Alps, Mussolini decided against annexing further territories due to a number of factors, including that Italy held economically valuable territory within its possession while the northern Adriatic coast had no important railways or roads and because a larger annexation would have included hundreds of thousands of Slavs who were hostile to Italy, within its national borders.[63] Italy intended to keep the NDH within its sphere of influence by forbidding it to build any significant navy.[64] Italy only permitted small patrol boats to be used by NDH forces. This policy forbidding the creation of NDH warships was part of the Italian Fascists' policy of Mare Nostrum (Latin for "Our Sea") in which Italy was to dominate the Mediterranean as the Roman Empire had done centuries earlier. Italian armed forces assisted the Ustae government in persecuting Serbs. In 1941, Italian forces captured and interned the Serbian Orthodox Bishop Irinej of Dalmatia.[65]
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Independent State of Croatia German influence At the time of the invasion of Yugoslavia by Germany, Adolf Hitler was uneasy with Mussolini's agenda of creating a puppet Croatian state, and preferred that areas outside of Italian territorial aims become part of Hungary as an autonomous territory.[66] This would appease Germany's ally Hungary and its nationalist territorial claims and would also avoid the creation of a Slavic puppet state, as Hitler viewed all Slavs as racially degenerate. The German position on Croatia changed after the invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941. The invasion was spearheaded by a strong German invasion force which was largely responsible for the capture of Yugoslavia. Military forces from other Axis powers, including Italy, Hungary, and Bulgaria made few gains during the invasion. The invasion was precipitated by the need for German forces to reach Greece to save Italian forces, which were failing on the battlefield against the Greek armed forces. Upon rescuing Italian forces in Greece and having conquered Yugoslavia and Greece almost single handedly, Hitler became frustrated with Mussolini and Italy's military incompetence. Germany improved relations with the Ustae and supported the NDH claims to annex the Adriatic Coast in order reduce Italy's planned territorial gains.[66] Nevertheless, Italy annexed a significant central portion of Dalmatia and various Adriatic Islands. This was not what had been agreed with Paveli prior to the invasion; Italy had expected to annex all of Dalmatia as part of its irredentist claims. Hitler sparred with his army commanders over what policy should be undertaken in Croatia regarding the Serbs. German military officials thought that Serbs could be rallied to fight against the Partisans. Hitler disagreed with his commanders, but pointed out to Paveli that the NDH could create a completely Croat state only if it followed a constant policy of persecution of the non-Croat population for at least fifty years.[67] According to reports by General Glaise-Horstenau, Hitler was angry with Paveli, whose policy inflamed the rebellion in Croatia, thwarting any prospect of deploying NDH forces on the Eastern Front.[68] Moreover, Hitler was forced to engage large forces of his own to keep the rebellion in check. For that reason, Hitler summoned Paveli to his war headquarters in Vinnytsia (Ukraine) on 23 September 1942. Consequently, Paveli replaced his minister of the Armed Forces, Slavko Kvaternik, with the less zealous Jure Franceti. Kvaternik was Joachim von Ribbentrop and Paveli, June 1941. sent into exile in Slovakia - along with his son Eugen, who was blamed for the persecution of the Serbs in Croatia.[69] Before meeting Hitler, to appease the public, Paveli published an "Important Government Announcement" (Vana obavijest Vlade), in which he threatened those who were spreading the news "about non-existent threats of disarmament of the Ustashe units by representatives of one foreign power, about the Croatian Army replacement by a foreign army, about the possibility that a foreign power would seize the power in Croatia ..."[70] General Glaise-Horstenau reported: "The Ustae movement is, due to the mistakes and atrocities they have committed and the corruption, so compromised that the government executive branch (the home guard and the police) shall be separated from the government - even for the price of breaking any possible connection with the government." Reichsfhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler is quoted characterizing the Independent State of Croatia as "ridiculous": "our beloved German settlements will be secured. I hope that the area south of Srem will be liberated by [...] the Bosnian division [...] so that we can at least restore partial order in this ridiculous (Croatian) state."[71] The Ustae gained German support for plans to eliminate the Serb population in Croatia. One plan involved an exchange in 1941 between Germany and the NDH, in which 20,000 Catholic Slovenes would be deported from German-held Slovenia and sent to the NDH where they would be assimilated as Croats. In exchange, 20,000 Serbs would be deported from the NDH and sent to the rump Serbian State.[65] The German occupation forces allowed the expulsion of Serbs to Serbia, but instead of sending the Slovenes to Croatia, they were also deported to Serbia.[65] In total, about 300,000 Serbs had been deported or fled from the NDH to Serbia by the end of World War II.[65]
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Independent State of Croatia The atrocities committed by the Ustae stunned observers, Brigadier Sir Fitzroy MacLean, Chief of the British military mission to the Partisans commented, "Some Ustae collected the eyes of Serbs they had killed, sending them, when they had enough, to the Poglavnik ['head-man'] for his inspection or proudly displaying them and other human organs in the cafs of Zagreb."[72] The Nazi regime demanded that the Ustae adopt anti-Semitic racial policies, persecute Jews and set up concentration camps. Pavelic and the Ustae accepted Nazi demands, but their racial policy focused primarily on eliminating the Serb population. When the Ustae needed more recruits to help exterminate the Serbs, and the state broke away from Nazi anti-Semitic policy by promising honorary Aryan citizenship, and thus freedom from persecution, to Jews who were willing to fight for the NDH.[73] As this was the only legal means allowing Jews to escape persecution, a number of Jews joined the NDH's armed forces. This aggravated the German SS, which claimed that the NDH let 5,000 Jews survive via service in the NDH's armed forces.[73] German anti-Semitic objectives for Croatia were further undermined by Italy's reluctance to adhere to a strict anti-Semitic policy, which resulted in Jews in Italian-held parts of Croatia avoiding the same persecution facing Jews in German-held eastern Croatia.[74] After Italy abandoned the war in 1943, German forces occupied western Croatia and the NDH annexed the territory ceded to Italy in 1941.
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64
Independent State of Croatia passage to the Austrian side of the Austrian-Slovenian border. The British Army, however, turned disarmed soldiers and civilians over to the partisan forces. The end of the war resulted in the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Yugoslavia (which later became the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), with the Constitution of 1946 officially making each of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina one of the six constituent republics of the new state.
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Aftermath
Although far right movements in Croatia inspired by the former NDH reemerged during the Croatian War of Independence, the current Constitution of Croatia does not recognize the Independent State of Croatia as the historical or legitimate predecessor state of the current Croatian republic.[82] Despite this, upon declaring independence from Yugoslavia, the Republic of Croatia rehabilitated the Croatian Home Guard, who now receive a state pension.[83] German soldiers who died on Croatian territory were not commemorated until Germany and Croatia reached an agreement on marking their grave sites in 1996.[84] The German War Graves Commission maintains two large cemeteries in Zagreb and Split.
Demographics
Population
According to data calculated by the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the creation of the state the population was approximately 6,285,000 of which 3,300,000 were Croats, 1,925,000 were Serbs, 700,000 were Muslims, 150,000 Germans, 65,000 Czechs and Slovaks, 40,000 Jews, and 30,000 Slovenes. Croats comprised slightly over half of the population of the Independent State of Croatia. With Muslims treated as Croats the Croat share of the total population was still less than two-thirds.[85]
Displacement of people
A large number of people were displaced due to internal fighting within the former Yugoslav republic. The NDH had to accept more than 200,000 Slovenian refugees who were forcefully evicted from their homes as part of the German plan of annexing parts of the Slovenian territories. As part of this deal, the Ustae were to deport 200,000 Serbs from Croatia military regions; however, only 182,000 had been deported when German high commander Bader stopped this mass transport of people because of the uprising of Chetniks and partisans in Serbia. Because of this, 25,000 Slovenian refugees ended in Serbia. Internal colonization to the region of Slavonia was encouraged during this period from Dalmatia, Lika, Hrvatsko Zagorje and Bosnia and Herzegovina.[86] The state maintained an Office of Colonization in Mostar, Osijek, Petrinja, Sarajevo, Sremska Mitrovica, and Zagreb.[87]
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Racial legislation
On the first day of his arrival in Zagreb, Ante Paveli proclaimed a law that remained in effect during the entire period of the Independent State of Croatia. The law, which was enacted on 17 April 1941, declared that all people who offend, or try to offend, the Croatian nation are guilty of treason a crime punishable by death.[81] One day later, the first Croatian antisemitic racial law was published. This law did not create panic among the Jewish population, because they believed it was merely a continuation of the antisemitic laws of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which were proclaimed in 1939.[88] However, the situation quickly changed on April 30, with the publication of the Aryan race laws.
An Ustae guard poses among the bodies of victims in Jasenovac concentration camp.
A notable part of the racial legislation was the religious conversion laws, the implications of which were not understood by the majority of the population when they were published on 3 May 1941. The implications become clear following the July speech of the minister of education, Mile Budak, in which he declared: "We will kill one third of all Serbs. We will deport another third, and the rest of them will be forced to convert to Catholicism." Racial laws were enforced until 3 May 1945, when they were abolished.[81] The NDH government cooperated with the Nazi Germany in the Holocaust and exercised their own version of the genocide against ethnic Serbs living in their borders. State policy about Serbs has been first declared in words of Miroslav ani minister of NDH Legislative council on 2 May 1941: "This country can only be Croatian country, and there is no method we would hesitate to use in order to make it truly Croatian and cleanse it of Serbs, who have for centuries endangered us and who will endanger us again if they are given opportunity."[89] At least 330,000 Serbs, 30,000 Jews and 30,000 Roma were killed during the NDH (see Jasenovac) [90] [91] and the same number of Serbs were forced out of the NDH. Although the Ustase's main target for persecution were the Serbs, it also participated in the destruction of the Jewish population. The NDH deviated from Nazi anti-Semitic policy by promising honorary Aryan citizenship to some Jews, if they were willing to enlist and fight for the NDH.[73] According to the 1931 and 1948 census, the Serb population declined in Croatia and Bosnia:
Serbs 1931 Census 1948 Census Croatia [92] Bosnia and Herzegovina [93] Srem, Serbia [94] Total 1.871.000
633.000 543.795
1.028.139
210.000
Culture
Soon after establishment of the NDH, the Yugoslav Academy of Science and Arts was renamed the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The country had four state theatres: Zagreb, Osijek, Dubrovnik and in Sarajevo.[96] [97] The Croatian State Theatre in Zagreb played host to the Berlin Philharmonic and the Teatro dell'Opera di Roma in the 1941/42 season.[98] Volumes two to five of Mate Ujevi's Croatian Encyclopedia were published during this period. The NDH was represented at the 1942 Venice Biennale, where the works of Joza Kljakovi, Ivan Metrovi, Ante Motika, Ivo Reek, Bruno Buli, Josip Crnobori, Antun Medi, Slavko Kopa and Slavko ohaj were presented by Vladimir Kirin. The state had one university, the University of Zagreb, then known as the Croatian University. The university established a pharmaceutical faculty in 1942,[99] and a medical faculty in Sarajevo in 1944.[100] It also opened the Clinical Hospital Centre, which would become the largest in Croatia. The Croatian Red Cross was established in
Independent State of Croatia 1941, with Kurt Hhn serving as its president.[101] [102] After the NDH signed the Geneva Conventions in 1943, the International Committee of the Red Cross named Julius Schmidlin as its representative to the country.[102] The state had two secular holidays; the anniversary of its establishment was commemorated on 10 April and the assassination of Stjepan Radi was commemorated on 20 June 1928.[103] In addition, the state granted holidays to several religious communities: The Catholic community celebrated New Year's Day, Epiphany, the feast of the Presentation of the Lord, the feast of Saint Joseph, Easter, the feast of the Ascension of Jesus, Pentecost, the feast of Corpus Christi, the Assumption of Mary, the feast of All Saints, the feast of the Immaculate Conception, and Christmas.[103] The Eastern Orthodox community celebrated New Year's Day, the Epiphany, the feast of the Annunciation, Easter, the feast of the Ascension of Jesus, Pentecost, the Assumption of Mary, and Christmas, all according to the Roman calendar.[103] The Evangelical community celebrated New Year's Day, Holy Friday, Easter, the feast of the Ascension of Jesus, Pentecost, Reformation Day, Christmas Eve, and Christmas.[103] The Muslim community celebrated Islamic New Year, Mevlud (Mawlid), Ramadan, and Kurban-Bajram (Eid al-Adha).[103] The state film institute, Hrvatski slikopis, produced many films, including Straa na Drini and Lisinski.[104] The Croatian cinema pioneer Oktavijan Mileti, was active during this period.[105] [106] In 1943, Zagreb hosted the I. International Congress for Narrow Film.[107] On 29 April 1941 the Decree on building Croatian workers' family homes was issued which resulted in the development of so-called Paveli neighbourhoods in the state's larger northern cities: Karlovac, Osijek, Sisak, Varadin, and Zagreb.[108] The neighbourhoods were largely based on similar workers housing in Germany.[109] They are characterized by their wide avenues and lots, and for largely being made up of semi-detached homes.[110]
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Media
The official publication of the government was the Narodne novine (Official Gazette). Dailies included Zagreb's Hrvatski narod (Croatian Nation), Osijek's Hrvatski list (Croatian Paper) and Sarajevo's Novi list (New Paper).[111] The state's news agency was called the Croatian News Office "Croatia" (Hrvatski dojavni ured "Croatia") which took on the role formerly performed by the Avala news agency in Yugoslavia.[112] After the war's end, out of 330 registered journalists in the state, 38 were executed, 131 emigrated, and 100 were banned from working as journalists in the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia.[113] The state's main radio station was Hrvatski Krugoval, known before the war as Radio Zagreb.[114] The NDH increased the transmitter's power to 10kW.[114] The radio station was based in Zagreb, but had branches in Banja Luka, Dubrovnik, Osijek and Sarajevo.[115] It maintained cooperation with the International Broadcasting Union.[116]
Sport
The most popular sport in the NDH was football, which had its own league system, with the highest level known as the Zvonimir Group.[117] Top clubs included Graanski Zagreb, Concordia Zagreb and HAK. The Croatian Football Federation was accepted into FIFA on July 17, 1941.[118] The national football team played 15 matches representing the NDH as an independent state. The NDH had other national teams. The Croatian Handball Federation organized a national handball league, and a national team.[119] Its boxing team was led by African-American Jimmy Lyggett.[120] The Croatian Table-Tennis Association organized a national competition as well as a national team which participated in a few international matches.[121] The Croatian Olympic Committee was recognized as a special member of the International Olympic Committee, with Franjo Buar acting as its representative.[122] The Croatian Skiing Association organized a national championship, held on Zagreb's Sljeme mountain.[123] A national bowling competition was held in 1942 in Zagreb which was won by Duan Balatinac.[124]
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Notes
[1] Rodogno, Davide; Fascism's European empire: Italian occupation during the Second World War; p.95; Cambridge University Press, 2006 ISBN 0-521-84515-7 [2] Pavlowitch, Stevan K.; Hitler's new disorder: the Second World War in Yugoslavia; p.289; Columbia University Press, 2008 0-231-70050-4 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=R8d2409V9tEC& pg=PA289& dq=aimone+ croatia+ king-designate#v=onepage& q=aimone croatia king-designate& f=false) [3] Massock, Richard G.; Italy from Within; p.306; READ BOOKS, 2007 ISBN 1-4067-2097-6 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=bxqHSvEfd_QC& pg=RA1-PA308& dq=aimone+ croatia+ king-designate#v=onepage& q=& f=false) [4] " Independent State of Croatia (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ topic-1413183/ Independent-State-of-Croatia)". Britannica Online Encyclopedia. Accessed 8 September 2009. " Croatia (http:/ / encarta. msn. com/ encyclopedia_761577939_7/ Croatia. html)". Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia. Accessed 8 September 2009. " Yugoslavia (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ article. php?lang=en& ModuleId=10005456)". Holocaust Encyclopedia. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Accessed 8 September 2009. Archived (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5kwrEj3LA) 2009-10-31. [5] "Poglavnik" was a term coined by the Ustae, and it was originally used as the title for the leader of the movement. In 1941 it was institutionalized in the NDH as the title of first the Prime Minister (1941-43), and then the head of state (1943-45). It was at all times held by Ante Paveli and became synonymous with him. The translation of the term varies. The root of the word is the Croatian word "glava", meaning "head" ("Po-glav(a)-nik"). The more literal translation is "head-man", while "leader" captures more of the meaning of the term (in relation to the German "Fhrer" and Italian "Duce"). [6] Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 19411945. p. 60. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-3615-4. "Thus on April 15, 1941, Paveli came to power, albeit a very limited power, in the new Ustasha state under the umbrella of German and Italian forces. On the same say Hitler and Mussolini granted recognition to the Croatian state and declared that their governments would be glad to participate with the Croatian government in determining its frontiers." Stephen R. Graubard (1993). Exit from Communism. p. 153. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 1-56000-694-3. "Mussolini and Hitler installed the Ustaas in power in Zagreb, making them the nucleus of a dependent regime of the newly created Independent State of Croatia, an Italo-German condominium predicated on the abolition of Yugoslavia." Frucht, Richard C. (2005). Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture. p. 429. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-57607-800-0. "The NDH was in fact an Italo-German condominium. Both Nazi Germany and fascist Italy had spheres of influence in the NDH and stationed their own troops there." Banac, Ivo (1988). With Stalin Against Tito: Cominformist Splits in Yugoslav Communism. p. 4. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-2186-1. [7] "Jasenovac" (http:/ / www. jewishvirtuallibrary. org/ jsource/ Holocaust/ Jasenovac. html). Jewishvirtuallibrary.org. . Retrieved 2011-06-03. [8] Stevan K. Pavlowitch (2008). Hitler's new disorder: the Second World War in Yugoslavia (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=R8d2409V9tEC& pg=PA34& lpg=PA34& dq=tomislav+ dulic+ ndh& q=victim). Columbia University Press. p.ix. ISBN0231700504. . [9] Stevan K. Pavlowitch (2008). Hitler's new disorder: the Second World War in Yugoslavia (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=R8d2409V9tEC& pg=PA34& lpg=PA34& dq=tomislav+ dulic+ ndh& q=tomislav dulic ndh). Columbia University Press. p.34. ISBN0231700504. . [10] "Fifth government of NDH" (http:/ / www. vojska. net/ eng/ world-war-2/ independent-state-of-croatia/ government/ 5/ ). Vojska.net. . Retrieved 2011-06-03. [11] The Marshall Cavendish Illustrated Encyclopedia of World War II, New York - London, 1980, Pages 394-395 [12] Stevan K. Pavlowich:The King Who [13] International documents of NDH [14] Ben Cahoon. "Croatia" (http:/ / www. worldstatesmen. org/ Croatia. html). Worldstatesmen.org. . Retrieved 2011-06-03. [15] "Royal House of Italy" (http:/ / www. chivalricorders. org/ royalty/ gotha/ italygen. htm). European royal houses. [16] Peri, Ivo. Vladko Macek: Politicki portret. Golden marketing-Tehnicka knjiga. Zagreb, 2003 (pg.259-260) [17] "Ante Moskov (Mokov)" (http:/ / www. vojska. net/ eng/ biography/ m/ moskov/ ante/ ). Vojska.net. . Retrieved 2011-06-03. [18] "Pravni fakultet Split - Zbornik" (http:/ / www. pravst. hr/ zbornik. php?p=12& s=40). Pravst.hr. . Retrieved 2011-06-03. [19] Kovai, Darko. Penal legislation and the system of penitentiaries and correctional institutions in the Independent State of Croatia (http:/ / hrcak. srce. hr/ file/ 68151), 2008. [20] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 419 [21] Thomas, 1995, p.12 [22] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 420 [23] Thomas, 1995, p.13 [24] Lisko, T. and Canak, D., Hrvatsko Ratno Zrakoplovstvo u Drugome Svejetskom Ratu (The Croatian Air force in the Second World War) Zagreb, 1998 [25] Savic, D. and Ciglic, B. Croatian Aces of World War II Osprey Aircraft of the Aces - 49, Oxford, 2002 [26] Lisko, et al., 1998, p. 34. [27] F W D Deakin: Embattled Mountain, Oxford University Press (London 1971) [28] Tomasevich, 2001, p. 459
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References Sources
Ambrose, S. The Victors - The Men of World War II, Simon & Schuster, London, 1998. ISBN 978-0-7434-9242-3 Encyclopdia Britannica, 1943 - Book of the year, page 215, Entry: Croatia. Encyclopdia Britannica, Edition 1991 Macropdia, Vol. 29, page 1111. Fein, Helen: Accounting for Genocide - Victims and Survivors of the Holocaust, The Free Press, New York, Edition 1979, pages 102, 103. Hory, Ladislaus and Broszat, Martin: Der Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, 1941-1945, Stuttgart, 1964. Lisko, T. and Canak, D., Hrvatsko Ratno Zrakoplovstvo u Drugome Svejetskom Ratu (The Croatian Airforce in the Second World War), Zagreb, 1998. ISBN 953 97698 0 9. Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Vol. 2, Independent State of Croatia entry. Maek, Vladko: In the Struggle for Freedom Robert Speller & Sons, New York, 1957. Munoz, A.J., For Croatia and Christ: The Croatian Army in World War II 1941-1945, Axis Europa Books, Bayside NY, 1996. ISBN 1 891227 33 5. Neubacher, Hermann: Sonderauftrag Suedost 1940-1945, Bericht eines fliegendes Diplomaten, 2. durchgesehene Auflage, Goettingen 1956. Russo, Alfio: Revoluzione in Jugoslavia, Roma 1944. Shaw, L., Trial by Slander: A Background to the Independent State of Croatia, Harp Books, Canberra, 1973. ISBN 0-909432-00-7 Savic, D. and Ciglic, B. Croatian Aces of World War II, Osprey Aircraft of the Aces -49, Oxford, 2002. ISBN 1841764353. Thomas, N., Mikulan, K. and Pavelic, D. Axis Forces in Yugoslavia 1941-45 Osprey, London, 1995. ISBN 1855324733 Tomasevich, Jozo. War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration, Stanford, Cal., Stanford University Press, 2001. ISBN 0 8047 3615 4 Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations, Europe, edition 1995, page 91, entry: Croatia.
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External links
Axis History Factbook - Croatia (http://www.axishistory.com/index.php?id=34) BBC News: Croatian holocaust still stirs controversy (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/ from_our_own_correspondent/1673249.stm) Holocaust in Balkan (http://www.holocaustchronicle.org/staticpages/361.html#Top) Map of Fascist Europe (http://www.terra.es/personal7/jqvaraderey/194145fc.gif) Map of Independent State of Croatia with border of occupation zones (http://terkepek.adatbank.transindex.ro/ kepek/netre/211.gif)
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Marshal
Broz Tito
1stPresident of Yugoslavia
Inoffice 14 January 19534 May 1980 PrimeMinister Himself (19531963) Petar Stamboli (19631967) Mika piljak (19671969) Mitja Ribii (19691971) Demal Bijedi (19711977) Veselin uranovi (19771980) Ivan Ribar (as President of the Presidency of the People's Assembly) Lazar Kolievski (as President of the Presidency of SFR Yugoslavia)
Precededby Succeededby
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Inoffice 29 November 194514 January 1953 PrimeMinister Precededby Succeededby Himself Position created Ivan Gonjak
Domesticpartner Davorijanka Paunovi Children Occupation Religion Zlatica Broz, Hinko Broz, arko Leon Broz and Aleksandar Broz Machinist, revolutionary, resistance commander, statesman None (Atheism) [4] (formerly Roman Catholic)
[2] [3]
Signature
Military service Allegiance Service/branch Yearsof service Rank Commands Battles/wars Austria-Hungary Yugoslavia Yugoslav People's Army All (supreme commander) 19131915 19411980 Marshal of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Partisans Yugoslav People's Army World War I Spanish Civil War World War II
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Awards 119 awards, including Order of the Yugoslav Star Lgion d'honneur Order of the Bath Order of Lenin Order of Merit of Italy (short list below, full list in the article)
Josip Broz Tito (Serbo-Croatian pronunciation:[jsip brz tt]; born Josip Broz; Cyrillic script: ; 7 May 1892[1] 4 May 1980) was a Yugoslav revolutionary and statesman.[5] While his presidency has been criticized as authoritarian,[6] [7] [8] Tito was a popular public figure both in Yugoslavia and abroad, viewed as a unifying symbol for the nations of the Yugoslav federation.[9] [10] He gained international attention as the chief leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, working with Jawaharlal Nehru of India and Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt.[11] Josip was born as the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz in the village of Kumrovec within Austria-Hungary (modern-day Croatia). Drafted into the army, he distinguished himself, becoming the youngest Sergeant Major in the Austro-Hungarian Army.[12] Josip was sent to a work camp in the Ural Mountains, after being seriously wounded and captured by the Russians. He participated in the October Revolution, and later joined a Red Guard unit in Omsk. Upon his return home, Broz found himself in a newly created Kingdom of Yugoslavia, where he joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. He was Secretary-General (later President) of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (193980), and went on to lead the World War II Yugoslav guerrilla movement, the Yugoslav Partisans (194145).[13] After the war, he was the Prime Minister (194363) and later President (195380) of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). From 1943 to his death in 1980, he held the rank of Marshal of Yugoslavia, serving as the supreme commander of the Yugoslav military, the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA). With a highly favourable reputation abroad in both Cold War blocs, Josip Broz Tito received some 98 foreign decorations, including the Legion of Honour and the Order of the Bath. Tito was the chief architect of the "second Yugoslavia", a socialist federation that lasted from World War II until 1991. Despite being one of the founders of Cominform, he was also the first (and the only successful) Cominform member to defy Soviet hegemony. A backer of independent roads to socialism (sometimes referred to as "national communism" or "Titoism"), he was one of the main founders and promoters of the Non-Aligned Movement, and its first Secretary-General. He supported the policy of nonalignment between the two hostile blocs in the Cold War. Such successful diplomatic and economic policies allowed Tito to preside over the Yugoslav economic boom and expansion of the 1960s and '70s.[14] [15] [16] His internal policies included the suppression of nationalist sentiment and the promotion of the "brotherhood and unity" of the six Yugoslav nations. He remains a controversial figure in the Balkans.
Early life
PreWorld War I
Josip Broz was born on 25 May 1892[1] in Kumrovec, Croatia-Hrvatsko Zagorje, Austria-Hungary. He was the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz.[17] His father, Franjo Broz, was a Croat, while his mother Marija (born Javerek) was a Slovene. After spending part of his childhood years with his maternal grandfather in village of Podsreda, he entered primary school in 1900 at Kumrovec, he failed the 2nd grade and graduated in 1905. In 1907 he moved out of the rural environment and started working as a machinist's apprentice in Sisak.[18] There, he became aware of the labor movement and celebrated 1 May Labour Day for the first time. In 1910, he joined the union of metallurgy workers and at the same time the Social-Democratic Party of Croatia and Slavonia.[19] Between 1911 and 1913, Broz worked for shorter periods in Kamnik, Cenkovo, Munich, and Mannheim, where he worked for the Benz auto mobile factory; he then went to Wiener Neustadt, Austria, and worked as a test driver for Daimler.[20]
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In the autumn of 1913, he was drafted into the Austro-Hungarian Army.[21] He was sent to a school for non-commissioned officers and became a sergeant, serving in the 25th Croatian Regiment based in Zagreb.[22] In May 1914, Broz won a silver medal at an army fencing competition in Budapest. At the outbreak of World War I in 1914, he was sent to Ruma, where he was arrested for anti-war propaganda and imprisoned in the Petrovaradin fortress. In January 1915, he was sent to the Eastern Front in Galicia to fight against Russia. He distinguished himself as a capable soldier, becoming the youngest Sergeant Major in Tito's birthplace in the town of Kumrovec, Croatia. the Austro-Hungarian Army.[12] For his bravery in the face of the enemy, he was recommended for the Silver Bravery Medal but was taken prisoner of war before it could be formally presented. On Easter 25 March 1915, while in Bukovina, he was seriously wounded and captured by the Russians.[23]
Josip Broz Tito among them "Walter" and "Tito".[31] In 1934 the Zagreb Provincial Committee sent Tito to Vienna where all the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had sought refuge.[32] He was appointed to the Committee and started to appoint allies to him, among them Edvard Kardelj, Milovan ilas, Aleksandar Rankovi, and Boris Kidri. In 1935, Tito traveled to the Soviet Union, working for a year in the Balkan section of Comintern.[33] He was a member of the Soviet Communist Party and the Soviet secret police (NKVD). In 1936, the Comintern sent "Comrade Walter" (i.e. Tito) back to Yugoslavia to purge the Communist Party there. In 1937, Stalin had the Secretary-General of the CPY, Milan Gorki, murdered in Moscow.[34] Subsequently Tito was appointed Secretary-General of the still-outlawed CPY.
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Josip Broz Tito On 12 September 1944, King Peter II called on all Yugoslavs to come together under Tito's leadership and stated that those who did not were "traitors."[49] On 28 September 1944, the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS) reported that Tito signed an agreement with the USSR allowing "temporary entry" of Soviet troops into Yugoslav territory which allowed the Red Army to assist in operations in the northeastern areas of Yugoslavia.[50] With their strategic right flank secured by the Allied advance, the Partisans prepared and executed a massive general offensive which succeeded in breaking through German lines and forcing a retreat beyond Yugoslav borders. After the Partisan victory and the end of hostilities in Europe, all external forces were ordered off Yugoslav territory.
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Josip Broz Tito start, with Stalin considering Tito too independent.
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President of Yugoslavia
Tito-Stalin split
Unlike the other new communist states in east-central Europe, Yugoslavia liberated itself from Axis domination with limited direct support from the Red Army. Tito's leading role in liberating Yugoslavia not only greatly strengthened his position in his party and among the Yugoslav people, but also caused him to be more insistent that Yugoslavia had more room to follow its own interests than other Bloc leaders who had more reasons (and pressures) to recognize Soviet efforts in helping them liberate their own countries from Axis control. This had already led to some friction between the two countries before World War II was even over. Although Tito was formally an ally of Stalin after World War II, the Soviets had set up a spy ring in the Yugoslav party as early as 1945, giving way to an uneasy alliance.
Prime Minister Josip Broz Tito greeted by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden in London, 1950.
In the immediate aftermath of World War II, there occurred several armed incidents between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies. Following the war, Yugoslavia acquired the Italian territory of Istria as well as the cities of Zadar and Rijeka. Yugoslav leadership was looking to incorporate Trieste into the country as well, which was opposed by the Western Allies. This led to several armed incidents, notably attacks by Yugoslav fighter planes on US transport aircraft, causing bitter criticism from the west. From 1945 to 1948, at least four US aircraft were shot down.[56] Stalin was opposed to these provocations, as he felt the USSR unready to face the West in open war so soon after the losses of World War II. In addition, Tito was openly supportive of the Communist side in the Greek Civil War, while Stalin kept his distance, having agreed with Churchill not to pursue Soviet interests there, although he did support the Greek communist struggle politically, as demonstrated in several assemblies of the UN Security Council. In 1948, motivated by the desire to create a strong independent economy, Tito modeled his economic development plan independently from Moscow, which resulted in a diplomatic escalation followed by a bitter exchange of letters in which Tito affirmed that We study and take as an example the Soviet system, but we are developing socialism in our country in somewhat different forms. (...) No matter how much each of us loves the land of socialism, the USSR, he can in no case love his own country less. Josip Broz Tito[57]
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The Soviet answer on 4 May admonished Tito and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) for failing to admit and correct its mistakes, and went on to accuse them of being too proud of their successes against the Germans, maintaining that the Red Army had saved them from destruction. Tito's response on 17 May suggested that the matter be settled at the meeting of the Cominform to be held that June. However, Tito did not attend the second meeting of the Cominform, fearing that Yugoslavia was to be openly attacked. At this point the crisis nearly escalated into an Josip Broz Tito greeting Eleanor Roosevelt during her armed conflict, as Hungarian and Soviet forces were massing on visit to the Brijuni islands, Croatia, Yugoslavia (July the northern Yugoslav frontier.[58] On 28 June, the other member 1953) countries expelled Yugoslavia, citing "nationalist elements" that had "managed in the course of the past five or six months to reach a dominant position in the leadership" of the CPY. The expulsion effectively banished Yugoslavia from the international association of socialist states, while other socialist states of Eastern Europe subsequently underwent purges of alleged "Titoists". Stalin took the matter personally for once, and attempted, unsuccessfully, to assassinate Tito on several occasions. In a correspondence between the two leaders, Tito openly wrote: Stop sending people to kill me. We've already captured five of them, one of them with a bomb and another with a rifle (...) If you don't stop sending killers, I'll send one to Moscow, and I won't have to send a second. Josip Broz Tito[59] However, Tito used the estrangement from the USSR to attain US aid via the Marshall Plan, as well as to involve Yugoslavia in the Non-Aligned Movement, in which he assured a leading position for Yugoslavia. The event was significant not only for Yugoslavia and Tito, but also for the global development of socialism, since it was the first major split between Communist states, casting doubt on Comintern's claims for socialism to be a unified force that would eventually control the whole world, as Tito became the first (and the only successful) socialist leader to defy Stalin's leadership in the COMINFORM. This rift with the Soviet Union brought Tito much international recognition, but also triggered a period of instability often referred to as the Informbiro period. Tito's form of communism was labeled "Titoism" by Moscow, which encouraged purges against suspected "Titoites'" throughout the Eastern bloc. On 26 June 1950, the National Assembly supported a crucial bill written by Milovan ilas and Tito about "self-management" (samoupravljanje): a type of independent socialism that experimented with profit sharing with workers in state-run enterprises. On 13 January 1953, they established that the law on self-management was the basis of the entire social order in Yugoslavia. Tito also succeeded Ivan Ribar as the President of Yugoslavia on 14 January 1953. After Stalin's death Tito rejected the USSR's invitation for a visit to discuss normalization of relations between two nations. Nikita Khrushchev and Nikolai Bulganin visited Tito in Belgrade in 1955 and apologized for wrongdoings by Stalin's administration.[60] Tito visited the USSR in 1956, which signaled to the world that animosity between Yugoslavia and USSR was easing.[61] However, the relationship between the USSR and Yugoslavia would reach another low in the late 1960s. Commenting on the crisis, Tito concluded that: To say the least it was a disloyal, non-objective attitude towards our Party and our country. It's a consequence of a terrible delusion that has been blown up to monstrous dimensions in order to destroy the reputation of our Party and its leadership, to erase the glory of the Yugoslav people and their struggle. To trample everything great that our nation achieved with great sacrifice and blood loss in order to break the unity of our Party, which represents a guarantee for successful development of socialism in our country and for the establishment of happiness of our people. Josip Broz Tito
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Non-aligned Yugoslavia
Under Tito's leadership, Yugoslavia became a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement. In 1961, Tito co-founded the movement with Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, India's Jawaharlal Nehru, Indonesia's Sukarno and Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, in an action called The Initiative of Five (Tito, Nehru, Nasser, Sukarno, Nkrumah), thus establishing strong ties with third world countries. This move did much to improve Yugoslavia's diplomatic position. On 1 September 1961, Josip Broz Tito became the first Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement. On 7 April 1963, the country changed its official name to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Reforms encouraged private enterprise and greatly relaxed restrictions on freedom of speech and religious expression.[62] Tito subsequently went on a tour of the Americas. In Chile, two government ministers resigned over his visit to that country.[63] Tito spoke at the United Nations General Assembly in New York, with his visit being protested by both Croat and Serb emigrants. US Senator Thomas Dodd subsequently said Tito had "bloodied hands." Prior to his visit to California at the invitation of Governor Pat Brown, protesters in San Pedro drowned an effigy of Tito.[64]
Queen Elizabeth II with Josip Broz Tito during a visit to Yugoslavia, 1972; during her visit, Tito received the Order of the Bath
In 1966 an agreement with the Vatican, spawned by the death of Titos calling card from 1967 Stepinac in 1960 and the decisions of the Second Vatican Council, was signed according new freedom to the Yugoslav Roman Catholic Church, particularly to teach the catechism and open seminaries. The agreement also eased tensions, which had prevented the naming of new bishops in Yugoslavia since 1945. Tito's new socialism met opposition from traditional communists culminating in conspiracy headed by Aleksandar Rankovi.[65] In the same year Tito declared that Communists must henceforth chart Yugoslavia's course by the force of their arguments (implying a granting of freedom of discussion and an abandonment of dictatorship). The state security agency (UDBA) saw its power scaled back and its staff reduced to 5000. On 1 January 1967, Yugoslavia was the first communist country to open its borders to all foreign visitors and abolish visa requirements.[66] In the same year Tito became active in promoting a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. His plan called for Arabs to recognize the state of Israel in exchange for territories Israel gained.[67] In 1967, Tito offered Czechoslovak leader Alexander Dubek to fly to Prague on three hours notice if Dubek needed help in facing down the Soviets.[68] In April 1969, Tito sacked generals Ivan Gonjak and Rade Hamovi in the aftermath of the invasion of Czechoslovakia due to the unpreparedness of the Yugoslav army to respond to a similar invasion of Yugoslavia.[69]
82 In 1971, Tito was re-elected as President of Yugoslavia for the sixth time. In his speech in front of the Federal Assembly he introduced 20 sweeping constitutional amendments that would provide an updated framework on which the country would be based. The amendments provided for a collective presidency, a 22 member body consisting of elected representatives from six republics and two autonomous provinces. The body would have a single chairman of the presidency and chairmanship would rotate among six republics. When the Federal Assembly fails to agree on legislation, the collective presidency would have the power to rule by decree. Amendments also provided for stronger cabinet with considerable power to initiate and pursue legislature independently from the Communist Party. Demal Bijedi was chosen as the Premier. The new amendments aimed to decentralize the country by granting greater autonomy to republics and provinces. The federal government would retain authority only over foreign affairs, defense, internal security, monetary affairs, free trade within Yugoslavia, and development loans to poorer regions. Control of education, healthcare, and housing would be exercised entirely by the governments of the republics and the autonomous provinces.[70]
US President John F. Kennedy greeting Josip Broz Tito during his visit to the US
Tito's greatest strength, in the eyes of the western communists, had been in suppressing nationalist insurrections and maintaining unity throughout the country. It was Tito's call for unity, and related methods, that held together the people of Yugoslavia. This ability was put to a test several times during his reign, notably during the Croatian Spring (also referred to as masovni pokret, maspok, meaning "mass movement") when the government had to suppress both public demonstrations and dissenting opinions within the Communist Party. Despite this suppression, much of maspok's demands were later realized with the new constitution, heavily backed by Tito himself against opposition from the Serbian branch of the party. On 16 May 1974, the new Constitution was passed, and the aging Tito was named president for life, a status which he would enjoy for five years.
Foreign policy
Tito was notable for pursuing a foreign policy of neutrality during the Cold War and for establishing close ties with developing countries. Tito's strong belief in self-determination caused early rift with Stalin and consequently, the Eastern Bloc. His public speeches often reiterated that policy of neutrality and cooperation with all countries would be natural as long as these countries did not use their influence to pressure Yugoslavia to take sides. Relations with the United States and Western European nations were generally cordial.
Left to right: Jovanka Broz, Tito, Richard Nixon, and
Yugoslavia had a liberal travel policy permitting foreigners to Pat Nixon in the White House in 1971 freely travel through the country and its citizens to travel worldwide,[62] whereas it was limited by most Communist countries. A number of Yugoslav citizens worked throughout Western Europe. Tito during his rule he met many world leaders such as Soviet rulers Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev; Indian politicians Nasser, Nehru, Indira Gandhi; British Prime Ministers Churchill, Callahan, Thatcher; US Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Ford and Carter; other political leaders and heads of state Che Guevara, Castro, Arafat, Willy Brandt, Helmut Schmidt, Georges Pompidou, Queen Elizabeth II, Hua Guofeng, Kim Il Sung, Sukarno, Suharto, Idi Amin, Haile Sellasie, Kenneth Kaunda, Gaddafi, Erich Honecker, Ceausescu, Janos Kadar. He also met numerous celebrities.
Josip Broz Tito Tito also developed warm relations with Burma under U Nu, traveling to the country in 1955 and again in 1959, though he didn't receive the same treatment in 1959 from the new leader, Ne Win. Because of its neutrality, Yugoslavia would often be rare among Communist countries to have diplomatic relations with right-wing, anti-Communist governments. For example, Yugoslavia was the only communist country allowed to have an embassy in Alfredo Stroessner's Paraguay.[71] However, one notable exception to Yugoslavia's neutral stance toward anti-communist countries was Chile under Pinochet; Yugoslavia was one of many left-wing countries which severed diplomatic relations with Chile after Salvador Allende was overthrown.[72] Yugoslavia also provided military aid and arms supplies to staunchly anti-Communist regimes such as that of Guatemala under Kjell Eugenio Laugerud Garca.[73]
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Tito became increasingly ill over the course of 1979. During this time Vila Srna was built for his use near Morovi in the event of his recovery.[76] On 7 January and again on 11 January 1980, Tito was admitted to the Medical Centre Ljubljana (in Ljubljana, SR Slovenia) with circulation problems in his legs. His left leg was amputated soon afterward due to arterial blockages and he died of gangrene at the Medical Centre Ljubljana on 4 May 1980 at 3:05pm, three days short of his 88th birthday. His funeral drew many world statesmen.[77] Based on the number of attending politicians and state delegations, at the time it was the largest state funeral in history.[78] They included four kings, 31 presidents, six princes, 22 prime ministers and 47 ministers of foreign affairs. They came from both sides of the Cold War, from 128 different countries.[74] Reporting on his death The New York Times commented Tito sought to improve life. Unlike others who rose to power on the communist wave after World War II, Tito did not long demand that his people suffer for a distant vision of a better life. After an initial Soviet-influenced bleak period, Tito moved toward radical improvement of life in the country. Yugoslavia gradually became a bright spot amid the general grayness of Eastern Europe. The New York Times, May 5, 1980[79] Tito was buried in a mausoleum in Belgrade, which forms part of a memorial complex in the grounds of the Museum of Yugoslav History (formerly called "Museum 25 May" and "Museum of the Revolution"). The actual mausoleum is called House of Flowers (Kua Cvea) and numerous people visit the place as a shrine to "better times". The museum keeps the gifts Tito received during his presidency. The collection also includes original prints of Los Caprichos by Francisco Goya, and many others.[80] The Government of Serbia has planned to merge it into the Museum of the History of Serbia.[81] At the time of his death, speculation began about whether his successors could continue to hold Yugoslavia together. Ethnic divisions and conflict grew and eventually erupted in a series of Yugoslav wars a decade after his death.
International delegations at the funeral of Josip Broz Tito, at the time the largest state funeral in history by the number of attending state delegations, including four kings, 31 presidents, six princes, 22 prime ministers and 47 ministers of foreign affairs from 128 [74] different countries.
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During his life and especially in the first year after his death, several places were named after Tito. Several of these places have since returned to their original names, such as Podgorica, formerly Titograd, Uice, formerly Titovo Uice (though Podgorica's international airport is still identified by the code TGD), which reverted to its original name in 1992. Streets in Belgrade, the capital, have all reverted back to their original preWorld War II and pre-communist names as well. In 2004, Antun Augustini's statue of Broz in his birthplace of Kumrovec was decapitated in an explosion.[82] It was subsequently repaired. Twice in 2008, Some 1,000 people gather near a statue of Josip Broz protests took place in Zagreb's Marshal Tito Square, organized by Tito in Sarajevo during a ceremony commemorating a group called Circle for the Square (Krug za Trg), with an aim to the 26th anniversary of his death in 2006. force the city government to rename it to its previous name, while a counter-protest by Citizens' Initiative Against Ustaism (Graanska inicijativa protiv ustatva) accused the "Circle for the Square" of historical revisionism and neo-fascism.[83] Croatian president Stjepan Mesi criticized the demonstration to change the name.[84] In the Croatian coastal city of Opatija the main street (also its longest street) still bears the name of Marshal Tito, as do streets in numerous towns in Serbia, mostly in the country's north.[85] One of the two main streets in Sarajevo is called Marshal Tito Street.
Josip Broz Tito relationship with Zinka failed. Since Jovanka was the only female companion he married while in power, she also went down in history as Yugoslavia's first lady. Their relationship was not a happy one, however. It had gone through many, often public, ups and downs with episodes of infidelities and even allegations of preparation for a coup d'tat by the latter pair. Certain unofficial reports suggest Tito and Jovanka even formally divorced in the late 1970s, shortly before his death. However, during Tito's funeral she was officially present as his wife, and later claimed rights for inheritance. The couple did not have any children. Tito's notable grandchildren include Aleksandra Broz, a prominent theatre director in Croatia, Svetlana Broz, a cardiologist and writer in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Josip "Joka" Broz, Edvard Broz and Natali Klasevski, an artisan of Bosnia-Herzegovina. As the leader of Yugoslavia Tito maintained a lavish lifestyle and kept several mansions. In Belgrade he resided in the official palace, Beli dvor, and maintained a separate private residence; he spent much time at his private island of Brijuni, an official residence from 1949 on, and at his palace at the Bled lake. His grounds at Karadjordjevo were the site of "diplomatic hunts". By 1974 Tito had 32 official residences.[93] As regards knowledge of languages, Tito replied that he spoke Yugoslav, German, Russian, and some English.[94] A biographer also stated that he spoke "Serbo-Croatian ... Russian, Czech, Slovenian ... German (with a Viennese accent) ... understands and reads French and Italian ... [and] also speaks Kirghiz."[95] Every federal unit had a town or city with historic significance from the World War II period renamed to have Tito's name included. These were mostly smaller towns, with the exception of Titovo Uice and Titograd (now Podgorica), the capital city of Montenegro. Also with the exception of Titograd, the cities were renamed simply by the addition of the adjective "Tito's" ("Titov"). The cities were:
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Republic
City
Original name
Titova Korenica Titov Veles Titograda Titovo Uice Kosovo Vojvodina Titova Mitrovica Titov Vrbas
Slovenia
a
Titovo Velenje
Historical criticism
Despite accusations of culpability in the Bleiburg massacre, Josip Broz Tito repeatedly issued calls for surrender to the retreating column, offering amnesty and attempting to avoid a disorderly surrender.[99] On 14 May he dispatched a telegram to the supreme headquarters Slovene Partisan Army prohibiting "in the sternest language" the execution of prisoners of war and commanding the transfer of the possible suspects to a military court.[100] During World War II, the German minority in occupied Yugoslavia enjoyed a status of superiority over the Yugoslav US-Yugoslav summit, 1978. population.[101] The Volksdeutsche (as they were called) were under heavy Nazi influence and served as the fifth column during the invasion of Yugoslavia. The Germans had been given control over the Yugoslav region of Banat in which they ruled over the local Slav majority, forming Waffen SS volunteer formations. This was primarily the 7th SS Volunteer Mountain Division Prinz Eugen, one of the most infamous SS units, responsible for the killing of tens of thousands of Yugoslav civilians, as well as brutal reprisals resulting in the desolation of entire areas.[101] With rare exceptions, the Yugoslav Volksdeutsche collaborated wholeheartedly with the occupation, supplying more than 60,000 troops for German military formations, and actively participating in the brutal repression of the Yugoslav populace.[101] On 21 November 1944, the AVNOJ
Josip Broz Tito Presidium declared that the German minority in Yugoslavia was collectively guilty and hostile to the country.[102] The AVNOJ Presidium signed a decree that ordered the government confiscation of all property of the German Reich and its citizens in Yugoslavia, persons of German nationality (regardless of citizenship), and collaborators. The decision acquired the force of law on 6 February 1945.[103]
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Josip Broz Tito received a total of 119 awards and decorations from 60 Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslav ribbons (foreign ribbons excluded) countries around the world (59 countries and Yugoslavia). 21 decorations were from Yugoslavia itself, 18 having been awarded once, and the Order of the People's Hero on three occasions. Of the 98 international awards and decorations, 92 were received once, and three on two occasions (Order of the White Lion, Polonia Restituta, and Karl Marx). The most notable awards being the French Lgion d'honneur and Ordre national du Mrite, the British Most Honourable Order of the Bath, the Soviet Order of Lenin, the Japanese Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum, the German Federal Cross of Merit, and the Italian Ordine al Merito della Repubblica Italiana. The decorations were seldom displayed, however. After the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 and his inauguration as president in 1953, Tito rarely wore his uniform except when present in a military function, and then (with rare exception) only wore his Yugoslav ribbons for obvious practical reasons. The awards were displayed in full number only at his funeral in 1980.[104] Tito's reputation as one of the Allied leaders of World War II, along with his diplomatic position as the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, was primarily the cause of the favorable international recognition.[104] Here follows a short list including some of the more notable awards and decorations of Josip Broz Tito.
Award or decoration Country Belgium Date Place Note Ref
Order of Lopold
6 October 1970
Brussels
One of the three Belgian national [104] honorary knight orders. Highest Order of Belgium. The highest order of Czechoslovakia.
[104]
Prague Brijuni
29 October Copenhagen Highest order of Denmark. 1974 7 May 1956 Paris Highest decoration of France, awarded for extraordinary contributions in the struggle for peace. Order of Chivalry awarded by the President of the French Republic ("National Order of Merit").
[105]
France
[104]
France
[104]
West Germany
Highest possible class of the only general [104] state decoration of West Germany. Highest royal decoration of Greece.
[104]
Greece
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Order of Merit of the Italian Republic Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum Order of the Aztec Eagle Order of the Netherlands Lion Grand Cross with Collar of St. Olav Order Virtuti Militari Order of Polonia Restituta (awarded two times) Order of Saint James of the Sword Order of Lenina
Italy
Belgrade
Highest honour of Italy, foremost Italian order of knighthood, awarded to Josip Broz Tito in Belgrade. Highest Japanese decoration for living persons.
[104]
Japan
Tokyo Belgrade
[104]
Mexico
Netherlands
20 October Amsterdam Order of the Netherlands which was first 1970 created by the first King of the Netherlands, King William I. 13 May 1965 16 March 1946 25 June 1964 4 May 1973 23 October 1975 5 June 1972 Oslo Warsaw Warsaw Brdo Castle Belgrade Moscow Highest Norwegian order of chivalry. Poland's highest military decoration for courage in the face of the enemy. One of Poland's highest orders.
Norway
[104]
Poland Poland
[104]
[104]
Portugal
Portuguese order of chivalry, founded in 1171. Highest National Order of the Soviet Union (highest decoration bestowed by the Soviet Union). Highest military decoration of the Soviet Union, one of only 5 foreigners to receive it.
[104]
Soviet Union
[104]
Order of Victorya
Soviet Union
9 September 1945
Belgrade
[106]
Royal Order of the Seraphim Most Honourable Order of the Bath Order of the Yugoslav Stara
Note: aNow defunct.
Sweden
29 February Stockholm Swedish Royal order of chivalry, 1959 established by King Frederick I on 23 February 1748. 17 October 1972 1 February 1954 Belgrade Belgrade British order of chivalry, awarded in Belgrade by Queen Elizabeth II. Highest Yugoslav national order of [107] merit.
[104]
[104]
[104]
References
Notes
[1] Although Tito was born on 7 May, after he became president of Yugoslavia he celebrated his birthday on 25 May to mark the unsuccessful 1944 Nazi attempt on his life. The Germans found forged documents that stated 25 May was Tito's birthday and attacked him on that day. (Vinterhalter 1972, p. 43.) [2] Nikolaos A. Stavrou (ed.), Mediterranean Security at the Crossroads: a Reader, p.193, Duke University Press, 1999 ISBN 0822324598 [3] Vjekoslav Perica, Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States, p.103, Oxford University Press US, 2004 ISBN 0195174291 [4] Richard West, Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia, p.211, Carroll & Graff, 1996 ISBN 0786703326 "In one of his talks with Church officials, Tito went so far as to speak of himself 'as a Croat and a Catholic', but this comment was cut out of the press reports on the orders of Kardelj". [5] "Josip Broz Tito" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 597295/ Josip-Broz-Tito). Encyclopdia Britannica Online. . Retrieved 27 April 2010. [6] Cohen, Mark F.; Fidler, Jay W. (2002). Group Psychotherapy and Political Reality: A Two-Way Mirror. International Universities Press. p.193. ISBN0823622282. [7] Andjelic, Neven (2003). Bosnia-Herzegovina: The End of a Legacy. Frank Cass. p.36. ISBN071465485X.
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Footnotes Bibliography Antoni, Ivan; Jelii, Matej; kunca, Ivan (1988). Stvaranje Titove Jugoslavije. Otokar Kerovani. Auty, Phyllis (1970). Tito: A Biography. McGraw-Hill. Banac, Ivo (1988). With Stalin against Tito: Cominformist splits in Yugoslav Communism. Cornell University Press. ISBN0801421861. Barnett, Neil (2006). Tito. Haus. ISBN1904950310. Borneman, John (2004). Death of the Father: An Anthropology of End in Political Authority. Berghahn Books. ISBN1571811117. Dedijer, Vladimir (1952). Tito. Simon and Schuster. Dedijer, Vladimir (1953). Tito Speaks: His Self Portrait and Struggle with Stalin. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Lees, Lorraine M. (2006). Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War. Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN0253346568. Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 19182004. Indiana University Press. ISBN0271016299. Ridley, Jasper (1996). Tito: A Biography. Constable. ISBN0094756104. Roberts, Walter R. (1987). Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies, 19411945. Duke University Press. ISBN0822307731. Tomasevich, Jozo; Vucinich, Wayne S. (1969). Contemporary Yugoslavia: Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment. University of California Press. Tomasevich, Jozo (1975). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 19411945: The Chetniks. Stanford University Press. ISBN0804708576. Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 19411945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford University Press. ISBN0804708576. Vinterhalter, Vilko (1972). In the Path of Tito. Abacus Press.
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Further reading
Beloff, Nora (1986). Tito's Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia and the West Since 1939. Westview Pr. ISBN0813303222. Carter, April (1989). Marshal Tito: A Bibliography. Greenwood Press. ISBN0313280878. ilas, Milovan (2001). Tito: The Story from Inside. Phoenix Press. ISBN1842120476. MacLean, Fitzroy (1980). Tito: A Pictorial Biography. McGraw-Hill. ISBN0070446717. Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (1992). Tito: Yugoslavia's Great Dictator, A Reassessment. Ohio State University Press. ISBN0814206018. Vukcevich, Boko S. (1994). Tito: Architect of Yugoslav Disintegration. Rivercross Publishing. ISBN0944957463. West, Richard (1996). Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. Basic Books. ISBN0786703326.
External links
Josip Broz Tito Reference Archive (http://www.marxists.org/archive/tito/index.htm) at the Marxists Internet Archive Unseen pictures from US Archives (http://www.globus.com.hr/Clanak.aspx?BrojID=266&ClanakID=7380) Sign the first virtual memorial of Marshal Tito (http://www.tito-memorial.com) Tito's Children Part One (http://podcast.cbc.ca/mp3/ideas_20070806_2715.mp3) Tito's Children Part Two (http://podcast.cbc.ca/mp3/ideas_20070813_3007.mp3) Tito's Children Part Three (http://podcast.cbc.ca/mp3/ideas_20070820_3039.mp3) Tito's Children Part Four (http://podcast.cbc.ca/mp3/ideas_20070827_3040.mp3) Tito's Children Part Five (http://podcast.cbc.ca/mp3/ideas_20070903_3037.mp3)
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
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Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Kraljevina JugoslavijaKingdom of Yugoslavia 1
19181943
Flag
Motto Cyrillic script: , , Latin script: Jedan narod, jedan kralj, jedna drava Slovene: En narod, en kralj, ena drava "One nation, one king, one country" Anthem National Anthem of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
94
Prince Regent - 19341941 Prime Minister - 19181919 - 1945 Legislature Historical era -Creation -Constitution created -Dictatorship -Axis invasion -Republic declared -Monarchy abolished Area -1921 Population -1921 est. Density -1931 est. Density Currency 11984911 48.4/km2 (125.4/sqmi) 13934038 56.3/km2 (145.8/sqmi) Yugoslav Krone (19181920) Yugoslav Dinar (19201945) 247542km2 (95577sqmi) Stojan Proti (first) Drago Marui (last) National Assembly Interwar period / WWII 01 December 1918 28 June 1921 06 January 1929 06 April 1941 29 November 1943 29 November 1943 Paul Karaorevi
1: Previously called the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from 1918 to 1929.
The Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Serbo-Croat and Slovene: Kraljevina Jugoslavija, Cyrillic script: ) was a state stretching from the Western Balkans to Central Europe which existed during the often-tumultuous interwar era of 19181941. It was formed in 1918 by the merger of the provisional State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, formed from territories of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Empire, with the formerly independent Kingdom of Serbia. The Kingdom of Montenegro united with Serbia just five days earlier, while the regions of Kosovo, Vojvodina and Macedonia were parts of Serbia prior to the unification. For its first eleven years of existence it was officially called Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, but the term Yugoslavia was its colloquial name from the very beginning. On 17 April 1941, Yugoslavia was occupied by Nazi Germany and was reorganised into four provinces under foreign rule; a royal government-in-exile, recognized by the United Kingdom and later by all the Allied powers, was established in London. In 1943, the new country called Democratic Federal Yugoslavia was proclaimed, and its capital was freed following the Belgrade Offensive. The King was formally deposed by the Constituent assembly on 29 November 1945.
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Formation
Yugoslav nationalism escalated and cemented in the Balkans following the assassination of Austrian Archduke Francis Ferdinand by Bosnian Serb Gavrilo Princip, the subsequent invasion of Serbia and the outbreak of World War I. Yugoslav nationalists called for the independence and unification of the Yugoslav nationalities of Austria-Hungary along with Serbia and Montenegro into a single Yugoslav state. Dalmatian Croat politician Ante Trumbi became the prominent Yugoslav nationalist leader during the war, and lead the Yugoslav Committee that lobbied the Allies to support the creation of an independent Yugoslavia.[1] Trumbi faced initial hostility from Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pai who preferred an enlarged Serbia over a unified Yugoslav state, however both Pai and Trumbi agreed to a compromise which was delivered at the Corfu Declaration on 20 July 1917 that advocated the creation of a united state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that would be led by the Serbian House of Karaorevi.[1] In 1916 the Serbian Parliament in exile decided on the creation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia at a meeting inside the Municipal Theatre of Corfu.[2] The kingdom was formed on 1 December 1918 under the name "Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes" (Serbian: , / Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Croatian: Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, Slovene: Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev) or Kingdom of SHS ( / Kraljevina SHS) for short. On 1 December 1918 the new kingdom was proclaimed by Alexander Karaorevi, Prince-Regent for his father, Peter I of Serbia. The new Kingdom was made up of the formerly independent kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro (which had unified in the previous month), as well as a substantial amount of territory that was formerly part of AustriaHungary, the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. The lands previously in AustriaHungary that formed the new state included Croatia, Slavonia and Vojvodina from the Hungarian part of the Empire, Carniola, part of Styria and most of Dalmatia from the Austrian part, and the crown province of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The creation of the state was supported by Pan-Slav nationalists and Serbian nationalists. For the Pan-Slavic movement, all of the South Slav (Yugoslav) people had united into a single state and hoped that the peoples would unite as Slavs and abandon past differences. For Serbian nationalists, the desired goal of uniting the majority of the Serb people across the Balkans into one state was also achieved. Furthermore, as Serbia already had a government, military, and police force, it was the logical choice to form the nucleus of the Yugoslav state. Yugoslavia participated in the Paris Peace Conference with Trumbi as the country's representative.[1] Trumbi successfully vouched for the inclusion of most Yugoslavs of the former Austria-Hungary to be included within the borders of Yugoslavia but failed to secure the inclusion of 500,000 Slovenes and Croats who were placed under Italian rule with the Treaty of Rapallo of 1920.[1] The Yugoslav kingdom bordered Italy and Austria to the northwest, Hungary and Romania to the north, Bulgaria to the east, Greece and Albania to the south, and the Adriatic Sea to the west. Almost immediately, it ran into disputes with all its neighbors except Romania. Slovenia was difficult to determine, since it had been an integral part of Austria for 400 years. The Vojvodina region was disputed with Hungary, Macedonia with Bulgaria, Fiume and Trieste with Italy, and also the border with Greece, in essence a ceasefire line from the Balkan Wars. Finally, Yugoslavia claimed half of Albania for itself. A plebiscite was also held in the Province of Carinthia, which opted to remain in Austria. Austrians had formed a majority in this region although numbers reflected that some Slovenes did vote for Carinthia to become part of Austria. The Dalmatian port city of Zadar (Italian: Zara) and a few of the Dalmatian islands were given to Italy. The city of Rijeka (Italian: Fiume) was declared to be the Free State of Fiume, but it was soon occupied, and in 1924 annexed, by Italy, which had also been promised the Dalmatian coast during World War I, and Yugoslavia claiming Istria, a part of the former Austrian Littoral which had been annexed to Italy, but which contained a considerable population of Croats and Slovenes. The formation of the constitution of 1921 sparked tensions between the different Yugoslav nationalities.[1] Trumbi opposed the 1921 constitution and over time grew increasingly hostile towards the Yugoslav government that he saw
Kingdom of Yugoslavia as being centralized in the favour of Serb hegemony over Yugoslavia.[1] The new government tried to integrate the new country politically as well as economically, a task made difficult because of the diversity of language (chiefly disagreements between Serbian and Croatian speakers over standardising Serbo-Croat); ethnicities, and religions in the new state; the different history of each region (characterised by centuries of subjugation by different rulers, e.g. Venice, Hungary, Austria, Ottoman Empire etc.), and differences in economic development among regions (a more developed north spanning Slovenia, northern Croatia and northern Serbia, than a poorer south which encompassed Dalmatia, Montenegro and southern Serbia).
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Economy
Three quarters of the Yugoslav workforce was engaged in agriculture. A few farmers existed, but most were subsistence peasants. Those in the south were especially poor, living in a hilly, infertile region. No large estates existed except in the north, and all of those were owned by foreigners. Indeed, one of the first actions undertaken by the new Yugoslav state in 1919 was to break up the estates and dispose of foreign, and in particular Magyar, landowners. Manufacturing was limited to Belgrade and the other major population centers, and consisted mainly of small, comparatively primitive facilities that produced strictly for the domestic market. The commercial potential of Yugoslavia's Mediterranean ports went to waste because the nation lacked the capital or technical knowledge to operate a shipping industry. On the other hand, the mining industry was well developed due to the nation's abundance of mineral resources, but since it was primarily owned and operated by foreigners, most production went to export. Yugoslavia was typical of Eastern European nations in that it borrowed large sums of money from the West during the 1920s. When the Great Depression began in 1930, the Western lenders called in their debts, which could not be paid back. Some of the money was lost to graft, although most was used by farmers to improve production and export potential. Agricultural exports were always an unstable prospect, and the Depression caused the market for them to collapse as nations everywhere erected trade barriers. Italy was a major trading partner of Yugoslavia in the initial years after World War I, but ties fell off after Benito Mussolini came to power. In the grim economic situation of the 1930s, Yugoslavia followed the lead of its neighbors in allowing itself to become a dependent of Nazi Germany.
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Political history
Early politics
Immediately after 1 December proclamation, negotiations between the People's Council (of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs) and the Serbian government resulted in agreement over the new government which was to be headed by Nikola Pai. However when this agreement was submitted to the approval of the regent, Alexander Karaorevi, it was rejected, producing the new state's first governmental crisis. Many regarded this rejection as a violation of parliamentary principles, but the matter was resolved when the regent suggested[3] replacing Pai with Stojan Proti, a leading member of Pai's Radical Party. The People's Council and the Serbian government agreed and the new government came into existence on December 20, 1918.[3] [4] In this period before the election of the Constituent Assembly, a Provisional Representation served as a parliament which was formed by delegates from the various elected bodies that had existed before the creation of the state. A realignment of parties combining several members of the Serbian opposition with political parties from the former AustriaHungary led to the creation of a new party, The Democratic Party, that dominated the Provisional Representation and the government.
Nikola Pai, held the position of Prime Minister of Yugoslavia in a number of separate tenures.
Because the Democratic Party led by Ljubomir Davidovi pushed a highly centralized agenda a number of Croatian delegates moved into opposition. However, the radicals themselves were not happy that they had only three ministers to the Democratic Party's 11 and, on 16 August 1919, Proti handed in his resignation. Davidovi then formed a coalition with the Social Democrats. This government did have a majority but the quorum of the Provisional Representation was half plus one vote. The opposition then began to boycott the parliament and as the government could never guarantee that all their supporters to turn up it became impossible to hold a quorate meeting of the parliament. Davidovi quickly resigned but as no one else could form a government he again became prime minister. As the opposition continued their boycott the government decided it had no alternative but to rule by decree. This was denounced by the opposition who began to style themselves as the Paliamentary Community. Davidovi himself realized that the situation was untenable and requested from the King the immediate holding of elections for the Constituent Assembly. When the King refused he felt he had no alternative but to resign. The Parliamentary Community now formed a government led by Stojan Proti committed to the restoration of parliamentary norms and mitigating the centralization of the previous government. Their opposition to the former governments program of radical land reform also united them. As several small groups and individuals switched sides, Proti now even had a small majority. However, the Democratic Party and the Social Democrats now boycotted parliament and Proti was unable to muster a quorum. Hence the Parliamentary Community, now in government, was forced to rule by decree. For the Parliamentary Community to thus violate the basic principle around which they had formed put them in an extremely difficult position. In April 1920 widespread worker unrest including a railway strike broke out and according to Gligorijevi this put pressure on the two main parties to settle their differences. After successful negotiations Proti resigned to make way for a new government led by the neutral figure of Milenko Vesni. The social democrats did not follow their former allies the Democratic Party into government because they were opposed
Kingdom of Yugoslavia to the anti-communist measures to which the new government was committed. The controversies that had divided the parties earlier were still very much live issues. The Democratic Party continued to push their agenda of centralization and still insisted on the need for radical land reform. A disagreement over electoral law finally led the Democratic Party to vote against the government in Parliament and the government was defeated. Though this meeting had not been quorate, Vesni used this as a pretext to resign. His action produced the result Vesni had intended and the Radical Party agreed to accept the need for centralization while the Democratic Party agreed to drop their insistence on land reform and Vesni again headed the new government. The Croatian Community and the Slovenian People's Party were however not at all happy with the Radicals acceptance of centralization. Nor for that matter was Stojan Proti and he withdrew from the government on this issue. In September 1920 a peasant revolt broke out in Croatia, the immediate cause of which was the branding of the peasants' cattle. The Croatian Community blamed the centralizing policies of the government and of minister Svetozar Pribievi in particular.
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Kingdom of Yugoslavia this. Only last minute concessions to Demijet who were a group of Muslims from Macedonia and Kosovo saved it. On 28 June 1921, the Vidovdan (St Vitus's Day) Constitution was passed, establishing a unitary monarchy. The preWorld War I traditional regions were abolished and 33 new administrative oblasts (provinces) ruled from the center were instituted. During this time, King Peter I died (16 August 1921) and the prince-regent succeeded to the throne as King Alexander I. Ljubomir Davidovi of the Democrats began to doubts about the wisdom of his parties commitment to centralization and opened up negotiations with the opposition. This threatened to provoke a split in his party as his action was opposed Svetozar Pribievi. It also gave Pasi a pretext to end the coalition. At first the King gave Pasi a mandate to form a coalition with Pribievi's Democrats. However, Pasi offered Pribievi too little for there to be much chance that Pribievi would agree and a purley Radical government was formed with a mandate to hold elections. In Serbia the governing party usually did well and these elections were no exception. The Radicals made gains at the expense of the Democrats but elsewhere there were gains by Radi's peasant's party.
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Serb politicians around Radic regarded Serbia as the standard bearer of Yugoslav unity, as the state of Piedmont had been for Italy, or Prussia for the German Empirea kind of Greater Serbia. Over the following years, Croatian resistance against a Serbo-centric policy increased. In the early 1920s the Yugoslav government of prime minister Nikola Pasic used police pressure over voters and ethnic minorities, confiscation of opposition pamphlets[5] and other measures of election rigging. This was ineffective against the Croatian Peasant Party that continued to elect a large delegation to the Yugoslav parliament.[6] but did harm the radicals main Serbian rivals the Democrats. Stjepan Radi, head of the Croatian Republican Peasant Party, was imprisoned many times due to political reasons.[7] He was released in 1925, and returned to parliament. In the spring of 1928, Radi and Svetozar Pribievi waged a bitter parliamentary battle against the ratification of the Nettuno Convention with Italy. In this they mobilised nationalist opposition in Serbia but provoked a violent reaction from the governing majority including death threats. On 20 June 1928, a member of the government majority, the Serb deputy Punia Rai shot down five members of the Croatian Peasant Party (formerly the Croatian Republican Peasant Party) including their leader Stjepan Radi. Two died on the floor of the Assembly while the life of Radi hung in the balance. The opposition now completely withdrew from parliament declaring that they would not return to a parliament in which several of their representatives had been killed and insisting on new elections. On 1 August, at a meeting in Zagreb, they renounced 1 December Declaration of 1920. In this they were demanding that the negotiations for unification should begin from scratch. On 8 August Stjepan Radi died.
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6 January dictatorship
Not long after that, on 6 January 1929, using as a pretext the political crisis triggered by the shooting, King Alexander abolished the Constitution, prorogued the Parliament and introduced a personal dictatorship (known as the January 6 Dictatorship, estojanuarska diktatura). He also changed the name of the country to Kingdom of Yugoslavia and changed the internal divisions from the 33 oblasts (upanije) to nine new banovinas on 3 October In 1931, Alexander decreed a new Constitution which made executive power the gift of the King. Elections were to be by universal suffrage (though universal still didn't include women). The provision for a secret ballot was dropped and pressure on public employees to vote for the governing party was to be a feature of all elections held under Alexander's constitution. Further, half the upper house was directly appointed by the King and legislation could become law with the approval of one of the houses alone if also approved by the King. Croat opposition to the new rgime was strong and, in late 1932, the Croatian Peasant Party issued the Zagreb Manifesto which sought an end to Serb hegemony and dictatorship. Belgrade reacted by imprisoning many political opponents including the new Croatian Peasant Party leader Vladko Maek. Despite these measures, opposition to the dictatorship continued, with Croats calling for a solution to what was called the Croatian question. In late 1934, the king planned to release Maek from prison, introduce democratic reforms, and attempt find common ground between Serbs and Croats. However, on 9 October 1934, the king was assassinated in Marseille, France by Veliko Kerin (also known by his revolutionary pseudonym Vlado Chernozemski), a Macedonian activist of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, in a conspiracy with Yugoslav exiles and radical members of banned political parties in cooperation with the Croatian extreme nationalist Ustae organisation. Because Alexander's eldest son, Peter II, was a minor, a regency council of three, specified in Alexander's will, took over the role of king. The council was dominated by the king's cousin Prince Paul. In the late 1930s, internal tensions continued to increase with Serbs and Croats seeking to establish ethnic federal subdivisions. Serbs wanted Vardar Banovina (later known within Yugoslavia as Vardar Macedonia), Vojvodina, Montenegro united with Serb lands while Croatia wanted Dalmatia and some of Vojvodina. Both sides claimed territory in present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina populated by Bosniak Muslims. The expansion of Nazi Germany in 1938 gave new momentum to efforts to solve these problems and, in 1939, Prince Paul appointed Dragia Cvetkovi as prime minister, with the goal of reaching an agreement with the Croatian opposition. Accordingly, on 26 August 1939, Vladko Maek became vice premier of Yugoslavia and an autonomous Banovina of Croatia was established with its own parliament. These changes satisfied neither Serbs who were concerned with the status of the Serb minority in the new Banovina of Croatia and who wanted more of Bosnia and Herzegovina as Serbian territory. The Croatian nationalist Ustae were also angered by any settlement short of full independence for a Greater Croatia including all of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Downfall
Fearing an invasion of the World War II Axis Powers, Regent Prince Paul signed the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941, pledging cooperation with the Axis. Because of Paul's decision, massive demonstrations took place in Belgrade. On 27 March, the regime of Prince Paul was overthrown by a military coup d'tat with British support. The 17-year-old Peter II was declared to be of age and placed in power. General Duan Simovi became his Prime Minister. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia withdrew its support for the Axis de facto without formally renouncing the Tripartite Pact. Although the new rulers opposed Nazi Germany, they Occupation and partition of Yugoslavia in World War II. also feared that if German dictator Adolf Hitler attacked Yugoslavia, the United Kingdom was not in any real position to help. Regardless of this, on 6 April 1941, the German armed forces (Wehrmacht) launched the invasion of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and quickly conquered it. The royal family, including Prince Paul, escaped abroad and were interned by the British in Kenya. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was soon divided by the Axis into several entities. Germany, Italy, Hungary, and Bulgaria annexed some border areas outright. A Greater Germany was expanded to include most of Slovenia. Italy added the Governorship of Dalmatia and more than a third of western Slovenia to the Italian Empire. An expanded Croatia was recognized by the Axis as the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska, or NDH). On paper, the NDH was a kingdom and the 4th Duke of Aosta was crowned as King Tomislav II of Croatia. The rump Serbian territory became a military administration of Germany run by military governors and a Serb civil government led by Milan Nedi. Nedi attempted to gain German recognition of Serbia as a successor state to Yugoslavia and claimed King Peter II as Serbia's monarch. Puppet states were also set up in Montenegro and southern Yugoslavia.
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Kingdom of Yugoslavia Friendship agreement In 1927, in response to the growing Italian expansionism, the royal government of Yugoslavia signed an agreement of friendship and cooperation with Britain and France.
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19351941 period
As official views had it, the last words of King Aleksandar had been 'Save Yugoslavia, and the friendship with France'. His successors were well aware of the need to try and do the first, but the second, maintaining close ties with France, was increasingly abandoned. There were several reasons for this. By the mid 1930s France, internally divided, was increasingly unable to play an important role in Eastern Europe and support its allies, many of whom had suffered badly from the economic crisis of that period. By contrast, Germany was increasingly willing to get into barter agreements with the countries of south east Europe. In the process those countries felt it was against their interests to closely follow France. An additional motive to improve relations with Italy and Germany was the fact that Italy supported Postage stamp, Yugoslavia, the Ustase movement. As Maek intimated Italy would support Croatian secession 1939: prince Peter II from Yugoslavia, First Regent Prince Paul judged closer relations with Italy were inevitable. In an effort to rob the HSS from potential Italian support a treaty of friendship was signed between the two countries in 1937. This in fact diminished the Ustasa threat somewhat since Mussolini jailed some of their leaders and temporarily withdrew financial support. In 1938 Germany, annexing Austria, became a neighbour of Yugoslavia. The feeble reaction of France and Britain, later that year, during the Sudeten Crisis convinced Belgrade that a) a European war was inevitable, b) it would be unwise to support France and Britain. Instead, Yugoslavia tried to stay aloof, this in spite of Paul's personal sympathies for Britain and Serbia's establishment's predilections for France. In the mean time, Germany and Italy tried to exploit Yugoslavia's domestic problems, and so did Maek. In the end, the regency agreed to the formation of the Banovina hrvatska in August 1939. This did not put an end to the pressures from Germany and Italy, while Yugoslavia's strategic position deteriorated by the day. It was increasingly dependent on the German market (about 90% of its exports went to Germany), while in April 1939 Italy invaded and annexed Albania. In October 1940 it attacked Greece. by that time, France had already been eliminated from the scene, leaving Britain as Yugoslavia's only potential ally - given that Belgrade had not recognized the Soviet Union. London however wanted to involve Yugoslavia in the war, which it rejected. From late 1940 Hitler wanted Belgrade to unequivocally choose sides, and pressure intensified, culminating in the signing of the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941. Two days later Prince Paul was deposed in a coup d'tat, his nephew Peter II was proclaimed of age, but the new government, headed by gen. Simovi assured Germany it would adhere to the Pact. Hitler however ordered the invasion of Yugoslavia. On 6 April 1941 Belgrade was bombed, on 10 April the Independent State of Croatia was proclaimed and on 17 April the weak Yugoslav Army capitulated.
19411945
After the invasion, the Yugoslav royal government went into exile and local Yugoslav forces rose up in resistance to the occupying Axis powers. Initially the monarchy preferred Draa Mihailovi and his Serb-dominated Chetnik resistance. However, in 1944, the Tito-ubai agreement recognised the Partisans of Josip Broz Tito as the legitimate armed forces of Yugoslavia in exchange for Partisans formally recognising and taking part in a new government. Royalist Prime minister Ivan ubai held his post until 30 January 1945. On 7 March 1945, Tito formally became Prime Minister of Yugoslavia. ubai was Foreign Minister in Tito's cabinet until October, when ubai resigned, disagreeing with Communist policies of the new government. On 29 November 1945, while still in exile, King Peter II was deposed by the Constituent assembly. However, he refused to abdicate.
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Demographics
Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were the constitutional nations up to 1929, when they were merged into a new nationalityYugoslavs. The following data, grouped by mother tongue, is from the 1921 population census: Serbo-Croatian: 8,911,509 (74.36%) Serbs: 44.57% Croats: 23.5% Muslims: 6.29% Slovene: 1,019,997 (8.51%) German: 505,790 (4.22%) Hungarian: 467,658 (3.9%) Arnaut (Albanian): 439,657 (3.67%) Romanian: 231,068 (1.93%) Turkish: 150,322 (1.25%) Czech and Slovak: 115,532 (0.96%) Ruthenian: 25,615 (0.21%) Russian: 20,568 (0.17%)
Ethnic groups
Yugoslavs: 82.87% (collectively Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and Muslims) Germans: 4.22% Hungarians: 3.90% Albanians: 3.67% Romanians: 1.93% Turks: 1.25% Czechs and Slovaks: 0.96% Rusyns: 0.21% Russians: 0.17% Poles: 0.12% Others: 0.69%
Religious groups
Christians: 10,571,569 (88.21%) Orthodox: 5,593,057 (46.67%) Roman Catholics: 4,708,657 (39.29%) Protestants: 229,517 (1.91%) Greek Catholic: 40,338 (0.34%) Muslims: 1,345,271 (11.22%) Jews: 64,746 (0.54%) others: 1,944 (0.02%) atheists: 1,381 (0.01%)[8]
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List of rulers
Kings
1. Peter I (1 December 1918 16 August 1921; prince regent Alexander ruled in the name of the king) 2. Alexander I (16 August 1921 9 October 1934) 3. Peter II (9 October 1934 29 November 1945; in exile from 13 April or 14 April 1941) Regency headed by Prince Paul (9 October 1934 27 March 1941)
Prime Ministers
Stojan Proti (19181919) Ljubomir Davidovi (19191920) Stojan Proti (1920) Milenko Vesni (19201921) Nikola Pai (19211924) Ljubomir Davidovi (1924) Nikola Pai (19241926) Nikola Uzunovi (19261927) Velimir Vukievi (19271928) Anton Koroec (19281929) Petar ivkovi (19291932) Vojislav Marinkovi (1932) Milan Srki (19321934) Nikola Uzunovi (1934) Bogoljub Jevti (19341935) Milan Stojadinovi (19351939) Dragia Cvetkovi (19391941) Duan Simovi (1941)
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Subdivisions
The subdivisions of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia existed successively in three different forms. From 1918 to 1922, the kingdom maintained the preWorld War I subdivisions of Yugoslavia's predecessor states. In 1922, the state was divided into 33 oblasts or provinces and, in 1929, a new system of nine banovinas was implemented. In 1939, as an accommodation to Yugoslav Croats in the Cvetkovi-Maek Agreement, a Banovina of Croatia was formed, replacing two of the 1929 banovinas and including sections of others as well.
References
[1] Spencer Tucker. Encyclopedia of World War I: A Political, Social, and Military History. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2005. Pp. 1189. [2] History of the municipal theatre (http:/ / www. corfu. gr/ en/ profil/ theatro. htm) from Corfu city hall Quote: "The Municipal Theatre was not only an Art-monument but also a historical one. On its premises the exiled Serbian parliament, held meetings in 1916, which decided the creation of the new Unified Kingdom of Yugoslavia." [3] Lampe, John R. (2000) Yugoslavia as history: twice there was a country Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England, page 112 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=AZ1x7gvwx_8C& pg=PA112), ISBN 0-521-77401-2 [4] Gligorijevi, Branislav (1979) Parliament i politike stranke u Jugoslaviji 19191929 Institut za savremenu istoriju, Narodna knjiga, Belgrade, page ??, OCLC6420325 [5] Balkan Politics (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,846181,00. html), TIME Magazine, March 31, 1923 [6] Elections (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,719894,00. html), TIME Magazine, February 23, 1925 [7] The Opposition (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,720153,00. html), TIME Magazine, April 06, 1925 [8] Group of Authors (1997). Istorijski atlas (1st ed.). Zavod za udbenike i nastavna sredstva & Geokarta, Belgrade. p. 91. ISBN 86-17-05594-4. [9] Group of Authors (1997). Istorijski atlas (1st ed.). Zavod za udbenike i nastavna sredstva & Geokarta, Belgrade. p. 86. ISBN 86-17-05594-4.
External links
Full text of the 1931 Constitution (http://web.archive.org/web/20091021145008/http://geocities.com/ dagtho/yugconst19310903.html) (English)
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The Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina are people of Serb ethnicity inhabiting the Balkan regions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or, since the establishment of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state in the 1990s, the Serbs who have its citizenship. The Serbs are one of the three constitutive nations of this state, predominantly residing in its political-territorial entity named Republika Srpska. They are frequently referred to as Bosnian Serbs in English, regardless of whether they are from Bosnia or Herzegovina.
Population
The last 1996 UNHCR population census registered 1,484,530 Serbs or 37.9% of the total population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The modern estimate is that they form more likely about 37.1% (2000).[1] The vast majority live on the territory of the Republika Srpska, and West Bosnia and Una-Sana cantons of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Serbs are the most territorially widespread nation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The majority of Bosnian Serbs are adherents of the Serbian Orthodox Church, while some are atheists. The Bosnian Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina speak the Serbian language in its Jekavian and Ijekavian variant, similar to that of Montenegro and Croatia. Their total population world wide is estimated to be over 2 million.
History
Medieval
Serbs settled the eastern parts of Bosnia during the first half of the 7th century. They were led by the Unknown Archont and given Bosnia as a land to settle in by Byzantine Emperor Heraclius. Historical records indicate there were two small Serb inhabited cities, Kotor and Desnik, in Bosnia. Bosnia was ruled by Bans and in 753 formed a territorial union with the Principality of Rascia known as Serbia (Surbia, the region called Zagorje) ruled by Grand Princes. According to the Royal Frankish Annals, in 822, Ljudevit Posavski, the ruler of Pannonia went from his seat in Sisak to the Serbs somewhere in western Bosnia who controlled a great part of Dalmatia ("Sorabi, quae natio magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur").[2] The western regions were incorporated into the Croatian state and some Bosnians were later baptised into Christianity by Byzantine missionaries (later Saints) Cyril and Methodus. The Bosnian Chiefs abandoned the War-of-the-succession-torn Kingdom of Croatia and joined the Serbian Realm of Prince aslav of Klonimir of the House of Vlastimir up to 931. By the end of the 948 Croatian struggles for the throne, he included all the territories to the river of Vrbas to the west and Sava to the north while western and northern Bosnia remained in the Kingdom of Croatia. The Drina area became the heart of his state. The Hungarian Kingdom had pretensions to conquer Bosnia, so aslav was forced to fend-off a Hungarian invasion in 955. Prince
Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina aslav saved Bosnia, but was drowned by Hungarian forces in the river of Sava in northern Bosnia in the year 960. The Serbian rule in eastern and central Bosnia crumbled after aslav's fall. It would take Serbian King Constantine Bodin of Doclea and war against the Byzantines in 1082-1085 to restore it. There he installed a related courtier named Stefan as Ban, whose heirs continued to rule Bosnia.
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Ottoman Era
After the Ottomans occupied Bosnia in the 15th century, many Serbs from east Herzegovina migrated up north and to the Bosnian frontier, the Bosnian Krajina, in the west.
Austro-Hungarian Era
In 1878, Bosnia and Herzegovina became a protectorate of Austria-Hungary, which the Serbs strongly opposed. On June 28, 1914, Bosnian Serb Gavrilo Princip made international headlines after assassinating Arch Duke Francis Ferdinand in Sarajevo. This sparked World War I leading to Austria-Hungary's defeat and the incorporation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
World War II
During the Second World War, Bosnian Serbs were put under the rule of the fascist Ustaa regime in the Independent State of Croatia. Under Ustaa rule Serbs along with Jews and Roma people, were subjected to systematic genocide, known as the Serbian genocide, where hundreds of thousands of civilian serbs were murdered.[3] Between 1945 and 1948, following World War II, approximately 70,000 Serbs migrated from the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Vojvodina after the Germans had left. Serbs were the larger of the two constitutive nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina (later the second largest of three, when Bosniaks, then known as Muslims by nationality, gained constitutive status in 1968). In the first population census conducted in the People's Republic of Bosnia in 1948, there were 1,136,116 Serbs for a total of 44.3% of BiH's population In 1953, there were 1,264,372 Serbs in BiH, equaling 44.4% of the total population. In the 1961 population census, there were 1,406,057 Serbs, accounting for 42.9% of the total population of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnian War
After the government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence, which was not accepted by the federal Serb controlled government of Yugoslavia, the Serbian Autonomous Area of the Bosnian Frontier was formed in the western Bosnian Frontier region of Bosnia and Herzegovina with its capital in Banja Luka, which was not recognised by the central government. SAO Bosnian Frontier made attempts to unite with the Autonomous Region of the Serbian Frontier in Croatia. The Serb political leadership martialled its own force assisted by the Yugoslav People's Army and declared independence from Bosnia and Herzegovina in late 1992. During this period there was notable support for the idea of a Greater Serbia being made reality, both within Bosnia and in Serbia proper. This ideology
Radovan Karadi, the first president of Republika Srpska.
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advocated the joining of Serb-populated regions into a contiguous territory. BiH's Bosniak and Bosnian Croat dominated government did not recognize the new Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose president was Radovan Karadi seated in Banja Luka. The Serb side accepted the proposed ethnic cantonization of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Carrington-Cutileiro peace plan), as did the Bosniak and Bosnian Croat sides in Lisbon in 1992, in the hope that war would not break out. The Bosniak political leadership under President Alija Izetbegovi of Bosnia and Herzegovina subsequently revoked the agreement refusing to decentralize the newly created country based on ethnic lines. The Bosnian War began. Throughout most of the war the Serbs fought against both the Bosniaks and the Bosnian Croats. During Bosniak-Croat hostilities the Serbs co-operated largely with the Croats. There were exceptions to this The distribution of the three main ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991 by however, as Serb forces were also allied with the pro-Yugoslav municipalities. Bosnian Serbs are shown in red, Bosniaks of the Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia under Fikret Bosniaks in green, and Bosnian Croats in blue. Abdi. Serb forces also carried out ethnic cleansing operations against The post-Dayton Inter-Entity Boundary Line is non-Serbs living within their territory, the most formidable was the shown in white. Srebrenica massacre in July 1995. However, many Serbs also were targets of atrocities during the war. During most of the war, the Serb Republic comprised around 70% of Bosnia and Herzegovina's soil. During the entire length of war the Army of the Serb Republic maintained the Siege of Sarajevo, allegedly in order to tie down the Bosnian Muslim (Bosniak) forces and resources in what was the capital of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian state. Serb Republic maintained close ties with the Republic of the Serb Frontier and received volunteers and supplies from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia during the war. The Serb Republic received a large number of Serb refugees from other Yugoslav hotzones, particularly non-Serb held areas in Sarajevo, Herzeg-Bosnia and Croatia. In 1993, the Owen-Stoltenberg peace treaty was suggested that would give 52% of BiH to the Serb side. It was refused by the Bosniak side as too large of a concession. In 1994, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia imposed sanctions after the National Assembly of the Serb Republic refused the Vance-Owen peace plan. In 1995, Operation Storm eliminated the Republic of the Serb Frontier. The Croatian Army continued the offensive into the Serb Republic under General Ante Gotovina (convicted of War Crimes by the ICTY and sentenced to 24 years). Some 250,000 Serbs fled to the Serb Republic and Serbia from Croatia, as the Serb side continued a full retreat of Serbs from the Una to the Sana river. The Croatian Army, supported by the forces of the Muslim-Croat Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina came within 20km of the de facto Bosnian Serb capital, Banja Luka. The war was halted with the Dayton Peace Agreement which recognized Republika Srpska, comprising 49% of the soil of BiH, as one of the two territorial entities of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Serb side suffered a total 30,700 victims - 16,700 civilians and 14,000 military personnel, according to the Demographic Unit at the ICTY. Although exact numbers are disputed, it is generally agreed that the Bosnian War claimed the lives of about 100,000 people - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks. See: Casualties of the Bosnian War The demographics of Bosnia-Herzegovina as well as Republika Srpska were tremendously affected by the war. Current estimates indicate that some 400,000 Serbs no longer live in the Federation of BiH. By the same token, it is estimated that some 450,000 Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) and Bosnian Croats that used to live in Republika Srpska no longer live there. Many Bosnian Serbs emigrated abroad to Canada, the United States, Australia, western Europe, Serbia and Montenegro.
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Culture
The Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina use regional names among each other, such as the wider: Frontiersmen (Krajiniks), Semberians, Bosnians, Herzegovinians
Uskoci Jezera Korito aranci Piva Planina upa Krivoije Golija Gacko Zupci
A Herzegovinian sings to the gusle (drawing from 1823). Serbian epic poems were often sung to the accompaniment of this traditional bowed string instrument.
References
[1] https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ geos/ bk. html CIA Factbook Bosnia and Hercegovina - People [2] Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500-1250 (http:/ / books. google. se/ books?id=YIAYMNOOe0YC) [3] Kosovo and Bosnia During World War II (http:/ / greyfalcon. us/ Kosovo and Bosnia During World War II. htm)
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Ustae
Ustaa - Croatian Revolutionary Movement
Ante Paveli Establishment of an independent Greater Croatia Kingdom of Italy Kingdom of Yugoslavia Kingdom of Hungary Independent State of Croatia Fascism, Clerical fascism, Nazism Assassination of Alexander I of Yugoslavia Dissolved (Ustaa's political emigration established various Ustae organizations after the war, only active today is Croatian Liberation Movement) 12,000 (December 1941) 28,000 (1942)
Size
The Ustaa - Croatian Revolutionary Movement (Croatian: Ustaa - Hrvatski Revolucionarni Pokret, members known collectively as Ustae, but sometimes anglicised as Ustashe, Ustashas or Ustashi) was a Croatian fascist[1] anti-Yugoslav separatist movement. The ideology of the movement was a blend of fascism, Nazism,[2] and Croatian nationalism. The Ustae supported the creation of a Greater Croatia that would span to the River Drina and to the border of Belgrade.[3] The movement emphasized the need for a racially "pure" Croatia and promoted persecution and genocide against Serbs, Jews and Romani people.[4] Fiercely nationalistic, the Ustae were also fanatically Catholic. In the Yugoslav political context, they identified Catholicism with Croatian nationalism.[5] Following Croatian nationalism, they declared the Catholic and Muslim faiths as religions of the Croatian people. The Ustae also saw the Islam of Bosniaks as a religion which "keeps true the blood of Croats."[6] The movement functioned as a terrorist organization before World War II,[7] but in April 1941, they were appointed to rule a part of Axis-occupied Yugoslavia as the Independent State of Croatia, a puppet state[8] [9] [10] of Nazi Germany.[11] [12] [13] The Ustae were chiefly responsible for the World War II Holocaust in Independent State of Croatia. Around three hundred thousand were killed by the collaborationist Ustae government's racial policies, which condemned all Serbs, Jews, and Roma to death in the concentration camps, alongside Croat resistance members and political opponents. When it was founded in 1929, the Ustae was a nationalist organization that sought to create an independent Croatian state. When the Ustae came to power in the Independent State of Croatia, a state established by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during World War II, its military wing became the Ustae Army (Croatian: Ustaka vojnica).[14] The movement collaborated with the German occupation forces in Yugoslavia in fighting an increasingly unsuccessful
Ustae campaign against the resistance forces, the Yugoslav Partisans, who were recognized in late November 1943 as the military of the Allied Yugoslav state. As German forces withdrew from Yugoslavia in 1945, the Ustae mostly left the country, part of them remained in SFR Yugoslavia as resistance group known as Crusaders and large number of them was killed without trial by Yugoslav forces (the Partisans) after the end of war. Their name derives from the verb ustati which means "to rise up," hence ustaa would mean an insurgent, or a rebel. This name did not have fascist connotations during their early years in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as the term "ustat" was itself used in Herzegovina to denote the insurgents from the Herzegovinian rebellion of 1875. "Puki-Ustaa" was a military rank in the Imperial Croatian Home Guard (18681918). The full original name of the organization appeared in April 1931 as the Ustaa - Hrvatska revolucionarna organizacija or UHRO (Ustaa Croatian revolutionary organization), though in 1933 it was renamed the Ustaa - Hrvatski revolucionarni pokret (Ustaa - Croatian revolutionary movement) which it kept until World War II.
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Name etimology
Word ustaa (plural :ustae) is variation of the word ustanik(plural :ustanici). It is derived from the verb ustati (Croatian for rise up).
Ideological origins
One of the major ideological influences of the Croatian nationalism of the Ustae was 19th century Croatian activist Ante Starevi.[15] Starevi was an advocate of Croatian unity and independence and was both anti-Habsburg and anti-Serbian.[15] He envisioned the creation of a Greater Croatia that would include territories inhabited by Bosniaks, Serbs, and Slovenes, considering Bosniaks and Serbs as Croats who had been converted to Islam and Orthodox Christianity while considering the Slovenes "mountain Croats".[15] He argued that the large Serb presence in territories claimed by a Greater Croatia was the result of recent settlement, encouraged settlement by Habsburg rulers, and influx of groups like Vlachs who took up Orthodox Christianity and identified as Serbs.[16] Starevi declared his admiration for Bosniaks because in his view they were Croats who tactically had adopted Islam to preserve the economic and political autonomy of Bosnia and medieval Croatia under the Ottoman Empire.[17] The Ustae used Starevi's theories to promote the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia and recognized Croatia as having two major ethnocultural components: Catholic Croats and Muslim Croats.[17] The Ustae deliberately sought to represent Starevi as being connected to their views, and falsely asserted that Starevi, as a liberal, never supported human equality or women's equality while portraying him as a racist.[18] The Ustae promoted the theories of Dr. Milan ufflay who is believed to have claimed that Croatia had been "one of the strongest ramparts of Western civilization for many centuries" that he claimed had been lost with its union with Serbia in Yugoslavia in 1918.[19] The Ustae utilized the thesis by Reverend Krunoslav Draganovi, which claimed that many Roman Catholics in southern Herzegovina had been converted to Orthodox Christianity in the 16th and 17th centuries, to justify a policy of forced conversion of Orthodox Christians in the area to Roman Catholicism.[20] The Ustae was heavily influenced by Italian Fascism and Nazism.[15] Ante Paveli's position of Poglavnik was based on the similar positions of Duce held by Benito Mussolini and Fhrer by Adolf Hitler.[21] The Ustae, like fascists, promoted a corporatist economy.[22] Paveli and the Ustae were allowed sanctuary in Italy by Mussolini after being exiled from Yugoslavia.[21] Paveli had been in negotiations with Fascist Italy since 1927 that included advocating a territory-for-sovereignty swap in which he would tolerate Italy annexing its claimed territory in Dalmatia in exchange for Italy supporting the sovereignty of an independent Croatia.[21]
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Ideology
In 1933, the Ustae presented "The Seventeen Principles" that formed the official ideology of the movement. The Principles stated the uniqueness of the Croatian nation, promoted collective rights over individual rights, and declared that people who were not Croat by "blood" would be excluded from political life.[17] Those peoples considered "undesirables" were subjected to mass murder.[23] The Principles called for the creation of a new economic system that would be neither capitalist nor communist.[21] The Principles emphasized the importance of the Roman Catholic Church and the patriarchial family as means to maintain social order and morality.[24] In power, the Ustae banned contraception and tightened laws against blasphemy.[25] The Ustae believed that a government must naturally be strong and authoritarian.[22] The movement opposed parliamentary democracy for being "corrupt" and Marxism and Bolshevism for interfering in family life and the economy and for their materialism.[22] The movement considered political institutions such as political parties and parliaments to be harmful and unnatural.[26] The Ustae glorified violence and weaponry, emphasizing the value of the shedding of blood to achieve goals, and combined this rhetoric with religious metaphors.[24] Armed struggle, revenge, and terrorism were glorified by the Ustae.[22] The Ustae recognized both Roman Catholicism and Islam as the national religions of the Croatian people but initially rejected Orthodox Christianity as being incompatible with their objectives.[19] The Ustae in power banned the use of the expression of "Serbian Orthodox faith" and mandated the use of the expression "Greek-Eastern faith" in its place.[23] The Ustae persecuted "Old Catholics" who did not recognize papal infallibility.[23] Orthodox Christian churches were closed, destroyed, or plundered during Ustae rule.[23] On 2 July 1942 Croatian Orthodox Church was founded and thus Orthodoxy becomed one of state religions.[27] In economics Ustae supported the creation of a corporatist economy.[22] [25] [28] The movement believed that natural rights existed to private property and ownership over small-scale means of production free from state control.[22]
History
Before World War II
In October 1928, after the assassination of leading Croatian politician Stjepan Radi, Croatian Peasant Party President in the Yugoslav Assembly by radical Montenegrin politician Punia Rai, a youth group named the Croat Youth Movement was founded by Branimir Jeli at the University of Zagreb. A year later, Ante Paveli was invited by the 21-year-old Jeli into the organization as a junior member.} A related movement, the Domobranski Pokret, which had been the name of the legal Croatian army in Austria-Hungary, began Group of Ustae during the training in publication of Hrvatski Domobran, a newspaper dedicated to Croatian Italy, 1934 national matters. The organization around the Domobran tried to engage with and radicalize moderate Croats, using Radis murder to stir up emotions in the country. By 1929, however, two divergent political streams had formed within Croatia: some supported the Paveli view that only violence could secure Croatia's national interests; however, the Croatian Peasant Party, led then by Vladko Maek, successor to Stjepan Radi, had much greater support among Croats.[29]
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Various members of the Croatian Party of Rights contributed to the writing of the Domobran, until around Christmas 1928 when the newspaper was banned by the authorities of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In January 1929, the King banned all national parties,[30] and the radical wing of the Party of Rights was exiled, among them Ante Paveli, Gustav Perec and Branimir Jeli. This group was later joined by several other Croatian exiles. In 1931, Albert Einstein and Heinrich Mann drew international attention to the murders of Radi and a Croatian college professor Milan ufflay, in which they accused the King of complicity in a published protest.[31] [32] [33] The appeal was addressed to the Paris-based Ligue des droits de l'homme [34] (Human Rights League) and made the front page of the New York Times on May 6, 1931.[31] [32] [35] On 20 April 1929, Paveli and others co-signed a declaration in Sofia, Bulgaria together with members of the Macedonian National Committee, asserting that they would pursue "their legal activities for the establishment of human and national rights, political freedom and complete independence for both Croatia and Macedonia". Due to this, the Court for the Preservation of the State in Belgrade sentenced Paveli and Perec to death on 17 July 1929. The exiles started organizing support for their cause among the Croatian diaspora in Europe, North and South America. In January 1932, they named their revolutionary organization "Ustaa". In November 1932, ten Ustae led by Andrija Artukovi, supported by four local sympathisers, attacked a gendarme outpost at Bruani in the Lika/Velebit area. The goal of attack was to scare Yugoslav authorities. The incident has sometimes been termed the Velebit Uprising.
One of the most important actions of Ustae was assassination of Yugoslav king Alexander I. Organizer of assassination was Eugen Dido Kvaternik while assassin was Vlado Chernozemski, member of IMRO. Soon after the assassination, all organizations related to the Ustae as well as the Hrvatski Domobran, which continued as a civil organization, were banned throughout Europe. Paveli and Kvaternik were detained in Italy from October 1934 until the end of March 1936. After March 1937, when Italy and Yugoslavia signed a pact of friendship, Ustae and their activities were banned. However, not only did these events fail to destroy the Ustaa organization, but it even attracted sympathizers among the Croatian youth, especially among university students. In February 1939, two of these returnees, Mile Budak and Ivan Orani, became editors of the newly published magazine Hrvatski narod ("The Croatian nation"), which supported the Ustae ideas of Croatian independence.
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World War II
The Axis Powers invaded Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941. Vladko Maek, the leader of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) which was the most influential party in Croatia at the time, rejected German offers to lead the new government. On April 10 the most senior home-based Ustaa, Slavko Kvaternik, took control of the police in Zagreb and in a radio broadcast that day proclaimed the formation of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska, NDH). The name of the state was an attempt to capitalise on the Croat struggle for independence. Maek issued a statement that day, calling on all Croatians to co-operate with the new authorities.[36] Meanwhile Paveli and several hundred Ustae left their camps in Italy for Zagreb, where Paveli declared new government on 16 April 1941.[37] He accorded himself the title of "Poglavnik" a Croatian approximation to "Fhrer" and translating to something like "Headman" in English. Independent State of Croatia was declared on Croatian historical territory Ante Paveli, Poglavnik of Ustae and of the Independent State of Croatia what is today Republic of Croatia (without Istria), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Syrmia and Bay of Kotor. However, few days after declaration of independence Ustae were forced[37] to sign Treaty of Rome where they surrendered part of Dalmatia and Krk, Rab, Korula, Biograd, ibenik, Split, iovo, olta, Mljet and part of Konavle and Bay of Kotor in favor of Italy. De facto control over this territory varied for the majority of the war, as the Partisans grew more successful, while the Germans and Italians increasingly exercised direct control over areas of interest. The Germans and the Italians split the NDH into two zones of influence, one in the southwest controlled by the Italians and the other in the northeast controlled by the Germans. In September 1943, after Italian capitulation, Croatia annexed whole territory which was abdicated by Italy according to Treaty of Rome.
Ustae militia
The regular army of the NDH, the Home Guard (Domobrani), was composed of enlisted men who did not participate in Ustae activities. The fanatical Ustae Militia, however, organised in 1941 into five (later 15) 700-man battalions, two railway security battalions, and the elite Black Legion and Poglavnik Bodyguard Battalion (later Brigade), fought with a merciless tenacity which impressed and appalled friend and foe alike.[39] In May 1941 the Croatian Army was engaged in Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina. In January 1942 it forced the Partisans in Eastern Bosnia back German General Major Friedrich Stahl stands alongside an Ustae officer and into Montenegro, but could not prevent their subsequent advance into Chetnik commander Rade Radi in Western Bosnia. Clearly conventional infantry divisions were too [38] central Bosnia, 1942. cumbersome, and so in September 1942 four specially designed mountain brigades (1st to 4th) were formed, as well as an Ustae Defensive Brigade, but by November 1942 the Partisans had occupied Northern Bosnia, and the Croats could only hold main towns and communications routes, abandoning the countryside.[40] During 1943 the Ustae battalions were re organised into eight four-battalion brigades (1st to 8th).[41]
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By 1944 Paveli was almost totally reliant on his Ustae units, now 100,000 strong, formed in Brigades 1 to 20, Recruit Training Brigades 21 to 24, three divisions, two railway brigades, one defensive brigade and the new Mobile Brigade. In November 1944 the Army was put under Ustae control, and the Army of the Independent State of Croatia was reorganized in November 1944 to combine the units of the Ustae and Croatian Home Guard into eighteen divisions, comprising 13 infantry, two mountain, two assault and one replacement Croatian Divisions, each with its own organic artillery and other support units. There were also several armoured units.[41] On 27 April 1941, a newly formed unit of the Ustae army killed members of Representatives of the Chetniks, Ustae, the largely Serbian community of Gudovac, near Bjelovar. Eventually all who and the Croatian Home Guard meet in opposed and/or threatened the Ustae were outlawed. The HSS was banned Bosnia on 11 June 1941, in an attempt by the Ustae to take their place as the primary representative of the Croatian peasantry. Vladko Maek was sent to Jasenovac concentration camp, but later released to serve a house arrest sentence due to his popularity among the people. Maek was later again called upon by foreigners to take a stand and oppose the Paveli government, but refused. In early 1941, Jews and Serbs were ordered to leave certain areas of Zagreb[42] [43] Paveli first met with Adolf Hitler on 6 June 1941. Mile Budak, then a minister in Paveli's government, publicly proclaimed the violent racial policy of the state on 22 July 1941. Vjekoslav "Maks" Luburi, one of the chiefs of the secret police, started building concentration camps in the summer of the same year. Ustae activities in villages across the Dinaric Alps led to the Italians and the Germans expressing disquiet. As early as July 10, 1941, Wehrmacht General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau reported the following to the German High Command, the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW): Our troops have to be mute witnesses of such events; it does not reflect well on their otherwise high reputation... I am frequently told that German occupation troops would finally have to intervene against Ustae crimes. This may happen eventually. Right now, with the available forces, I could not ask for such action. Ad hoc intervention in individual cases could make the German Army look responsible for countless crimes which it could not prevent in the past.[44] A Gestapo report to Reichsfhrer SS Heinrich Himmler, dated February 17, 1942, stated that: Increased activity of the bands [of rebels] is chiefly due to atrocities carried out by Ustae units in Croatia against the Orthodox population. The Ustae committed their deeds in a bestial manner not only against males of conscript age, but especially against helpless old people, women and children. The number of the Orthodox that the Croats have massacred and sadistically tortured to death is about three hundred thousand. Italian troops in the field had competing territorial claims with their Ustae allies and had cooperated from the start with Chetnik units operating in the southern areas that they controlled. Hitler tried to insist that Mussolini should have his forces work with the Ustae, but senior Italian commanders such as General Mario Roatta ignored such orders.
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By the end of 1942, the news about events at Jasenovac and elsewhere had also spread among the Croatian population. Writers Vladimir Nazor and Ivan Goran Kovai escaped from Ustae-held territory to join the Partisans, and were followed by others. In 1943, the Germans suffered major losses on the Eastern Front and the Italians signed an armistice with the Allies, leaving behind significant armaments that the Partisans used against the occupiers and the Ustae. Fighting continued for a short while after the An Ustaa guard poses among the bodies of prisoners formal surrender of German Army Group E on 9 May 1945, as murdered in Jasenovac concentration camp Axis forces and many refugees attempted to escape to Austria. The Battle of Poljana, between a mixed German and Ustae column and a Partisan force, was the last battle of World War II on European soil. Many of those fleeing were handed over to the Yugoslavs on the Austrian border, to be subsequently either executed or sent on a "death march" back into the country, an episode known as the Bleiburg massacre. Paveli, however, with the help of associates among the Franciscans, managed to escape and hide in Austria and Rome, later fleeing to Argentina.
Racial persecution
The Ustae aimed at an ethnically "pure" Croatia, and saw the Serbs that lived in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina as the their biggest obstacle. Thus, Ustae ministers Mile Budak, Mirko Puk, and Milovan ani declared in May 1941 that the goal of the new Ustae policy was an ethnically clean Croatia. They also publicly announced the strategy to achieve their goal: 1. One third of the Serbs (in the Independent State of Croatia) were to be forcibly converted to Catholicism. 2. One third of the Serbs were to be expelled (ethnically cleansed). 3. One third of the Serbs were to be killed.
Serbian civilians forced to convert to Catholicism by the Ustaa in Glina
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The Ustae enacted race laws patterned after those of the Third Reich, which were aimed against Jews and Roma and Serbs, who were collectively declared enemies of the Croatian people. Serbs, Jews, Roma and Croatian anti-fascists, including Communist Croats and dissident Croat Byzantine Catholic priests, were interned in concentration camps, the largest of which was the Jasenovac complex, where many were killed by Ustae militia. The exact number of victims is not known. The number of murdered Jews is fairly reliable: around 32,000 Jews were killed Ustae militia execute prisoners near the Jasenovac during World War II on NDH territory. Gypsies (Yugoslav Roma) concentration camp numbered around 40,000 fewer after the war. Of the number of Serbs who died, estimates tend to vary between 300,000 and 700,000. The history textbooks in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia cited 700,000 as the total number of victims at Jasenovac. This was promulgated from a 1946 calculation of the demographic loss of population (the difference between the actual number of people after the war and the number that would have been, had the pre-war growth trend continued). After that, it was used by Edvard Kardelj and Moa Pijade in the Yugoslav war reparations claim sent to Germany. According to the Simon Wiesenthal Center (citing the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust), "Ustasa terrorists killed 500,000 Serbs, expelled 250,000 and forced 250,000 to convert to Catholicism. They murdered thousands of Jews and Gypsies."[48] The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum says: Due to differing views and lack of documentation, estimates for the number of Serbian victims in Croatia range widely, from 25,000 to more than one million. The estimated number of Serbs killed in Jasenovac ranges from 25,000 to 700,000. The most reliable figures place the number of Serbs killed by the Ustaa between 330,000 and 390,000, with 45,000 to 52,000 Serbs murdered in Jasenovac.[49] The Jasenovac Memorial Area, currently headed by Slavko Goldstein, keeps a list of 59,188 names of Jasenovac victims that was gathered by government officials in Belgrade in 1964. Because the gathering process was imperfect, they estimated that the list contains between 60 and 75 percent of the total victims, putting the number of killed in that complex at about 80,000100,000. The previous head of the Memorial Area Simo Brdar estimated at least 365,000 dead at Jasenovac. The analyses of the statisticians Vladimir erjavi and Bogoljub Koovi were similar to those of the Memorial Area. In all of Yugoslavia, the estimated number of Serb deaths was 487,000 according to Koovi, and 530,000 according to erjavi, out of a total of 1,014,000 or 1,027,000 deaths (resp.). erjavi further stated that there were 197,000 Serb civilians killed in NDH (78,000 as prisoners in Jasenovac and elsewhere) as well as 125,000 Serb combatants. The Belgrade Museum of Holocaust compiled a list of over 77,000 names of Jasenovac victims. It was previously headed by Milan Bulaji (a controversial nationalist), who supported the claim of a total of 700,000 victims. The current administration of the Museum has further expanded the list to include a bit over 80,000 names. During the 1961 trial of Adolf Eichmann, Alexander Arnon (secretary of the Jewish Community in Zagreb) testified about the treatment of Jews in Yugoslavia during the war. Alexander Arnon's testimony included the following: Q. One more question: I am not sure that I heard correctly when you said that in one camp hundreds of thousands of Serbs were exterminated? A. Hundreds of thousands. Q. In what year was that? A. Beginning in 1941, and until the end. Q. And who killed them? A. The Ustashi. Alexander Arnon testifying at the Trial of Adolf Eichmann[50]
Ustae During World War II, various German military commanders gave different figures for the number of Serbs, Jews and others killed on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia. They circulated figures of 400,000 Serbs (Alexander Lehr); 350,000 Serbs (Lothar Rendulic); between 300,000 (Edmund Glaise von Horstenau); more than "3/4 of a million Serbs" (Hermann Neubacher) in 1943; 600,000700,000 until March 1944 (Ernst Fick); 700,000 (Massenbach). Out of around 39,000 Jews that lived on the territory that became the Independent State of Croatia, only around 20% survived the war.
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Concentration camps
The first group of camps was formed in the spring of 1941. These included: Danica near Koprivnica Pag Jadovno near Gospi Kruica near Vitez and Travnik in Bosnia akovo Loborgrad in Zagorje Tenja near Osijek
These six camps were closed by October 1942. The Jasenovac complex was built between August 1941 and February 1942. The first two camps, Krapje and Broica, were closed in November 1941. The three newer camps continued to function until the end of the war: Ciglana (Jasenovac III) Kozara (Jasenovac IV) Stara Gradika (Jasenovac V) There were also other camps in: Gospi Jastrebarsko between Zagreb and Karlovac Jastrebarsko Children's Concentration Camp[42] Kerestinec near Zagreb Lepoglava near Varadin
Numbers of prisoners: from 80,000100,000 around 300,000350,000 up to 700,000 in Jasenovac around 35,000 in Gospi around 8,500 in Pag around 3,000 in akovo 1,018 in Jastrebarsko around 1,000 in Lepoglava.
Symbols
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The Ustae U
The symbol of the Ustae is a wide capital letter "U" with pronounced serifs. This symbol can easily be spraypainted. A slight variation of it includes a small plus inserted at the top, symbolizing a cross. In on-line communication it is sometimes written as =U=. As with fascists in other countries, the Ustasha merely superimposed their political symbols (mainly the letter "U") on already existent national symbols. Their hat insignia was the shield of Coat of Arms of Croatia surrounded or embossed with the U. The flag of the Independent State of Croatia was a red-white-blue horizontal tricolor with the shield of the Coat of Arms or Croatia in the middle and the U in the upper left. Its currency was the kuna. The checkered Coat of Arms of the old NDH starts with a white field in the corner, and that of today's Croatia starts with a red field in the corner. Some possible explanations are that the white field symbolizes the Croatian nationality, as opposed to the red field which symbolizes the Croatian state; or that the white field is used on the so-called war flag. The Ustae greeting was "Za dom - spremni!": Salute: Za dom! For home(land)! Reply: Spremni! (We are) ready! This was used instead of the Nazi greeting Heil Hitler by the Ustae. While the greeting is invented in the 19th century by Croatian ban Josip Jelai, today it is nominally associated with Ustasha sympathisers by Serbs or non-Ustasha conservatives associated with the Croatian Party of Rights. However, some Croats see it as a patriotic salute, because it was used long before the Ustase regime and it emphasized the fact of defending your country, your home. In Internet communication, it is sometimes abbreviated as ZDS.
Ustae Some former priests, mostly Franciscans, particularly in, but not limited to, Herzegovina and Bosnia, took part in the atrocities themselves. Miroslav Filipovi was a Franciscan friar (from the Petrievac monastery) who allegedly joined the Ustaa army on 7 February 1942 in a brutal massacre of 2730 Serbs of the nearby villages, including 500 children. He was allegedly subsequently dismissed from his order and defrocked, though when he was hanged for his war crimes, he wore his Franciscan robes. Filipovi became Chief Guard of Jasenovac concentration camp where he was nicknamed "Fra Sotona", and he was given this nickname by Croats themselves. For the duration of the war, the Vatican kept up full diplomatic relations with the Ustaa state (granting Paveli an audience), with its papal nuncio in the capital Zagreb. The nuncio was briefed on the efforts of religious conversions to Roman Catholicism. After the World War II was over, the Ustae who had managed to escape from Yugoslav territory (including Paveli) were smuggled to South America. It is widely alleged that this was done through rat lines which were operated by members of the organization who were Catholic priests and who had previously secured positions at the Vatican. Members of the Illyrian College of San Girolamo in Rome were reputedly involved in this: friars Krunoslav Draganovi, Petranovi, and Dominik Mandi. The Ustae regime had sent large amounts of gold that it had plundered from Serbian and Jewish property owners during World War II into Swiss bank accounts.Of a total of 350 million Swiss Francs, about 150 million was seized by British troops; however, the remaining 200 million (ca. 47 million dollars) reached the Vatican. In October 1946 the American intelligence agency SSU alleged that these funds are still held in the Vatican Bank. This issue is the theme of a recent class action suit against the Vatican Bank and others.[52] See Alperin v. Vatican Bank. Cardinal Alojzije Stepinac, Archbishop of Zagreb during World War II, was accused of supporting the Ustae, and of exonerating those in the clergy who collaborated with the Ustae and were hence complicit in forced conversions. On the other hand, he himself helped Jewish, Serb and Roma/Sinti victims of the Ustaa terror at the same time. Once, while celebrating mass in Zagreb's cathedral, he reportedly said: katolika crkva ne priznaje podjele na gospodujue i robujue rase. Svaki narod, svaka rasa i svaka religija ima jednako pravo dignuti ruke prema nebu i rei oe na, koji jesi na nebesima.... Neka se srame oni, koji su duu ovjeju, hram Boji, pretvorili u spilju razbojniku!(Croatian) The Catholic Church does not recognize divisions into "master" and "slave" races. Every nation, every race and every religion has an equal right to lift their hands to Heaven and pray: "Our Father who art in heaven..." May those be ashamed who have made the human soul, which is God's temple, into a cave of thieves. However, Archbishop Stepinac also said this on 28 March 1941, noting Yugoslavia's early attempts to unite Croatians and Serbs: All in all, Croats and Serbs are of two worlds, northpole and southpole, never will they be able to get together unless by a miracle of God. The schism (Eastern Orthodoxy) is the greatest curse in Europe, almost greater than Protestantism. Here there is no moral, no principles, no truth, no justice, no honesty. In 1998, Stepinac was beatified by Pope John Paul II. On 22 June 2003, John Paul II visited Banja Luka. During the visit, he held a mass at the aforementioned Petrievac monastery. This caused public uproar due to the connection of the Petrievac monastery with the crimes of former friar Filipovi. At the same location, the pope also proclaimed the beatification of the Catholic layman Ivan Merz (18961928) who was the founder of the "Association of Croatian Eagles" in 1923, which many Serb nationalists and communists view as the precursor to the Ustae. Roman Catholic apologists defend the Pope's actions by claiming that the convent at Petricevac was one of the places that went up in flames causing the death of 80-year-old Friar Alojzije Atlija. Further, that the war had produced "a total exodus of the Catholic population from this region"; that the few who remained were "predominantly elderly"; and that the church in Bosnia then risked "total extinction" due to the war. Therefore, supporters state that the focus on the anti-Croatian tragedy presently occurring is more important than focusing on one of 60 years ago.
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Footnotes
[1] [2] [3] [4] http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 620426/ Ustasa Der kroatische Ustascha-Staat, Ante Pavelic und Ustascha Bewegung chapter, pp. 1338 Viktor Meier. Yugoslavia: a history of its demise. English edition. London, England, UK: Routledge, 1999 Pp. 125. Bernd Jrgen Fischer (ed.). Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press, 2007. Pp. 207. [5] Peter C. Kent, The lonely Cold War of Pope Pius XII: the Roman Catholic Church and the division of Europe, 1943-1950, McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 2002 p.46 ISBN 077352326X "Fiercely nationalistic, the Ustae were also fanatically Catholic. In the Yugoslav political context, they identified Catholicism with Croatian nationalism..." [6] Buti-Jeli, Fikreta. Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska 1941-1945. Liber, 1977 [7] Der kroatische Ustascha-Staat, pp. 1927 [8] Independent State of Croatia - Britannica Online Encyclopedia (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ topic-1413183/ Independent-State-of-Croatia) [9] Yugoslavia (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ article. php?lang=en& ModuleId=10005456), Holocaust Encyclopedia, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum [10] History of Croatia:World War II (http:/ / encarta. msn. com/ encyclopedia_761577939_7/ Croatia. html#p51) [11] Watch, Helsinki (1993). War Crimes in Bosnia-Hercegovina (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nltdtAo38K0C& pg=PA14& lpg=PA14& dq="independent+ state+ of+ croatia"+ "puppet+ state"& source=web& ots=DW2_TJWul7& sig=jHXlGNeYF_UOizPKS0sEEpM0PH4& hl=en). Human Rights Watch. ISBN1564320839. . Retrieved 2008-04-23. [12] Rai, David (2002). Statehood and the law of self-determination (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=L7UOyPGYBkwC& pg=PA81& dq="independent+ state+ of+ croatia"+ "puppet+ state"& lr=& sig=5RPeVjSOnTh3s4aXixvS6i0WWEY). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN90-411-1890-X. . Retrieved 2008-04-23. [13] [[USHMM (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ article. php?lang=en& ModuleId=10005456)] about Independent State of Croatia] [14] Der kroatische Ustascha-Staat, Die Ustascha an der Macht chapter, pp. 7580. [15] Fischer 2007, p. 207. [16] Fischer 2007, pp. 207208. [17] Fischer 2007, p. 208. [18] Ramet, p. 117. [19] Ramet, p. 118. [20] Ramet, p. 126. [21] Fischer 2007, p. 210. [22] Djilas, p. 114. [23] Ramet, p. 119. [24] Fischer 2007, p. 209. [25] Nicholas Atkin, Frank Tallet. Priests, prelates and people: a history of European Catholicism since 1750. New York, New York, USA: I. B. Taurus & Co. Ltd., 2003. Pp. 248. [26] Djilas, p. 115. [27] Tomasevich, Jozo. War and revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945: occupation and collaboration, p. 546 [28] Roger Griffin. The nature of fascism. Digital Printing edition. New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2003 Pp. 120. [29] Djilas, Aleksa. The contested country: Yugoslav unity and communist revolution, 1919-1953, p. 129 [30] Jovi, Dejan. Yugoslavia: a state that withered away, p. 51 [31] Einstein accuses Yugoslavian rulers in savant's murder (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F0091EFB345C157A93C4A9178ED85F458385F9& scp=1& sq=sufflay einstein& st=cse), New York Times. May 6, 1931. mirror (http:/ / crostamps. com/ nyt/ nyt. htm) [32] "Raditch left tale of Yugoslav plot" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F10A17F63C591B728DDDAA0A94D0405B818FF1D3& scp=4& sq=Sufflay& st=cse). New York Times. 1931-08-23. p.N2. . Retrieved 2008-12-06. mirror (http:/ / www. croatianhistory. net/ etf/ raditch. pdf) [33] Nevada Labor. Yesterday, today and tomorow (http:/ / www. nevadalabor. com/ bulletins06a. html) [34] Realite sur l'attentat de Marseille contre le roi Alexandre (http:/ / francecroatie. free. fr/ Histoire/ 1934. pdf)
Ustae
[35] Philip J. Cohen, David Riesman. Serbia's Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History. Texas A&M University Press, 1996, pp. 1011. [36] Vladko Maek, In the Struggle for Freedom (New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1957) p 230. [37] Fischer 2007 [38] "Photograph #46717" (http:/ / digitalassets. ushmm. org/ photoarchives/ detail. aspx?id=1140008& search=46717& index=1). United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. . Retrieved 5 February 2011. [39] Thomas 1995, p. 12. [40] Thomas 1995, p. 15. [41] Thomas 1995, p. 17. [42] "PHOTOGRAPHY" (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ media_ph. php?lang=en& ModuleId=10005456& MediaId=2156). Jewish Historical Museum of Yugoslavia. 1941. . Retrieved 2007-12-03. [43] Some were cast into concentration camps and subsequentally killed. For the description of these deportations and the treatment in the camps C.f. Djuro Schwartz, "In the Jasenovac camps of death" ()- ," ," , ' [44] General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau to the OKW, July 10, 1941; report to Reichsfhrer SS Heinrich Himmler from the Geheime Staatspolizei, dated February 17, 1942. See also Trifkovi, Sra, 'The Real Genocide in Yugoslavia: Independent Croatia of 1941 Revisited'. (http:/ / www. balkanpeace. org/ index. php?index=article& articleid=13742) [45] "US Army File: Dr. DRAGANOVIC' Krunoslav" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071008210215/ http:/ / www. jasenovac-info. com/ cd/ biblioteka/ pavelicpapers/ army/ ar0004. html). jasenovac-info (http:/ / www. jasenovac-info. com). Decemberlassified September 12, 1983. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. jasenovac-info. com/ cd/ biblioteka/ pavelicpapers/ army/ ar0004. html) on 2007-10-08. . Retrieved 2007-10-04. [46] "CIC Memorandum" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071008210552/ http:/ / www. jasenovac-info. com/ cd/ biblioteka/ pavelicpapers/ pavelic/ ap0010. html). jasenovac-info (http:/ / www. jasenovac-info. com). Decemberlassified September 12, 1983. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. jasenovac-info. com/ cd/ biblioteka/ pavelicpapers/ pavelic/ ap0010. html) on 2007-10-08. . Retrieved 2007-10-04. [47] http:/ / pavelic-papers. com/ features/ tbfp. html [48] Page Has Moved - Simon Wiesenthal Center Multimedia Learning Center (http:/ / motlc. wiesenthal. com/ pages/ t081/ t08100. html) [49] Jasenovac (http:/ / www. us-israel. org/ jsource/ Holocaust/ Jasenovac. html) [50] Alexander Arnon (19 May 1961). "The Trial of Adolf Eichmann - Session 46 - 4 Sivan 5721" (http:/ / www. vex. net/ ~nizkor/ hweb/ people/ e/ eichmann-adolf/ transcripts/ Sessions/ Session-046-05. html). vex.net (http:/ / www. vex. net). . Retrieved 2007-10-04. [51] "UNIATISM, METHOD OF UNION OF THE PAST, AND THE PRESENT SEARCH FOR FULL COMMUNION" (http:/ / www. vatican. va/ roman_curia/ pontifical_councils/ chrstuni/ ch_orthodox_docs/ rc_pc_chrstuni_doc_19930624_lebanon_en. html). Vatican. June 1724, 1993. . Retrieved 2007-10-04. "With regard to the method which has been called "uniatism", it was stated at Freising (June 1990) that "we reject it as method for the search for unity because it is opposed to the common tradition of our Churches"." [52] http:/ / www. jpost. com/ Features/ InThespotlight/ Article. aspx?id=169378 [53] http:/ / regionalexpress. hr/ site/ more/ prosvjedi-operacija-nije-uspjela-pacijent-je-umro/
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References
Aarons, Mark and Loftus, John: Unholy Trinity: How the Vatican's Nazi Networks Betrayed Western Intelligence to the Soviets. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992. 372 pages. ISBN 0-312-07111-6. Fischer, Bernd J. (2007). Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South-Eastern Europe. Purdue University Press. ISBN1557534551. Hermann Neubacher: Sonderauftrag Suedost 19401945, Bericht eines fliegendes Diplomaten, 2. durchgesehene Auflage, Goettingen, 1956. Ladislaus Hory and Martin Broszat. Der Kroatische Ustascha-Staat, 19411945. Stuttgart, 1964. Thomas, N., K. Mikulan, and C. Pavelic. Axis Forces in Yugoslavia 194145. London: Osprey, 1995. ISBN 1-85532-473-3. Lituchy, Barry M. Jasenovac and the Holocaust in Yugoslavia. New York: Jasenovac Research Institute, 2006. ISBN 0975343203. Srdja Trifkovic: Ustaa: Croatian Separatism and European Politics 19291945 Lord Byron Foundation for Balkan Studies, London, 1998. Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Israel Gutman editor-in-chief, Vol. 4, Ustase entry. Macmillan, 1990. Sabrina P. Ramet. The three Yugoslavias: state-building and legitimation, 19182005. Bloomington, Indiana, USA: Indiana University Press, 2006. Aleksa Djilas. The contested country: Yugoslav unity and communist revolution, 19191953. Harvard University Press, 1991.
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External links
Holocaust era in Croatia: Jasenovac 19411945 (http://www.ushmm.org/museum/exhibit/online/jasenovac/ ), an on-line museum by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Jasenovac Research Institute (http://www.jasenovac.org/) "a non-profit human rights organization and research institute committed to establishing the truth about the Holocaust in Yugoslavia." Axis History Factbook - Ustaa (http://www.axishistory.com/index.php?id=4113) Fund For Genocide Research, Jasenovac death camp (http://guskova.ru/misc/balcan/2004-04-22e) Eichmann Trial, Tel Aviv 1961 (http://www.nizkor.org/hweb/people/e/eichmann-adolf/transcripts/Sessions/ Session-046-01.html) Tied up in the Rat Lines (http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/objects/pages/PrintArticleEn. jhtml?itemNo=670245) from the Haaretz, 17/01/2006 Lawsuit against the Vatican Bank and Franciscans for return of the Ustasha Treasury by Holocaust victims (http:/ /www.vaticanbankclaims.com) Croatian Axis Forces in WWII (http://www.feldgrau.com/a-croatia.html)
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Yugoslav Partisans
People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia Participant in the Yugoslav Front
Flag of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, used by the Partisans Active Ideology Leaders Headquarters Areaof operations Strength Became Allies Opponents Battles/wars 1941-1945 Communism
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5]
Josip Broz Tito mobile, attached to the Main Operational Group Axis-occupied Yugoslavia 80,000-800,000 (see below) Yugoslav People's Army Allied powers, Soviet Union Axis powers, Germany, Italy, NDH, Bulgaria, Chetniks, Balli Kombtar Battle of the Neretva, Battle of the Sutjeska, Raid on Drvar, Battle of Belgrade, Syrmian Front (most notable)
The Yugoslav Partisans, or simply the Partisans[6] (officially the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia,[7] abbreviated NOV i PO)[8] ) were a communist-led[9] World War II anti-fascist resistance movement in Yugoslavia. The Partisans were the military arm of the People's Liberation Front (JNOF) coalition, led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ)[1] and represented by the AVNOJ, the Yugoslav wartime deliberative assembly. The commander of the Partisans was Marshal Josip Broz Tito. The Partisans' goal was to create a communist state by freeing the country from Axis occupation. Whenever the Partisans established control of an area within occupied Yugoslavia, they forged a disciplined communist mini-state.[10] [11] The common name of the movement is "the Partisans" (capitalized), while the adjective "Yugoslav" is used sometimes in exclusively non-Yugoslav sources to distinguish them from other (World War II) partisan movements. Despite the fact that their name suggests they fought as a guerrilla force, this was only true for the first three years of the conflict. From the second half of 1944, the total forces of the Partisans numbered 800,000 men and women organized in four field armies and 52 divisions, which engaged in conventional warfare.[12] When referring to this period, sources often use the term People's Liberation Army.
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Croatian Partisans
As the Partisan movement penetrated the Croatian mainstream and reached critical mass, by 1943 the majority of Partisans from Croatia were Croats. In late 1944, statistics show that the Croats represented 61% of the Partisan troops in Croatia, thus while the Serbian contribution of 28% represented above their proportion of the local population, the majority were Croat.[21] [24] [25] [26] This process was facilitated by the amnesty offered to all collaborators if they switch sides and join Partisans by 1st of September 1944. Croatian Partisans were integral to overall Yugoslav Partisans; by the end of 1943 Croatia proper, with 24% of the Yugoslav population, provided more Partisans than Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia and Macedonia combined which collectively accounted for 59% of the Yugoslav population.[21] The Croatian partisans were unique in that they had the highest numbers of local Jews in their ranks of any other European resistance, and in early 1943 they took steps to establish ZAVNOH (National Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Croatia) to act as a parliamentary body for all of Croatia the only one of its kind in occupied Europe. ZAVNOH held three plenary sessions during the War in areas which remained surrounded by Axis troops. At its fourth and last session, held on 2425 July 1945 in Zagreb, ZAVNOH proclaimed itself as the Croatian Parliament or Sabor.[27]
Recruitment patterns
The Chetniks, were a mainly Serb oriented group and their Serb nationalism resulted in an inability to recruit or appeal to many of the non-Serb nationalities. The Partisans, on the other hand, learned to play down communism in favour of a Popular Front approach which appealed to all Yugoslavs. In Bosnia, for example, the Partisan rallying cry was for a country which was to be neither Serbian nor Croatian nor Muslim, but instead to be free and brotherly in which full equality of all groups would be ensured.[28] Nevertheless, Serbs remained the dominant ethnic group in the Yugoslav Partisans throughout the war [29] [30] Chetnik ethnic cleansing policies against the Muslims in Eastern Bosnia, led by Fourth Montenegrin Proletarian Brigade Pavle urii, killed tens of thousands and attacks on Croats in Dalmatia boosted Bosniak and Croat participation.[31] Furthermore, Italian repression and ambition to take Dalmatia resulted in even more Croat support for the Partisans. Italian collaboration with Chetniks in Northern Dalmatia resulting in atrocities further galvanised support for the Partisans among Dalmatian Croats. For example, 's Chetnik attack on Gala, near Split, resulted in the slaughter of 200 Croatian civilians.[32] In particular, Mussolini's policy of forced Italianization ensured the first significant number of Croats joining the Partisans in late 1941.
Yugoslav Partisans In other areas, recruitment of Croats was hindered by some Serbian Partisans tendency to view the organisation as exclusively Serb, rejecting non-Serb members and raiding the villages of their Croat neighbours.[21] A group of Jewish youths from Sarajevo attempted to join a Partisan detachment in Kalinovnik, but the Serbian Partisans turned them back to Sarajevo, where many were captured by the Axis forces and perished.[33] Attacks from Croatian Ustae on the Serbian population was considered to be one of the important reasons for the rise of guerrilla activities, thus aiding an ever growing Partisan resistance.[34] As an allied victory became increasingly apparent, non-Serb communities opted for the Partisans as providing a more palatable future than the Serbianization policies of the royalist government in the first Yugoslavia. By contrast, the dynamic in Serbia was influenced by the allies' support of the Partisan governmental institutions over that of the royal government and the need to be part of the Partisans to have a say in the future structure of a Socialist Yugoslavia.
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Operations
Resistance and retaliation
The Partisans staged a guerrilla campaign which enjoyed gradually increased levels of success and support of the general populace, and succeeded in controlling large chunks of Yugoslav territory. These were managed via the People's committees, which were organized to act as civilian governments in liberated areas of the country, even limited arms industries were set up. At the very beginning, though, Partisan forces were relatively small, poorly armed and without any infrastructure. But they had two major advantages over other military and paramilitary formations in Yugoslav Partisan troops on the march in Slavonia, former Yugoslavia: the first and most immediate was a small but 1943. valuable cadre of Spanish Civil War veterans who, unlike anyone else at the time, had experience with modern war fought in circumstances quite similar to those of World War II Yugoslavia. Another advantage, which became apparent in later stages of war, was in Partisans being founded on ideology rather than ethnicity, which meant the Partisans could expect at least some levels of support in any corner of the country, unlike other paramilitary formations whose support was limited to territories with Croat or Serb majorities. This allowed their units to be more mobile and fill their ranks with a larger pool of potential recruits. Occupying and quisling forces, however, were quite aware of the Partisan threat, and attempted to destroy the resistance in what Yugoslav historiographers defined as seven major anti-Partisan offensives. These are: The First anti-Partisan Offensive (First Enemy Offensive), the attack conducted by the Axis in autumn of 1941 against the "Republic of Uice", a liberated territory the Partisans established in western Serbia. In November 1941, German troops attacked and reoccupied this territory, with the majority of Partisan forces escaping towards Bosnia. It was during this offensive that tenuous collaboration between the Partisans and the royalist Chetnik movement broke down and turned into open hostility. The Second anti-Partisan Offensive (Second Enemy Offensive), the coordinated Axis attack conducted in January 1942 against Partisan forces in eastern Bosnia. The Partisan troops once again avoided encirclement and were forced to retreat over Igman mountain near Sarajevo. The Third anti-Partisan Offensive (Third Enemy Offensive), an offensive against Partisan forces in eastern Bosnia, Montenegro, Sandak and Herzegovina which took place in the spring of 1942. It was known as Operation TRIO by the Germans, and again ended with a timely Partisan escape. This attack is mistakenly identified by some sources as the Battle of Kozara, which took place in the summer of 1942.
Yugoslav Partisans The Fourth anti-Partisan Offensive (Fourth Enemy Offensive), against "Republic of Biha", also known as the Battle of the Neretva or Fall Weiss (Case White), a conflict spanning the area between western Bosnia and northern Herzegovina, and culminating in the Partisan retreat over the Neretva river. It took place from January to April, 1943. The Fifth anti-Partisan Offensive (Fifth Enemy Offensive), also known as the Battle of the Sutjeska or Fall Schwartz (Case Black). The operation immediately followed the Fourth Offensive and included a complete encirclement of Partisan forces in southeastern Bosnia and northern Montenegro in May and June 1943. The Sixth anti-Partisan Offensive (Sixth Enemy Offensive), a series of operations undertaken by the Wehrmacht and the Ustae after the capitulation of Italy in an attempt to secure the Adriatic coast. It took place in the autumn and winter of 1943/1944. The Seventh anti-Partisan Offensive (Seventh Enemy Offensive), the final attack in western Bosnia in the spring of 1944, which included Operation Rsselsprung (Knight's Leap), an unsuccessful attempt to eliminate Josip Broz Tito personally and annihilate the leadership of the Partisan movement. The largest of these were combined by Wehrmacht, the SS, fascist Italy, Ustae, Chetniks, and Bulgarian forces.
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Allied support
Later in the conflict the Partisans were able to win the moral, as well as limited material support of the western Allies, who until then had supported General Draa Mihailovi's Chetnik Forces, but were finally convinced of their collaboration fighting by many military missions dispatched to both sides during the course of the war. To gather intelligence, agents of the western Allies were infiltrated into both the Partisans and the Chetniks. The intelligence gathered by liaisons to the resistance groups was crucial to the success of supply missions and was the primary influence on Allied strategy in Yugoslavia. The search for intelligence ultimately resulted in the demise of the Chetniks and their eclipse by Titos Partisans. In 1942, though supplies were limited, token support was sent equally to each. The new year would bring a change. The Germans were executing Operation Schwarz (the Fifth anti-Partisan offensive), one of a series of offensives aimed at the resistance fighters, when F.W.D. Deakin was sent by the British to gather information. His reports contained two important observations. The first was that the Partisans were courageous and aggressive in battling the German 1st Mountain and 104th Light Division, had suffered significant casualties, and required support. The second observation was that the entire German 1st Mountain Division had traveled from Russia by railway through Chetnik-controlled territory. British intercepts (ULTRA) of German message traffic confirmed Chetnik timidity. All in all, intelligence reports resulted in increased Allied interest in Yugoslavia air operations and shifted policy. In September 1943, at Churchills request, Brigadier General Fitzroy Maclean was parachuted to Titos headquarters near Drvar to serve as a permanent, formal liaison to the Partisans. While the Chetniks were still occasionally supplied, the Partisans received the bulk of all future support.[35] Thus, after the Tehran Conference the Partisans received official recognition as the legitimate national liberation force by the Allies, who subsequently set-up the RAF Balkan Air Force (under the influence and suggestion of Brigadier-General Fitzroy MacLean) with the aim to provide increased supplies and tactical air support for Marshal Tito's Partisan forces. During a meeting with Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Combined Chiefs of Staff of November 24, 1943, Winston Churchill pointed out that: It was a lamentable fact that virtually no supplies had been conveyed by sea to the 222,000 followers of Tito. (...) These stalwarts were holding as many Germans in Yugoslavia as the combined Anglo-American forces were holding in Italy south of Rome. The Germans had been thrown into some confusion after the collapse of Italy and the Patriots had gained control of large stretches of the coast. We had not, however, seized the opportunity. The Germans had recovered and were driving the Partisans out bit by bit. The main reason for this was the artificial line of responsibility which ran through the Balkans. (...) Considering that the Partisans
Yugoslav Partisans had given us such a generous measure of assistance at almost no cost to ourselves, it was of high importance to ensure that their resistance was maintained and not allowed to flag. Winston Churchill, 24 November 1943[36]
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Services
Aside from ground forces, the Yugoslav Partisans were the first and only resistance movement in occupied Europe to employ significant air and naval forces.
Partisan Navy
Naval forces of the resistance were formed as early as 19 September 1942, when Partisans in Dalmatia formed their first naval unit made of fishing boats, which gradually evolved into a force able to engage the Italian Navy and Kriegsmarine and conduct complex amphibious operations. This event is considered to be the foundation of the Yugoslav Navy.
Aircraft and men of the Balkan Air Force during a review by Marshal Josip Broz Tito.
At its peak during World War II, the Yugoslav Partisans' Navy commanded 9 or 10 armed ships, 30 patrol boats, close to 200 support ships, six coastal batteries, and several Partisan detachments on the islands, around 3,000 men. On 26 October 1943, it was organized first into four, and later into six, Maritime Coastal Sectors (Pomorsko Obalni Sektor, POS). The task of the naval forces was to secure supremacy at sea, organize defense of coast and islands, and attack enemy sea traffic and forces on the islands and along the coasts.[37]
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Statistics
Composition
Regional By April 1945, there were some 800,000 soldiers in the Partisan army. Composition by region is as follows:[40]
Partisan supreme commander, Marshal Josip Broz Tito reviewing the 1st Proletarian Brigade.
Late 1941 Bosnia and Herzegovina Croatia Kosovo Macedonia Montenegro Serbia (proper) Slovenia Vojvodina Total 20,000 7,000 5,000 1,000 22,000 23,000 1,000 1,000 80,000
Late 1942 60,000 48,000 6,000 2,000 6,000 8,000 19,000 1,000 150,000
Sept. 1943 89,000 78,000 6,000 10,000 10,000 13,000 21,000 3,000 230,000
Late 1943 108,000 122,000 7,000 7,000 24,000 22,000 25,000 5,000 320,000
Late 1944 100,000 150,000 20,000 66,000 30,000 204,000 40,000 40,000 650,000
Ethnic According to Tito the national composition of the Partisan army in 1944 was 44% Serb, 30% Croat, 10% Slovene, 5% Montenegrin, 2.5% Macedonian, and 2.5% Muslim.[41] In Bosnia and Herzegovina, by late 1943, 70 percent of the Partisans were Serb and 30 percent were Croat and Muslim.[42] In the entirety of the war the Bosnian Partisans were 64.1 percent Serb, 23 percent Muslim, and 8.8 percent Croat.[42] In Croatia, by 1944, the Partisans were 60.4% Croat, 28.6% Serb, 2.8% Muslim and 8.2% other.[41] Overall, from 1941 to 1945, the Partisans in Croatia were 61% Croat, 28% Serb, and rest composed of Slovenes, Muslims, Montenegrins, Italians, Hungarians, Czechs, Jews and Volksdeutsche.[21]
Casualties
Despite their success, the Partisans suffered heavy casualties throughout the war. The table depicts Partisan losses, 7 July 1941-16 May 1945:[24] [25] [26]
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1942
1943
1944 80,650
1945
Total
72,925 245,549
Wounded in action 29,300 31,200 61,730 147,650 130,000 399,880 Died from wounds Missing in action 3,127 3,800 4,194 6,300 7,923 5,423 8,066 5,600 7,800 7,800 31,200 28,925
Rescue operations
The Partisans were responsible for the successful and sustained evacuation of downed Allied airmen from the Balkans. For example, between 1 January and 15 October 1944, according to statistics compiled by the US Air Force Air Crew Rescue Unit, 1,152 American airmen were airlifted from Yugoslavia, 795 with Partisan assistance and 356 with the help of the Chetniks.[43] Yugoslav Partisans in Slovene territory rescued 303 American airmen, 389 British airmen and prisoners of war, and 120 French and other prisoners of war and slave laborers.[44] The Partisans also assisted hundreds of Allied soldiers who succeeded in escaping from German POW camps (mostly in southern Austria) throughout the war, but especially from 1943-45. These were transported across Slovenia, from where many were airlifted from Semi, while others made the longer overland trek down through Croatia for a boat passage to Bari in Italy. In the spring of 1944, the British military mission in Slovenia reported that there was a "steady, slow trickle" of escapes from these camps. They were being assisted by local civilians, and on contacting Partisans on the general line of the River Drava, they were able to make their way to safety with Partisan guides.
Raid at St Lorenzen
A total of 132 Allied prisoners of war were rescued from the Germans by the Partisans in a single operation in August 1944 in what is known as the Raid at St Lorenzen. In June 1944, the Allied escape organization began to take an active interest in assisting prisoners from camps in southern Austria and evacuating them through Yugoslavia. A post of the Allied mission in northern Slovenia had found that at Sankt Lorenzen ob Eibiswald, just on the Austrian side of the border, about 50km (31mi) from Maribor, there was a poorly guarded working camp from which a raid by Slovene Partisans could free all the prisoners. Over 100 POWs were transported from Stalag XVIII-D at Maribor to St. Lorenzen each morning to do railway maintenance work, and returned to their quarters in the evening. Contact was made between Partisans and the prisoners with the result that at the end of August a group of seven slipped away past a sleeping guard at 15:00, and at 21:00 the men were celebrating with the Partisans in a village, 8km (5.0mi) away on the Yugoslav side of the border.[45] The seven escapees arranged with the Partisans for the rest of the camp to be freed the following day. Next morning, the seven returned with about a hundred Partisans to await the arrival of the work-party by the usual train. As soon as work had begun the Partisans, to quote a New Zealand eye-witness, "swooped down the hillside and disarmed the eighteen guards". In a short time prisoners, guards, and civilian overseers were being escorted along the route used by the first seven prisoners the previous evening. At the first headquarters camp reached, details were taken of the total of 132 escaped prisoners for transmission by radio to England. Progress along the evacuation route south was difficult, as German patrols were very active. A night ambush by one such patrol caused the loss of two prisoners and two of the escort. Eventually they reached Semi, in White Carniola, Slovenia, which was a Partisan base catering for POWs. They were flown across to Bari on 21 September 1944.[45]
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Post-war
SFR Yugoslavia was one of only two European countries that were liberated by its own forces during World War II, only with limited assistance and participation by the remaining Allies. It received support from both Western Allies and the Soviet Union, and at the end of the war no foreign troops were stationed on its soil. Partly as a result, the country found itself halfway between the two camps at the onset of the Cold War. In 1947-1948, the Soviet Union attempted to command obedience from Yugoslavia, primarily on issues of foreign policy, which resulted in the Tito-Stalin split and almost ignited an armed conflict. A period of very cool relations with the Soviet Union followed, during which the U.S. and the UK considered courting Yugoslavia into the newly-formed NATO. This however changed in 1953 with the Trieste crisis, a tense dispute between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies over the eventual Yugoslav-Italian border (see Free Territory of Trieste), and with Yugoslav-Soviet reconciliation in 1956. This ambivalent position at the start of the Cold War matured into the non-aligned foreign policy which Yugoslavia actively espoused until its dissolution.
Reprisals
A number of Partisan units, and the part of local population, engaged in mass murder in the immediate postwar period against perceived Axis sympathizers, collaborators, and/or fascists. The best known incidents include the Bleiburg massacre, the foibe massacres, and the killings in Baka. The Bleiburg massacre was the retribution enacted by the Partisans on the retreating column of Chetnik, Slovene Home Guard, and Ustae soldiers that was retreating towards Austria in an attempt to surrender to western Allied forces. The "foibe massacres" draw their name from the "foibe" pits in which Croatian Partisans of the 8th Dalmatian Corps (often along with groups of angry civilian locals) shot Italian fascists, and suspected (or even alleged) collaborationists and/or separatists, in retribution to the decades-long Italian oppression they experienced. According to a mixed Slovene-Italian historical commission[46] established in 1993, which investigated only on what happened in places included in present-day Italy and Slovenia, the killings seemed to proceed from endeavors to remove persons linked with fascism (regardless of their personal responsibility), and endeavors to carry out preventive cleansing of real, potential or only alleged opponents of the communist government. The 1944-1945 killings in Baka were similar in nature and entailed the killing of Hungarian fascist separatists, and their suspected affiliates, without regard to their personal responsibility. There were also differences between the conduct of Partisans from different areas. For example, in Ajdovina Slovenian Partisans and the local garrison of (Austrian) German forces agreed to abstain from any further fighting in the closing days of the war, with the German garrison agreeing to be disarmed. When Partisans from the other parts of Yugoslavia entered the village, the unarmed Austrians were shot in cold blood, something not received well by the Slovene Partisans. The numbers of dead due to Italian, German and collaborationist organised killings, however, far outstrip even the most lavish estimates of the Partisan crimes' death toll. Indeed, the Partisans didn't have an official genocidal agenda (unlike the Ustae, the Chetniks, the Italians, and the Germans), as their cardinal ideal was the "brotherhood and unity" of all Yugoslav nations (the phrase became the motto for the new Yugoslavia). To put in perspective the extent of genocide occurring throughout Yugoslavia during the war, it suffices to say the country suffered about 1,027,000 dead during the Axis occupation, civilian and military (in comparison, the United States and Great Britain together suffered approximately 630,000). Only a small fraction constitute civilians actually killed by the Partisans. This controversial chapter of Partisan history was a taboo subject for conversation in the SFR Yugoslavia until the late 1980s, and as a result, decades of official silence created a reaction in the form of numerous data manipulation for nationalist propaganda purposes.[47]
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Equipment
The first small arms for the Partisans were acquired from the dissolved Royal Yugoslav Army. Throughout the war the Partisans used any weapons they could find, mostly capturing weapons from the Germans, Ustae, NDH and The Chetniks such as the Kar98k, MP40, MG42 and Beretta Sub Machine Guns. The other way that the Partisans acquired weapons was from supplies given to them by the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, weapons acquired include the PPSH 41 and the Sten MKII. Additionally, Partisan workshops created their own weapons modelled on factory-made weapons already in use, including the so-called "Partisan rifle" and the anti-tank "Partisan mortar".
Cultural legacy
Partisan ranks included some of the most important artists and writers of 20th century Yugoslavia. The experiences of Partisans in particular had a major impact on the culture of the country. The Partisan struggle was therefore well-chronicled through the memoirs of its participants, and later those experiences served as basis for important literary works, most notably by authors like Jure Katelan, Joa Horvat, Oskar Davio, Antonije Isakovi, Branko opi, Ivan Goran Kovai, Karel Destovnik Kajuh, Mihailo Lali, Edvard Kocbek, Tone Svetina, Vitomil Zupan and others. According to Vladimir Dedijer, over 40,000 works of folk poetry were inspired by the Partisans.[48]
Monument commemorating the Battle of Sutjeska in Tjentite, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Comic books depicting the Partisan struggle also became very popular, most notably works by Croatian artist Jules Radilovi. The most popular, however, was the Mirko i Slavko comic book series. The Partisan struggle also influenced the film industry, which developed its own genre of Partisan film, with its own set of unofficial rules and motives, very much like American Western or the Japanese Jidaigeki movies. The most notable of these was the Oscar-nominated 1969 motion picture The Battle of Neretva. The movie Force 10 from Navarone displayed the struggle of the Yugoslav Partisans during the war, as British and American special forces arrive to help them destroy a German-held bridge. An outsider's perspective of the partisans is recorded in Evelyn Waugh's 1961 novel Unconditional Surrender, the last of The Sword of Honour trilogy. Waugh was stationed in Yugoslavia towards the end of the war. The most visible aspect of Partisan legacy, however, is the series of monuments commemorating their struggle. Most of these sculptures belong to the socialist realism art form, with some of them becoming victims of state-sponsored vandalism following the break-up of the country in the early 1990s. (see Yugoslav wars).
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References
[1] Fisher, Sharon (2006). Political change in post-Communist Slovakia and Croatia: from nationalist to Europeanist. Palgrave Macmillan. p.27. ISBN1403972869. [2] Jones, Howard (1997). A new kind of war: America's global strategy and the Truman Doctrine in Greece. Oxford University Press. p.67. ISBN0195113853. [3] Hupchick, Dennis P. (2004). The Balkans: from Constantinople to communism. Palgrave Macmillan. p.374. ISBN1403964173. [4] Rosser, John Barkley; Marina V. Rosser (2004). Comparative economics in a transforming world economy. MIT Press. p.397. ISBN0262182343. [5] Chant, Christopher (1986). The encyclopedia of codenames of World War II. Routledge. p.109. ISBN0710207182. [6] Curtis, Glenn E. (1992). Yugoslavia: A Country Study. Library of Congress. p.39. ISBN0844407356. [7] Trifunovska, Sneana (1994). Yugoslavia Through Documents:From Its Creation to Its Dissolution. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p.209. ISBN0792326709. [8] Serbo-Croatian, Macedonian, Slovene: Partizani, Cyrillic: ; the long name is Serbo-Croatian: Narodnooslobodilaka vojska i partizanski odredi Jugoslavije; Slovene: Narodnoosvobodilna vojska in partizanski odredi Jugoslavije; Macedonian: [9] Rusinow, Dennison I. (1978). The Yugoslav experiment 1948-1974. University of California Press. p.2. ISBN0520037308. [10] Partisans: War in the Balkans 1941 -1945 (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ worldwars/ wwtwo/ partisan_fighters_01. shtml) [11] Tomasevich 2001, p. 96. [12] Perica, Vjekoslav (2004). Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States. Oxford University Press. p.96. ISBN0195174291. [13] "Independent State of Croatia" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ topic-1413183/ Independent-State-of-Croatia). Encyclopdia Britannica Online. 2010. . Retrieved 15 February 2010. [14] Higgins, Trumbull (1966). Hitler and Russia. The Macmillan Company. pp.1159, 98151. [15] Pavlievi, Dragutin (2000). Povijest Hrvatske. Naklada Pavii. pp.441442. [16] Dragutin Pavlievi, Povijest Hrvatske, Naklada Pavii, Zagreb, 2007., ISBN 978-953-6308-71-2, str. 441-442 [17] "Foreign News: Partisan Boom" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,885272,00. html). Time. 3 January 1944. . Retrieved 15 February 2010. [18] Cohen 1996, p. 94. [19] Hart, Stephen. "BBC History" (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ worldwars/ wwtwo/ partisan_fighters_01. shtml#two). Partisans : War in the Balkans 1941 - 1945. BBC. . Retrieved 12 April 2011. [20] Cohen 1996, p. 61. [21] Cohen 1996, p. 95. [22] Judah 2000, p. 119. [23] Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ en/ article. php?ModuleId=10007332) [24] Strugar, Vlado (1969). Jugoslavija 1941-1945. Vojnoizdavaki zavod. [25] Ani, Nikola; Joksimovi, Sekula; Guti, Mirko (1982). Narodnooslobodilaka vojska Jugoslavije. Vojnoistorijski institut. [26] Vukovi, Boidar; Vidakovi, Josip (1976). Putevim Glavnog taba Hrvatske. [27] Jelic, Ivan (1978). Croatia in War and Revolution 1941-1945. Zagreb: kolska knjiga. [28] Judah 2000, p. 120. [29] Century of genocide: critical essays and eyewitness accounts, Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons, 430. [30] Between past and future: civil-military relations in the post-communist Balkans,Biljana Vankovska, Hkan Wiberg, 197. [31] Judah 2000, p. 129. [32] Judah 2000, p. 128. [33] Cohen 1996, p. 77. [34] Judah 2000, p. 127-128. [35] Martin, David (1946). Ally Betrayed: The Uncensored Story of Tito and Mihailovich. Prentice Hall. p.34. [36] Walter R. Roberts, Tito, Mihailovi, and the Allies Duke University Press, 1987 ISBN 0822307731, p.165 [37] History of Partisan and Yugoslav Navy (http:/ / www. vojska. net/ eng/ world-war-2/ yugoslavia/ navy/ history/ ) [38] onlagi, Ahmet; Atanackovi, arko; Plena, Duan (1967). Yugoslavia in the Second World War. Meunarodna tampa Interpress. p.85. [39] Yugoslav Partisan Air Force in 1943 (http:/ / www. vojska. net/ eng/ world-war-2/ yugoslavia/ airforce/ 1943/ ) [40] Cohen 1996, p. 96. [41] Ramet 1996, p. 61. [42] Hoare 2006, p. 10. [43] Leary, William Matthew (1995). Fueling the Fires of Resistance: Army Air Forces Special Operations in the Balkans during World War II. Government Printing Office. p.34. ISBN0-16-061364-7. [44] Tomasevich 2001, p. 115. [45] Mason, Walter W.; Kippenberger, Howard K. (1954). Prisoners of War. Historical Publications Branch. p.383. [46] Slovene-Italian historical commission (http:/ / www. kozina. com/ premik/ indexeng_porocilo. htm)
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[47] MacDonald, David B. (2002). Balkan Holocausts?: Serbian and Croatian Victim Centred Propaganda and the War in Yugoslavia. Manchester University Press. ISBN0719064678. [48] Dedijer, Vladimir (1980). Novi prilozi za biografiju Josipa Broza Tita. Mladost. p.929.
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Cohen, Philip J.; Riesman, David (1996). Serbia's Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN0890967601. Hoare, Marko Attila (2006). Genocide and Resistance in Hitler's Bosnia: The Partisans and the Chetniks. Oxford University Press. ISBN0197263801. Judah, Tim (2000). The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. Yale University Press. ISBN0300085079. Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918-2004. Indiana University Press. ISBN0271016299. Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford University Press. ISBN0804708576.
Further reading
Bokovoy, Melissa (1998). Peasants and Communists: Politics and Ideology in the Yugoslav Countryside. University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN0822940612. Irvine, Jill (1992). The Croat Question: Partisan Politics in the Formation of the Yugoslav Socialist State. Westview Press. ISBN0813385423. Roberts, Walter R. (1987). Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies, 1941-1945. Duke University Press. ISBN0822307731.
External links
Alliance of Anti-fascist Fighters of Croatia (http://www.sabh.hr/) Office of Strategic Services - Balkan Operational Group (http://www.ossog.org/balkans.html) THE GERMAN CAMPAIGNS IN THE BALKANS (SPRING 1941) (http://www.history.army.mil/books/ wwii/balkan/intro.htm) reprinted by the United States Army Center of Military History Web site for the movie 'Partizanska Eskadrila' (http://web.archive.org/web/20091027101107/http://geocities. com/freck0/index0.html) Wehrmacht Anti-Partisan Operations Badge (http://www.wehrmacht-awards.net/war_badges/heer/ anti_partisan_badge.htm) European Resistance Archive (ERA) (http://www.resistance-archive.org) video interviews with members of the resistance during World War II
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Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia (Macedonian, Croatian, Serbian, Slovene: Jugoslavija; Cyrillic: ) is a term that describes three political entities that existed successively on the western part of the Balkans, during most of the 20th century. The first country to be known by this name was the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which before 3 October 1929 was known as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. It was established on 1 December 1918 by the union of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the Kingdom of Serbia (to which the Kingdom of Montenegro was annexed on 13 November 1918, and the Conference of Ambassadors in Paris gave international recognition to the union on 13 July 1922).[1] The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was invaded by the Axis powers in 1941, and because of the events that followed, was officially abolished in 1943 and 1945.
General location of the political entities known as Yugoslavia. The precise borders varied over the years.
The second country with this name was the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, proclaimed in 1943 by the Yugoslav Partisans resistance movement during World War II. It was renamed to the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia in 1946, when a communist government was established. In 1963, it was renamed again to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This was the largest Yugoslav state, as Istria, Rijeka and Zadar were added to the new Yugoslavia after the end of World War II. The constituent six Socialist Republics and two Socialist Autonomous Provinces that made up the country were: SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, SR Croatia, SR Macedonia, SR Montenegro, SR Slovenia and SR Serbia (including the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo which after 1974 were largely equal to the other members of the federation[2] [3] ). Starting in 1991, the SFRY disintegrated in the Yugoslav Wars which followed the secession of most of the country's constituent entities. The next Yugoslavia, known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, existed until 2003, when it was renamed Serbia and Montenegro.
Background
Originating from Pan-Slavism ideologies, Yugoslavia was ultimately the idea for a single state for all South Slavic intelligentsia and emerged in the late 17th and gained prominence in the 19th century Illyrian Movement. It culminated in the realization of the ideal with the 1918 collapse of Habsburg Austria-Hungary at the end of World War I and the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. However, the kingdom was better known, colloquially as well as even on maps, as Yugoslavia (or Jugo-Slavia in the rest of Europe), coined from the Slavic words "jug" (south) and "slaveni" (Slavs). In 1929 it was formally renamed the "Kingdom of Yugoslavia".
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Kingdom of Yugoslavia
19181928
Yugoslavia was formed after World War I as what was commonly called at the time a "Versailles state".
King Alexander
King Alexander I banned national political parties in 1929, assumed executive power and renamed the country Yugoslavia. He hoped to curb separatist tendencies and mitigate nationalist passions. However, Alexander's policies later encountered opposition from other European powers stemming from developments in Italy and Germany, where Fascists and Nazis rose to power, and the Soviet Union, where Stalin became absolute ruler. None of these three regimes favored the policy pursued by Alexander I. In fact, Italy and Germany wanted to revise the international treaties signed after World War I, and the Soviets were determined to regain their positions in Europe and pursue a more active international policy.
Alexander attempted to create a centralized Yugoslavia. He decided to abolish Yugoslavia's historic regions, Banovinas of Yugoslavia in 1929 and new internal boundaries were drawn for provinces or banovinas. The banovinas were named after rivers. Many politicians were jailed or kept under police surveillance. The effect of Alexander's dictatorship was to further alienate the non-Serbs from the idea of unity.[4] During his reign the flags of Yugoslav nations were banned. Communist ideas were banned also. The king was assassinated in Marseille during an official visit to France in 1934 by an experienced marksman from Ivan Mihailov's Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization with the cooperation of the Ustae, a Croatian fascist revolutionary organization. Alexander was succeeded by his eleven-year-old son Peter II and a regency council headed by his cousin, Prince Paul.
1934-1941
The international political scene in the late 1930s was marked by growing intolerance between the principal figures, by the aggressive attitude of the totalitarian regimes and by the certainty that the order set up after World War I was losing its strongholds and its sponsors were losing their strength. Supported and pressured by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Croatian leader Vladko Maek and his party managed the creation of the Banovina of Croatia (Autonomous Region with significant internal self-government) in 1939. The agreement specified that Croatia was to remain part of Yugoslavia, but it was hurriedly building an independent political identity in international relations. The entire kingdom was to be federalized but World War II stopped the fulfillment of those plans. Prince Paul submitted to the fascist pressure and signed the Tripartite Treaty in Vienna on March 25, 1941, hoping to still keep Yugoslavia out of the war. But this was at the expense of popular support for Paul's regency. Senior military officers were also opposed to the treaty and launched a coup d'tat when the king returned on March 27. Army General Duan Simovi seized power, arrested the Vienna delegation, exiled Paul, and ended the regency,
Yugoslavia giving 17-year-old King Peter full powers. Hitler then decided to attack Yugoslavia on April 6, 1941, followed immediately by an invasion of Greece where Mussolini had previously been repelled.[5]
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World War II
Invasion of Yugoslavia
At 5:12 a.m. on April 6, 1941, German, Italian and Hungarian forces attacked Yugoslavia. The German Air Force (Luftwaffe) bombed Belgrade and other major Yugoslav cities. On April 17, representatives of Yugoslavia's various regions signed an armistice with Germany in Belgrade, ending 11 days of resistance against the invading German Army (Wehrmacht Heer). More than 300,000 Yugoslav officers and soldiers were taken prisoner. The Axis Powers occupied Yugoslavia and split it up. The Independent State of Croatia was established as a Nazi satellite state, ruled by the fascist militia known as the Ustae that came into existence in 1929, but was relatively limited in its activities until 1941. German troops occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as part of Serbia and Slovenia, while other parts of the country were occupied by Bulgaria, Hungary, and Italy. From 1941-45, the Croatian Ustae regime murdered around 500,000 people, 250,000 were expelled, and another 200,000 were forced to convert to Catholicism; the victims were predominantly Serbs but included 37,000 Jews.[6]
Partisan, Stjepan Filipovi shouting "Death to fascism, freedom to the people!" shortly before his execution
Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito was seen as a national hero by the citizens and was elected by referendum to lead the new independent communist state, starting as a prime minister. The official Yugoslav post-war estimate of victims in Yugoslavia during World War II is 1,704,000. Subsequent data gathering in the 1980s by historians Vladimir erjavi and Bogoljub Koovi showed that the actual number of dead was about 1 million.
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Socialist Yugoslavia
On November 29, 1945, while still in exile, King Peter II was deposed by Yugoslavia's Constituent Assembly. However, he refused to abdicate. On January 31, 1946, the new constitution of Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, modeled after the Soviet Union, established six republics, an autonomous province, and an autonomous district that were part of SR Serbia. The federal capital was Belgrade. Republics and provinces were (in alphabetical order):
Capital
Flag
Location
Sarajevo
Zagreb
Skopje
Titograd*
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Socialist Republic of Slovenia
Ljubljana
(* now Podgorica) In 1947, negotiations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria were led and finalized with the Bled agreement. The aim of the negotiations was to include Bulgaria in Yugoslavia or to form a new union of two independent countries. After the intervention of Stalin this agreement was never realized. Yugoslavia solved the national issue of nations and nationalities (national minorities) in a way that all nations and nationalities had the same rights. The flags of the republics used versions of the red flag and/or Slavic tricolor, with a red star in the centre or in the canton. In 1974, the two provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo-Metohija (for the latter had by then been upgraded to the status of a province), as well as the republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro, were granted greater autonomy to the point that Albanian and Hungarian became nationally recognised minority languages and the Serbo-Croat of Bosnia and Montenegro altered to a form based on the speech of the local people and not on the standards of Zagreb and Belgrade. In Slovenia the recognized minorities were Hungarians and Italians. Vojvodina and Kosovo-Metohija formed a part of the Republic of Serbia but those provinces also formed part of the federation, which led to the unique situation that Central Serbia did not have its own assembly but a joint assembly with its provinces represented in it. The country distanced itself from the Soviets in 1948 (cf. Cominform and Informbiro) and started to build its own way to socialism under the strong political leadership of Josip Broz Tito. The country criticized both Eastern bloc and NATO nations and, together with other countries, started the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961, which remained the official affiliation of the country until it dissolved.
Demographics
Yugoslavia had always been a home to a very diverse population, not only in terms of national affiliation, but also religious affiliation. Of the many religions, Islam, Catholicism, Judaism and Protestantism as well as various Orthodox faiths composed the religions of Yugoslavia, comprising over 40 in all. The religious demographics of Yugoslavia have changed dramatically since World War II. A census taken in 1921 and later in 1948 show that 99% of the population appeared to be deeply involved with their religion and practices. With postwar government programs of modernization and urbanization, the percentage of religious believers took a dramatic plunge. Connections between religious belief and nationality posed a serious threat to the post-war Communist government's policies on national unity and state structure.[8] After the rise of communism, a survey taken in 1964 showed that just over 70% of the total population of Yugoslavia considered themselves to be religious believers. The places of highest religious concentration were that of Kosovo with 91% and Bosnia and Herzegovina with 83.8%. The places of lowest religious concentration were Slovenia 65.4%, Serbia with 63.7% and Croatia with 63.6%. Religious differences between Orthodox Christian Serbs, Catholic Croats, and Muslim Bosniaks and the rise of nationalism contributed to the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991.[8]
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Government
On 7 April 1963, the nation changed its official name to Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Tito was named President for Life. In the SFRY, each republic and province had its own constitution, supreme court, parliament, president and prime minister. At the top of the Yugoslav government were the President (Tito), the federal Prime Minister, and the federal Parliament (a collective Presidency was formed after Tito's death in 1980). Also important were the Communist Party general secretaries for each republic and province, and the general secretary of Central Committee of the Communist Party. Josip Broz Tito was the most powerful person in the country, followed by republican and provincial premiers and presidents, and Communist Party presidents. Slobodan Penezi Krcun, Tito's chief of secret police in Serbia, fell victim to a dubious traffic incident after he started to complain about Marshal Josip Broz Tito Tito's politics. The Interior Minister Aleksandar Rankovi lost all of his titles and rights after a major disagreement with Tito regarding state politics. Sometimes ministers in government, such as Edvard Kardelj or Stane Dolanc, were more important than the Prime Minister. The suppression of national identities escalated with the so-called Croatian Spring of 19701971, when students in Zagreb organized demonstrations for greater civil liberties and greater Croatian autonomy. The regime stifled the public protest and incarcerated the leaders, but many key Croatian representatives in the Party silently supported this cause, so a new Constitution was ratified in 1974 that gave more rights to the individual republics in Yugoslavia and provinces in Serbia.
Yugoslavia enough, and demanded that Kosovo become a constituent republic with the right to separate from Yugoslavia. This created tensions within the Communist leadership, particularly amongst Communist Serb officials who resented the 1974 constitution as weakening Serbia's influence and jeopardizing the unity of the country by allowing the republics the right to separate. An economic crisis erupted in the 1970s which was the product of disastrous errors by Yugoslav governments, such as borrowing vast amounts of Western capital in order to fund growth through exports. Western economies then entered recession, blocked Yugoslav exports and created a huge debt problem. The Yugoslav government then accepted the IMF loan. In 1989, according to official sources, 248 firms were declared bankrupt or were liquidated and 89,400 workers were laid off. During the first nine months of 1990 directly following the adoption of the IMF programme, another 889 enterprises with a combined work-force of 525,000 workers suffered the same fate. In other words, in less than two years "the trigger mechanism" (under the Financial Operations Act) had led to the lay off of more than 600,000 workers out of a total industrial workforce of the order of 2.7 million. An additional 20% of the work force, or half a million people, were not paid wages during the early months of 1990 as enterprises sought to avoid bankruptcy. The largest concentrations of bankrupt firms and lay-offs were in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Kosovo. Real earnings were in a free fall and social programmes had collapsed; creating within the population an atmosphere of social despair and hopelessness. This was a critical turning point in the events to follow.
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Breakup
Though the 1974 Constitution dampened the institutional and material powers of the federal government, Tito's authority substituted for this weakness until his death in 1980. After Tito's death on 4 May 1980, ethnic tensions grew in Yugoslavia. The legacy of the Constitution of 1974 was used to throw the system of decision-making into a state of paralysis, made all the more hopeless as the conflict of interests had become irreconcilable. The constitutional crisis that inevitably followed resulted in a rise of nationalism in all republics: Slovenia and Croatia made demands for looser ties within the Federation, the Albanian majority in Kosovo demanded the status of a republic, Serbia sought absolute, not Breakup of SFR Yugoslavia. only relative dominion over Yugoslavia. Added to this, the Croat quest for independence led to large Serb communities within Croatia rebelling and trying to secede from the Croat republic. In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts drafted a memorandum addressing some burning issues concerning position of Serbs as the most numerous people in Yugoslavia. The largest Yugoslav republic in territory and population, Serbia's influence over the regions of Kosovo and Vojvodina was reduced by the 1974 Constitution. Because its two autonomous provinces had de facto prerogatives of full-fledged republics, Serbia found that its hands were tied, for the republican government was restricted in making and carrying out decisions that would apply to the provinces. Since the provinces had a vote in the Federal Presidency Council (an eight-member council composed of representatives from six republics and two autonomous provinces), they sometimes even entered into coalition with other republics, thus outvoting Serbia. Serbia's political impotence made it possible for others to exert pressure on the 2 million Serbs (20% of total Serbian population) living outside Serbia.
Yugoslavia Serbian communist leader Slobodan Miloevi sought to restore pre-1974 Serbian sovereignty. Other republics, especially Slovenia and Croatia, denounced this move as a revival of great Serbian hegemonism. Miloevi succeeded in reducing the autonomy of Vojvodina and of Kosovo and Metohija, but both entities retained a vote in the Yugoslav Presidency Council. The very instrument that reduced Serbian influence before was now used to increase it: in the eight member Council, Serbia could now count on four votes minimum Serbia proper, then-loyal Montenegro, and Vojvodina and Kosovo. As a result of these events, the ethnic Albanian miners in Kosovo organized strikes, which dovetailed into ethnic conflict between the Albanians and the non-Albanians in the province. At around 80% of the population of Kosovo in the 1980s, ethnic-Albanians were the majority. The number of Slavs in Kosovo (mainly Serbs) was quickly declining for several reasons, among them the ever increasing ethnic tensions and subsequent emigration from the area. By 1999 the Slavs formed as little as 10% of the total population in Kosovo. Meanwhile Slovenia, under the presidency of Milan Kuan, and Croatia supported Albanian miners and their struggle for formal recognition. Initial strikes turned into widespread demonstrations demanding a Kosovan republic. This angered Serbia's leadership which proceeded to use police force, and later even the Federal Army was sent to the province by the order of the Serbia-held majority in the Yugoslav Presidency Council. In January 1990, the extraordinary 14th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia was convened. For most of the time, the Slovenian and Serbian delegations were arguing over the future of the League of Communists and Yugoslavia. The Serbian delegation, led by Miloevi, insisted on a policy of "one person, one vote", which would empower the plurality population, the Serbs. In turn, the Slovenes, supported by Croats, sought to reform Yugoslavia by devolving even more power to republics, but were voted down. As a result, the Slovenian, and eventually Croatian delegation left the Congress, and the all-Yugoslav Communist party was dissolved. Following the fall of communism in the rest of Eastern Europe, each of the republics held multi-party elections in 1990. Slovenia and Croatia held the elections in April since their communist parties chose to cede power peacefully. Other Yugoslav republics especially Serbia were more or less dissatisfied with the democratization in two of the republics and proposed different sanctions (e.g. Serbian "customs tax" for Slovenian products) against the two of the union but as the year passed other republics communist parties saw the inevitability of the democratization process and in December as the last member of the federation Serbia held parliamentary elections which confirmed (former) communists rule in this republic. The unresolved issues however remained. In particular, Slovenia and Croatia elected governments oriented towards greater autonomy of the republics (under Milan Kuan and Franjo Tuman, respectively), since it became clear that Serbian domination attempts and increasingly different levels of democratic standards were becoming increasingly incompatible. Serbia and Montenegro elected candidates who favoured Yugoslav unity. Serbs in Croatia would not accept a status of a national minority in a sovereign Croatia, since they would be demoted from a constituent nation of Croatia and this would consequently diminish their rights.
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Yugoslav Wars
The war broke out when the new regimes tried to replace Yugoslav civilian and military forces with secessionist forces. When in August 1990 Croatia attempted to replace police in the Serb populated Croat Krajina by force, the population first looked for refuge in the JNA caserns, while the army remained passive. The civilians then organised armed resistance. These armed conflicts between the Croatian armed forces (police) and civilians mark the beginning of the Yugoslav war that inflamed the region. Similarly, the attempt to replace Yugoslav frontier police by the Slovenian police provoked regional armed conflicts which finished with a minimal number of victims. A similar attempt in Bosnia and Herzegovina led to a war that lasted more than three years (see below). The results of all these conflicts are almost complete emigration of the Serbs from all three regions, massive displacement of the populations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and establishment of the three new independent states. The separation of Macedonia was peaceful, although the Yugoslav Army occupied the peak of the Straa mountain on the Macedonian
Yugoslavia soil. Serbian uprisings in Croatia began in August 1990 by blocking roads leading from the Dalmatian coast towards the inland almost a year before Croatian leadership made any move towards independence. These uprisings were more or less discretely backed up by the Serbian dominated federal army (JNA). The Serbs proclaimed the emergence of Serbian Autonomous Areas (known later as Republic of Serb Krajina) in Croatia. Federal army tried to disarm the Territorial defence forces of Slovenia (republics had their local defence forces similar to Home guard ) in 1990 but wasn't completely successful. Still, Slovenia began to covertly import arms to replenish its armed forces. Croatia also embarked upon the illegal import of arms, (following the disaramament of the republics armed forces by the federal JNA) mainly from Hungary, and were under constant surveillance which produced a video of a secret meeting between the Croatian Defence minister Martin pegelj and the two men, filmed by the Yugoslav Counter Intelligence (KOS, Kontra-obavjetajna Sluba). pegelj announced that they were at war with the army and gave instructions about arms smuggling as well as methods of dealing with the Yugoslav Army's officers stationed in Croatian cities. Serbia and JNA used this discovery of Croatian rearmament for propaganda purposes. The film was spiced by distorting sounds and fabricated voice of the Croatian minister. Also, guns were fired from army bases through Croatia. Elsewhere, tensions were running high. In the same month, the Yugoslav People's Army (Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija, JNA) met with the Presidency of Yugoslavia in an attempt to get them to declare a state of emergency which would allow for the army to take control of the country. The army was seen as a Serbian service by that time so the consequence feared by the other republics was to be total Serbian domination of the union. The representatives of Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Vojvodina voted for the decision, while all other republics, Croatia (Stipe Mesi), Slovenia (Janez Drnovek), Macedonia (Vasil Tupurkovski) and Bosnia and Hercegovina (Bogi Bogievi), voted against. The tie delayed an escalation of conflicts, but not for long. Slobodan Miloevi installed his proponents in Vojvodina, Kosovo and Montenegro during Yogurt Revolutions. Following the first multi-party election results, in the autumn of 1990, the republics of Slovenia and Croatia proposed transforming Yugoslavia into a loose confederation of six republics. By this proposal republics would have right to self-determination. However Miloevi rejected all such proposals, arguing that like Slovenes and Croats, the Serbs (having in mind Croatian Serbs) should also have a right to self-determination. On March 9, 1991, demonstrations were held against Slobodan Miloevi in Belgrade, but the police and the military were deployed in the streets to restore order, killing two people. In late March 1991, the Plitvice Lakes incident was one of the first sparks of open war in Croatia. The Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), whose superior officers were mainly of Serbian ethnicity, maintained an impression of being neutral, but as time went on, they got more and more involved in the state politics. On June 25, 1991, Slovenia and Croatia became the first republics to declare independence from Yugoslavia. The federal customs officers in Slovenia on the border crossings with Italy, Austria and Hungary mainly just changed uniforms since most of them were local Slovenes. The border police were mostly already Slovenian before Slovenia's declaration of independence. The following day (June 26), the Federal Executive Council specifically ordered the army to take control of the "internationally recognized borders". See Ten-Day War. The Yugoslav People's Army forces, based in barracks in Slovenia and Croatia, attempted to carry out the task within the next 48 hours. However, because of the misinformation given to the Yugoslav Army conscripts that the Federation was under attack by foreign forces, and the fact that the majority of them did not wish to engage in a war on the ground where they served their conscription, the Slovene territorial defence forces retook most of the posts within several days with only minimal loss of life on both sides. There was a suspected incident of a war crime, as the Austrian ORF TV station showed footage of three Yugoslav Army soldiers surrendering to the Territorial defense, before gunfire was heard and the troops were seen falling down. However, none were killed in the incident. There were however numerous cases of destruction of civilian
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Yugoslavia property and civilian life by the Yugoslav Peoples Army houses, a church, civilian airport was bombarded and civilian hangar and airliners inside it, truck drivers on the road Ljubljana Zagreb and Austrian journalists on Ljubljana Airport were killed. Ceasefire was agreed upon. According to the Brioni Agreement, recognized by representatives of all republics, the international community pressured Slovenia and Croatia to place a three-month moratorium on their independence. During these three months, the Yugoslav Army completed its pull-out from Slovenia, but in Croatia, a bloody war broke out in the autumn of 1991. Ethnic Serbs, who had created their own state Republic of Serbian Krajina in heavily Serb-populated regions resisted the police forces of the Republic of Croatia who were trying to bring that breakaway region back under Croatian jurisdiction. In some strategic places, the Yugoslav Army acted as a buffer zone; in most others it was protecting or aiding Serbs with resources and even manpower in their confrontation with the new Croatian army and their police force. In September 1991, the Republic of Macedonia also declared independence, becoming the only former republic to gain sovereignty without resistance from the Belgrade-based Yugoslav authorities. 500 U.S. soldiers were then deployed under the U.N. banner to monitor Macedonia's northern borders with the Republic of Serbia, Yugoslavia. Macedonia's first president, Kiro Gligorov, maintained good relations with Belgrade and the other breakaway republics and there have to date been no problems between Macedonian and Serbian border police even though small pockets of Kosovo and the Preevo valley complete the northern reaches of the historical region known as Macedonia (Prohor Pinjski part), which would otherwise create a border dispute if ever Macedonian romantic nationalism should resurface (see VMRO). This was despite the fact that the Yugoslav Army refused to abandon its military infrastructure on the top of the Straa Mountain up to the year 2000. As a result of the conflict, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted UN Security Council Resolution 721 on November 27, 1991, which paved the way to the establishment of peacekeeping operations in Yugoslavia.[9] In Bosnia and Herzegovina in November 1991, the Bosnian Serbs held a referendum which resulted in an overwhelming vote in favour of forming Serbian republic in borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina and staying in a common state with Serbia and Montenegro. On January 9, 1992, the self-proclaimed Bosnian Serb assembly proclaimed a separate "Republic of the Serb people of Bosnia and Herzegovina". The referendum and creation of SARs were proclaimed unconstitutional by the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and declared illegal and invalid. However, in FebruaryMarch 1992 the government held a national referendum on Bosnian independence from Yugoslavia. That referendum was in turn declared contrary to the BiH and Federal constitution by the federal Constitution court in Belgrade and the newly established Bosnian Serb government. The referendum was largely boycotted by the Bosnian Serbs. The Federal court in Belgrade did not decide on the matter of the referendum of the Bosnian Serbs. The turnout was somewhere between 6467% and 98% of the voters voted for independence. It was not clear what the two-thirds majority requirement actually meant and whether it was satisfied. The republic's government declared its independence on 5 April, and the Serbs immediately declared the independence of Republika Srpska. The war in Bosnia followed shortly thereafter.
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Yugoslavia April 28, 1992, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is formed November 1995, Dayton Agreement is signed by leaders of FR Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia
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Legacy
New states
Countries created Yugoslavia: from the former
Name
Capital
Flag
Slovenia
The first former Yugoslav republic to join the European Union was Slovenia, which applied in 1996 and became a member in 2004. Croatia applied for membership in 2004. Macedonia applied in 2004, and will probably join by 20102015.[10] Montenegro is official candidate for membership in the European Union[11] The remaining three republics have yet to apply so their acceptance generally is not expected before 2015. These states are signatories of various partnership agreements with the European Union. Since 1 January 2007, they have been encircled by member-states of EU (and Albania, which is encircled with them). The Assembly of Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in February 2008. Its independence is recognised by 76UN member states and the Republic of China (Taiwan). On 8 October 2008, upon request of Serbia, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution asking the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion on the issue of Kosovo's declaration of independence.[12] On 22 July 2010, the court ruled that Kosovo's independence was not illegal.[13]
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Miscellaneous
Asteroid 1554 Yugoslavia was discovered by Milorad B. Proti and named after Yugoslavia.
References:
[1] http:/ / www. orderofdanilo. org/ en/ family/ index. htm [2] Huntington, Samuel P. (1996). The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. Simon & Schuster. p.260. ISBN0-684-84441-9. [3] "History, bloody history" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ special_report/ 1998/ kosovo/ 110492. stm). BBC News. March 24, 1999. . Retrieved December 29, 2010. [4] The Balkans since 1453 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xcp7OXQE0FMC& pg=PA624). p.624. . [5] http:/ / www1. yadvashem. org. il/ about_holocaust/ month_in_holocaust/ april/ april_chronology/ chronology_1941_april_06. html [6] "Croatia" (http:/ / www1. yadvashem. org/ odot_pdf/ Microsoft Word - 5930. pdf). Shoah Resource Center - Yad Vashem. . Retrieved 4 January 2010. [7] 7David Martin, Ally Betrayed: The Uncensored Story of Tito and Mihailovich, (New York: Prentice Hall, 1946), 34. [8] http:/ / atheism. about. com/ library/ world/ KZ/ bl_YugoReligionDemography. htm [9] "Resolution 721" (http:/ / www. nato. int/ ifor/ un/ u911127a. htm). N.A.T.O.. 1991-09-25. . Retrieved 2006-07-21. [10] http:/ / www. europeanvoice. com/ article/ 2008/ 12/ montenegro-applies-for-eu-membership/ 63428. aspx [11] Crna Gora od danas kandidat (http:/ / www. pobjeda. me/ citanje. php?datum=2010-12-17& id=197069). [12] "U.N. backs Serbia in judicial move on Kosovo | International" (http:/ / www. reuters. com/ article/ worldNews/ idUSTRE49780C20081008). Reuters. 2008-10-08. . Retrieved 2009-07-20. [13] "Kosovo independence not illegal, says UN court" (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ news/ world-europe-10730573). BBC News. 2010-07-22. . Retrieved 2010-07-23.
This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents (http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/ cs/) of the Library of Congress Country Studies.- Yugoslavia (http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/yutoc.html)
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Further reading
Allcock, John B.: Explaining Yugoslavia. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000 Anne Marie du Preez Bezdrob: Sarajevo Roses: War Memoirs of a Peacekeeper. Oshun, 2002. ISBN 177007031 Chan, Adrian: Free to Choose: A Teacher's Resource and Activity Guide to Revolution and Reform in Eastern Europe. Stanford, CA: SPICE, 1991. ED 351 248 Cigar, Norman, : Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of Ethnic-Cleansing. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995 Cohen, Lenard J.: Broken Bonds: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993 Conversi, Daniele: German -Bashing and the Breakup of Yugoslavia, The Donald W. Treadgold Papers in Russian, East European and Central Asian Studies, no. 16, March 1998 (University of Washington: HMJ School of International Studies) http://easyweb.easynet.co.uk/conversi/german.html Dragnich, Alex N.: Serbs and Croats. The Struggle in Yugoslavia. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992 Fisher, Sharon: Political Change in Post-Communist Slovakia and Croatia: From Nationalist to Europeanist. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006 ISBN 1 4039 7286 9 Glenny, Mischa: The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804-1999 (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 2000) Glenny, Mischa: The fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War, ISBN 0-14-026101-X Gutman, Roy.: A Witness to Genocide. The 1993 Pulitzer Prize-winning Dispatches on the "Ethnic Cleansing" of Bosnia. New York: Macmillan, 1993 Hall, Brian: The Impossible Country: A Journey Through the Last Days of Yugoslavia. Penguin Books. New York, 1994 Harris, Judy J.: Yugoslavia Today. Southern Social Studies Journal 16 (Fall 1990): 78101. EJ 430 520 Hayden, Robert M.: Blueprints for a House Divided: The Constitutional Logic of the Yugoslav Conflicts. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000 Hoare, Marko A., A History of Bosnia: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day. London: Saqi, 2007 Jelavich, Barbara: History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, Volume 1. New York: American Council of Learned Societies, 1983 ED 236 093 Jelavich, Barbara: History of the Balkans: Twentieth Century, Volume 2. New York: American Council of Learned Societies, 1983. ED 236 094 Kohlmann, Evan F.: Al-Qaida's Jihad in Europe: The Afghan-Bosnian Network Berg, New York 2004, ISBN 1-85973-802-8; ISBN 1-85973-807-9 Lampe, John R: Yugoslavia As History: Twice There Was a Country Great Britain, Cambridge, 1996, ISBN 0 521 46705 5 Malesevic, Sinisa: Ideology, Legitimacy and the New State: Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia. London: Routledge, 2002. Owen, David: Balkan Odyssey Harcourt (Harvest Book), 1997 Ramet, Sabrina: The Three Yugoslavias: State-building and Legitimation, 1918-2003. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006 Roberts, Walter R|Walter R Roberts: <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_R_Roberts> "Tito, Mihailovic, and the Allies: 1941-1945". Duke University Press, 1987; ISBN 0-8223-0773-1 Sacco, Joe: Safe Area Gorazde: The War in Eastern Bosnia 1992-1995. Fantagraphics Books, January 2002 Silber, Laura and Allan Little:Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. New York: Penguin Books, 1997 West, Rebecca: Black Lamb and Gray Falcon: A Journey Through Yugoslavia. Viking, 1941 White, T.: Another fool in the Balkans - in the footsteps of Rebbecca West. Cadogan Guides, London , 2006 Time homepage: New Power (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,796967,00.html)
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External links
European University Institute Yugoslavia (http://vlib.iue.it/history/europe/yugoslavia.html) Maps (http://www.ohr.int/ohr-info/maps/) Teaching about Conflict and Crisis in the Former Yugoslavia (http://www.ericdigests.org/1995-2/bosnia.htm) The First Yugoslavia: Search for a Viable Political System, by Alex N. Dragnich (http://books.google.com/ books?id=-84_kkgMf2QC&printsec=frontcover&dq=yugoslavia&lr=&hl=de& sig=EHuYV6lzCu4V7nJP_iINgo90ajU#PPP15,M1) Timeline: Break-up of Yugoslavia at BBC (http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/world/europe/4997380. stm) "Where the West went wrong" (http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/the_tls/ article3410344.ece): an article in the TLS (http://www.the-tls.co.uk) by Charles King about the dissolution of Yugoslavia. "Yugoslavia: the outworn structure" [[CIA (http://www.foia.cia.gov/CPE/ESAU/esau-46.pdf)] report from November 1970] The collapse of communist Yugoslavia (http://chnm.gmu.edu/1989/exhibits/collapse/essay)
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License
Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported http:/ / creativecommons. org/ licenses/ by-sa/ 3. 0/