Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
on 06/20/11 at 12:08 pm
More
than
two
decades
ago
Arlie
Hochschild
wrote
in
her
influential
book,
The
Second
Shift,
that
family
life
had
become
the
shock
absorber
for
economic
changes.
Since
then,
much
family/work
research
has
focused
on
fathers
housework
and
childcare
contributions
in
the
time
away
from
paid
employment.
In
her
recent
talk
at
the
Clayman
Institute,
sociologist
Cameron
Macdonald
refocused
attention
to
the
first
shift
by
exploring
the
division
of
childrearing
labor
during
business
hours.
Through
her
discussion
of
the
relationships
between
professional-class
working
mothers
and
the
paid
childcare
providers
they
employ,
Macdonald
offered
a
vivid
and
compelling
portrait
of
the
complex
ways
in
which
gender,
race,
and
class
coalesce
around
mothering
and
employment.
While
Macdonald
agrees
that
a
more
equitable
division
of
domestic
labor
during
the
second
shift
would
solve
some
of
the
problems
facing
working
mothers,
she
contends
this
is
only
a
partial
solution,
one
that
reinforces
the
notion
of
the
nuclear
family
as
an
isolated
unit.
Macdonald
explained
that
the
exclusive
focus
on
increasing
paternal
contribution
during
the
second
shift
ignores
both
the
continued
predominance
of
women
doing
paid
and
unpaid
childcare
as
well
as
the
significant
role
paid
care
providers
play
in
the
lives
of
the
children
they
care
for.
Views
of
motherhood
influence
the
mother-caretaker
relationship
The
average
number
of
hours
worked
away
from
home
per
week
in
dual-earner
households
peaked
at
115
in
1999
and
has
not
declined
significantly
since
then.
At
the
same
time,
the
dominant
cultural
idea
about
how
best
to
raise
children
remains
rooted
in
the
anachronistic
picture
of
an
ever-present,
continually
attentive,
at-home
mother.
Mother-employers
try
to
ease
the
ideal
mother/ideal
worker
conflict
by
outsourcing
childcare,
only
to
face
a
new
conflict
between
ideal
mother
and
ideal
employer.
Professional women commonly manage the care-provider as if she were an extension of the mother herself a shadow mother that fades into invisibility when she is not needed and provides no threat to her employers identity as the childs primary caregiver. In such management strategies, the goal is to orchestrate the daily lives of the children in a way that fulfills the employers expectations of the care she would provide if she were a full-time at-home mother. In doing so, she misses the opportunity to engage with her care provider as an individual with a distinct relationship to the children she cares for. Using data from more than eighty interviews, Macdonald shows that the obsolete conception of intensive mothering is responsible for much of the tension between mother-employers and care workers. These anxieties about being a good mother in turn shape the everyday interactions that take place in the contested terrain of mother-work. Macdonald also found that mother-employers and paid care workers generally have different ideas about what constitutes good mothering, and these competing ideologies not only exacerbate employer-employee tensions but also lead to unhappiness on both sides of the table. Macdonald reported that nannies and caregivers most desired recognition that their work is skilled and that the attachment between themselves and the children they care for is valuable. Unfortunately, this recognition is one of the hardest things for mothers to give, Macdonald argued, because the salient model of good mothering to which these women are beholden dictates only one full-time caregiver. This model of intensive mothering stands in stark contrast to the contemporary reality that 70 percent of contemporary mothers work outside the home. Finally, Macdonald discussed the ways in which, class-based models of what it means to be a good mother conflict in mother-nanny negotiations. Macdonald explained that professional-class mothers are wedded to what Annette Lareau calls concerted cultivation, a style of childrearing that involves young children in classes and structured activities in order to enhance their intelligence, and social and cultural capital. Nannies, instead, allowed children more self-directed time and wanted to let kids be kids. These differing expectations not only created tensions between mothers and nannies in day-to- day logistics, but also, as Macdonald suggested, reflect the mothers realistic fear that her children may face downward mobility if she does not ensure otherwise. These conflicts over class-based mothering reveal that class transmission is hard work; it is also womens work; and it is a flashpoint of conflict in contexts of delegated child care. Through her pointed yet sensitive examination of mothering work within professional-class families, Macdonald provides powerful examples of the permeability of the public-private divide, as well as the desperate need to recalibrate contemporary definitions of family. Her work strongly suggests that a realistic view of family life within dual-earner households must extend beyond biological or adoptive parents to include other caring adults. A positive model of collaborative childrearing
Inspired
by
a
subset
of
interviewees,
Macdonald
offered
a
hopeful
portrait
of
childrearing
based
on
collaboration
and
mutual
respect
rather
than
the
assumption
that
a
paid
care
worker
is
simply
an
extension
of
the
mother-employer.
She
cited
that
among
this
group,
partnerships
between
parents
as
well
as
paid
care-givers
prevail,
and
are
the
only
employer-employee
relationships
that
explicitly
challenge the ideology of intensive mothering by acknowledging the contributions paid caregivers make to childrearing and family life. For these families, parents and paid caregivers alike openly share in childrearing across boundaries of gender and class, the childs attachment to the paid caregiver is cause for celebration, not family shame, and parents model for their children not that paid caregivers are replaceable automata with predefined expiration dates, but rather how to create a home and work environment that respects the contributions of everyone involved.
Cameron Macdonald is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Wisconsin Madison and author of Shadow Mothers: Nannies, Au Pairs, and the Micropolitics of Mothering. Her recent talk at the Clayman Institute for Gender Research was part of the series looking at gender and the intersections of race, class and sexuality. Sharon Jank is a graduate student in the Department of Sociology. She is part of the Clayman Institute Student Writing Team covering gender topics at Stanford.
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