Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

will extend all possible help if the team intends to continue with their planned travel. No bus was willing to take them ahead as the drivers were instructed by the police not to carry them on their onward journey and the team was forced to abandon their onward journey. The return journey too was not uneventful. At Kanker, the road was blocked by 30-35 persons. Even when the team was holding press conference at Raipur, few people once again emerged in the darkness and shouted slogans "NAXAL LEADERS GO BACK" and "ADIVASI KILLERS GO BACK". What would have happened to a team which had the reverse composition, i.e., thirty-five men and four women? Not an iota of extra intelligence is required to get the answer, which will be 'the same and what else?' The chances of the men being roughed, abused and arrested are also great. This might be the reason, that in extremely hostile and violent situations all women teams are generally able to unearth ground realities. With women, the other factors that work in their favour is the assumption of them being more compassionate and sympathetic to the victims. It is this stereotype image of women that makes them motherly figures. It is not that the men are less compassionate, sympathetic, caring, loving or are lesser nurses, but the patriarchal gender codes of masculinity and femininity bars men to take the role specified for women. In these gender codes masculinity is identified with strength and equates strength with bodily power and the capacity for violence. Using these criteria of strength, women are gendered as weak. Men and women are then related to each other through the category of protection. This symbolic structure has material consequences. Civilian women's bodies can be transformed into weapons of war, not because their bodies are weaker than elderly men or young boys, but because raping them, violating their bodies, strip "their" men of their masculinity - their status as protectors of their community. In this scheme men are generally conceptualized as offenders and women as victims. Furthermore, so long as the reproductive powers of women's bodies are controlled by the name of the father, the generative powers of women can be stolen by enemy rapists. A female body is considered "a symbolic representation of the body politics" and rape of women is "the symbolic rape of the body of the community". Wartime, be it a border war with enemy nation or racial or ethno-national conflict, sexual violence functions as a measure of victory and of masculinity, with women's bodies the vehicle of communication, the site of battle and the conquered territory.
contd. to page 20

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Rs 10

Campaign against Sexual Violence: Some Unanswered Questions

NISHA BISWAS A large number of reports discuss sexual violence and assaults against men during conflict have focused on the occurrence of sexual torture of men at detention setting in war zones of Chhattisgarh and other states. Is the 'civil war' changing the monolithic concept of sexual violence? Nisha Biswas evokes a moot question.
gles against the mighty repressive state, women had been and are still in the forefront. Women groups, to some extent, correctly understand that women are specifically targeted in such cases and that the state is not happy with their political participation. Women groups are right that for past twenty-five years, no justice has been accorded to these women and no punishment is meted to the perpetrators, even of the severe incidences of mass rapes and murders in Manipur and in Jammu and Kashmir. Salwa Judum, a civil militia, created and funded by the corporate and state, has subjected women in Bastar to the most extreme forms of violence since 2005. The same is happening to the women in Jharkhand, Orissa, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal. The vulnerability of women in these adivasi-dominated are has increased manifold with the recent states armed offensive, "operation green hunt", in this area. It is against this state-sponsored sexual repression on women that the women groups are aiming to address by a strong and powerful campaign by women across the country to prevent more rapes and tortures of women by the armed forces and police, to punish those guilty and to ensure that the state does not turn a blind eye towards its own agencies' gross violation of women's right to a life without violence. For two days women and men, tried to formulate the strategies for putting up a strong and powerful campaign to address growing state repression and attendant sexual violence on struggling women who just want to live a peaceful life, without any form of violence and nothing else. In this context, the convention wished to extend support and solidarity to six tribal women of Samsetti, Arlampalli and Bandarpadar of Dantewada district, who had filed complaints before NHRC as well as private complaints of rape against Salwa Judum men and are pursuing valiantly that a representative group of thirty-five women and four men proceeded to meet them in Dantewada. The team was stopped at Charama PS, Kanker district, their vehicles were seized and were threatened with the words "GOLI MAR DENGE" repeatedly, when they tried to enter the PS premises. When they tried to reach the destination by public transport, the buses were repeatedly detained and searched. Finally at Kodagaon, PS the team was forced to disembark the buses. Later they were informed that in the interest of the team member's "security", they were disembarked. However, police

ecently this author had a chance to participate in a women's initiative termed as "Campaign against Sexual Violence and State Repression" that included more that two dozen women groups and large number of individuals, in Raipur the capital of Chhattisgarh, a state famous for its mineral resources and notorious Salwa Judum. Sexual violence in the so-called independent, democratic Republic of India by the great democratic state is not new. In the pretext of insurgency, to stifle the democratic aspirations of the people, the Indian government has given a free hand to military, paramilitary, security forces and the police. It began with the motive to curb Naga rebellion and made its inroads into the whole of the northeastern states, Kashmir and Punjab. Since the neo-liberal turn of 1990s there has been an increased onslaught by the state on the lives and livelihoods of large sections of population in the name of "development" projects, and depriving the large communities of their lands, rivers, forests, other common property resources and livelihood. Presently, driven by the aggressive corporatisation, sustained state violence in Chhattisgarh, Orissa, West Bengal and other states is being systematically used to evict people from their land and livelihood, in the name of "development" or "maintaining law and order". Pushed to the desperation, people are organizing in several ways to resist this large-scale displacement and dispossession. In many of these struggles women are often seen at the forefront. It is a known fact that women and children are the worst affected by this development induced displacement. Women not only loose their livelihood, shelter and common property resources of which they are the principal users, also loose the precious security network and support system that they have painstakingly built and nurtured generation after generation. Apart from loosing food, nutrition, shelter, playmates, education, whatever minimal it may be, more importantly their children loose the protective environment that their mothers have built for them, with great care and love. This may be the probable reason, that in many of these strug-

Lalgarh Struggle and Civil Society

COPENHAGEN ENDED IN FARCE

PAGE 4

CAMPAIGN AGAINST SEXUAL VIOLENCE SOME UNANSWERED QUESTIONS

PAGE 20

FAKE ENCOUNTER IN MANIPUR

PAGE 6

HARIPUR AGAIN
PAGE 3

Disclaimer
We hereby declare that this Magazine is not affiliated to any political organisation and the views of the writers are of their very own. Editor and Publisher are not liable for any kind of opinions and facts provided by author.

The Report of PCAPA on Burgeoning Oppression and Repression in Lalgarh

PAGE 11

In recent time, the collective of intellectuals, artists and citizens have passed too few words of protest against the implementation of UAPA and a hand-full people demonstrated against joint paramilitary action in Lalgarh. Should we call the collective a Civil Society?
PAGE 10

20 Printed & Published by Abhijnan Sarkar; Printed at New Rainbow Lamination, 31A, Patuatola Lane, Kolkata-700009

Editor: Abhijnan Sarkar, Ankur Apartment, 10/95/1A to 1C, Bijoygarh Kolkata 700092, India Ph: 09836262819

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

EDITORIAL
Editorial Before the law stands a door keeper- Kafka And to cross the inviolable doorkeeper, commoners have to sacrifice all they have. Although it is hard to reach the halo, the justice, because from hall to hall in the house of justice, there is one doorkeeper after another, each more powerful than the last. If the victims of state terror, the adivasi people in Lalgarh for instance, demand justice, if the victims of Bhopal demand punishment of the corporate criminals (for last 25 years they have been demanding for the basic compensation of which they have been denied), if the kin of deceased farmers in Bidharva yearn for justice, if the millions of people displaced from life by this ruthless, rootgrabbing, jobless new economic policy clamour for justice, there will be empty, disappointing response. The law of the nation, framed by the ruling class to protect their interest, seeks to exploit the ordinary. Some glittering examples of justice can put forward to prop up the almightiness of law like the case of Jasica lal, Arushi or recently, the example of Ruchica. But if we examine these cases explicitly, all these are media hyped, related to only the upper class- upper caste, upper strata of society. Every day, when structural discrimination is compelling people to opt for a abject life, law is impassive. Even the framework of law is changing; itself it became unlawful, compared to the rudimentary democratic rights. The current Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) is an excellent example. Classically law was introduced to run the state machinery with some provision of democracy. In recent times, all the democratic activities, which had been reckoned as lawful, suddenly transformed into unlawful activities. Peoples Committee against Police Atrocities obstructed Rajdhani Express to protest against the continuing violation of human rights of the adivasi community in Lalgarh. There was much hue and cry in National media against this while state and centre shouted out loud to condemn this unlawful incident. On the other hand the government goes soft on the mainstream parliamentary political parties if the same happens due to them. Union home minister P. Chidambaram even announced a crack down on the intellectuals who support the peoples movement in Lalgarh or other Maoist-backed mass movements taking places elsewhere in the country. The editor of Bengali Peoples March and the press owner who was printing the magazine, were booked under UAPA. Even police is desperately prowling to find out the criminals who put up posters demanding the release of Chatrodhar Mahato and others. The freedom of speech and freedom of expression are unlawful, anti state activities in the states eye. Incredulously, the despicable acts of terror committed by the Joint Force are legitimised and even defended by the rule of law. It is time to put an end to this vicious debate of what is lawful/unlawful, democratic or undemocratic. To rebel is justified. When PCPA supporters burnt down the sponge iron factory in Lodhasuli in Medinipore, which was the main source of pollution and environmental degradation in that area, some environmentalists and NGOs denounced it as an overreaction. They are not ready to accept the fact that the mass movement could be an anti state movement; it could be erupted in an unlawful, unconstitutional manner. Their limitation can be understood, they believe that every problem can be resolved with constitutional means. That is the all pervasive logic of state. The propaganda machinery of the state is powerful enough to manufacture consent. As a result we recite whatever the state want us to understand. But when every right is snatched, every space in stifled, every step is squeezed should we not come to a conclusion that the framework of a movement in a little undemocratic, unlawful way?

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT

23 December 2009 India: Chhattisgarh authorities must stop torture and arbitrary arrests of peace activists and human rights defenders Amnesty International urges authorities in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh to immediately stop the torture and arbitrary arrest of peace activists and human rights defenders belonging to the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA) and drop all politically motivated charges against VCA member Kopa Kunjam, who was arrested on 10 December. The government must investigate reports of torture immediately, and bring those responsible to justice. The VCA, a group professing the Gandhian ideology of non-violence, has been campaigning for the last four years against human rights abuses of Adivasi communities in the ongoing armed conflict in Chhattisgarh. The VCA also works for the return and resettlement of some 10,000 Adivasis who have been internally displaced by the conflict between the security forces and the Salwa Judum, a militia widely believed to be supported by the state government, and the armed opposition group the Communist Party of India (Maoist). On 10 December, the Chhattisgarh state police arbitrarily arrested Kopa Kunjam and Alban Toppo, a lawyer working with the New Delhi-based Human Rights Law Network (NRLN) at Dantewada. They were taken first to the Dantewada police station and then to the Bhairamgarh police station in the neighbouring Bijapur district. Alban Toppo reported that the police tortured him and Kopa Kunjam that night at the Bhairamgarh police station. They were beaten with thick bamboo sticks and rubber canes for 30 minutes. Toppo was forced to sign a letter stating that they had come to Bhairamgarh police station of their own accord. As a result of the torture, Toppo sustained injuries on his right elbow, biceps and back, causing severe pain and swelling. He could not move his hands and back because of the pain. Kopa Kunjam sustained serious injuries on his chest, back and leg, which left him unable to walk. Although Toppo was released that night, he remained at the police station, as he had no means of returning home. Accompanied by police personnel, he was able to return the next morning. On 12 December, Kopa Kunjam appeared before a local court where he was charged,under Section 302 of the Indian Penal Code, with the murder of Punem Honga, a local leader and member of the Salwa Judum, who had been abducted by the Maoists on 2 June 2009. Amnesty International believes that Kopa Kunjam is being targeted because he exposed human rights violations by the security forces, including the extrajudicial executions of 15 Adivasis at Singaram on 8 January and three Adivasis in front of the Matwada police station on 18 June 2009. Amnesty International has received further reports that the Chhattisgarh police disrupted a peace march organized by the VCA on 14 December at Dantewada. On that day, the Kanker police prevented a group of 30 activists from proceeding to Dantewada and forced them to return to the state capital, Raipur, citing security problems. The VCA is now planning to hold the peace march on 25 December. The arbitrary detention of the VCA activists clearly violates India's Supreme Court guidelines issued in the D. K. Basu vs State of West Bengal case and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which India is a state party. Article 9 of the ICCPR guarantees the right to liberty, which includes freedom from arbitrary detention. Amnesty International calls upon the Government of Chhattisgarh to: 1. Drop all politically-motivated charges against Kopa Kunjam; 2. Ensure a prompt, impartial, independent and effective investigation into the allegations of torture and ill-treatment of Kopa Kunjam and Alban Toppo. Those suspected of involvement including persons with command responsibility should be prosecuted, in proceedings which meet international standards of fairness. Also, the two victims must be awarded full reparation. 3. Take all necessary measures to guarantee that human rights defenders are able to carry out their legitimate human rights activities without fear of torture and harassment.

Haripur Again
SANTANU CHACRAVERTI After two years of silence, land sharks are on their business in Haripur. This time, West Bengal Government and Centre are jointly advocating land acquisition for Nuclear power plant.
again on India's nuclear agenda. The Indian Haripurin isKremlin lastPrime Minister, speaking month, specifically mentioned Haripur as a destination for four Russian nuclear reactors. And it is greenery that not only nourishes the environment and pleases the eye; it is also greenery that feeds. It is not without reason that this part of the coastal tract is described as the 'vegetable basket' of the Purba Medinipur District. For while paddy is grown in abundance, what is characteristic of the soil is that it is highly conducive to the growth of a whole range of vegetables. Besides, betel leaves, betel nut and coconuts are grown on a commercial basis. When poor people in Kanthi (Contai) heard about the proposed power plant the immediate response was: where will we get our vegetables? And there is of course the cashew nut. The village immediately adjoining Haripur - Baguran Jalpai - is noted in the whole of East Medinipur for its cashews. And that is not all by any means. We are talking here of coastal West Bengal. Even in these days of depleting fish stocks, Haripur and all the fish landing centres of Purba Medinipur coast produce enormous quantities of fish. Seventy percent of this fish is dried into what is called shuntki. Some of this shuntki is locally consumed and some also comes to the Kolkata market. But the bulk goes to the hills in West Bengal and the North-East and also to Chattishgarh and Jharkhand, providing the poor in those regions with cheap and wholesome nutrition. But a large chunk of shuntki also goes into the market as excellent poultry feed. The fishers of Haripur and adjoining areas, which have all come under the shadow of a nuclear power plant, are not merely fishers. Most of them are also small cultivators who have a little patch to take care of. There is a point to all this economic talk. The point is that we are talking about a region that is economically vibrant. It is not that there is no poverty and real want. There is. But notwithstanding that, the soil and waters of this area feed, clothe and nourish tens of thousands of people, who would lose their homes, livelihood and nourishment if they were to be evicted. Haripur is thus a symbol of a peaceful people threatened with the juggernaut of 'development'. Haripur is a symbol of State India's visions of a new nuclear age. But at the same time, the resistance in Haripur is a symbol of citizen India's response to the pompous fantasies of a callous governance.

It all began in 2006

That year, sometime in July-August, one came to hear of a proposal of setting up an cluster of nuclear reactors in Haripur, on the East Mediniupur Coast of West Bengal. The people of Haripur and adjoining villages, threatened by the prospect of eviction and the well-known hazards of nuclear power, were terrified. But they found in themselves the will and vision to resist. The first onslaught of the nuclear establishment, embodied in a NPCIL team accompanied by bands of armed police, was decisively thwarted at the entry point to Haripur, on the 17th and again on the 18th of November 2006. The battle had been joined. But the battle was far from won. For Haripur signalled a fundamental historical trend, manifested through various symptoms. The Indian ruling interests, as also a section of its middle class, have drunk into 'development' frenzy in a big way and have joined the international coalition committed to energy greedy, ecodestructive mode of growth, only temporarily slowed down by the recent economic downturn. One of the most glaring symptoms is of course the Indo-US nuclear deal. However other symptoms are abundantly present - the criminal invasion into fertile agricultural lands in the name of industrial development, the grotesque love affair with SEZ, the endless paeans to double digit growth and so on. As to the environmental, ecological and resource costs of galloping GDP growth, that is something that 'radical' academicians are left to ponder and citizens fated to suffer.

ect is as massive as reported to be then this will involve capturing of a considerable amount of very thickly populated coastal land, leading to eviction some 6,000 local fishers, farmers, artisans etc. (from the rural sites of Haripur, BaguranJalpai, Saula, Shyamraibar, Bichunia, Kadua and others) from the exclusion zone of the plant and place countless more lives at risk - from low level radiation and possible nuclear accident. It has been said regarding a possible nuclear accident at the Bradwell nuclear power station in Essex, UK, that if it blew up and there was an east wind, London (some 67 Km away) would have to be evacuated and perhaps even the whole of southern England. Coming back to Haripur we see that the heavily populated town of Kanthi is within some 15 kilometers. Even if we choose to ignore all that, let us try to imagine the impact of millions of gallons of hot water that will be discharged ultimately into the sea, causing the death, decimation and /or migration of vast quantities of marine life. Lives and livelihoods will be lost through eviction and subsequent slow poisoning of the environment. Eviction will be followed by its inevitable consequences - rootlessness, alienation, social unrest and 'criminalisation'. Such are the indelible wounds left by the chariot of 'progress' in its victorious march. But even in the most practical and hardheaded sense, nuclear programme in Haripur constitutes an economic disaster. For we have seen how a vibrant economic existence will have been extinguished in return for megawatts certainly obtainable through less harmful means. And also in return for a God knows what immense profits for Russia's nuclear merchants and for an entire spectrum of Indian beneficiaries - people who are terribly poor, and desperately need what other people have.

What Now?
This frightening narrative may never come to be written. But that depends on whether citizens in India and sympathizers and activists abroad will fight to finish the narrative at its inception - but the prologue is already firmly in place and the first chapter waiting to be composed. The local people of course want a different narrative. Let us be with them in their efforts to write a tale they can call their own.

Haripur and what it stands for

Have you been to Haripur? I don't mean being there on a rush tour of resistance pilgrimage. I mean going there, staying for a few days and looking around. It is more than likely that you have not. For few in Kolkata, let alone elsewhere in metropolitan India, had heard of Haripur even a few years back. But all this changed in 2006, and more decisively last month, with the Prime Minister's bone chilling announcement. To one who goes to Haripur and moves around the nearby villages of Baguran Jalpai, Saratpur, Shyamraibar and others, the thing that immediately strikes the eye is the lush greenery. One looks at the soil, sees that it is clay mixed with coastal sand and wonders at the tremendous fertility that gives rise to the abundant greenery.

The anti-nuclear struggle loses a dear friend

Harekrishna Debnath, Chairperson of the National Fishworkers' Forum, missed the New Year by a day and a half - he left us in bereavement on the 30th of the last month, at around 11:15 hours. On his demise the national fishworkers' movement and the struggle for environment and social justice suffers a great loss. In him the people of East Medinipur coast not only lost a fine leader and activist, they also lost an ardent fighter against the nuclear menace. An amazing leader, he was able to forge the link between local resistance and national initiatives.
The author is a political activist and involved with the organization Disha

What will be lost?

One hears that the recent plans are to set up at least four nuclear reactors of the Russian VVER type (pressurized heavy water reactors) each of 1200 MW capacity, making up a total of 4800 MW. If the proj-

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

COPENHAGEN - Ended in Farce

MEHER ENGINEER
he 2009 conference (officially COP COP = Conference TParties) ended in09, on Climate Change of farce. You could have in 2005 by 2020", emerged. 5.The developing countries agreed to implement mitigation targets that would slow their growing GHG emissions, by Jan 31, 2010. They will eport what they do in that regard every 2 years to the UN Climate Change secretariat and record which of those actions are paid for by the rich countries in national registers. 6.Re. money, the rich agreed to raise funds, of US $100 billion/year by 2020 and $30 billion by 2012, but not on how much each of them would give to those funds. 6.Re. Tropical forests, everyone agreed to stop cutting them down. They would spend money to that end and would involve indigenous people living in those areas in the project. Developing countries were asked to identify the things driving deforestation and asked to start measuring the carbon emitted when trees are destroyed. 7.Re Carbon markets, it was agreed to allow rich countries to appeal against decisions of the existing Clean Development Mechanism panel, which was previously set up within the UN to monitor the CDM projects that are the bulk of the Carbon markets, whenever such decisions reject a project. But no agreement was reached on how to increase the existing fund, of $US 6.5 billion, for those projects, or on including Carbon Capture and Storage projects (CCS technology supposedly applies to coal fired plants) and forest preservation projects in the CDM. The January 31 deadline was relaxed subsequently, by the UN itself. The History of the Kyoto Protocol The Protocol's parent body is The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (usually called the UNFCCC - sometimes just the FCCC). The FCCC sprouted from a seed that was sown in Rio de Janeiro, between June 3rd and June 14th, 1992, at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Conference's popular name is the Earth Summit). It is the only international environmental treaty in human history. The Treaty was opened for signature immediately after an Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee, which had been set up to prepare the text to be placed before the Framework Convention, had met (in New York, between April 30 and May 9, 1992) and produced its report, on May 9, 1992. It entered into force on March 21 1994. By December 2009, 192 parties had signed and ratified it. It has one objective: To stabilize the emissions, by human activities, of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere at a level that prevents predicted that it would from two things, the history of the Kyoto Protocol, and the following clear and precise statement, ''One basis for life and another for science is a priori a lie", of Karl Marx, if you combined them. Here's why. Science, because it must be based on sense experience, must respect the fact that humans use their senses in two very different ways, to perceive the external world, and to fulfill their sensuous needs. But science was married off to political and economic power even before Marx's days, so that scientists have had to accept the demands of those far more socially powerful systems, if not all the time then certainly for a large part of it. Human needs have not been a basis for science. But they remain a basis for life. The argument leads us to expect politics to trump science, in the case of global warming. We need no more to understand the roots of the Copenhagen Farce. The rest of this article contains a history of the Kyoto Protocol, and a review of the Copenhagen meeting. What did Copenhagen do, and not do but should have done 1.If did not produce a new climate treaty, or a legally binding successor to the Kyoto Protocol, let alone agreement on how long such a treaty would run. 2.The fact that it accepted that the global temperature rise should be kept within 2 degrees Celsius via deep emission cuts in Green House Gas emissions, as the 4th Assessment Report of the Inter Governmental Panel on Climate Change had argued for in 2007, suggests a readiness to fight climate change. But it also opined that the emissions should be stopped "as soon as possible", without setting any specific, long-term goals for doing so, so there was little will in its readiness. Note that The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) predicted an average global rise in temperature of 1.4C (2.5F) to 5.8C (10.4F) between 1990 and 2100. 3.Re. the GDP-per-capita rich countries, all of them agreed to set economywide emission targets for themselves for 2020, and agreed to announce those targets within Jan 31, 2010, but failed to agree either on including their aviation and shipping emissions in those targets, or on including farming and forest emissions in them. 4.The rich countries that are also party to the Kyoto Protocol agreed to strengthen their existing targets under the Protocol, but did not agree on a base year (1990 or 2005) from which those targets would be set, so that nothing like "we will emit 20% less GHG's than we emitted in 1990 by 2020" or "30% below what we emitted

dangerous global warming. How do we evaluate it? It is the only international environmental treaty in human history, so it is a good thing. But it fails to set mandatory limits on greenhouse gas emissions by individual nations, so its goodness is empty. The emptiness is offset somewhat by the fact that it provides for updates - called "protocols" - of itself, in the hope that they would set those limits. The Kyoto Protocol (KP) is its most significant update, so far. The Protocol was adopted on 11 December 1997 in Kyoto, Japan and entered into force on 16 February 2005. Its grand goal was to "achieve stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a low enough level to prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system". 193 countries had signed and ratified it by December 2009. What did they agree to? All 193 gave a "general" commitment to reduce their GHG emissions. 37 of them (the so called "Annex I countries") agreed to, collectively, reduce their emissions with the important exceptions of the emissions produced by international aviation and shipping - of carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, sulphur hexafluoride (the four gases that contribute most to global warming), and of the two groups of gases called the hydrofluorocarbons and the perfluorocarbons that only the Big 4 produce, by 5.2% from their 1990 levels, by 2012. The 37 agreed that the limits would be additional to the limits set on the industrially produced chlorofluorocarbon gases by the 1987 Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer). The targets that were set could be met directly or indirectly. The direct way needs no explanation. Regarding the indirect way, the Protocol allowed two "flexible mechanisms" - emissions trading and the clean development mechanism (CDM) - and allowed joint implementation of those mechanisms. What is emissions trading? Supppose country X can meet its obligations to cut emissions more cheaply than Country Y. It is allowed to deliver the emissions cuts that Y is supposed to deliver, in part or wholly. This earns X credits, which it gets from Y's stock of credits. All credits can be freely traded in the international markets, like any other good. The idea is to use "market efficiency". What is the CDM? Here, a non Annexe I country, like India, can produce less CO2 from its dirty, coal fired power stations by using technology from an Annexe I country, like the UK. The reduction in emissions is then credited to the UK's account, as part of the "5.2% below the 1990 level" that has been agreed to, collectively, by the Annexe I countries. Finally, the 5.2% limit allows an Annexe I Country to increase its emissions as long as the collective target is met. In sum, Annex I countries can purchase GHG emission reductions credits from elsewhere, through financial exchanges, through projects that reduce emissions in non-Annex I countries, from other Annex I

countries, or from Annex I countries with excess allowances. The Annex I countries agreed to keep inventories of all their GHG emissions (and of the removal of those gases from sinks like the arboreal, evergreen and coniferuous forests that exist, in the Earth's subarctic regions, between the latitudes of 50 and 70 degrees, in Canada, Alaska and Siberia). They also agreed to submit a report on the inventories to the UNFCCC every year. These countries then nominated a person (called a "designated national authority") to create and manage its greenhouse gas inventory. Countries including Japan, Canada, Italy, the Netherlands, Germany, France, Spain and others started actively promoting government carbon funds, supporting multilateral carbon funds intent on purchasing carbon credits from non-Annex I countries, and started working closely with their major utility, energy, oil, gas and chemicals conglomerates to acquire greenhouse gas certificates as cheaply as possible. Looking at the non-Annex I countries, almost all now have a single national authority that manages their Kyoto obligations, which really means the "CDM process" since emissions trading is only for the globally rich. The job of those authorities is to determine which GHG projects are fit for accreditation by the UNFCCCs CDM Executive Board. The KP was adopted on 11 December 1997 after 10 days of negotiations. But it entered into force on 16 February, 2005. Why the delay? Because Article 25.1 of the treaty states: "This Protocol shall enter into force on the ninetieth day after the date on which not less than 55 Parties to the Convention, incorporating Parties included in Annex I which accounted in total for at least 55 per cent of the total carbon dioxide emissions for 1990 of the Parties included in Annex I, have deposited their instruments of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession". Russia, which ratified the treaty in September 2005, was the "90 days after" country. Its President, Putin, signed the ratification order even though the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Ministry for Industry and Energy, and his economic adviser at the time argued against it. Did he sign because he wanted the European Union to support Russia's admission into the WTO or because he truly believed that GHG emissions should be lowered? Russia's performance at Copenhagen points to the first reason. In any case, the Lower and Upper Houses of Russia's parliament ratified the decision. The Protocol has long been a failure Why a failure? One theory says that three countries are responsible. The USA, which has never ratified it, is the first. Australia, which took till December 2007 to ratify it, after its Conservative party was voted out of office and its Labor party took over the reins of the state (the Conservative party had argued that implementing the provisions of the Protocol would be too costly), is the second. Canada, which first sup-

ported the treaty and, then, when the party in power changed, decided against it, so much so that Friends of the Earth have taken the present Canadian Government to Court, is the third. Another theory says that you can't have too many negotiators and not spoil the outcome: do so and you reduce agreement to the lowest common denominator. Remember here, that 20 countries account for 80 % of today's emissions (I do not talk of the historic emissions). Aside from those failures, and notwithstanding the signing of it, Clause 3.7 of the Kyoto Protocol allows Annex 1 countries with a high rate of land clearing in 1990 to set the level in that year as a base. This, unfairly, makes Australia a major beneficiary: it had an extremely high level of land clearing in 1990, so its "baseline" is unusually high, compared to the baselines of other countries. The actions of the US and Australian Governments show an absence of adequate concern for the opinions of the majority of their citizens, and a preference for listening to the small number of citizens who ran their economies. Neither attitude would have surprised the great US educationist, John Dewey, who said, over eighty years ago that "As long as politics is the shadow cast on society by big business, the attenuation of the shadow will not change the substance" (see John Dewey and American Democracy by Robert Westbrook (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), p. 440; the quotation and its source were cited in Understanding Power (2002) by Noam Chomsky, ch. 9, footnote 16). Something about the UN Shashi Tharoor, who used to work for the UN, was fond of quoting his one time boss, Dag Hammarskjold's (DH was the organizations Secretary-General till he died in a, still mysterious, plane crash during the Congo crisis), saying that it was formed "not to take us to Heaven but to stop us from going to Hell". News reports from Copenhagen An avalanche of news emerged from Copenhagen. We needn't be concerned about it: that would be pointless now when everyone is pointing fingers at some one else! But here are a few examples. Naomi Kline, of NO LOGO fame, held the US responsible for the farce and exhorted all and sundry to "stop handling Obama with kid gloves." Martin Khor wrote, in The Guardian newspaper, that China was free of any blame. Finally, a headline in a Guardian article, by a Mark Lynas, said, "As recriminations fly post-Copenhagen, one writer offers a fly-on-the-wall account of how talks failed. How do I know China wrecked the Copenhagen deal? I was in the room." In any case, I expect that everyone who reads what I have written knows, by now, that most of the conference consisted of bickering. This, a draft text was prepared secretly by the Danish Government. But it was leaked to the delegates before it could be placed before them. Most of the delegates opposed what the text proposed. Tuvalu's government followed the Danish

farce by asking delegates to agree, in advance, that anything that would be decided upon would be legally binding. When that went away, another draft was put up, which was a signal for the developed nations to come together in disliking, and rejecting, it. The usual strategy of breaking the big issue down into small one's and putting what was so broken down into the hands of small committees was rejected; the new mantra of transparency would not allow that. It was then that the world's biggies, meaning the US President along with leaders of the world's other big polluters-cum-economic-powers (the list now includes China, India, Brazil and South Africa) met, in secret and away from the rest of the conferees, to decide for everybody! The resulting draft document was revealed, on the last day, to those who had been kept out, so that they could then agree to it! Venezuela, Bolivia, Sudan and some other countries protested at that piece of rubbish, to no avail. In summary, here is a list of some of the elements of the Copenhagen Accord: an aspiration (not an agreement) to limit global temperature increase to 2 degrees Celsius; a process whereby countries may accept their specific mitigation pledges by January 31, 2010 (the deadline is now dead); broad terms for the reporting and verification of countries' actions; a collective commitment by developed countries for $30 billion in "new and additional" resources in 2010-2012 to help developing countries reduce emissions, preserve forests, and adapt to climate change; and a goal of mobilizing $100 billion a year in public and private finance by 2020 to address developing county needs. The accord also calls for the establishment of a Copenhagen Green Climate Fund, a High Level Panel to examine ways of meeting the 2020 finance goal, a new Technology Mechanism, and a mechanism to channel incentives for reduced deforestation. A final comment The Copenhagen Accord is a novel political (it is not a legal agreement at all) agreement. This is so because formal decisions, under the U.N. climate process are, typically, consensus decisions. But some parties opposed the Accord, so the decision to enter it into the Conference's proceedings does not, technically, imply acceptance of its substantive content, either by the Conference of the Parties or by the parallel Meeting of the Parties under the Kyoto Protocol. Rather, the decisions by those two bodies, can only "take note" of the attached accord. Individual countries, and may be a strong majority of the Convention's 192 parties, may affix their names to the accord. But even Heaven, if it existed, would be hard put to say when. The accord declares itself "operational immediately," although many of its provisions will require further elaboration (in some cases explicitly, and in other cases, presumably, by the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties). The timeline for doing so is not specified. Meher Engineer is the former Director of Basu Bigyan Mandir, Kolkata and Scientist. mengineer2003@gmail.com

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

July 23, 2009 Fake Encounter in Manipur: Suppression & Denial of Justice
MALEM NINGTHOUJA The North-Eastern Parts of India, especially Manipur, has been experiencing brutal state terror since the notorious Armed Forces Special Power Act has been enacted. In 2004, people's struggle erupted in Manipur had drawn the attention of mainstream. Last year, again they flared up against the fake-encounters and state repression. MALEM NINGTHOUJA gives details of July incident, which was kept almost obscure by National Media (or better to say Nationalist Media). Imphal Terror of 23rd July
the north-eastern part of India had witnessed in ManipurItinwas an open bloodshed as July 2009. bloodshed firing by the armed youth Rabina was killed and five persons were injured. The CM's version was rejected by eyewitnesses who charged the MPCs responsible for the crime. The women vendors called a 24 hours bandh on the same day in protest against the incident. In the meanwhile two separate Joint Action Committees against the killing of Rabina and Sanjit, supported by civil societies, were instituted to protest the incident and to demand for justice. The JACs held that Rabina was killed by the bullet fired by the Commandos and that Sanjit was killed in cold blooded manner after being arrested. Series of parallel protests began to be on the rise in several parts of Manipur. The JACs appealed to the government for a judicial inquiry of the incident. On 25 August the JAC Against the Brutal Killing of Thokchom (o) Rabina Devi held a meeting with the CM to press upon him to begin a judicial inquiry. The meeting was proved to be a deadlock as the CM turned down the demand for instituting a judicial inquiry but insisted on carrying out a departmental inquiry. But no sensible person could expect a fruitful justice through a departmental inquiry to be carried out by the same department that had been charged for upholding series of fake encounters. As a result people continued with protest. The arrogant and adamant character of the CM in the outright rejection of instituting a judicial inquiry, denial of permission to families of the victims to observe the projectiles recovered from the bodies of the victims, and repression upon peaceful protestors lead to resentment among the public. On 1 August, adding new twist to the controversy surrounding the incident, Delhi-based Tehelka Weekly displayed photographs that contradicted official version of the incident. The weekly displayed that few moments before the actual killing of Sanjit, the unarmed medical attendant was cornered and frisked by police commandos. With more photographs and video clippings, fake encounter was proven. The public became outrageous and immediately responded with more rigorous forms of widespread protest. The protest demand was by then no longer confined to the punishment of the guilty MPCs. There was an intensified demand for the immediate resignation of the CM on ground of cheating the public with a fabricated report of the incident and his arrogance towards the demand for justice. Subsequently, Manipur was engulfed with protest for several months. The forms of protest in the over five months long agitation ranges from peaceful legal approach to submission of memorandum and petitioning, release of press statement, signature campaign, sit-in-demonstration, public meeting, torch rallies at nights, effigy burning, storming of official institutions, defying of curfews, mass court arrest, road blockade, social boycotting of political leaders & MLAs, engagement in slingshots and pitch-battle with the police, rallies, ban on public entertainment and closure of educational institutions (9 September onwards) and setting ablaze of institutional buildings.

dences and articulating arguments, i.e., a negotiation break or a temporary rest hour from the actual process of physical confrontation. The rest hour divides the opinion of the democratic forces on the question of strategy and rendered many into frustrations. It gives the state with more resources and time to recuperate itself to carrying out the cycle of violence, repression and pacifying tactics. Whatever be the positive gesture that the state protagonists may try to depict about their legal parameters, the legal side have hardly protected the people of Manipur from the suspension of democratic rights by the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 and other repressive laws such as National Security Act and the series of fake encounters in the AFSPA Free Zones of Manipur.

after his arrest at BT Road. The City Police refused to register an FIR. Such instances of police becoming perpetrator of crime and erasing of evidences of their criminality conforms to the proverbial maxim in Manipur Sambalna Ingkhol Chaaba (lit Fence eating up the garden). The character of the police reflects the character of policy, i.e., the political economy of the rulers. How do we then fit the legal flank, in other words the law enforcing agency and the judiciary, in the overall context of state militancy, denial of rights, destruction of evidence and obstruction to justice? It was for certain that what was considered to be of legal concern was interplaying with political or becoming an integral piece of the entire politics between the ruler and the ruled. In such a situation the amount of political pressure that the victims could exert sets the parameter of judicial intervention. It was only after the Guwahati High Court ruling of 25 August, i.e., a ruling passed in due cognizance of the prevailing unrest that was escalating to the scale of shaking the government towards topsy-turvy, that the City Police on 26 August registered a case with regard to the killing of Ch Sanjit based on the complaint lodged by Ch. Taratombi under FIR no. 82(8)09 under section 302/34 of IPC and 27 (3) Armed Amendment Act of the City Police Station. But the legal had its own course in providing the escapists with the provisions to delay, if not evade the justice proceedings. Despite the GHC rulings of 17 and 31 August ordering the City Police to submit report of the FIR case related killing of Rabina based on complaints, the City Police on 2 September produced an FIR registered on the basis of the report of the police. On 7 September, in an affidavit, the DGP claimed that the statement given by the CM in the floor of the state Assembly as true and commented that there was no reason for registering another FIR case. On 18 September the police filed a writ appeal against the Court ruling of 11 September that had directed the police to take up an FIR case on the basis of complaints. On 29 October a double bench of the Guwahati, Imphal Bench ordered to submit a progress report of the investigation into the FIR case separately registered with the police with regard to the killing of Ch. Sanjit within two weeks time. The court also directed the respondent concerns of the case to submit affidavits to the court within two week time from the date of issue of the notification. The legal continues with much time consumption and with no merit as yet to the victims.

fallout of strategic war on people perpetrated by the Indian state orchestrated Manipuri mercenaries under the command of the Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh. On 23 July 2009 the Manipur Police Commandos (MPC) indiscriminately fired upon the crowd at the heart of the Imphal city at about 10.30 a.m. barely 30 minutes before the commencement of the Manipur State Assembly session. The incident led to the killing of a pregnant woman Mayanglambam ningol Thokchom ongbi Rabina (23) wife of Chinglensana of Lamdeng Khunou and bullet injury of Wangkheirakpam Gitarani (40) w/o late Nongyaijao of Tendonyang (injuries on chest and left leg), Mr. Golmei Mangal (59) s/o Lemba of Maha Kabui Namching, New Keithelmanbi (injury on left arm, later on amputated), Mrs Ningthoujam Keshorani (43) w/o Raghumani of Naral Konjil (injury on left leg), Mr. Kangabam Subashchandra (40) s/o Shamungou of Kha-Potshangbam (injury on right ear) and Pangambam Lukhoi (30) s/o Pakchao of Heingang (injury on chest). In order to cover up the crime the MPC dragged a medical attendant Chungkham Sanjit of Khurai Sajor Leikai into a nearby Maimu Pharmacy, murdered him in a cold blooded manner, placed a 9 mm calibre pistol near him, charged him responsible for the crime and reported that he was killed in an encounter.

Legal hibernation
In an instance of attempted bypassing, if not delaying of inquiry efforts the government downplayed the role of its own Manipur Human Rights Commission, an institution that hitherto have lost credentials as it could not sufficiently address human rights violation committed by the State. When the MHRC at this point of time, due to the effort of few dedicated members, endeavoured to carry out a transparent inquiry into the 23 July terror, the Government of Manipur became indifferent to it. Apart from pressure tactics vis-a-vis the MHRC, the government was able to obtain intervention of the Guwahati High Court that in turn issued stay order against the MHRC inquiry proceeding till November 2. A ruling of the GHC on 4 November further stayed the inquiry till November 17. The cycle of court procedures continues till today. Such obstructions to MHRC once again proved that the state MHRC was indeed far away from its rhetoric that stipulated "protection of human rights and prevention of violation of human rights." The legal cosmetics become dysfunctional in the context of a militant government such as the Government of Manipur when, despite rigorous attempt to identify itself with justice, the police on duty actually mechanises tactics to erase evidences of state crimes. There are several instances when police rejected to register FIR on the basis complaints lodged by the victims of state terrorism, i.e., a dictatorial methodology of framing report tantamount to erasing of evidence, thereby, allowing the criminals to go scot-free. Following the 23 July firing incident the City Police reportedly registered a case under FIR no. 75(7)09 of the City PS under section 302/326/307/506 IPC 17/20 (UA-B) Amendment act 25(1)-B Arms Act. The FIR was in consonant with the fabricated version of the CM or vice versa. The next day on 24 July, Mr. Th. Chinglensana, husband of the slain Rabina, filed a complaint at City Police station in connection with the killing of his wife at Khwairamband Bazaar. The City Police refused to register a case based on the complaint. On 7 August Ch (O) Taratombi, mother of the slain Sanjit submitted a report to the OC of City Police alleging that her son was killed by the personnel of Manipur Police Commando on July 23

Suppression of Voice
Repression is used as an instrument of governance in a situation when the rulers have lost moral legitimacy to win over the psychology of the governed through normal peaceful means of enforced deceptions and administrative manoeuvrings. During the course of the months long agitation directed against the terror regime of the Manipur government, the primary concern of Ibobi was to articulate official jargon of 'security' and his investment was in repression, to be carried out in varied forms. Use of threat intimidation against civil society activists demanding for justice, attack on the media that were covering the democratic voice of the people, instigation of sectarianism and conservative localism, use of puppet MLAs to bribe civil leaders to withdraw from protest, imposition of curfews, deployment of military & paramilitary forces on the streets, institutionalization of flag march to discourage street protest, infliction of brutality upon protesters, arrest and torture of protesters, and etc, were the conventional forms of repression not new to his regime. Several protesters were arrested and several civil society leaders were booked under the notorious National Security Act 1980. Several protestors suffered injury, to the extent of losing eye, in deliberate custodial torture inflicted in the course of reppression. While repressive measures were aimed at direct physical confrontation with the democratic forces to kowtow the agitators, other safety valve tactics such as legal approach were institutionalised to divert the attention of a section of the population towards a perceived peaceful legal solution. A bulk of the legal mendicants who sought for relief, justice and compensation within the legal premise enacted by the rulers took keen interest in it. It serves as an effective tool in locating the people within the framework of rule of law and it at the same time constitutes an attempt to pacifying the radical leaders and winning over the emotive agitators. However, the State enacted law, in most of the instances of confrontation between the state and the people, exists to buttress the position of the State. The legal process was indeed a time consuming mechanism with lots of hitting around the bush in filtering evi-

attention towards the magisterial inquiry was self-defeating in the wake of widespread protest and more evidences of fake encounter. In an attempt to defuse the agitation the CM on 5 August agreed to conduct judicial inquiry and to suspend seven police commandoes including a sub inspector who were present at the crime scene. The government on 27 August, annulled the previous order of Imphal West District Magistrate announcing a magisterial inquiry and, in exercise of the powers conferred by-section 3 of the Commission of Inquiry Act, 1952 (60 of 1952), appointed a One-Man Commission of Inquiry to be presided over by Justice (retired) PG Agarwal of the Guwahati High Court to inquire into the circumstances leading to the firing incident. The terms of reference of the commission were enlisting of facts and circumstances leading to the incident of firing and death of the two persons, as well as bullet injuries sustained by five others and to recommend measures to prevent recurrence of such incident in future. The terms of reference of the proposed judicial commission were not upto the expectation of the public. On 12 September the Commission made an announcement for the full hearing of the commission on 21 September at the Hotel Imphal. The hearing could not be held as the public boycotted the Commission and no affidavit was submitted as per the scheduled. The Commission then proceeded with the process of summoning witnesses at any cost to go ahead with the inquiry. Although the Commission was supposed to submit report of inquiry within two months, the Government kept on extending the period of submission. On 8 January the dateline was further extended for another month.

Political economy of state terrorism

The 23 July fake encounter was one of the series of fake encounters perpetrated by the mercenaries under the command of Okram Ibobi in his capacity as Chief Minister and Home Minister. The crime was committed by the MPCs who were not empowered under the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958. The crime was committed in broad daylight at the heart of the crowded Imphal city where the AFSPA was not imposed. Justice was delayed, if not denied, despite the fact that the criminals were by then openly known. The crime was occurred at a historical juncture when security personnel who bribed with heavy payment to get into the job, event to the extent of selling off land to pay for the cost of the job; motivated or lured by money, prospect of gallantry award and promotion and to settle personal grudges used the cloak of counter-insurgency and indulged in looting and murdering of civilians in fake encounter. The premise of the criminality of the mercenaries was generated by the geo-economic interest of the Indian rulers who sought for armed solution and not political dialogue to settle the nationality question of Manipur. For a dictator such as Okram Ibobi the political pogrom of state terrorism, that was exercised through his handpicked mercenaries who were on police uniform, was aimed at evaluating himself to the

Voice for Justice

Few hours after the firing incident, the Chief Minister Okram Ibobi presented to the Manipur Assembly a version of the incident with the caption "brief note on the incident of indiscriminate firing by unknown armed person at BT Road." According to the version of the CM a suspicious looking youth was being asked to stop by a team of Imphal West police commandos near the Bhagyachandra statue. The youth pulled out a gun and fired towards the frisking party and fled along the BT Road. On being retaliated and chased upon, the fleeing youth in a bid to escape fired towards the public indiscriminately. The youth was finally cornered inside the Maimu Pharmacy on BT Road and asked to surrender. Instead of surrendering the youth opened fire and he was killed in retaliatory firing. One 9 mm pistol (Mauser), loaded with three live rounds and one round in the chamber, was recovered from him. Due to the indiscriminate

The safety valve inquiries

While the civil societies pressured upon the government for a judicial inquiry the CM tried to cover up the crime and insisted for a departmental inquiry. However, stung by the sequence of pictures released by the Tehelka Weekly that had shown fake encounter, and as a result of the subsequent escalation of widespread protest, the CM ordered for a magisterial inquiry into the incident after a week of the incidence. The CM's attempted safety valve tactics that were aimed at diverting public

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

position of de-facto ruler by using the cloak of counter insurgency. He who categorically eulogized Right to Education and downplayed Right to Life in a statement addressed to the Tehelka Weekly on 29 November exposes himself of an instinctual character of a brutal dictator who violates human rights for the sake of money and political power. The corrupt mercenaries in police uniforms who were easily lured by money and prospect of promotion & gallantry awards were fallen into the trap laid by New Delhi orchestrated Ibobi. And, they became enemy of the people who are engaged in the just struggle for democratic rights. New Delhi might have dreamt for the insurgents to retaliate against the MPCs and their families and subsequently generate a Punjab model of cyclic revenge and counter revenge, i.e., pitting people against people and thereby weakening the fighting forces of the insurgents. State mercenaries are being recruited and trained to harass the people with the hope that the insurgents would come to the rescue of the victims of state terrorism and target the MPC mercenaries. As the insurgents failed to retaliate the state mercenaries fell into the trap and constructed a terror image of themselves in the eyes of the public. Their terror policy was backfired in the wake of public protest.

fault play and punish the culprits had used repressive means and diverting tactics to suppress the democratic voice of the people. The 8 January 2010 negotiation exposed the political weakness and ideological amnesia of the JACs and Apunba Lup in particular and the people of Manipur in general in their disability to remain united and held the ground firmly until the repressive regime was overthrown. The oppressed & exploited people of Manipur had once again shown lack of ideological cohesion and absence of unified command against common enemy. They remained disunited as it had been. The capability of the Chief Minister to retain power and function as the virtual ruler among the divided population was proven. On 18 January the CBI formally took over the charge of investigation into the 23 July incident. But the transfer of the matter of investigation into the hands of the CBI was not an end in itself. The CBI was suspected as a mere instrument of the state. The CBI Report may become controversial as it was in the case of the controversial CBI Report on the Shopian incident of May 29, 2009 in Kashmir. CBI recommendation for justice, if in case it proved the commandos guilty and recommended for heavy penalty of the culprits, may never be implemented as it was in the case of non-implementation of Justice Jeevan Reddy Commission Report of 2006 that had recommended for the repealing of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958. In short, for the suppressed and marginalised people of Manipur, justice within the framework of democracy under the Indian constitution remains a distant dream as long as the Indian rulers do not put an end to the war on people. It would be a matter of time that the bulk of the ruled are united under a common progressive ideology and overthrow the militant regime of the Indian ruling class. Down with state terrorism! Long live Democracy!

Central Government to install CCTVs at vital points and to set up additional police outposts in the name of counter insurgency. On 27 August police confiscated copies of Tehelka Weekly from a courier centre besides detaining manager of the courier centre and the driver of the vehicle that carried the copies. On 25 September a large group of 200 /300 people from Thoubal Leishangthem and Thoudam in Thoubal Assembly constituency, who were brought under the protection of the police and in violation of Section 144 CrPC, stormed into the offices of the daily newspaper offices of Sangai Express, Poknapham and Naharolgi Thoudang and created scenes of intimidation inside the offices. All Manipur Working Journalists Union felt that it was a direct attack on the media by a few people who support the Chief Minister, misusing the police. On 11 October MPCs detained two scribes at gun point and harassed them. On 29 November the CM came up with a statement that emphasised education as more important than right to life. List of arrest On 23 July four protestors at Khurai Sajor Leikai were nabbed by the police. The same day Mrs. Laishram Mema and Jano Begum by Imphal were detained by the Imphal West Additional SP Jhaljit on the charge of building up a mob in the aftermath of the shoot-out. On 4 August women leaders Mrs. Phanjaobam Sakhi, Mrs. Lourembam Ngangbi and Mrs. Yumlembam Mema who came to submit a petition to the Governor in connection with the killing of Sanjit were arrested by the police before they could meet the Governor. They were further remanded to judicial custody on 7 August. On 12 August Mrs. L Ngangbi of Bishnupur was detained under NSA after being produced before the court of JMIC, Imphal while the other two were remanded to further judicial custody. On 5 August leaders of the conglomeration of the civil society group Apunba Lup Mr. Sunil Kumar, Mr. Phurailatpam Deban Sharma, Mr. Th Naobi @ Surjit and Mr. Dayananda Chingtham, and their host Mr. Leimapokpam Kumar (55) and his wife Mrs. Nganbi (40) were arrested. Deban, Naobi and Dayananda were charged with IPC section 188/121/121A/147/148/149/427/34, 7 Criminal Act and 18/39 UA(P) Act. Sunil was charged with IPC Section 124-A/435/34, 7 Criminal Act and 39 UA (P) Act. On 6 August the Additional CJM Imphal granted them five days remand under police custody. On 10 August all four of them other than Mrs. Nganbi were detained under NSA in addition to the judicial remand. On 21 September the media reported that the NSA Advisory Board under the chairmanship of Justice Raj Khowa examining the ground of detention orders had confirmed the detention orders of the four leaders along with 18 other people who had been detained under NSA by the district magistrates during the hearing from September

17 to 19 last. On 8 August Mr. Bogeshwor of Khongman, Mr. Nongmaithem Arunkanta of Ayangpali Soibam Leikai and Mr. Naobi of Laipham Khunou who were working as volunteers of the Help Line Unit that extended help to the injured people in the agitation treating at JN Hospital, Porompat were arrested by a team of Imphal east police with the instruction from the Imphal east district police SP. On 10 August, in an attempt to foil mass rally at Khurai Kongpal Sajor Leikai, five protestors were detained by the police. On 13 August Sanjits's elder sister Ms. Anandi, JAC secretary Ms. Ch. Anita, six secretaries of local clubs and six activists of the Apunba Lup (including Ms. L. Landhoni) were arrested by the police in their attempt to stage a protest at the venue where the CM was supposed to take part at the unveiling ceremony of a newly constructed statue of the war hero of Anglo-Manipur War 1891 Thangal General. They were released in the evening on the following day. On 16 August, responding to the call of the Apunba Lup, a large number of people courted mass arrest at different police stations. At Lamlai, two girls were taken into police custody at their own insistence. On 17 August at least nineteen women who were among hundreds of women vendors of Ema Keithel (Women market) marching towards the Imphal City Police Station were picked up by the police and detained at the Imphal police station till late afternoon. On 19 August, at the Khonghampat area protestors fought pitch battle with the Sekmai Police. The police overpowered the crowd, carried out raids and arrested two activists Mr. Pechimayum Ishingjaoba (17) s/o Ibotombi and Mr. Thoudam Ajay (17) s/o Kesho. On 20 August police arrested four women activists Mrs. Chanambam Dashu, Mrs. Loutakpam Nganbi, Mrs. Sorojini and Mrs. Tombi on charge of leading a crowd of about 100 meira paibees in storming at the residential gates of FCS Minister Y. Erabot and MLA W Brajabidhu of Lamsang A/C. On 25 August the president of the women civil society Poirei Leimarol Meira Paibi Apunba Manipur Mrs. L. Memchoubi and two other activists Mrs. Takhellambam Ibeyaima and Mrs.Hamom Borkeinya were arrested. While Memchoubi was held back the rest were released. On 26 August, although the Court gave permission to seek for release on bail, Memchoubi insisted on unconditional release and was remanded to judicial custody for 15 days. On 27 August, police seized copies of Tehelka Magazine that contained poster with July 23 fake encounter and detained driver Mr. Khumbongmayum Peto (30) of Nongada Thongkhong who transported the copies and manager of the Super Zet Courier Service Mr. Laishram Seityam (42) of Kwakeithel Laishram Leikai.

On 1 September grandmother of the late Th Rabina, Mrs. Mayanglambam ongbi Radhesana Devi of Thangmeiband Lourung Purel Leikai, Mrs. Oinam Amuthoi of Oinam Mamang Leikai, Mr. Yengkokpam Dhiren of Moirangkampu Mamang Leikai, Mr. Oinam Bikramjit of Oinam Mamang Leikai and Mr. Mutum Ongbi Ibemhal Devi of Uripok Sorbol Thingel Leikai were arrested by the police. The rest of the detainee other than Bikramjit and Ibemhal were released on the following day. The two, charged under section 124-A/435/34 of IPC read along with 39 UA(P) A Act and 7 CLA, were remanded till 4 September. On 4 September Bikramjit was re-arrested under IPC Section 447/436/427/34 in connection with an FIR registered at Nambol police station. Both Bikramjit and Ibemhal were further remanded to judicial custody till 17 September. On 14 September environmentalist and human rights activist Mr. Yumnam Jiten of Mayaik Koibi was arrested by the police. Police raided the office of the All Manipur United Clubs Organisation and arrested finance secretary Mr.Sungchen

intense pressure from different circles against their arrest. On 1 October police arrested women meira paibee activists Mrs. Mangsatabam Loitangjao Devi (40) w/o Jobomani of Luwangshangbam Mayai Leikai, Mrs. Mangsatabam Phajarei Devi (57) w/o Iboyaima of Luwangshangbam Awang Leikai, Mrs. Mangsatabam Leima Devi (46) w/o Tolen, of the same locality and Mrs. Nongthombam Inao Devi (40) w/o Robindro of Luwangshangbam Mamang Leikai on alleged charge of having nexus with underground organisations apart from participating in chappals throwing incidence at the residence of YAS and IFC Minister N Biren Singh at Luwangshangbam on the previous day. They were booked under Section 124A/147/148/149/443/427/511 of IPC read along with Section 7 of Criminal Law Amendment Act and Section 39 of UA (P) Act and remanded to police custody for 7 days. Casualty On 3 August Mr Khundrakpam Sanaton (25) s/o late Pakpa of Kongpal Chingangbam Leikai, Mr. Khaidem Shankar (24) s/o late Tomchou of Kongpal Khaidem Leikai and Mr. Nandeibam Rajesh (15) s/o Biren of Khurai Sajor Leikai were injured as a result of rubber bullet firing at Khurai Sajor Leikai. At Kyamgei some protestors including women sustained injuries when the security personnel fired tear gas shells to dispersed them. On 4 August three protestors sustained injuries as a result of tear gas shells and mock bombs fired by the police. In separate incidents at Thangmeiband and Khoyathong areas Mrs. RK Landoni of Thangmeiband Polem Leikai, Mrs. Ngangbam Sundari of Kabrangbam Leikai, Mrs. Tondon of Hijam Dewan Leikai, Ms B Shanti, Mrs. Wahengbam Nanao and Mr. Kabrangbam Loken (critical injury at the eye) suffered injury. Following the charge of the cops, the women broke up and some of them took cover in a shop, which had its shutter slightly pulled up. The pursuing cops then lobbed some tear gas shells into the shop through the slightly ajar shutter. At Khumbong, a 40 year old woman sustained injuries when police fired tear gas shells, mock bombs and rubber bullets to drive back strike supporters. On 5 August Mrs. Salam Ibemnungsi (81) of Salam Leikai received injury when police fired tear gas while she was going with another woman who was running a hotel at the locality to meet her married daughter. On 6 August Mr. Naorem Prakash (19) of Langthabal Kunja Mayai Leikai was severely beaten up and shot at the eye in a cold blooded manner by the police. Although the SSP (IW) L Kailun, in a statement claimed that the wound was caused by riot-control equipment, the police were looking for the empty cartridge bearing no. 71182 fired from AK Rifles that was discovered along with flesh from the spot where Praksh was rescued. According to Prakash, he was one among those who were marching and raising slo-

Conclusion
On 8 January 2010 the Apunba Lup, JACs and the Government arrived at a negotiation. Although the immediate demands of the protest were not achieved; the protest was brought to a halt and the civil society leaders that had been jailed under the NSA were released without any condition. It shows that politics was above what were considered to be the legal premise. NSA was no longer a legal matter but a political instrument. The Government agreed to restore the properties of the civil societies that were in the police custody. Educational institutions were reopened from 11 January onwards. However, the monetary compensation to the families of Sanjit and Rabina became a matter of controversy with several circles charging the JACs and the Apunba Lup with (a) apologetic decision of withdrawing the movement without achieving the immediate goals, (b) compromising the protest with monetary compensation and unconditional release of civil society leaders, (c) lack of coordination, unity and cohesive planning and so on. The closure of the educational institution was proven self-defeating and an immature stand; it lacked support, became controversial and there was indication of defiance of the education boycott. Whether there was infiltration of state intelligence in the strategic planning of democratic movement, if not working in collusion with or functioning among the top ranking decision makers of self proclaimed democratic forces became a serious issue as the later lacked coordination and consistent progressive planning to win the confidence of the people. But one thing was very clear. The government had tried to cover up the crime through widespread propaganda of fabricated reports. The government, instead of admitting

Appendix
Some Facts: Suppression of democratic voice On 6 August suspected police commandos fired a shot at the Sega Road Office of the vernacular newspaper Paojel. The same day a security meeting was held in the presence of the Governor Gurbachan Jagat and instruction was issued to the lower officials to take up necessary steps to prevent the situation from going out of control. From 8 August onwards BSF troops were deployed in the capital areas. On 11 August police commandoes hounded upon and restricted the movement of the scribes who tried to cover a tussle between a crowd of women activists and police at the gate of the Raj Bhavan. On 17 August the CM instead of addressing the democratic concern of the people suggested to ban prepaid mobile phones in Manipur and proposed the

Koireng of Lamphel Sanakeithel, publicity secretary Mr. Likmabam Tompok of Maklang, assistant finance secretary Mr. A Soken of Wangoo, assistant finance secretary Mr. Irom Brojen of Haorang Khunou, assistant secretary (organization) Mr. Toarem Ramanda of Patsoi partI, office secretary Mr. G Sharat Kabui of Langthabal and Mr. Thiyam Dinesh of Takhellambam Leikai. The general secretary of All Manipur Ethnic Socio Cultural Organisation Mr. Shamjetsabam Nando Luwang of Yumnam Khunou was also arrested. On 15 September all of the detainees other than Sharat were booked under Section 121/121-A of IPC, Section 16/18/39 of UA (P) Act and Section 3 of the Official Secret Act and remanded for 15 days under police custody. On 29 September Dinesh, Tompok and Nando were granted bail against a surety bond of Rs 50,000 each. A Soken, I. Brojen, Y. Jiten and T. Ramananda were detained under NSA. On 15 September police picked up Mr. Khangembam Mangi (87) of Thangmeiband Lourungpurel Leikai and Irengbam Ranjit (54) of Kwakeithel Lamdong Leikai, i.e., fathers of All Manipur Students Union vice president Kh. Khaba and president Mr. I. Jamesbond respectively in a bid to make the student leaders surrender to the police and foil the class boycott call issued by the AMSU since 8 September. They were released the following day as a result of

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

gans and protesting the 23 July fake encounter. The police dispersed them, caught him, forcibly lied on the ground, and shot at. He lost his eye and suffered from multiple cracks on the skull. MANAS GHOSH On 7 August several protestors suf- Why civil society is silent on the fered from minor injuries at Chingmeirong. Lalgarh Movement? Is this movement At Singjamei at least nine protestors were containing some thing embarrassing? injured in the pitch battle with the police. On 10 August Mr. Puyam Ranbir (27) s/o P. Ibotombi, Mr. Yengkhom Robertson (30) s/o Y. Imo and Mr. Laishram Tutu (25) s/o L Loken, were severely beaten up by the MPCs at Waikhom Leikai. They were among the 27 candidates participating in a youth leadership camp that was being organised by WAC since 5 August. As there was curfew, they were playing carom inside the building of the club when a police commando team frighten them to run and caught and tortured on the charge of protest suspects. Tutu's grandmother Mrs. Bino who tried to prevent from taking away Tutu by the MPCs was injured when the police fired tear gas canister at her. On 12 August Mrs. Sanasam Tababi (40) wife of Tomal of Wangoo Parking was injured in police repression. On 16 August a woman and a child were injured at Lamlai. On 18 August Mrs. Ningthoujam Mani (30) w/o Kullabidhu of Lilong Chajing and secretary of the Singjamei to Lilong Meira Paibi Apunba Lup Mrs. Shantilata (50) sustained injuries when police baton charged upon them. On 19 August Miss Thangjam Naobi (15) was badly injured on her ankle by a splinter of tear gas shell at Chingmeirong Lei Ingkhol. At Salam Mamang Leikai Mrs. Leitanthem Sabitri (47), Mrs. kongrailakpam Premita (25) and Mrs. A. Sushila (35) sustained injuries when police hurled a bomb inside a house where they were staying after police dispersed a sit in protest.

Lalgarh, 'Civil Society',Violence

Or, in true sense, the civil society is not potent to uphold this kind of movement ? MANAS GHOSH gives his argument Lalgarh
Without leaving any scope to anyone to reply, she herself answers, 'Haridas'. Our CM and CPM renamed him: Chatradhar 'Terrorist' Mahato and our opposition leader renamed him: Chatradhar 'Haridas' Mahato! What an amazing consensus among the ruling parties and the oppositions. And where have the intellectuals who vowed to curve out a 'third space' for Civil Society gone? - gone to the graveyard or to the lake market, I don't know.

it merely a tion Underdevelopment' in the What isofLalgarh? Isworld reality?'locacartography of a third Or,

Civil Society
I'm not trying to find a proper definition of Civil Society. Rather I'm interested to return back to the question: what is Lalgarh? The way the intellectuals and the cultural personalities have understood Lalgarh is noteworthy to us. I'm not going to argue that they are 'indifferent' to the issue of jangal mahal. What I want to mean is that they are 'silent'. Indifference in natural course leads to silence. But here people are aware and perturbed yet remains silent. It implies one's inability to articulate her/his position. A certain level of understanding has been there on the issue of Lalgarh movement but the 'understanding' has not led to 'action'. But we really had a different scenario in the issue of Singur-Nandigram, as the 'understanding' and 'action' came as 'cause' and 'effect'. The intellectuals of West Bengal proclaimed an independent stance. The questions which they raised were not confined in mere 'ethical' and 'humanitarian' terrains. The government policies of land acquisition, SEZ, eviction and development questions were thoroughly addressed. They intended to examine governmentality both within and beyond the legal/constitutional. Some critics started to claim that the massive citizen's protest against the genocide in Nandigram and land grab in Singur proved the existence of Civil Society in our reality. But as far as Lalgarh movement is concerned the unity among citizens, intellectuals and the cultural workers has entirely disappeared. Even the claimed 'civil society' of West Bengal has failed to provide leadership in the protest against UAPA and joint paramilitary campaign in jangal mahal. The inertness and inaction is really unexpected from a Civil Society. Because two major characteristic action of Civil Society are: they act as a watchdog of 'democratic conscience' of the society and they protest strongly against the implementation of draconian laws in order to protect constitutional rights of the citizen. In recent time, the collective of intellectuals, artistes and citizens have passed too few words of protest against the implementation of UAPA and a hand-full people demonstrated against joint paramilitary action in Lalgarh. Should we call the collective a Civil Society? If the formation could acquire true nature of Civil Society can it remain silent and voiceless on the above-mentioned issues?

On 23 August Mrs. Phanjaobam Sundari (55) of Wangkhei Konsam Leikai, who took cover inside her home was fired upon with tear gas canister, thereby, causing a deep and huge gash on her left thigh, Let's look into the brief history of last two measuring four inches in length. years. The 'rebel' intellectuals and culturOn 25 August a team of MPCs al workers of the state raised their voice hurled a smoke bomb canister toward a to criticize the uncouth and notorious group of scribes at Wangkhei. statements issued by our CM and his On 2 September master associates against the protest of Singur Lairenlakpam Pari s/o Budha, a class V stu- and Nandigram. They strongly criticized dent, while returning from school, was CPI (M) leaders like Binoy Konar who had injured on the shoulder in police repression threatened: 'life hell kore dobo'. We at Khurai area. On the same day Sanjit's appreciate our 'rebel' intellectuals' role in mother Taratombi was fainted during a Singur and Nandigram movement. As far as Lalgarh movement is concerned, pristandoff with the police and she was admitmarily they looked puzzled yet vocal; but ted to JN Hospital. gradually they have become cold and On 11 October two working scribes Mr. A Birjit of Kangla Pao and Mr. Priyo Achom of Image TV were detained and harassed by the MPCs at BT Road. The MPCs charged them with underground link, conducted body search, kicked at one of them and threatened to shoot at by placing gun at the head.
The author is associated with the organization 'Campaign for Peace & Democracy' (Manipur) mningthouja@yahoo.com

Lalgarh is a reality itself? The questions are not so simple, yet the answer, my friend, is blowing in the cold wind. The cold December of 2009 has advanced towards a chilly January of another new year. The large pool of intellectuals of West Bengal who fought in last two years for the people of Nandigram and Singur has gradually chilled out with the coming of northern wind. Mysteriously they became silent. Some of them who promised to revolutionize the winter palace have become the happy guests inside the citadel. Has it been the destiny? Or a calculated move rather? We should not hurl any unparliamentarily word to the intellectuals and cultural workers who really stood against the anti-people stance taken by the CPI (M)-led state government in Singur and Nandigram. We must welcome the 'Change' as the people of West Bengal have given mandate in favour of the pro-Change force in the last parliamentary election. But quite unexpectedly (or should have been expected, we misjudged!) the high profile MPs from the state irrespective of party colour have hailed Chidambaram-Buddhadev's joint venture in the jangal-mahal. The 'most precious' member of Parliament from WB has been continuously using abusive words to the leader of the People's movement of Lalgarh.

among the intellectuals and artistes has come into being. Is it the degree of violence which confused and repelled them? It's not easy to answer the question. Because, violent resistance was there in Nandigram and Singur too. Janasadharaner Committee learnt the method of resistance from the recent peasant movements took place in West Bengal and Orissa. But the truth which we cannot write off is that Nandigram-Singur movement has been appropriated to a great extent within the domain of conventional party politics. The collective of intellectuals and artistes which was in the Nandigram-Singur movement has lost its independent nature as a pressure group. The debate has concentrated entirely on the issue whether they would support the opposition party to power or not. It is already proved that the majority of them have failed to think beyond CPI(M)-TMC binary. It is very unfortunate that very few of those enlightened intellectuals and artistes have come to the street to protest the arrest of their fellow human rights activists, publishers of magazines and press owners under UAPA. Their inaction undoubtedly has strengthened and legitimized, though indirectly, the governments' atrocious measure in jangal mahal. The government's campaign tries to equate Janasadharaner Committee and CPI (Maoist) in Lalgarh. We may believe it or not. But the fact is that the majority of the population of jangal mahal does not belong to the socalled 'armed squad'. Since they have been deprived, starved and deceived for a long time they have formed Janasadharaner Committee to protest. Only one part of their struggle is armed resistance while major part is constituted with mass rally, mass petition, strike, boycott, hunger strike and other democratic ways of protest. Sometimes their protest takes violent shape. But Lalgarh is no battlefield. We must differentiate between violent protest and violent oppression, though the word 'violent' is present in both as a common category. In the case of jangal mahal there is a correlation between the 'violence as a way of resistance' and 'justice as world-wide demand'. I acknowledge that 'violence' is a contingent category while 'justice' is a universal one. But the problem arises as violent protest is often understood as a symptom of the lack of social and economic justice. I would like to argue, referring Brazilian filmmaker Glauber Rocha, that the violence of a starving man is not a sign of a primitive mentality. Rocha says, "Most noble cultural manifestation of a starving man is violence." Please don't equate 'violence' with killing people of the opposition. Rocha does not mean that. He explains "our originality is our hunger and our greatest misery is that this hunger is felt but not intellectually understood." (Here 'our' means the poor people of the third world and 'intellectua'l understanding indicates cultural and political understanding.) It is true that Lalgarh in recent time has become the political base of a revolutionary party. But this fact does not disqualify that Lalgarh is starving; is shivering in cold. How many decades will jangal mahal remain in solitude?
The author is a lecturer in Flim Studies Department in Jadavpur University, Kolkata. manascalcutta@gmail.com

The Report on Burgeoning Oppression and Repression in Lalgarh to the Delegates of State Human Rights Commission by People's Committee against Police Atrocities
he people of Lalgarh and forest dwellers in West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia had come together under the banner of People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) to resist the bestial state repression unleashed by Police & Military as well as Ruling Party CPI(M), thereby building up an enormous mass movement from Nov 2008. After that our committee exerted vigorously to stop the atrocities on Adivasi people perpetuated by the Police and tried to establish the democratic rights of the people. The committee had continued their movement within the constitutional framework and peaceful means as it had been vowed to do so. Till date we are adhering to peaceful and democratic ways. Despite this, neither the state nor central government paid no heed to our demands. Though the process of dialogue and discussion had started, it came to an abrupt end by the unilateral decision of the administration, and with the unprecedented deployment of joint forces from 18th June 2009. The end of state terror has become a promise the moon. And time goes, the repression initiated by the Joint forces is growing. The people of Janglemahal (area encompassing the forest) are now experiencing the reprisal and vindictive attitude of the state as the grumbled against the pro-longed state sponsored repression, and all the constitutional and democratic rights of people were trampled underfoot. The State Government along with the central government started the joint military operation to drown all the democratic voice in the Janglemahal, blatantly flouting the constitutional laws. In these dark hours, we want to bring to your notice the infringement upon democratic, humanitarian and legitimate rights endowed constitutionally to the Adivasi and indigenous forest dwellers of India.

After the beginning of new-wave movement led by PCAPA from November 2008 many supporters and activists were the victims of such terror. From December 2008, CPI(M) regimented their assailant forces (Harmads) and started to invade many villages. Even in December 2008, CPI(M) built an armed 'mass resistance committee' with the help of the police. CPI(M) leaders overtly announced the formation of that 'militia' committee. After conniving with the police and administration they killed some of our committee members and activists. In not a single case did police register an F.I.R or take any action against the killers. This proves the nexus between the Police and CPI(M). Now we are coming to the point of ostensible killing by Police and Joint forces. We experienced all the examples of killing innocent people who were taking part in a peaceful movement, pierced by bullets or mortars, killing of peasants harvesting paddy in field, lynching of committee supporters in lock up and passed off as suicides. In most cases, Police branded all the deceased as Maoists, whom they encountered in battle and trying to escape liabilities. The murders committed by the Police claiming 'Maoist gunned down' are total hoax; if any inquisitive person comes to the villages, he would find innocent villagers attacked and succumbing to injury. Government is unscrupulous towards the adivasi people and this is so because they are adivasi. We have published the list of martyrs who became victims of state repression. These extra-judicial killings are dangerous. We appeal to all of you to speak out against the blood thirsty extrajudicial killers.

Arrest and Persecution?

Long before this movement against the state repression led by PCPA began, Police established the macabre rule in Jangalemahal, unleashing indiscriminate arrests. And till now they are repeating the injustice. Following the dictates of the ruling party, submissive Police had been arresting the dissenters in false cases, nabbing innocents to fill the 'quota of criminals', arresting people without warrant, without caring to provide arrest memos at the time of arrest, ravaging houses without search memos, taking photos without consent, torturing the arrested, embroiling the acquitted or bailed persons with forged cases again to put them behind the bar for long without judicial proceedings, beating common folks even women, infants, aged people at their caprice, despoiling the savings and money, mixing paddy with rice, pouring kerosene into grain, demolishing home and utensils, committing arson, abusing, humiliating and raping women-all those demonical activities had become the daily acts of Police. How they went beyond can be sum-

The face of state terror-false f encounter killing spree

It is proverbial in the forest living people that anyone who protests against the tyranny of Police or CPI(M) Cadres, he/she would be vulnerable and invite the ire of CPI(M) and Joint Forces or Police. Even he/she may be put to death. Many Adivasi people had been martyred in this way in the past. Whenever Adivasi people demanded agricultural land, irrigation, increase in wage, development work or flared up against the corruption in the rationing system or Panchayet, then and there the CPI(M) led Left Front Government came down heavily by using Police and CPI(M) goons. A number of villages were attacked and gutted. We can still remember the tremulous incidents of Rajkharsoa, Gunduria, Golaguli where Police and CPI(M) ravaged everything.

reluctant. 'Shilpi'r bibek o nagarik chetona' has preferred to accept the 'culture of silence'. Our 'most precious MP and the opposition leader of the state, on the other hand, is continuously slandering Chatradhar Mahato. She is using abusive language which is very similar to what Binoy Konar used to bombard to his opposition. (Surprisingly 'Shilpi'r bibek o nagarik chetona' in this case maintains absolute silence!) Moreover she acquires a dogmatic style usually practiced by the CPI(M) leadership of WB. That is: often in her speech she asks a question, and she herself answers in the next sentence. She asks, for example, 'who is Chatradhar?'

Violence
Let's examine why the state of confusion

10

11

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

marized with few examples: Raping Behula Mahato of Laljal village in Belpahari, to 'determine' the sex; they forced women to strip openly in front of people, searched school students (boys and girls both) taking their clothes off, whipped an aged woman to death in Tanshabansh in Lalgarh. Arrested people were physically tortured regularly. For example, pouring petrol and pushing sticks through the rectum/anal passage. Whoever were called to the police station or camps from anywhere, surely got arrested with the allegation of indulging in 'subversive and anti state activities in forest." Some were tagged with 30 to 35 cases!!! To get bail in those cases, many of the adivasi people had become destitute. We cannot imagine these kinds of hideous repression in a 'civilized' society. These were the hard realities of Jangalemahal. And till now the despair persists. After the deployment of Joint Force, the illegal, outrageous activities and violation of human rights has soared high. Crimes and tortures committed by Joint Force on PCAPA supporters and activists have crossed the limit. Though our movement is totally peaceful and democratic, Joint Force is committing heinous atrocities. Our supporters have not done anything violating CrPC or IPC. What our crime is that we defied the perennial state terror. That is why we are 'criminals' and 'terrorists'. Our supporters and activists have been arrested indiscriminately under forged cases, charged with a number of false cases so they have to spend long years of incerceration. Even women have not been exempted. Our spokesperson Chatradhar Mahato and cashier Sukhshanti Baske were booked under the draconian UAPA, which is totally undemocratic, unethical. We are sending the list of imprisoned committee activists, supporters and innocent people - which may be an incomplete one because many names should be enlisted as they are the victims of state terror. We request you to think of those wretched of Jangalmahal, those poorest of poor if they are criminals or the activists of a just movement. We call upon the delegates to raise their voice against the repressive state policies, illegal detention and torture. To fight against the state repression as well as to uphold the basic democratic rights we shall escalate this movement of Jangalmahal.

the hospital. Joint forces indulged in arson in the whole village of Baksibandh, ravaged many homes and seized schools. In the backward places of Jangalmahal, students are now deprived of education.

students are the victims of trauma, they are growing in the atmosphere of terror. We earnestly request the delegates to ponder over this situation and to speak against the state sponsored terrorism.

policy is accountable for the precarious condition of Jangalmahal.

Effect on cultural rights

The social, cultural rituals, festivals like 'melas' and 'Paravs' of Jangalmahal were jeopardized in this regime of terror. The people of Jagalmahal are too shattered, morally and economically, to take part in the festivities this year. The people could not go to their relatives at other villages as police have been arresting outsiders, without any semblance of an excuse. The 'adivasi' of Jangalmahal could not organise their much awaited, historical 'Hul' festival in this grim situation. In our adivasi villages, we regularly used to sing and dance, as our predecessors had done, collectively. We, adivasi people, live a life of mutual cooperation. Our peace has been broken and pleasure is lacerated by CPI (Marxist) and Police, and after June 09', by Joint Forces. Thousands of people in hundreds of villages are living a shattered life, deprived of peace and happiness. CPI (Marxist), Police and now, Joint Forces pervade our entity as a nightmare, and our question is: for whom the so-called 'peace' and 'happiness' had been brought about by selling out our 'peace' and 'happiness'? Whose interest it has served, please think of that.

Thousands are homeless

Thousands of villagers became homeless as Joint Forces vandalized and arsoned a number of village. CPI(M) "Harmads" (goons) and Joint forces are doing the rampage together. The victimized villagers took shelter in the relief camps or shivered in piercing cold under the open sky, leaving behind everything. They are deprived of subsistence food. The plight of the infants is gruesome. The eviction of people from their home and village took place mostly in Belpahari, Shalboni, Lalgarh, Jhargram and Midnapore Sadar areas.

Rape and torture- a common weapon of ruling class

The administration indulged in rape and torture to subvert the dignity of the movement. Many incidents of rape and abuse have taken place with the involvement of the Joint Forces. Humiliation of school girls in the name of checking, abusive behaviour with the village women have become the common acts of Joint Forces.

Access prohibited to journalists

To conceal the heinous act by the Joint Forces and CPI(M), administration hindered the free movement of journalists. At the time of onslaught, arson and outrage of Joint Forces and CPI(M) Harmads, journalists are not allowed to step within miles. Even incidents of beating and humiliation of journalists were done when some ardent journalists tried to get some exclusive news or photos. These brutal acts by Joint Forces and CPI(M) Harmads are almost unknown to the outside world.

The adverse effect on infants and adolescents

The infants and adolescents are affected mostt in Jangalmahal after the deployment of Joint Forces. As the schools are converted into military camps, education is crippled. The Mid-Day meal has been stopped. Much acclaimed 'literacy campaign' has totally collapsed. Though students and teachers or sometimes PCAPA arranged make-shift structures to run the schools at their own initiative, those earnest efforts were stifled frequently by the savage force. These outrageous atrocities etched fear and fright in those innocent minds. The senseless repression unleashed by government is impairing the whole new generation of Jangalmahal who are deemed as the vary future of India. From the month of June, under the pressure of torrents of mass movement, government gave assurance to free the schools from occupation. But all the assurances were futile. 'Obeying' the high court order, Joint Force evacuated only four schools. In Gohamidanga, the force left the school only after damaging the properties, dumping filths in the class rooms, littering liquor bottles everywhere. Jawans coerced the head master of the Gohamidanga, Mr. Soumen(?) to write an announcement that the property had not been damaged. But Soumen Babu refused to do that. School students outpoured their anger saying: "Jawans ruined the chastity of our school". Their resentment is sufficient to prove the predicament of Jangalmahal. Besides the Joint forces, the ruling party CPI(M) dictates overwhelmingly at their sweet will whether a school would be run or not, or whether a dutiful teacher would be castigated or not. This type of subtle terror is palpable everywhere. In the month of June, six teachers were punished by CPI (M) as they kept the classes closed, in response to the strike called by PCAPA. At first, they were confined in a class room and then forced to stand under the scorching sun for four long hours. In Balarampur, Purulia district, CPI(M) enforced to stop the mid-day meal (and daily classes also) at Deuli primary school in Dnarda village. The reason they gave was that school teachers are not docile to them! As a result of the two fold terror perpetrated by Joint Force and CPI(M),

hood. Our ancestors have gloriously sacrificed their lives to protect our claim over these forests. Although we have protected these forests and preserved the ecology like our mother, still our right to own these forests eludes us. It was the British who had alienated us from these forests. Even though 62 years have passed since 1947, our claim over these forests has not been re established. Although the forests are full of such rich resources, we are left with nothing. We earn our livelihood by selling wood collected or cut from the forests. But even then we are harassed and sometimes arrested by forest department officials. Ironically, these officials turn a blind eye to poachers who illegally cut down trees and hunt animals indiscriminately, thereby destroying the forest and the ecology it supports. Although, there is plenty of land and permanent supply of water, the harvest is not very fruitful due to lack of even basic irrigational facilities. You all are aware how the tribals, the true children of the forest are being ousted from their home land under the cover of establishment of factories and dams since the British era. In 1907, Tata Iron and Steel Co was established at Jamshedpur ( previously known as Kalidihi ) and as a consequence thousands of tribals were driven out from these lands. We could not even locate many of our brothers and sisters who were driven away at that time. Although 62 years have passed since Indian independence, the eviction of tribals and indigenous people has attained a steady pace. We are vehemently opposing this. The Bengal government has given 5000 Hectares of land at Shalboni to Jindal for setting up a Steel Producing Unit, which is a SEZ Project. We opposed this and the government declared a war on all of us in the forests. Let us make one thing very clear to all of you. We will give our blood, we will give our lives but we will not give up our land, our waters and our forests. We will protect them at any cost. We will not let the SEZ project to happen. It is not a mere slogan to us, it is our belief, our courage, our hope.

police choose not to notice. The police are busy protecting the CPM leaders Sushanta Ghosh and Dipak Sarkar when they arrive here public meetings, where they openly threat and insult us. The fact that the CPM has organised a meeting and march , even when 144 Dhara was in place has reached every corner of Bengal and India through various media channels. Yet, the police who were present in the meeting to protect CPM leaders Sushanta and Dipak claim that they are not aware of any such thing.We, the poor tribals have no constitutional rights. But we will continue to fight until this state backed terrorism comes to an end.

The Development stunted by State Policies

Since independence, there has been no development in the forest regions. Till date, the poor tribals die of hunger, malnutrition, poverty and also from diseases like cholera, diaorreah etc. There is no infrastructure for health care, no hospitals and no doctors. We have been trying to bring these things out in the limelight since the beginning of our resistance. And the government says that it is our resistance that is obstructing the development in these areas. They say that because of the resistance, the government workers are unwilling to work in these areas. But the fact remains that we have not forced the closure of Lalgar Thana or any other government offices for that matter. We had even invited state government representatives for a discussion at Dalilpur. We have completely co operated with the state election commission, and have participated in talks with them whenever they have requested. The governments' allegation that the development is being obstructed by our resistance is completely false. We oppose the corrupt policies of the state government and will continue to do so. Because of this corruption, we have not benefitted from the state policies. And the government is establishing its corrupt rule under various pretexts. The workers of our organization have arranged for healthcare, drinking water and irrigational facilities in various areas, but even these benevolent deeds draw fierce opposition from the government. Until these policies change, the development of these areas is impossible.

Our demands are justified

When the reign of terror by CPI (Marxist) and Police hit the roof, we started our movement against state terror and arrests against trumped up charges. We speak out against the CPI (Marxist) led despotism, police atrocities, the venality in Panchayet, Government offices and of CPI (Marxist) leaders. Addressing these points, once we organised the masses of people questioning Government and demanding development in Jangalmahal, State and central retaliated jointly, with utmost brutality. Not only today, basic human rights of people have been trampled down for a long time in Jangalmahal. Today it erupted taking a demonical shape. We request all the present human rights activists to appreciate the grave situation in Jangalmahal, and to think about ways of restoring human rights, constitutional rights, and social rights of adivasi people of Jangalmahal. We believe that the mother tongue should be used in educational and governmental purposes. We, the adivasi people had been demanding this for long. But the government is not agreeing to our demands. Hence our languages are losing their importance. Is it wrong to demand that Santali, Kurmi and other tribal languages be taught and be used in Government Jobs ? Please give it a thought. Will we be in the dark forever?

Government has shattered the economic base of Jangalmahal

The economy of Jangalmahal is mainly based on agriculture. But till the date, after sixty year of independence, owing to government's total failure in the fields of irrigation and agriculture, the people of Jangalmahal have no choice other than to depend on forest heavily. They collect different products from the forest for their own household or to sell them in the local market. Today the indigenous economic system in this area has totally collapsed due to the presence of the Joint Forces. They are invading the village before dawn and continuing their rapacious activities throughout the day. They are frequently pouncing on the farmers working in the fields, thrashing them, even firing bullets to kill. As a result, harvesting paddy is affected adversely in this year, leaving them to dry up in the field. Harvesting potatoes is profitable in this particular time of year. But repression unleashed by Joint Forces has deterred the farmers to go to the field. Acknowledging this crisis, we implored Home Secretary to postpone the joint operation at least for fifteen days, for the sake of harvesting and reaping. Hard of hearing to our request, government escalated terror. Not only harvesting, collection of forest products is also affected. Any one, man or woman, who went to the forest to collect the fire wood or 'saal' leaves, would be the soft target of Jawans, bashed up or arrested. Intimidated by repression, the villagers are scared to access the local market or go to their working places. The government

The road to democracy is blocked

We made a 23 clause demand after conferring at Dalilpur Chak. Till date, the government has not agreed to even one of them. Hence we decided to boycott the government. We have been opposing for the last 14 months and will continue to do so. The government called on the Coalition forces to silence our resistance and since the beginning of their offensive they have ordered 144. We have opposed this undemocratic 144 for the last 6 months by organising peaceful protest marches and conventions. We wanted peace but beatings, bullets and tear gas from the Coalition forces were frequent if not regular. Thousands of tribals and indigenous people have marched with us every time. They demand the withdrawal of 144 Dhara and the arrest of the guns and murderes funded by CPM. The government says that they are doing these to enforce law and order. Strangely, the 144 dhara does'nt apply to CPM leaders, who can convene meetings and marches to threaten us. Although these murders are out in the open armed with illegal fire arms, the

We want true development

Various state secretaries arrived here after the coalition forces took over. They themselves have declared that till date no development has taken place in these areas. Based on the reports formulated by the state secretaries, the government sanctioned various new projects for development. Again on October 27, the review meeting at Medinipur revealed that no such programs have been implemented. On 7th November, Chief Minister Budhdhadeb Bhattacherya revealed that although one or two projects have been initiated, they are still to pick up any noticeable pace. What we are asking is that, why no development has taken place in these areas during the 33 years of CPM rule, or during the congress rule before that? Before the onset of the coalition forces offensive, we had taken the initiative to start various development measures. We

Violation of human rights

You may come to know through print and electronic media about the brutal lathicharge and firing on adivasi women, coming from different villages from the vicinity of Jhargram sub-division, at the office of sub-deputy magistrate, where they were demonstrating against police atrocities, on 11th Nov '09. This kind of violation of human rights is recurring in Jangalmahal day in and day out which have been concealed from the outside world through disinformation campaign. Harvesting in this season was hampered greatly because of the atrocities by the Joint force; even the small amount of crop cannot be reaped, it remains in the field as it is. Joint forces fired and killed Aswini Mahato, a poor peasant, while he was reaping in the field. Police detained the villagers who took wounded Aswini to

The conspiracy to oust us from our land, our waters and our forests
The forest is like mother to us. The vast forests and the adjacent areas are rich in natural and mineral resources. The springs and waterfalls in these forests provide us with water throughout the year. We consume various fruits and vegetables collected from these forests. We think that the government cannot take from us these forests that rightfully belong to us. These forests are an integral part of our liveli-

12

13

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

have scarcity of drinking water in these areas. Most of the villages do not have tube wells, and most of the few tube wells are not in working condition. The government failed to repair those tube wells. We repaired the old ones on our own, and also set up a quite a few new ones. We repaired the wells and restored various ponds. We repaired the roads, set up irrigation facilities and also set up hospitals. But the coalition forces closed them down by force. In spite of these atrocities and state backed terrorism, thousands of people have joined hands to initiate various development measures. We have started 7 new hospitals (11 in total ) in November. We have plans to set up tube wells, hospitals and to repair the roads in various other places, but the government is not allowing us to do so. But even then, we have not lost our initiative. The corrupt government is setting up police camps in hospitals. They are arresting our friends who are bringing in medical supplies from Kolkata. They are even blocking the irrigational facilities. We request you to support our development programs that we have undertaken even amidst this atmosphere of terror and lawlessness. We demand that the government should immediately initiate the various development projects that they have declared. We are fighting for humanity.

UAPA- The Draconian Law; Part II

SUJATO BHADRA UAPA and the NIA Act bear the legacy of the draconian anti-terror laws of the past, namely TADA and POTA, and like them are un-constitutional and violate the international human rights laws and conventions that India subscribes to. SUJATO BHADRA explains how the law will curtail the democratic rights and how India would become a GarrisonState.
Continued from previous issue
has committed such an offense." And according to the Clause 17 of the NIA Act it is mentioned that the legal proceedings and hearings will take place in secret. If required, the identity of the witnesses will not be revealed, even to the accused. This clause of the NIA Act has been taken from the TADA and POTA laws. It feels as if the Government wants to prove an accused "guilty" by hook or by crook. It is very easy for the police to force a prisoner to hold a firearm and put his finger-prints on the weapon. And it is on this basis that he/she can be convicted under the anti-terror laws. In a TADA - related case a Supreme Court judge had observed : "... it is of no doubt that no-one has justifio cation to have such arms and ammunitions...but unjustifiable possession does not make a person a terrorist or disrup tionist... this section has to be immune from attack of arbitrariness." [Kartar Singh - vs. State of Punjab, 994,3,SCC]

er clause of this law, any special court across the country can try the accused. It is quite natural for the accused to require some time to fix lawyers, collect the money required and the necessary documents. A minimum two months, instead of one should be given to the accused. Anything contrary to this is a blatant violation of the right of an under-trial prisoner's "effective access to right to appeal."

countries have undertaken a resolution to dismantle the frameworks which legitimize death sentences, and till a total ban is being enforced, put all death sentences on hold, India inspite of being a signatory of the ICCPR has not de-legitimized death sentences through the amended law. According to the Supreme Court of India the death sentence is to be awarded in the rarest of rare cases. Contrary to the ruling of the country's Supreme Court, in the 2004 amendment to the UAPA the death sentence has been made the primary punishment. It is astonishing to know that the alternative punishment that is to be used sometimes is life imprisonment. The amended law has made the punishments for the guilty more stringent and harsh; by increasing the minimum sentence period to five years. Under other clauses the convict can even be sentenced to a life sentence or three years (Clause 22) and ten years (clause 23). All these sentences are accompanied by a huge monetary fine.

Case 8: Information gathering

According to clause 43F of the amended UAPA, ''any information related to "terrorist activities" must be duly notified to the investigating officer.'' What sort of information do the citizens have to collect? The amended act says: Any sort of information that the investigating officer feels is relevant as per the law. However, if the investigating officer or agency thinks that any person is with-holding information on h purpose, then that person can be charged under the law as abetting terrorist activities and punished with a minimum sentence of three years. Therefore in a brazen manner, the relationship between the state and its citizens has been changed by this law. Ordinary citizens suddenly find themselves with the job of gathering information and spying, for the State. A reporter too would be forced to reveal his "source" if the State so desires. Under normal laws it is not a crime per se, if someone decides not to give any information. The doctor who treats a so called "terrorist" in accordance with his profession's ethics, is also vulnerable to prosecution under these laws. In the name of fighting terrorism and prosecuting "terrorists',' a system of collective punishment has been put into place, in the same way present day Israeli society and Nazi Germany of the past. Case 9: Legitimizing Eavesdropping The 2004 amendment to the UAPA (Clause 46) mentions, just like the POTA, that the police can electronically surveil any citizen of the nation and use any sort of information thus gathered as evidence. The information that would be produced in the court against the accused will only be let known to him 10 days before the trial would commence. However, based on the court's discretion this time period of 10 days may even be 'waived'. This clause of the amended UAPA violates the right of the accused to a fair trial and also the citizen's Right to Privacy.

amended UAPA and the NIA Act bear the legacy of the draconian anti-terror laws of the past, namely TADA and POTA, and like them are un-constitutional and violate the international Human rights laws and conventions that India subscribes to. Due to these laws ordinary people have to live in an atmosphere fear and insecurity. It is within our rights to demand the withdrawal of these draconian laws and investigate matters of human rights violations by the Indian State. And it is imperative that we face State terror united.
The author is an eminent human rights activist and professor of history in Dinabandhu Andrews College, Sivpur;Courtesy: Bijalpo

Case4: Unlimited power to the lawenforcement agencies

If any police officer, be it of the state or the center, has any information or has reasons to suspect anyone for anti-State activities, then he/she can raid the house of any citizen of the nation at any time or place and seize anything that may be used to indict the person for committing crimes against the State. The individual can even be arrested on the basis of suspicion. This is a new addition to the amended

Unity and Steadfastness: Over 70,000 Rally in Gaza for PFLP 42nd Anniversary

Legal Immunity for the torturers

The POTA atleast had the provision for financial compensation for those who were victimised under the POTA by the police's "malicious action" (clause 5). The amended UAPA does not have any place for this kind of provision. Incredulously, the amended law mentions that it should be assumed that the actions of the investigating agencies are always in "good faith." This logic is used to justify, why the investigating agencies are granted legal immunity.

cadres, and supOver 70,000Palestine,members peoplethe porters of the Popular Front for Liberation of and the of

The Human Rights Committee of the Stand against State and CPM anti-terror law, that was absent in both United Nations has observed on the TADA and POTA. backed terrorists ICCPR's Article 14 that, not declaring In other words, all safeguards against ille gal detentions, arrest, raids have been neutralized by this law and the lawenforcement agencies have been given power to infringe upon the privacy and autonomous space of the individual in the name of national security.

We hope you will stand by the people of the forests who are being attacked mercilessly. We hope you will demand the freedom of Chatradhar Mahato and other friends and supporters of our organization who have been held captive illegally. We are appealing to all human rights activists and organizations to demand immediate withdrawal of the coalition forces, to stop this state backed terror and to support our 23 clause demand formulated at Dalilpur Chak. We believe it is a duty for every supporter of democracy to stand by us. To defend ourselves from the CPM backed terrorists and murderers, we had to form the militia. Without it, we would not have been able to protect the lives of our friends and supporters and we would not have been able to continue our resistance.

someone guilty till proven so " is funda mental to the protection of human rights...no guilt can be presumed until the charge has been proved beyond reasonable doubt." The NIA Act has provision by which the State can withhold information about the witnesses who testify against the accused. This is a clear violation of Article 14-E of E the ICCPR, according to which the defense can cross-examine the witnesses testifying e against the accused. However this important legal safeguard has been taken away by these amended laws. In the Indian legal system, trials are always open to all and are not held in secret. Even Article 14 Clause 14(J) of the ICCPR has directed the governments of the signatory countries to hold trials in the open, so that violation of rights of the under-trials does not take place. However t the amended laws have left it upon the courts' discretion to decide whether the trials will be held in the open or in secret. A closed door trial keeps open the possibility of violation of the rights of the accused and in a general atmosphere of fear that is present in closed-door trial, justice can d never be delivered.

Special Courts
The provisions and functions of special courts constituted by the Indian State has already been discussed before in detail. Regarding this I'd like to mention one more thing. According to clause no 12, the special courts can on its own motion, can hear the cases enlisted to it at any place. The person in charge will be a judge appointed by the Indian Government. Under normal laws, if the place of the hearing has to be changed only after the approval of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. This however does not apply to the special courts. In this regard the clause dealing with special courts contravenes the Indian legal system and the provisions of the constitution. Under this special courts system, the judge can record the statements of wit nesses produced by the prosecution despite the absence of the accused or his solicitor in the court room. The special courts have thus been entirely kept out of the purview of the Indian legal system and they bear no accountability to no-one o except the Government which it serves. And thus these are the ways in which the two anti-terror laws will construct the t framework for "unfair trials" and therefore curb our democratic space.

Case 5: Violation of all Rights of nonIndian Captives

It has been clearly specified in the amendment that except under special condition, "foreign" "suspected terrorists" will not get bail under any circumstances.

The refusal to give any prisoner bail due to his/her nationality is a clear violation of Article 2(1) of the ICCPR and the amended anti-terror law violates it. The amended law also violates another clause of the ICCPR. It is the refusal to recognize their The state and central government is con- right to recognition under the law. spiring to silence our voices. They have Case 6: The refusal to recognize the isolated us from the rest of the civilized innocence of a man until proven world, and are restricting the entry of guilty human rights activists and journalists in these parts. But in spite of these, many According to Article 14 (A) of the ICCPR brave activists and journalists have been one of the non-derogable rights of any indihere and they are the witness to the mind- vidual is the Right to a fair trial. In 1985, less terror that rules this place. The gov- the famous "Syracuse Draft" announceernment is trying to coax them into ment too recognized this right of an indisilence, by means of arrests, false allega- vidual as non-violable. However this legal tions and propaganda. We believe that we safeguard has been snatched away by the will stand strong against all odds and we amended UAPA and the NIA Act. will make our voices heard. We believe Clause 43-E of the amended anti-terror that you will be by our side, fighting for these forests, these people and above all, law mentions, like the earlier TADA and POTA laws, that if a person is found with fighting for humanity and democracy. illegal firearms or explosive materials on Thanking You him then it'll be presumed that the person is involved with terrorist activities and the Lalmohan Tudu onus will be on such an individual to prove Asit Mahato that he/she is innocent. In the words of the Santosh Patra On behalf of People's Committee against amended law, "The Court shall presume, contrary to what is shown that the accused Police Atrocities

Case 7: Reduction in the appeals period

Under the amended UAPA, the accused has got the period for appealing against the special court's ruling, reduced to 30 days. On one hand the framework of legal defense of an accused has been systematically dismantled by these new anti-terror laws, and on the other torture and coercion have been legitimized as ways of trying to prove on person guilty, however innocent he/she might be. Also, according to anoth-

Increase in the sentence periods

According to the 1967 UAPA, the maximum sentence was 5 years along with a hefty fine, while the minimum period was two years. If the accused was proved guilty of killing anyone, then he/she would be imprisoned for life or sentenced to death. The amended UAPA, bearing the legacy of the TADA and POTA has ensured that the accused after being subjected to an unfair trial would be given the harshest punishment possible, if proved guilty. At a time, when the ICCPR signatory

the Gaza Strip, converged on Palestine Stadium for the 42nd anniversary rally of the PFLP on December 12, 2009, spilling into the surrounding streets and carrying Palestinian flags, PFLP banners and posters of the Front's martyrs and leaders. From the early morning hours, crowds of young and old, men, women and children traveled from the various provinces of the Strip and all camps and villages to Gaza City to the rally, answering the call of the Front to attend under the slogan of "Unity, Steadfastness and Resistance - Towards Victory!" Comrade Dr. Rabah Muhanna, member of the Political Bureau of the PFLP and leader of its branch in Gaza, called for maintenance and escalation of resistance in general and armed struggle in particular against the Zionist enemy, calling for a nationally coordinated resistance framework serving the struggle to regain our rights. Almazah Sammouni, who lost her family in the December 2008-January 2009 aggression on Gaza, spoke, saying "I came here today not to cry or to mourn for my family," the Sammouni family, "who suffered under the fires and missiles of the occupation like thousands of martyrs of our people, but I come to express my pride for their sacrifices and commitment." She called upon all Palestinian forces, particularly Fateh and Hamas, to unite under the banner of the blood of the martyrs and the promise of a better future for our people and children, and to fight to prosecute the occupation and its leaders in international courts for their crimes against our Palestinian people.

Our Demand
It is clear from this analysis that the

14

15

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Tibet Part IV
AMIT BHATTACHARYYA Author's note: This is the last of the four-series article on Tibet. In the last three issues I discussed the topic in eight sections, those were, Section 1: Was Tibet historically an integral part of China?; Section:2 British imperialist designs on Tibet; Section: 3 Tibet in China-India-US Relations; Section 4: Mao Tse-tung and Chou Enlai on the question of Nationalities; 5: Tibetan serfdom; 6: Background of the Rebellion of 1959; Section 7: Nehru and Tibet; Section 8: Why was the USA interested in Tibet? The long gap from Part III, that came out in the March-April 2009 issue and this one was due to the fact that there were other demands on my time. This part ends with the Maoist phase. After that there was, as we all know, 'the great reversal' and China became a capitalist country. That part of the story will be told sometime in future).
representatives of the Monba, Loba and Hui nationalities in Tibet. During the nine-day long meeting, Ngapo Ngawang-Jigme was elected Chairman of the region, with seven vice-chairmen and a 37-member people's council. Luzong Tzucheng was elected President of the People's Court. On the eve of the meeting three leaders of the 1959 armed revolt, Padrubtsang Lozangtrachi, Lhalu Tsewant Dorje and Kaloon Surpa, were released.

teams made the change from a seasonal to permanent basis. Accompanied with these changes was the introduction of more advanced methods of farming. Primitive wooden ploughs were replaced by iron ploughs. Great attention was paid to soil improvement. It was reported early in 1964 that in the Lhasa, Shingatse and Chamdo areas, these improvements had produced 5,000 tons of additional grain. Moreover, a number of new crops were introduced of which tea-a Chinese invention-- was most important. Tea was followed by cotton, ground-nuts and sesame; barley and vegetables were grown for the first time in high altitude. The first hydro-electric power stations and water-turbine power stations, as well as the more extensive use of the fertilizers and insecticides, were started in 1956. In 1966, Tibet was provided with an additional 20,000 walking ploughs, 600 horsedrawn sowers and 200 water-turbine pumps. As mutual-aid teams spread it became possible to develop systematic irrigation. For example, in the Shingtatse area, in 1968, the peasants built or repaired 13,000 canals and 4,500 ponds, extending the areas by 3,000 acres. In the Jengpu county in the same area, the people built five-mile long canal through the inhospitable mountainous region to irrigate 500 acres of farm land. According to official reports, in 1968, on 1,80,000 acres in 17 grain-growing counties, the total output of barley, wheat and green peas increased by 84% by increasing the yield per acre and enlarging the area sown. Side by side, agricultural research centres had been established at Lhasa, Shingtatse and Chambo.

Section: 9 Tibet Transformed

In the first session of the first People's Congress of the Region, opened on 1 September 1965, Chang Kuo-hua, the First Secretary of the Tibet Region of the CPC remarked: "the revolution that was taking place in Tibet under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party had two stages, the stage of the democratic revolution and the stage of the socialist revolution. "During the stage of the democratic revolution, the Communist party led the working people in overthrowing the domination of imperialism and the feudal serf-owner class in transforming feudal ownership by the serf-owners into ownership by individual peasants and herdsmen, and in turning a Tibet dominated by feudal serfdom into a people's democratic Tibet. "With the completion of all these main tasks, the Communist Party went ahead to lead the working people in carrying out the socialist revolution. "The most outstanding, particular feature in Tibet's historical development in the past fifteen years was its leap to socialism from feudal serfdom, via democratic reforms, thus avoiding the capitalist road"(China in the News No.6 The Question of Tibet SACU, London, November 1968). Thus Tibet was transformed from a feudal country into a democratic and socialist country by stages from 1959 to 1965. In 1959, serfdom-which had been the cause of so much pain and suffering to the 'wretched' people of Tibet--was abolished. Tibetan slaves and serfs who had no civil rights under the old feudal order were not only given the right to vote but were involved in running of state affairs. General elections were held in 1965 at the basic administrative level of the hsiang(comprising several villages). The hsiang people's congresses elected deputies to the county people's congresses. At the time of the 1965 election, 95% of the 200 county heads or deputy heads were former poor peasants or herdsmen. In the first session of the First People's Congress of the Region, there were 301 delegates, of whom 226 were Tibetans, mostly emancipated serfs. The others included Hans and

changed to an appreciable extent. Israel Epstein visited Tibet thrice-in 1955,, in 1965 and then in 1976 and wrote a comprehensive account captioned Tibet Transformed. Besides other things, he visited Khaesum manor in the fertile Loka(Shannan) area. It was one of the many feudal holdings of Surkahang Wangching Galei, last head of the Dalai's kashag or local government, who in 1959 became rebel and fled to India, later moving to the USA. So proud had Surkhang Wangching Galei's forebears been of their first tall stone manor that they had chopped off the right hand of its serf architect to ensure he could never design another like it. Under the massive edifice, they had ordered buried alive, crouched, an eight-year-old boy slave, so that the mansion would "stand forever"-on the bones and the backs of the oppressed, the dead and the living(Such live burials persisted under the Tibetan serf system till the system was uprooted by the PLA). The Surkhangs then hooked up with imperialism. Surkhang Dzasa, father of Wangching Galei, was one of the British Indian Empire's prized collaborators in its century-old frontier "forward policy", the socalled "Great Game", which was aimed, among other things, at detaching Tibet from China. His sons carried it on. Wangching Galei, after studying in the British school at Gyangze, became prominent in the acquisition of arms from Britain in 1941. Although China was then resisting Japanese aggression, Britain, her nominal ally, was arming Tibetan separatists against China. Then before the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951, Surkhang came to India. He returned later, on British and other advice, to sit in the kashag, as, in the words of Epstein, "one of the time-bombs that went off in the 1959 revolt"(p.44). His younger brother, Surkhang LhawangDorje, who had studied at Darjeeling and received military training from the British army, went to the USA and Britain as a member of the Tibetan separatist "trade mission" in 1947 and, after 1951, established himself as one of the contacts at Kalimpong, India. Israel Epstein visited the manor in 1965 and this is his account: "We found the manor's many bedrooms occupied by Surkhang's former house-slaves, who had once slept with animals in its sheepfolds and cow byres. In one of the halls members of the Young Communist League, who were their sons and daughters, held literacy and political classes and ran a reading room. Having driven out the bailiffs who robbed them, the people of the former feudal estate were tilling the land for their own benefit under leaders from their own ranks who had formerly shared their woe as they now shared their victory"(p.45). All this was not achieved overnight by the PLA's suppression of the imperialistbacked 1959 feudal rebellion. It was achieved by the strong support by the China' other nationalities to the million Tibetan serfs and slaves. But the Tibetan serfs and slaves, led by the Party, including the area's own first Communists, still had to make revolution themselves. It is they who must realize the need for revolu-

tion, the need to destroy this man-eating system. Revolution could never be a gift. They must begin it first. This was the most decisive step. And begin they did. Between 1959 and 1965, a whole series of mass struggles were waged by them. First came a preliminary campaign known as the "three againsts"(against the rebellion, personal servitude and corvee labour) and "two reductions"(of rent and interest). Then the emancipated serfs and slaves distributed their former masters' estates. Still later they united into mutual-aid teams to raise production for themselves and all Tibet. The next important step was the setting up of their Communist Party and the new state power of the oppressed in every village. It was in those campaigns, aided materially and morally by the people of all China, that Tibetan cadres were trained, and the masses won their understanding of what had happened in the past and what had to be in the future. That was how the transformation of China into a democratic and socialist country took place.

Section: 10 Example?

Was China a Threat by

Report of Progress
In his report, the acting Chairman, Ngapo Ngawang-Jigme said that in Tibet there were seven middle schools with a total of 700 students, 1,682 primary schools, a nationalities institute, an administrative cadres school, and a teachers' training college; there were also 15 hospitals and 140 clinics and health stations providing free medical care. With 10,000 miles of new road, a new chapter had begun in the development of a modern transport system, while the construction of small stations and workshops for motor vehicle repair, farm tool manufacture, cement, tanning, flour milling and timber marks the beginning a modern industry. Add to this list 93 post and telegraph offices. In 1964, the total grain output was 45.71% above 1958 and livestock showed a 36.36% increase. The government had granted loans amounting to 1,200,000 pounds and relief totaling 1,60,000 pounds to former serfs. Some 16,500 Tibetans, 96% of them ex-serfs, were appointed to various administrative or technical posts, 1,200 of the serving as leading officials. Before the democratic reform of 1959, only 20% of the counties of Tibet were linked by highways. Since 1959, highways have been built linking all the major cities and 90% of the counties. In addition, the people's government had repaired and extended thousands of miles of pack mule tracks in the rural areas.

The argument that Tibet is a sovereign nation and not an integral part of China was advanced only after it became clear that the Communists in China were winning their revolution. Before that Tibet was always recognized as part of China by virtually every country in the world. Does it mean that the interest and concern shown by the external forces towards Tibet had much to do with the new society that the Chinese people under Mao's leadership had built up in their country? The truth is: Yes, it does. In fact, Nehru engaged himself in the 1962 war with China more for ideological and political reasons than for territory. Speaking at a meeting of the Congress Parliamentary Party in New Delhi on 17 February 1963, Nehru stated: "These(matters connected with the fight with China) are long-range affairs and there are deepseated issues behind them". There is more to it than merely dispute over territory, he added(Cited in Suniti Kumar Ghosh, The Himalayan Adventure,p.26). What were the deep-seated issues behind them? It was the creation of the new democratic and socialist society that brought about fundamental changes in the lives of the people of China. In 1949, the People's Republic of China emerged after getting rid of feudalism and imperialist control, particularly those by Japan and the USA, over China. In foreign affairs, China quickly settled her borders with almost all of her neighbours except India and the USSR. She did not appear to covet anyone's territory. First the CPC under Mao's leadership completed the unfinished tasks of the New Democratic Revolution by implementing the "land-tothe-tiller" programme, then mutual-aidgroups and then the cooperative and finally the commune. The communes made most of their economic decisions. The people who had been subjected to oppression and injustice for centuries by feudal forces and foreign capitalists, those who had to withstand the brutal assault by the Japanese aggressors, now stood up and

became the masters of their own destiny. In the industrial sector, the new government took over the large industrial undertakings of the comprador big capitalists, made them public property and exercised control over the small and middle capitalists. As the people became the masters of their own destiny, as the socialist principle of service to the people rather than service to oneself became the guiding principle, the creativity of the masses was unleashed and China could achieve feats unthinkable in capitalist societies. Unlike the capitalist strategy which puts profit, rather than man, in the forefront, the Maoist strategy conceived of development as a mass movement and attached greater importance to the voluntary participation of the entire people, rather than to capital goods and technology. This strategy put emphasis on self-reliance or 'do-it-yourself' programme. Mao knew that technological backwardness was the legacy of colonial or semicolonial rule. It could be overcome if scientists, engineers and workers could put their heads together and if theory was linked up with practice. Such strategy worked wonders for China. In 1972, the Joint Economic Committee of the US Congress had to state: "The People's Republic of China has become an economically strong, unified nation. Its capability simultaneously to meet requirements of feeding its population, modernizing its military forces and expanding its civilian economic base must now be assumed from its record to date..Thus China may in the next decade or two join the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan and the Western European Community in a pentagon of world powers"(Cited in J.G.Gurley, China's Economy and the Maoist Strategy, p.146). The fact is that China did not impose her ideology on Tibet, although it was an integral part of China. China did not destroy the regime of Dalai Lama; on the contrary she gave that regime autonomy(which Nehru and his company did not allow the constituent states of the Indian Union). How then could China pose a problem to the US and other imperialists, Nehru and others? In reality, China was a threat by example. How could China, only recently regarded as the 'sick man of the East', become a threat to these forces? In fact, China's very existence constituted the internal danger to India, USA and other such countries. The example of China was shining bright among the toilers of the world, particularly among the people of the Third World countries like India who have been subjected to the same exploitation, backwardness, oppression and poverty. The Chinese revolution acted as the beacon light before all those who felt that basic changes were necessary in their own countries to make their country fit for human living. This was the threat, the real, mortal threat that could sound the death knell to the maneating system these forces stood for.
Prof. Amit Bhattacharyya is in History Department of Jadavpur University and the General Secretary of CRPP. amit_bh200405@yahoo.com

Industry
By 1964, some fifty small and mediumsized factories had been built in Tibet, the majority of them after the abolition of serfdom in 1959. This industrial expansion helped expand the city of Lhasa. The twenty factories set up in the capital included a flour mill, a cement plant, a power station, a coalfield and others. The farm implement plant at Lingtse produced more than ten thousand farm tools a year.

General
The abolition of feudalism and the beginning of democratic revolution ushered in developments that were quite unprecedented in the long history of Tibet. Improved health services, attention to sanitation and cleanliness, the reduction in the incidence of small-pox and typhoid had resulted in a substantial rise in population. The number of those of Tibetan nationality by increased at the rate of some twenty per thousand annually. A London Times correspondent, writing from Sikkim(7 July 1966) stated that the Tibetan youth was being "won over" by the Chinese. By offering educational and technical opportunities in Chinese cities and institutions, the correspondent remarks, a corps of technically-equipped Tibetan youths was being built up "strongly aligned to China and tending to be hostile to the feudalistic Tibet of the past". The living conditions of the people

Agriculture
The Tibetan countryside underwent basic changes as the democratic reforms made progress. In 1960, 100,000 emancipated serfs and slaves organized themselves into seasonal mutual-aid-teams. By the end of 1964, 84% of the peasants and 48% of the herdsmen had formed mutual-aid production teams. During 1964, 1,000 mutual-aid

16

17

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Vol II Issue III

JANUARY FEBRUARY 2010

Industrial CampaignExperience of Students

DEBJANI GHOSH

minimum of Rs.3 for one tip-packet in the market. This is where their agony lies. It is very difficult to get educated for the labourers as there are not enough privileges for them. Trade unions are the host to the mill-owner and when some workers submit their complaint to the union, they just accept it and discuss about the same with the owner in an airconditioned room and finally the net result is zero. No fruitful outcome of the situation but insisting the labourers for another strike. These trade unions take all the initiatives to shield their beloved owner by diverting the workers to be united against him. If someone resists, he is being left out of the company. And there are many incidents that you already know where it's tried to wrap up the thing by taming the protestors with money. Apart from that trade unions themselves have their own force who has the duty to succumb the workers to their way by hook or by crook. These forces are very familiar to us as "lumpen". They do bully around the slum areas to spread out terror. Labourers fear to speak against them. We are also victimized by their attack in order to circulate the words for making the workers united against the victimization by their ruling class. In the year 1994, a movement emerged by the labourers in Hukumchand jute mill which is the second largest jute mill in Asia. Workers of this area remember that history proudly. It's not possible for the labourers' families to stay in the race of this increasing rate of day to day consumers' goods. Owing to the increasing atrocities from the owner and the trade union either side, resentment against them is simmering in the mind of every labourer. Now they have started to believe that not the owner but the workers at the mill are the actual owner who can decide in what way the factory should run. They are influenced by the contemporary movements for human rights and right to live, like the movements of Singur-Nandigram and Lalgarh. They believe that their demands will be fulfilled if and only if they stay together and and in that way nothing can stop them.

contd. from page 20

Campaign against Sexual Violence

Traditional wars of previous centuries are different from the degenerate and genocidal wars of today. In traditional wars the objective was to defeat the enemy. In the genocidal wars of today the objective is to estroy the enemy. In traditional wars the enemy was the army of another state or governing body, making civilians distinct from the soldiers. Degenerate and genocidal wars know no such distinction; here the enemy is the people. There are no civilians. Terrorizing enemy population becomes essential. However, terrorizing the enemy population is not enough, humiliation emerges as a tactic. Here comes sexual violence as an extremely effective way of humiliating, demoralizing and dehumanizing people - demonstrating that they are not worth of existence. Torture and murder terrorize a population; sexual violence humiliates it. In general, the term "sexual violence" is used to describe crimes committed by men against women. Up to now, the fact that the male bodies not only have the power to violate but are also vulnerable, and are in fact exposed to sexual violence, is not recognized. Although sexual violence against men and boys during violent conflict is poorly documented, it is believed to be widespread. It also includes other actions directed at a victim's sexual or reproductive health or identity, for example: castration and other forms of enforced sterilization; sexual mutilation; genital violence (e.g., beatings of the genitals or the administration of electric shocks to the genital areas or putting live lizards or mice in the victim's inner wears); enforced nudity; enforced masturbation and other forms of sexual humiliation; and enforced incest or enforced rape of female or male others. In general, rape and sexual violence are under reported, and the same in the case of men in particular. Sexual violence against men and boys is also a taboo. Men, who talk about their victimization, risk violating the honor of their community. Stigma attached to such violence explains the extreme reluctance of many men and boys to report cases. Frequently, as in India, sexual violence against men is not named as such, but recorded under the rubric of "abuse" or "torture". For example, enforced nudity in case of a female is considered sexual violence, whereas the same in case of a man is termed as torture. This may be due to, and also reinforces, the view that the men cannot be subjected to sexual assault. This is almost the reverse of the situation concerning the women's movement, which wanted, for example, rape to be recognized as torture. There is a need to recognize in general, the rape as torture and that the rape is rape, in particular. An accurate classification of abuse is important not only to give victim a voice, to break down stereotypes, to accurately record the picture, but also to reinforce certain worldviews and understandings of the event. Law, through its definitions and the way it talks about the events, has the power to silence alternative meanings and suppress other stories. It is essential that these stories are not suppressed. The range of sexual violence is not limited to any particular part of the world, nor is limited in victim's age or place of commission. The range of sexual violence against men, like women, in conflict crosses the full gamut of possibilities; all permutations and combinations are present. The idea of power and dominance are largely similar in sexual violence against women and men. Sexual violence against men, in particular, may be perpetrated with the desire to emasculate and stigmatize the survivor-victim and his community, an effect produced in part by stereotypes relating to femininity as well as to social norms denigrating expression of same sex desire. A large number of reports discuss sexual violence and assaults against men during conflict have focused on the occurrence of sexual torture of men in detention setting. This is done particularly to exert power over the victim, to intimidate, humiliate and breakdown the identity of the enemy. Psychological impact on men is as acute as it is in women, if not more. Where women can be easily conceptualized as a victim, the same for men is not true. Their status of being victim robs them their precious social status. Apart from sexual dysfunction, psychological effects includes feelings of loss of control over body, overwhelming shame and humiliation, recurrent feeling of anger, fear and powerlessness, destruction of gender identity, and confusion over sexual orientation. Though there is a strong link between male sexual violence and sexual violence against women, there is an extremely limited awareness of, and knowledge about, sexual violence against men and boys in conflict among the human right activists and sexual violence research community. They are both part of the gendered dimension of sexual violence in conflict situation. Attention to these issues might lead to a more nuanced consideration of the role of men and women in conflict. An improved understanding of the nature, scope and consequence of sexual violence in its totality will contribute to a more comprehensive grasp of - and response to - sexual violence in conflict. Examination of maledirected sexual violence can also contribute to a better understanding of the construction of models of masculinity, acknowledged as relevant to concerns ranging from gender equality to conflict termination to conflict prevention. Moreover, the treatment of male-survivors may also lead to their involvement in addressing the causes and consequences of violence against women. The author is working as a scientist in Central Glass and Ceramic Research Institute, Kolkata. nishabiswas2@gmail.com

Teachers and Scientists express concern over Bt. brinjal and over GM crops in general
8th January 2009, Kolkata; Teachers and Scientists against Maldevelopment (TASAM) expressed their concern over and firm opposition to the decision of the Genetic Engineering Approval Committee of the central government to approve the first genetically engineered food crop, Bt. brinjal, which will allow Monsanto to market Bt. brinjal in India. They asserted that this attempt by the government to force Bt. brinjal on India is a move towards establishing corporate multinational control over our agriculture and food supply, and to expand the GM foods market to India, to the detriment of the health and the livelihoods of our people. Genetically modified foods, have been a cause of major concern for scientists, agriculture experts, environmental activists and farmers. In India, controversy has been surrounded the introduction and commercialization of the first GM crop, Bt. cotton by MahyCo, the Indian subsidiary of the US multinational giant Monsanto, which is aggressively developing and marketing GM crops. They demanded immediate withdrawal of report of the Genetic Engineering Approval Committee of the central government which approves Bt. brinjal, and cancellation of the proceedings for approval.

n the recent scenario when lots of new stories about the industrialization is emerging from everywhere, centering which, transfer of power from one hand to another is going on in the politics of West Bengal and when the debate for finding the right way to true improvement is on its climax, we, some students from Kolkata and its neighbouring region organized a campaign called "KARKHANA CHOLO"(Industrial Campaign) in various jute mill area like Hukumchand, Kankinara, Reliance, Jogoddol, Nodia,etc. (all are situated at the bank of river Ganges, away from Kolkata). Our aim was to find out those who are crying for the new industrial improvement and thereby enjoying the political power, to what extent they have the urge for the true improvement of our country. We stayed at those jute mill areas from 22nd December to 24th December, 2009. There we interacted with many labourers, stayed at their houses. What we experienced was very dreadful or unimaginable. Both outside the mill in the slum area where the labourers stay as well as inside the mill, the exploitation of the labourers either by the owner of the mill or by the mill unions are, in a word, limitless. These trade unions go on side by side with the mill owners to extort the surplus either by forcing them directly or indirectly to work overtime. The average number of permanent workers in every mill is very few compared to those of casual workers. Only those workers can have the permanent tag with them who can grease trade union members' palms where one who is working throughout his whole life in the mill does not get the chance to be permanent. On the other hand, owner has the advantage to get any type of job done by the casual workers any time as well as retrench them from the work in no time. We came to know that every year in the month of December there's always a strike at the mill. All the trade unions call this strike unanimously during this time. Why? There are two reasons behind it. One is external, which shows good will of the trade unions exerting pressure for workers' rights over D.A., P.F., etc. from the company. This type of drama is held every year without concerning to the workers' need. And the other is internal, here mill-owner takes the advantage of strike and buys jute from the farmers in very low price and keeps it in storage as jute is produced and ready for use in this

month of December. It is crystal clear to all the workers of the mill that millowner and the trade unions actually tied the knot in some corrupt murky game with themselves to perpetuate the system of extortion and oppression. There are more than eight trade unions in every trade mill. They keep the status quo even within themselves by letting them to be the gun for the mill-owners to rule the workers. Daily compensation for the workers is not more than Rs.170 and those who are new to the mill get Rs.40 to Rs.50 per day. The wage for the female workers is always low compared to the male workers even when they have to work to the same extent as the male workers. This small amount of money further deducted for the donation (chanda) in favour of the trade union, for medical treatment (though they have to spend their own money for the treatment), for electricity (though it is hard to see a gleam of electric light in that area and if any, that is also at the cost of double rate) etc. Children from ten to eighteen years have a bleak future, they often opt for a laborious job of pittance. One worker has to work in four machines at the mill simultaneously. The environment of the mills is unprecedentedly unhygienic, lacking all the safety measures. 'Nagarik Mancha', a working group in Kolkata, has revealed the fact of this predicament working atmosphere and showed that a number of workers were killed every day due to improper safety measures. The windows for bypassing the smoke from jute machines have also been closed. As a result many workers have been suffering from suffocation and some of them also died due to dangerous infections in that unhealthy atmosphere. The condition of the slums is more pathetic. They have neither healthy environment for living nor have proper water supply. Most of the houses don't have electricity and for sheer surprise, the rooms they have are too low in height compared to themselves. The compensation they get from the mill is not enough for their livelihood. The sign of extreme poverty is evident in every corner of the slums area. Some of them pursue parallel jobs like making pickpacket etc. for their daily bread and butter. But here also they have no way to go as the same tradition of victimization continues in this case also, however, in different layer. Where a worker makes 100 tip-packets for Rs.3 only, it will take

Read and Subscribe

Towards a New Dawn India Single Copy Rs. 10/Annual Subscription Rs.100/Abroad $3.00

$ 18.00

For copies and subscriptions Contact:

For copies and subscriptions Contact:

Abhijnan Sarkar Ankur Apartment 10/95/1A to 1C Bijoygarh,Kolkata 700092 India Ph: 09836262819
e-mail: towardsdawn@gmail.com

Abhijnan Sarkar Ankur Apartment 10/95/1A to 1C Bijoygarh,Kolkata 700092 India Ph: 09836262819
e-mail: towardsdawn@gmail.com

18

19