Active Citizenship

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United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre
Katrine Riisgaard Pedersen, 2006
Mobilizing Poor People for Active Citizenship
Acknowledgements
This paper has been developed by Katrine Riisgaard Pedersen, an independent research consultant, in collaboration with Elizabeth McCall, Civil Society Adviser with the UNDP Oslo Governance Centre (OGC), a unit of UNDPs Democratic Governance Group. It is informed by insightful comments from colleagues both within and outside UNDP including Marcus Baltzer, Joseph Kaiza, Fernando de Medina Rosales, Geoff Prewitt, Alexandra Wilde and Pauline Wilson. Further information can be obtained from the Democratic Governance Group of UNDP. Contact: oslo.governance.centre@undp.org
Abstract
This paper sets out to explore the potential of civil society to promote active citizenship for poor and marginalized people, and outlines possible programming options for UNDP to support civil society in carrying out this role. The paper considers the concept of active citizenship, identifies elements and suggests indicators of active citizenship, and highlights particular barriers faced by poor people in becoming active citizens. It emphasizes the importance of power structures and the relationship between citizen, state and civil society in determining the nature of active citizenship. It suggests that the notion of active citizenship can help create a mutually reinforcing link between democratic governance and human rights and poverty reduction, and the Millennium Development Goals. Drawing on case studies from Malawi and Tanzania, the paper examines the relationship between the state of democracy on the one hand, and active citizenship and poverty and marginalization on the other. It considers how civil society works to promote active citizenship among poor and marginalized groups in these young democracies. It concludes that key roles for civil society in advancing this process include: raising awareness of, and providing a voice to, people who are otherwise not heard, acting as an intermediary between citizens and the state, facilitating problem solving, building capacity, promoting dialogue, mobilizing and organizing people and lobbying for change. The paper suggests that UNDPs position as a trusted partner of national governments, together with its experience in partnering with civil society organizations, equips the organization to facilitate dialogue between the civil society sector and other development stakeholders on the concept of active citizenship. It goes on to say that the organization is well placed to strengthen civil society organizations working to promote active citizenship on the part of the poor. The final section of the paper proposes five broad goals and a range of activities for UNDP country offices to consider in support of deepening active participation and citizenship by poor and disadvantaged people.
Table of Contents
Abstract page 3 Introduction page 7 Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship page 9 1.1 What is citizenship? page 9 1.2 What is active citizenship? page 9 1.2.1 Elements of active citizenship page 10 1.3 Barriers faced by poor people in becoming active citizens page 11 1.4 State and civil structures that enable or constrain active citizenship page 12 1.4.1 Central government and active citizenship page 12 1.4.2 Local governance and active citizenship page 12 1.4.3 The role of civil society in promoting and supporting active citizenship page 13 1.5 Active citizenship and UNDPs mission page 14 Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania page 15 2.1 Africa in Democratic Transition page 15 2.2 Democracy, active citizenship and the poor in Malawi and Tanzania page 15 2.2.1 Overview of transition and current political context page 15 2.2.2 Poverty and exclusion page 16 2.3 Civil Society in Malawi and Tanzania page 18 2.4 The role of Civil Society in promoting active citizenship in Malawi and Tanzania page 19 2.4.1 Awareness raising and voice the role of the church and the media page 19 2.4.2 Building capacity and promoting dialogue the intermediary role of NGOs page 20 2.4.3 Mobilizing, organizing and lobbying membership-based organizations page 21 2.5 Conclusions page 22 Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people page 24 3.1 How can UNDP foster active citizenship by poor people? page 24 3.2 Understanding the context within which active citizenship develops page 24 3.3 Potential intervention areas for UNDP page 25 3.3.1 Goal One: To support central government in the development and enforcement of policies and laws that enable civil society to promote active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups. page 25 3.3.2 Goal Two: To support civil society development so that it is better able to act on behalf of the poor. page 26 3.3.3 Goal Three: To support government to decentralize power and create effective local government structures and information systems accessible to poor people. page 27 3.3.4 Goal Four: To facilitate and mediate a dialogue between government and civil society organizations that promotes active participation by the poor. page 28 3.3.5 Goal Five: To assist government and civil society organizations to monitor and evaluate activities aimed at promoting active citizenship by poor and marginalized people. page 29
Part Four: References For Further Reading page 30 4.1 Resources Related to Active Citizenship in theory and practice page 30 4.2 Resources Related to Active Citizenship in an African Context page 31 4.3 Other Resources and Websites page 35 ANNEX 1 Overview of Civil Society in Malawi page 36 ANNEX 2 Overview of Civil Society in Tanzania page 38
Acronyms
CARER CCM CSO Danida DfID ENVIROCARE LHRC MDGs MEJN NASFAM NGO PRSP REDET SAWATA SNV UNDP UNECA USAid
The Malawi Centre for Advice, Research and Education on Rights Chama Cha Mapinduzi/The Revolutionary Party (Tanzania) Civil Society Organization Danish International Development Agency Department for International Development (UK) Environment Care, Gender and Human Rights (Tanzania) Legal Human Rights Centre (Tanzania) Millennium Development Goals Malawi Economic Justice Network National Association of Smallholder Farms (Malawi) Non-Governmental Organization Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Research for Education for Democracy in Tanzania Saidia Wazee Tanzania/The Association of Aged People in Tanzania Netherlands Development Organization United Nations Development Programme United Nations Economic Commission for Africa United States Agency for International Development
Introduction
Introduction
The World Summit in 2005 reconfirmed the commitment of the global community, developing and developed countries, to fight poverty and to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. The Millennium Declaration sets out the underlying principles for achievement of the MDGs. They include democratic principles of the rule of law, transparency, accountability and participation. They require democratic governance, not only in form but also in substance. Poor and marginalized people themselves are a key resource in these efforts. Inclusion and meaningful participation enable people to participate in decision-making processes that affect their lives, helping people to exercise their rights as citizens, take control of their own lives and to escape from poverty. The promotion of active citizenship of the poor and marginalized is therefore a means to achieving the MDGs as well as a goal in itself. Who is the audience for the paper? This paper has been developed principally for development practitioners in UNDP country offices. It aims to help them identify appropriate ways to promote active citizenship by poor and marginalized people as a central plank of achieving development and governance objectives. The paper aims to enhance country offices understanding of: 1. 2. 3. the potential for civil society to promote active citizenship, especially among poor people; the options in supporting policy research, dialogue and programmes that promote active citizenship, especially by poor and disadvantaged groups; how UNDP can use its position to facilitate active citizenship by poor people.
What does this paper cover? This paper recognizes the multidimensional nature of poverty and explores active citizenship at the national and local level as it relates to issues of exclusion, marginalization, discrimination and poverty and how these factors affect the ability of poor people to be active citizens. The role of national and local government in enabling or constraining active citizenship is discussed, as is the important intermediary role played by civil society organizations in mediating the citizenstate interface. Part One provides a brief introduction to current thinking on active citizenship, identifying key features and issues commonly associated with the concept, and reflecting upon the importance of promoting active citizenship by poor people. Part Two begins with a brief introduction to democratic transition in the African context. Drawing on the experience of Malawi and Tanzania this section goes on to describe factors that facilitate or constrain active citizenship by the poor and provides examples of how civil society is working to foster active citizenship. Part Three outlines ways in which UNDP can support civil society efforts that reduce social and political exclusion and expand active citizenship by poor people. A set of goals with related activities are proposed for consideration by UNDP country offices in planning support to civil society organizations. The need for such plans to take account of specific socio-political environments is emphasized and suggestions are included for assessing the national context so that clear programme priorities can be defined. Part Four lists additional literature resources and further reading on civil society and active citizenship.
Introduction
What is not included in the paper? Active citizenship can take a number of forms and take place at different levels of society. Recent years have seen active citizenship become a major force at the global level, with international movements related to issues such as international trade, debt relief, land mines and the environment. At the national level people power movements such as those in Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan have been central in the removal of undemocratic regimes. While the significance of these forms of active citizenship is recognized, they are not substantially addressed here. Neither does the paper address citizenship as it relates to internally displaced people. Methodology The paper has been developed from a desk study of current academic and policy research on the concept of active citizenship. It also draws on available documentation providing evidence as to how active citizenship is understood and acted upon. Case studies on Malawi and Tanzania are used to illustrate the complex socio-political conditions and characteristics within society that enable or hinder active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups. These studies include examples of how civil society has worked to further active citizenship in both countries.
Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

1.1 What is citizenship? It is possible to make a rough distinction between two main concepts of citizenship. The first focuses on legal status, which entitles individuals to a specific set of universal rights granted by the state. The role of the state, according to this concept, is limited to the protection of freedom of individual citizens. Although the International Bill of Human Rights includes civil and political rights as well as economic, social and cultural rights, the debate about rights as a legal status often focuses only on civil and political rights. The second concept, which has emerged within the area of development studies, focuses on citizenship as active participation, in which citizens take an active part in public affairs and decision-making processes which have a direct bearing on their own lives. This conceptualization emphasizes agency and citizenship as a practice.
(1) See Concepts of Citizenship: a review by Emma Jones and John Gaventa, IDS Working Development Bibliography 19 (2002) for a fuller account of the concept of citizenship.
Combining the two concepts, citizenship can be regarded as both a status, which provides for a range of rights and obligations, and an active practice by which people are involved in decisions that affect their lives and become actors in relation to their own affairs and the affairs of their wider society1. 1.2 What is active citizenship? Active citizenship refers to the participation of citizens in the shaping of policies that impact their lives and demanding accountability from entities authorized to protect the public and serve the public good. The power to define citizen status and practice lies with citizens themselves and with the institutions and actors, particularly the state, with whom they interact. It is necessary for both the state and citizens to recognize and facilitate citizenship for it to become a meaningful reality. Following this line of thought, it is important to focus simultaneously on the demand side, i.e. citizens ability to raise their voice and make demands on governing institutions, and the supply side, i.e. the states ability to promote democratic governance and respond to citizens demands.
(2) From users and choosers to makers and shapers: repositioning participation in social policy by Andrea Cornwall and John Gaventa, IDS Working Paper 127 (2001), pp. 6-7.
The demand side of citizenship becomes increasingly evident when people have a consciousness or a self-identity as citizens with rights and the ability to realize those rights2. When citizens identify with other citizens, a consciousness or self-identity as a group of citizens emerges, for example as landless, female, disabled, etc. It is on this basis that collective citizenship action and group claims may arise.
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Box 1. Illustrative indicators of active citizenship
Collective action by people: People
People coming together or formal groups around a common interest with a shared aim.
in
informal discussing officials.
engaging with government officials: People development policies and plans with government Such engagement can take place at both central and local level.
People making demands on government bodies: People engaging with government

at different levels to voice their concerns, make demands and claim their rights.
People holding government bodies accountable: People holding government

departments/officials accountable for implementation of public policies, e.g. delivery of services to an acceptable standard.
(3) See also Learning Citizenship by Juliet Merrifield, IDS Working Paper 158 (2002) http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/bookshop/ wp/wp10510.pdf regarding citizen attributes and Poor People and Democratic Citizenship in Africa by Michael Bratton, Afrobarometer Paper No. 56 (2006) regarding dimensions of democratic citizenship
1.2.1 Elements of active citizenship Active citizenship is made up of a number of related and interdependent elements, which have to do with peoples values, perceptions, skills and actions as well as their cultural and sociopolitical context3. These elements include: Democratic values: These prevail when people adopt and promote values such as tolerance, equality, solidarity, justice and non-violence Identity and awareness: Self-identity and awareness as citizens can be said to exist when people perceive themselves as citizens and actors who have rights and who can act deliberately to realize those rights. Understanding and interest: Understanding and interest entail the ability to think critically, to understand politics and power and have an interest in public affairs and political life. Self-confidence and expectation: Expectation and self-confidence are present when people have an expectation that they can influence issues and make a difference. Ability and skills: The ability of people to form political opinions, and the skills to communicate and negotiate with other citizens and government officials. Active behaviour: People actively seek participation in public life to influence decisionmaking processes. This includes participation in public debates and meetings, voicing needs and concerns to government officials and elected representatives, engaging in associational life, etc. Voice and influence: Having voice and being able to influence is about the demand side as well as the supply side. It entails the ability of people to make their voices heard and the responsiveness of the state and other institutions and actors to listen to people and adjust polices/plans accordingly..
For active citizenship to develop in a constructive and non-violent way, all of the above elements have to be in place to some extent. For example, civic action that is not based on democratic values may go wrong and lead to violence and repression. Similarly, if identity and awareness and expectation and self-confidence are not coupled with active behaviour, little change may occur.
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(4) See Bringing citizen voice and client focus into service delivery by Anne Marie Goetz and John Gaventa, IDS Working Paper 138 (2001) .
When citizens perceive themselves as actors in governance, rather than passive beneficiaries of services, they are more able to assert their citizenship through participation in shaping the policies that have an impact on their lives and by demanding accountability. However, to make a difference as individual citizens or groups of citizens, the state and other institutions in society have to recognize and facilitate citizenship as a right and as a process. This requires democratic structures in society in general and a coherent state with effective and responsive institutions that espouse the basic principles of democratic governance and are transparent. Active citizenship can develop when states are receptive to the needs and suggestions of their citizens, including poor and marginalized groups, and are willing to and capable of implementing changes to their own structures, cultures and practices4. 1.3 Barriers faced by poor people in becoming active citizens Promoting active citizenship for all as a right and a practice is firmly set within a rights based approach to development. Efforts to promote active citizenship must start with an understanding of the needs of the poor and marginalized and focus on supporting the processes of helping these groups claim their rights. Such processes are inherently political and are played out in uneven struggles between differently positioned actors. This means in effect that those in inferior positions of power and resources are least likely to be aware of their rights and to have the ability to claim them5. Entitling all citizens to the same rights does not necessarily lead to promotion of equitable outcomes. Poor people face a number of barriers to active citizenship, including: Lack of information about their rights and about mechanisms available to them to exercise their rights. Lack of access to news, especially non-biased news available through electronic media. Lack of necessary communication, negotiation and organization skills. Lack of interaction between pro-poor groups and more influential groups. Lack of organizations that represent their interests. Lack of literacy skills, especially among groups that do not speak the dominant language. Lack of access to decision-making bodies and institutions providing public services and legal protection, because of geographical distance, lack of affordable and frequent transportation, lack of resources to make use of the services provided by these bodies and institutions. Lack of time to attend meetings, to develop coalitions, or to lobby. Lack of resources to support individuals willing to serve as representatives.
(5) Concepts of citizenship: a review by Emma Jones and John Gaventa, IDS Working Development Bibliography 19 (2002), pp. 8-9.
In order to ensure equitable participation, a differentiated approach that addresses the realities of power and barriers to active participation by poor and disadvantaged people must be applied. Poor and marginalized people represent diverse groups who face different problems and who have differing and sometimes conflicting interests. As policy dialogue and programming initiatives are developed, care should be taken not to lump the poor and marginalized into one group and not to predetermine and prioritize their specific problems and interests before engaging in dialogue with them. Efforts to promote active citizenship by poor people will not be successful if made in isolation from other governance actors. Active citizenship is played out in the processes of interaction
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between citizens, the state and other actors and institutions. Attention also needs to be paid to the relations between poor people and other development actors. 1.4 State and civil structures that enable or constrain active citizenship In addition to indirect forms of participation through elected representatives and political party structures, the notion of active citizenship suggests a more direct connection between the citizen and the state. It emphasizes direct participation by citizens in public affairs and the accountability of the state to citizens. The concept of active citizenship also requires careful consideration of intermediaries, including civil society, who can facilitate the citizen-state interface. Central and local government, as well as civil society, all have roles to play in the promotion of active citizenship. These roles are addressed separately in this paper which indicates that the way in which they interact with each other is one of the key factors determining the nature of participation and accountability. 1.4.1 Central government and active citizenship Central level policies and laws can promote or constrain active citizenship in a number of ways. Where policies and laws related to basic freedoms such as freedom of expression, association, and assembly are absent, active citizenship will often be severely constrained. Also, policies and laws related to the provision of education, health care and other services may influence the ability of citizens to engage in public life. However, having policies and laws in place is not enough. They also have to be enabling as opposed to restricting and be supported by relevant institutional structures and practices in order to be effectively enforced. Multi-party elections, allowing for political competition and universal suffrage, are often seen as an important foundation for the development of active citizenship. However, the nature of political competition is also extremely important. If politics is dominated by issues such as religion, ethnicity, or regionalism, and political campaigns are based more on personal agendas than on political ideology, then equal and meaningful participation, state responsiveness and accountability will be constrained. Effective government institutions need to be in place within central government. The exercise of power needs to be separated and key institutions such as the parliament, the judiciary, ombudsman and human rights institutions, if such are in place, have to operate independently and have sufficient power to ensure that internal checks and balances are maintained. Neopatrimonialism, corruption, and informal power alliances undermine formal structures and are barriers to meaningful participation and accountability. The extent to which there is real and effective decentralization of power to sub-national government agencies will have an important bearing on how active citizenship can be fostered. 1.4.2 Local governance and active citizenship Most citizens find it difficult to access central government directly. The main exception is when they vote for a candidate to represent them in central government. The notion of active citizenship calls for renewed attention to be directed towards decentralization and local governance processes as a means for promoting active citizenship and direct participation by poor people. Decentralization offers an opportunity to develop locally based governance structures that enable citizens to engage in decisions that directly affect them. Decentralization
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can also strengthen the accountability of the state through direct oversight by local people. The potential for decentralization to promote active citizenship depends on the capacity and responsiveness of local government institutions, as well as their autonomy and authority in relation to other levels of government and the wider political system. Holding governments accountable not only requires people to be organized, informed and able to claim political space, it also calls for devolution of authority, including budgeting authority, to local governments as well as transparency in the use of public funds. It also calls for devolution of authority, including budgeting authority, to local governments as well as transparency in the use of public funds. Decentralization alone does not promote participation of the poor and marginalized. Often it can reproduce and transmit existing discrepancies and inequalities, which exist at all levels of society. The control of structures and processes enabling participation is usually in the hands of the government and powerful groups in society and therefore shaped from the top down6. This raises a challenge in making local government structures, which are generally more accessible than central government structures, more transparent, accountable and responsive to the people they are meant to serve. 1.4.3 The role of civil society in promoting and supporting active citizenship Although boundaries are often blurred, civil society is generally characterized by its independence from the state and separation from the market. Civil society comprises much more than NGOs and includes many different kinds of organizations operating at different levels. It is made up of diverse formal associations as well as numerous informal groups of people who come together around common values, interests and concerns. Civil society organizations can contribute to expanding active citizenship in a number of ways: Gain access to groups that may be ignored by the state and local government. Raise awareness of poorer groups and provide them with information about their rights. Enable communities to identify and prioritize issues/problems of concern to them. Suggest and test innovative approaches and solutions to development problems of concern to poor and marginalized groups. Help to build coalitions across groups that share similar concerns. Provide information and services in ways that the state is unable to. Act as an intermediary between government and citizens. Facilitate access of poor and marginalized groups to seats of power where their voices can be heard.
(6) Participation, Citizenship and Local Governance by John Gaventa and Camilo Valderarama, Background note prepared for workshop on Strengthening participation in local governance, IDS June 21-24 (1999), p. 23.
In addition, participation in civic activities with other citizens can function as a training ground for political involvement. Through this process, poor people can develop self and group identities as well as a range of the skills and values (see section 1.2) needed to become an active citizen. The socio-political context and the nature and organizational characteristics of civil society have an impact on the role civil society can play in promoting active citizenship. Civil society can be constrained or enabled by policies, laws and practices that are defined by the state. It is a dynamic and multifaceted sector and it cannot simply be assumed that all civil society organizations are participatory and democratic or have the capacity to promote active citizenship for the poor and marginalized.
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1.5 Active citizenship and UNDPs mission. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes human rights as the foundation for peace, justice and democracy. Within this UN normative framework, in 1998 UNDP adopted its policy of Integrating Human Rights with Sustainable Human Development. Human Development Reports in 2000 and 2002 subsequently confirmed that human development is essential for the realization of human rights, and the enforcement of human rights is equally essential for human development. It follows that UNDP promotes an approach that recognizes the poor as the principal actors of development and strategic partners rather than passive recipients and target groups. Within the framework of a rights based approach to development, the notion of active citizenship by poor and vulnerable people can help UNDP programme staff devise supportive strategies that create a mutually reinforcing link between democratic governance and human rights on the one hand and poverty reduction and the MDGs on the other. The process of shaping the status and practice of active citizenship involves many actors. Strategies to promote active citizenship must therefore recognize the role of individual citizens, the state and civil society and their interaction with each other. Drawing on practical experiences from Malawi and Tanzania, Part Two describes the sociopolitical context, citizen involvement in governance and how civil society has promoted active participation in these young democracies.
Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania
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2.1 Africa in Democratic Transition Since the early 1990s a democratic transition has been taking place in Africa, characterized by a general move away from authoritarian military or single-party regimes towards more civilian, constitutional systems. According to figures from the Human Development Report 2002, twenty nine out of forty two countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have multiparty electoral systems. A recent survey carried out by the AfroBarometer in fifteen African countries finds that almost two thirds of the population report a preference for democracy to other forms of government. In a UNECA survey of selected African countries, nine out of ten respondents indicated that they vote in elections. However, in many African countries, democracy is not yet consolidated. The effectiveness and accountability of the legislature, the judiciary and the executive branches vary from country to country but are generally weak. The capacity, accountability and responsiveness of local governments are inadequate. The influence of civil society on policy is limited, while the independence of the media is not always guaranteed. Political participation is shallow and often captured by powerful groups of the elite. Civil and political rights along with equitable opportunities to participate are not yet fully in place. In several African countries an opening up of space for civil society and its organizations has accompanied democratic transition. An increased interest from donors and international NGOs in supporting the development of civil society has led to strengthening of many existing associations, such as faith-based organizations, and the emergence of a wide range of new civil society organizations including development-oriented NGOs. Even so, civil society is still limited by a number of factors, including inappropriate legal frameworks, political culture and practices which do not promote engagement by civil society, lack of transparent and accountable practices within civil society, and a low capacity of civil society organizations to play a critical role in promoting inclusive and participatory governance. Poverty is widespread in Sub-Saharan Africa with almost half of the population living below the poverty line of 1 US dollar per day. Poor governance hurts the poor disproportionately as they have limited resources, time and ability to negotiate solutions that will improve their rights. A future challenge lies in consolidating democracy to allow for greater participation, voice and influence of all people, including poor and marginalized people. Civil society has an important role to play in deepening democratic cultures and practices.
(7) Unless stated otherwise, information on peoples perceptions and behaviour related to active citizenship presented in this section is based on the Afrobarometer surveys.
2.2 Democracy, active citizenship and the poor in Malawi and Tanzania7 2.2.1 Overview of transition and current political context Malawi gained independence from British colonial rule in 1964. Dr Hastings Banda presided over an autocratic regime until 1994 when a drive by the Catholic Church, combined with pressure from the international community, brought about the end of the Banda regime and paved the way for the first multiparty presidential and parliamentary elections. Although the political situation has been relatively stable and improvements have been undertaken since 1994, national politics are weighed down by internal conflicts, fraud allegations and mismanagement. Tanzania gained independence from British colonial rule in 1961. Under President Julius Nyeres leadership, from 1961 to 1985, a socialist-oriented system was introduced, in which independent unions were banned and replaced by a range of mass-organizations (for workers,
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women, parents, etc.). From 1985 economic and political reforms began to be introduced and in 1995 the first multiparty elections were held in Tanzania. Although regular elections have been held since then, the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) continues to dominate national politics and the opposition is divided and ineffective.
(8) Consultation by Helicopter. Peoples participation in policy making in Malawi by Wiseman Chirwa and Micael Nyirenda, Christian Aid Policy Briefing (2003), p. 2-3. (9) Civil Society in Tanzania by Siri Lange, Hege Walewik and Andre Kiondo, Christian Michelsen Institute (2000), p. 23.
In both Malawi and Tanzania, politics is based less on party politics and political ideology and more on individual agendas and personalities. In Malawi the political arena is strongly influenced by regional, ethnic and religious affiliations, leading to marginalization and distrust8. In Tanzania, ethnicity does not play a significant role in politics although increasing tension along regional and religious lines is reported9. In Malawi people identify themselves primarily based on language, tribe, ethnicity and religion. This is not the case in Tanzania, where most people identify themselves according to occupation. These differences may partly be explained by historical factors. In Malawi, the Banda regime actively used the patronage system to control society and worked in ways that exacerbated existing divides. In Tanzania, Nyerere abolished the chiefdom system and sought to create a sense of national unity to support his socialist project. 2.2.2 Poverty and exclusion Poverty in Malawi and Tanzania is widespread, especially in rural and geographically remote areas. Sixty-five percent of the population in Malawi lives below the poverty line. Nine out of ten people live in the rural areas and rely on subsistence agriculture10, which has been in decline since the 1980s. In Tanzania more than one third of the population lives below the national poverty line. As in Malawi, poverty is largely a rural phenomenon with rural households accounting for ninety-two percent of the poor in Tanzania11. The poorest and most marginalized groups in both countries include people relying on subsistence farming as well as groups such as the elderly, orphans and widowed women who all face extreme poverty and chronic hunger. In Malawi, which has one of the highest rates of HIV/ AIDS in the world, the growing population of orphans is a mounting problem. While the democratization process in both Malawi and Tanzania has led to the opening up of political space, there remain substantive barriers to peoples participation in the public arena. Although poor people in Africa are more likely to vote in national elections and participate in community meetings than the non-poor12, they face particular constraints when it comes to accessing public services and active participation in public affairs. In Malawi, almost half the population can neither read nor write and in Tanzania a growing proportion of the population is illiterate. In both countries, the poor have little awareness about their rights as citizens and do not know what to expect from democracy or the state. In relation to the state they feel powerless and see themselves as subjects rather than as citizens. They are often excluded from formal channels of participation and instead turn to traditional systems of governance, which do not always espouse principles of equality and fairness, but serve mainly to maintain peace and stability within communities. In addition, state structures often work in ways that further marginalize those already at the fringes of society. Central level politics are far removed from the reality of the poor, and at the local level, governing structures are often captured by local elites.

(10) Tangled Web by John M. Kadzandira, Stanley W. Kaila and Peter M. Mvula, in Voices of the Poor: From Many Lands, WB (2002), p. 52. (11) Voices of the Poor, Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania by Deepa Narayan ESSD Monograph Series 20, World Bank (1997), p. 2.
(12) See Poor People and Democratic Citizenship in Africa by Michael Bratton, Afrobarometer Paper No. 56 (2006), p. 16-17.
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(13) Democracy and Governance Assessment of Tanzania. Transitions from the Single-Party State by ARD for USAID (2003), p. 64 and Drivers of Change and Development in Malawi by David Booth, Diana Cammack, Jane Harrigan, Edge Kanyongolo, Mike Mataure and Naomi Ngwira, ODI (2006), p. 8. (14) Civil Society in Tanzania by Siri Lange, Hege Walewik and Andre Kiondo, Christian Michelsen Institute (2000), p. 25. (15) What Makes CSO Coalitions Effective? Lessons from Malawi by Rick James, INTRAC (2002), p 11 and Understanding Patterns of Accountability in Tanzania: Component 2: The Bottom Up Perspective by Tim Kelsall, Siri Lange, Simeon Mesaki and Max Mmuya, Oxford Policy Management (2005), p. 30. (16) However, findings from the Baseline Survey for Civic Education in Malawi, UNOPS (2006), p. 38 seem to contradict this with thirty-one percent of rural dwellers as opposed to twenty-two percent of urban dwellers likely to demand better services. (17) Civic and political space programme document 2006-2009, Dan Church Aid (2006), p. 8. (18) Understanding Patterns of Accountability in Tanzania: Component 2: The Bottom Up Perspective by Tim Kelsall, Siri Lange, Simeon Mesaki and Max Mmuya, Oxford Policy Management (2005), p. 27.
In both countries, despite democratic transition, the prevailing political culture does not promote bottom-up approaches, is not open to criticism of the government and does not encourage autonomous and collective citizen action. Politics at all levels is dominated by elites and a system of neo-patrimonialism prevails, where lines of accountability are mainly vertical and upward13. The legacies of the post-independence regimes have reinforced top-down approaches in governance systems. In Tanzania, this has led to a tendency for people not to act of their own volition but rather to wait for initiatives from the top before taking any action14. This, coupled with a culture of silence among people, especially in the rural areas, means that confronting authority, questioning regulations or complaining about (lack of ) service delivery is relatively rare.15 ,16 While directly comparable data is not available, these characteristics seem to be more prominent in Malawi where the Banda regime created a climate of distrust and repression, leading to what has been termed a culture of fear and silence17. In Malawi, people generally do not perceive themselves as citizens with rights, capable of making a difference. Many feel quite powerless and lacking ability to change matters through political participation. There is a tendency for people to see themselves as passive recipients of government services rather than as citizens who can hold the government accountable for delivery of those services. This trend is less predominant in Tanzania, where some people believe they are able to influence their elected representatives. Overall, the poor in both countries are more likely than others to see themselves as subjects rather than citizens and less likely than the non-poor to consider themselves as rightfully empowered to demand accountability. People in both Malawi and Tanzania may be aware of some of the concepts of democracy and human rights. However they have a very limited practical understanding of democratic governance and citizens rights, and often lack the confidence and skills to demand or exercise these rights. In Tanzania, peoples primary expectation of the government is to provide social services and law and order. Good governance does not rank high among peoples expectations of their government18. In Malawi, people tend to be more interested in more tangible socioeconomic realities rather than the state of democracy and governance. They are mainly concerned with the governments ability to control prices and provide basic necessities such as shelter, food and water for everyone. This view that democracy is a means to improve living standards rather than a goal in itself, is common among poor people in Africa. In both Malawi and Tanzania, there is dissatisfaction with the ability of the democratic system and government to improve the lives of people. Relatively few meaningful opportunities have been provided to people to engage with government institutions to voice their needs and concerns. This may explain why people in both countries, particularly the poor, harbour nostalgia for the previous regimes and turn to alternative mechanisms for help. In Malawi, many people accept and use traditional structures and rules. While poor people acknowledge the importance of government institutions, in practice they rely on themselves to survive19 and turn to informal institutions such as village headmen and marriage counsellors to assist them in solving everyday problems and disputes 20. In Tanzania, the religious organizations and leaders, which have traditionally occupied an important position in society, are often consulted to help solve a problem. Poor people are more likely than others to bypass formal authorities and contact informal leaders, such as traditional authorities and religious leaders when they require a solution to a problem.
(19) Baseline Survey for Civic Education in Malawi, UNOPS (2006), p. 38. (20) Tangled Web by John M. Kadzandira, Stanley W. Kaila and Peter M. Mvula, in Voices of the Poor: From Many Lands, WB (2002), p. 75.
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This suggests that institutions that are locally based and easily accessible to poor people are more likely to be used by them.
(21) See the account of school committees in rural Tanzania in Understanding Patterns of Accountability in Tanzania: Component 2: The Bottom Up Perspective by Tim Kelsall, Siri Lange, Simeon Mesaki and Max Mmuya, Oxford Policy Management (2005), pgs. 67-73. (22) Tangled Web by John M. Kadzandira, Stanley W. Kaila and Peter M. Mvula, in Voices of the Poor: From Many Lands, WB (2002), p. 55. (23) Tangled Web by John M. Kadzandira, Stanley W. Kaila and Peter M. Mvula, in Voices of the Poor: From Many Lands, WB (2002), p. 55.
Furthermore, evidence from Tanzania suggests that the poor are excluded from formal channels of participation, which might explain why they resort to the informal system to help address their problems21. In Malawi the very poorest, including orphans, the elderly and the disabled, are excluded or exclude themselves from community affairs22. Lack of information, confidence and understanding of politics and government affairs are among the key reasons, highlighted by Malawians themselves, for their lack of participation in public affairs. Poverty is an overwhelming barrier to active participation and organization by people. Poor people are simply not inclined to engage in activities beyond meeting their immediate and basic needs. Most of their time and energy is focused on securing a livelihood to survive. This factor may be particularly important for large sections of the population in Malawi, where extreme poverty is widespread. The number of people living in poverty has increased over the past decade and it is estimated that food insecurity now affects between eighty and ninety percent of households23. 2.3 Civil Society in Malawi and Tanzania Civil society in both countries is relatively young. Constrained under the governments that emerged in the post-colonial era, civil society organizations are now more active as democratic institutions take hold. However, it will take more time for these organizations to mature and become a major force for constructive dialogue and change in society. Under the Banda regime, civil society in Malawi was only allowed to play a limited and mainly humanitarian role. The democratic transition has led to a mushrooming of a wide range of civil society organizations. During the 1990s there was a rapid growth of human rights and good governance NGOs as well as community-based organizations. There is a high degree of selforganization at the local level through local cultural and traditional institutions. There are around 250 registered NGOs in Malawi, most of which are urban based and run by the elite.
(24) See Annex 1 for an overview of civil society in Malawi and Malawis process of democratic transition: An analysis of political developments between 1990 and 2003 by Heiko Meinhardt and Nindini Patel, for KAS (2003) for a more detailed account of civil society in Malawi.
The relationship between the government and civil society reflects a great deal of mistrust and suspicion on both sides, but despite restrictions there is some space for civil society to engage in the governance arena. The church and the NGOs are involved in governance issues, but observers note that the church mainly involves itself at the national level with politics and is less active at the grassroots level. The NGO community has limited legitimacy with the population and has also been accused of focusing too much on political issues at the national level and spending too little time and resources on local level action24. In Tanzania, the governments tight grip on society was gradually eased during the 1980s. Churches and NGOs were encouraged to take on the role of delivery of education and health care services as the state became increasingly unable to provide even a minimum level of social services. This factor, combined with strong interest from donors to fund NGOs in the face of an increasingly inefficient and corrupt state, led to an exponential growth of registered organizations from around two hundred in 1993 to more than eight thousand registered in 2000. Advocacy and human rights NGOs as well as various civil society coalitions have become increasingly visible in the past few years. However, NGO activities seem to be concentrated in the less poor areas of the country.
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(25) See Annex 2 for an overview of civil society in Tanzania and Civil Society in Tanzania by Siri Lange, Hege Walewik and Andre Kiondo, Christian Michelsen Institute (2000) for a more detailed account of civil society in Tanzania.
Despite the multitude of organizations, civil society in Tanzania is not yet a mature or cohesive sector. Civil society organizations emerge and disappear. The goals of many of these organizations are unclear and their managerial capacities are often weak. Their relations with the government are characterized by disagreement and mistrust. The exception seems to be the religious organizations who enjoy greater levels of trust and respect from both the people and the state25. 2.4 The role of Civil Society in promoting active citizenship Within both countries there are many examples of how CSOs are working to develop active citizenship. CSO activities discussed in this paper have been designed primarily to: Raise awareness and increase the voice of poor people Build capacity and promote dialogue between state institutions and people Mobilize, organize and lobby for change 2.4.1 Awareness raising and voice the role of the church and the media Part of the process of moving from a one-party regime to a multiparty system requires developing peoples awareness about the concept of democracy, its institutions and practices. In Malawi and Tanzania, where democracy is still young, a vast range of civic education initiatives have been undertaken during the past ten years. Some observers have expressed concern that civic education is too narrowly focused on voter education, and advocate for more attention to be given to broader civic education initiatives between elections. Nevertheless, there are some interesting civic education initiatives in both countries. In Tanzania the Christian churches have been effective in conveying civic education messages to people, especially in the rural areas. One of the advantages of the Church is that its vertical structure links national level to congregations at grassroots level. The church, which is respected and trusted by its congregations, runs a number of schools in which civic education activities are also conducted. Radio broadcasting is seen as one of the most effective ways of conducting civic education programmes that are relevant and accessible to poor and illiterate sections of the population in rural areas. Used creatively, radio can work to mobilize communities to identify and provide solutions for problems they are facing. In Malawi, most people have access to radios. Here radio programmes such as Kanthunkhama and Tiunike Kanthunkhama, supported by UNDP and other donors, have helped increase peoples awareness of governance and human rights issues. By means of an interactive approach they provide a voice to communities. Community-based radio listening clubs help mobilize people to identify critical issues affecting their livelihoods. In some communities people have produced a recording called Village Voice, where they explain the background to a problem, how it is affecting the livelihood of their community and how the problem might be solved. The recorded village voice is then sent to a potential service provider, who responds by coming to the village and engaging in dialogue with members of the community about how the problem might be solved. This dialogue is recorded and edited into a 30-minute radio show which is then broadcast on national radio. A second radio show consists of an expert panel that discusses governance and human rights issues affecting rural communities as a follow up to issues highlighted in the first radio show.
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In Tanzania a similar initiative has emerged out of the global MDG campaign and has been supported by UNDP in collaboration with the Dutch NGO, SNV. In Tanzania other initiatives that have proved successful in increasing the awareness of poor and illiterate people include live performances of drama, music and dance at village level, as well as radio and TV shows. In Malawi The Story Workshop, a local NGO consisting of writers, illustrators, performing artists and academics, has developed similar initiatives and produces educational media productions for positive social change. 2.4.2 Building capacity and promoting dialogue the intermediary role of NGOs As with other civil society organizations, NGOs often play an intermediary role between citizens and the state at the local and national levels. There are a number of examples that illustrate how NGOs work to support (i) awareness raising of poor people with provision of concrete counselling services, (ii) sensitizing and building the capacity of government officials and traditional leaders, and (iii) the creation of spaces for citizen participation in local affairs alongside national level advocacy. In Tanzania, discussion forums have been established by Research for Education for Democracy in Tanzania (REDET) as part of a larger programme on democracy building funded by Danida. These forums have been established in 256 villages in sixteen districts throughout the country and aim to build tolerance, solve specific problems and create more participatory and accountable local governance. Participants are identified among government officials, leaders of civil society organizations, political leaders, etc, and invited to attend bi-monthly meetings, which are held in neutral venues to promote broad participation. The forums provide a space for discussion of issues and for advocacy and lobbying at the local level. According to Danida, REDET continuously pushes forward the political envelope of political acceptability and addresses the democratic deficit by building up an active and involved citizenry capable of holding their leaders accountable. Danida attributes one of the main reasons for REDETs success to the nonpartisan commitment to build a workable political system, through which REDET has won the trust of the key actors in the political system, the state bureaucracy and a number of civil society organizations26. The Malawi Centre for Advice, Research and Education on Rights (CARER) is an example of an initiative that combines awareness raising, capacity building and service delivery in the legal sector. Targeting the rural poor and with a strong focus on womens rights, CARER offers education on rights and free legal advice. Through these activities CARER contributes to raising the awareness of the poor so that they can claim and defend their rights. CARER has contributed to solving several cases involving womens rights and property grabbing. The latter is a culturally sanctioned practice that gives property rights to extended family members when a womans husband dies. CARER, which has been supported by USAID since 1995, has a pool of paralegals and community-based educators in all 24 districts of Malawi. The community-based educators, of which around one third are women, provide free legal advice in their communities. CARER also works through the existing leadership system, training village chiefs on constitutional and human rights In Tanzania ENVIROCARE provides a similar example. Through training of village-level mediators, provision of paralegal services, radio programmes and training programmes for judges, lawyers and court officials, ENVIROCARE seeks to increase the awareness of women and communities of statutory law vis--vis customary law and to sensitize officials to promote womens rights. Mock court exercises are undertaken as training and documented on film and in print for future
(26) Research and Education for Democracy in Tanzania, Programme Document. Phase V: Democratic Empowerment 2005-2007, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Dar es Salaam (2005) pgs. 2 and 13.
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training use. At the national level ENVIROCARE works together with other NGOs to advocate for the rights of women. An example of NGOs active in national advocacy in Tanzania relates to applying the practice of traditional hospitality, takrima in Kiswahili, to the electoral processes. Under this practice electoral candidates were able to give inducements to voters in the name of traditional hospitality. This practice, provided with a legal basis by the National Elections Act of 1985, effectively inhibited the poor from actively and freely participating in political processes and placed well-off candidates in advantageous positions compared to less wealthy ones. A vigorous campaign waged by several NGOs and led by the Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) against takrima culminated in the LHRC together with two other NGOs filing a case against the practice. In 2006 the High Court judged the practice takrima unconstitutional and in violation of human rights and declared provisions on takrima null and void. The Malawi Economic Justice Network (MEJN), a loosely organized coalition of CSOs working on economic governance and poverty issues, has been instrumental in promoting civil society participation in the PRSP process. The coalition, which consists of more than 70 unofficial members, including local and international NGOs, religious institutions, trade unions, the media, rights activists, professionals and students, runs a secretariat with support from Oxfam. MEJN played a significant role in allowing for greater civil society involvement, influencing the method of consultation as well as the content of the PRSP strategy. Although local level consultations were limited, MEJN was successful in influencing the process and organizing the participation by ordinary people in particular women and poor people. MEJN continues its work on the PRSP through a monitoring programme, which includes monitoring of local budgets in selected locations. In its work to track the implementation of the PRSP, MEJN trains civil society organizations on budget issues and educates the public on economic justice. As part of its monitoring programme MEJN has trained villagers to gather data about service delivery and has been able to point out significant discrepancies vis--vis the published budget. In this way MEJN has been able to lobby for change. 2.4.3 Mobilizing, organizing and lobbying membership-based organizations Other civil society organizations, some of which started with help from external donors, work as membership-based organizations to help their members promote their interests. SAWATA, in Tanzania, provides an interesting example of how external support can initiate and facilitate self-motivated interest and action among people. SAWATA was established in 1993 as a national older peoples organization, with help from HelpAge International. It is a membershipbased organization with structures at national, regional, district and village level. In Karagwe District, where DfID has supported SAWATA since 1996, the organization has branches in 60 out of 115 villages. In Karagwe, SAWATA has mobilized older people to help ensure an easily accessible water supply for the most vulnerable old people, and has trained volunteers in the production and demonstration of fuel-efficient stoves. Elderly people from the communities have also been trained as paralegal advisers to provide support and advice at village level to old women in disputes related to inheritance and land ownership.
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In addition to local mobilization and support, SAWATA also lobbies for the rights of older people at various levels of society. SAWATA has, for example, advocated for permanent identity cards for elderly people so they can avoid cumbersome registration procedures and directly access their entitlement to free treatment in public hospitals. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that information about the work of SAWATA has led to spontaneous formation of SAWATA village branches in places where there were none. In Malawi, the National Association of Smallholder Farms (NASFAM) provides another example of a membership-based self-help organization. Provided with start-up grant capital and institutional support from USAID, NASFAM is now a fully-fledged Malawian membership-based organization, which reaches over 120,000 small farmers throughout the country. Founded on principles of collective action and self-reliance, NASFAM works to empower farmers at the grassroots level by encouraging them to form cohesive village-based clubs and financially independent business associations to address their problems. The organization provides market access for low-income farmers. It is a major supplier of agricultural inputs and provides training in business management, marketing, quality control and literacy financed through a range of sources including an ongoing government levy, user fees, membership dues and external donor support. NASFAM publishes a monthly trilingual newsletter and broadcasts a weekly radio programme. In addition, NASFAM works to promote policies that are favourable to smallholder farmers and has had some success in advocating for improved tax policies for them and ensuring a partial refund to the association of a nationally imposed sales tax. 2.5 Conclusions It is clear that while both Malawi and Tanzania are democracies in terms of form, they are less so in terms of substance. Strengthening the breadth as well as the depth of citizen involvement will be essential if these young democracies are to mature and consolidate in a way that promotes democratic values and sustainable human development. The examples of civil society initiatives in both countries indicate that the sector has significant potential to promote inclusive and meaningful participation by poor and marginalized people as well as responsiveness and accountability on the part of the state. History plays an important role in shaping politics and power structures in society. The scope and specific characteristics of the challenges encountered in relation to active citizenship by the poor varies from one country to another. Even so, it seems that from the Malawian and Tanzanian cases a number of general issues can be pinpointed that might also apply in other developing countries, and particularly those in Sub-Saharan Africa.: 1. 2. 3. Young democracies often reproduce the structures and practices of earlier regimes, leading to personalized politics dominated by existing divides such as religion, ethnicity, regionalism and cultures such as neo-patrimonialism. In weak or dysfunctional states people do not have confidence in the government and often develop/rely on their own coping mechanisms to meet their basic needs and use traditional structures for social services, dispute resolution, etc. In young democracies where poverty is widespread and/or severe and where inequalities are pronounced, large parts of the population have little awareness of their rights and are excluded from formal channels of participation. It follows that collective action to claim rights and the demand for accountability is limited.
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4.
In young democracies earlier forms of civic association are often revived as new civic structures emerge. Civil society organizations will play different roles and combined they constitute a significant resource to advance development and human rights. As the examples from Malawi and Tanzania illustrate, civil society organizations can work with the demand as well as the supply side of active citizenship to promote inclusive and meaningful participation by citizens and responsiveness and accountability by the state.
Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people
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UNDPs strong pro-poor and democratic governance agenda in support of national development strategies is reflected by support for the Millennium Development goals set squarely within the framework of the Millennium Declaration. As well as being a trusted partner of national governments, UNDP also works with civil society and in the past decade has developed considerable experience partnering with civil society organizations on a range of development issues at all levels. The organization is thus in a unique position to facilitate dialogue between these different development actors on issues relating to active participation by poor people in public affairs. UNDPs global presence enables it to bring to bear international best practices and expertise to strengthen civil society to carry out its role in supporting active citizenship by poor people. 3.1 How can UNDP foster active citizenship by poor people? Promoting active citizenship involves changing processes that are complex and relate to power structures that are deeply embedded in national cultures and value systems. It also involves changing the way people relate to each other and governance institutions. It requires sustained efforts and time to change these processes. Focused interventions that address a few key issues and that combine some short-term gains with long-term impact may help to balance the expectations of key stakeholders while building trust and confidence in the process. In order to support CSO efforts to foster active citizenship by poor people, UNDP may consider adopting a range of mutually reinforcing goals that aim to: create an enabling environment for civil society activity; develop capacities of poor people, CSOs and government officials; strengthen dialogue processes between civil society and national and local government; and put in place follow-up mechanisms to enable active citizenship to flourish. Broad goals that UNDP country offices may consider adopting include: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. To support central government in the development and enforcement of policies and laws that enable civil society to promote active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups. To strengthen civil society so that it is better able to act on behalf of the poor. To support government entities to decentralize power and create effective, accessible local government structures and information systems. To facilitate and mediate a dialogue between government and civil society organizations that promotes active citizenship by poor people. To assist government and civil society organizations to monitor and evaluate programmes aimed at promoting active citizenship by the poor.
3.2 Understanding the context within which active citizenship develops Before deciding on which activities to implement in order to achieve one or more of the above goals, UNDP country offices need to have a good understanding of the national socio-political context. Assessing the socio-political realities of a country is an essential first step in supporting civil society development, so that it acts on behalf of poor and marginalized groups. The nature and conditions of civil society vary from country to country and will influence the scope for engaging with the sector. The structure and characteristics of civil society, including how civil society interacts with citizens, the state and other development actors also varies from country
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to country. Some civil society organizations may be better suited than others to promoting active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups. A socio-political assessment may include: A civil society mapping of both formal and informal civil society organizations that provides an understanding of what constitutes civil society, the legal and policy environment within which civil society operates, and how the different constituents of the sector relate to each other and to other development actors. It should also contain analysis of how civil society actors mediate between the state and poor groups. Understanding gained from such mappings can help UNDP offices develop appropriate strategies and select relevant civil society partners who in turn can inform both policy dialogue and programming activities27. UNDP collaborates with CSOs whose goals, values and development philosophy correspond with its own. An analysis of the political culture and the political environment including the complex structures of power relations between different institutions, organizations and groups in society. This could include an assessment of the actual and potential power of various development actors, including the state, civil society, media, donors and business in promoting active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups28. Identification of critical needs of poor and marginalized groups. This would also include an overview of how CSOs are currently addressing these issues. This may include an assessment of the extent to which active citizenship is or can be promoted within sector programmes, such as natural resource management, agriculture, income generation, health and education29. Preparation of an inventory and interpretation of policies that relate to/impact on/ support human rights, active citizenship, and the enabling environment for civil society. These may include policies related to freedom of information, speech and assembly, press freedom, and voting and appeal mechanisms.
(27) At least two global initiatives should be mentioned here CIVICUSs Civil Society Index: http://www.civicus.org/ new/default.asp and the John Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project: http://www.jhu.edu/~cnp/. Both initiatives aim to strengthen the understanding of the conditions for, configuration and characteristics and impact of civil society through extensive countrybased empirical research. Such mapping exercises can be used to develop the understanding of civil society and its organizations, which can be a useful starting point for dialogue between different development actors about the role of civil society in a given country. (28) Power analyses, Drivers of Change analysis and other types of analyses seeking to deepen the understanding of power and politics and how it influences development outcomes are increasingly being applied by donors to provide a basis for development of country strategies and programmes. A review commissioned by the OECD/ DAC Network on Governance provides some lessons learned on the use of these analyses in development cooperation: http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/ open/DOC82.pdf (29) See the user guide on Indicators for Human Rights Based Approaches to Development in UNDP Programming: http:// www.undp.org/oslocentre/docs06/ HRBA%20indicators%20guide.pdf.
Wherever possible such an assessment should be carried out with relevant and legitimate national civil society organizations and the results discussed and disseminated widely at national and subnational levels. The research should enable country offices to define a context-specific set of goals and a strategy to strengthen and support CSOs in promoting active citizenship. 3.3 Potential intervention areas for UNDP This section suggests a number of goals that UNDP country offices may wish to consider in strengthening civil society to promote active citizenship. 3.3.1 Goal One: To support central government in the development and enforcement of policies and laws that enable civil society to promote active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups In country contexts where enabling policies and laws for active citizenship and/or civil society are not in place, UNDP may consider supporting development and implementation of specific policies and laws. In many countries enabling policies and laws are in place but they are not effectively enforced. In such instances UNDP would add value by focusing support on improving implementation of laws and policies.
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Activities might include support for: Development and implementation of policies and laws that (i) promote a conducive environment for CSOs to register and operate freely and engage in networking activities with other CSOs, and (ii) guarantee freedom of expression, freedom of association and access to information. Development and implementation of policies to strengthen the provision of basic education for all. Particular attention should be paid to civic education initiatives that extend beyond voter education and help poor people overcome the barriers they face in demanding and accessing various social services. Sensitizing and increasing national and local government officials awareness of (i) relevant policies, (ii) the potential contribution of citizen/ civil society participation in achieving sustainable development, and (iii) the governance structures required to promote citizen/civil society participation. The piloting of programmes that encourage experimentation within specific areas related to promotion of civil society and active citizenship. These might include introduction of one-stop shops for registration of civil society organizations, social audits, citizens reporting cards, etc.
3.3.2 Goal Two: To strengthen civil society so that it is better able to act on behalf of the poor Support to civil society development can take many different forms and UNDPs role and support should be adapted to fit with the specific context. Particular attention should be given to the ability of civil society organizations to reach the poor, represent the poor and be accountable to the poor. Activities might include support for: Building the capacity of civil society organizations to engage in policy and lawmaking processes specifically related to the promotion of active citizenship by poor and marginalized groups. This might include developing the skills and competencies of selected civil society organizations to (i) carry out pro-poor analysis, (ii) advocate issues to a range of development actors, and (iii) engage in the development of policy and planning in areas such as health, education, justice, access to information etc. Improved internal governance processes within CSOs. It is important to work with CSOs to develop inclusive, democratic and transparent processes and structures within their organizations. Such support can be targeted at (i) individual organizations and focus on independent boards, financial transparency and democratic decisionmaking and accountability structures, and (ii) groups of organizations with the aim of developing a national code of conduct for civil society organizations. Initiatives that ensure that the interests and views of poorer and more marginalized groups are not overlooked. These might include civic education initiatives which build the confidence of poor people and provide opportunities for them to form opinions, express themselves and work together with like-minded people to have their voices heard in governance and development processes. Initiatives that combine popular awareness raising with service delivery/problem solving for poor and marginalized groups
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This might include initiatives related to (i) provision of relevant information to citizens through a range of media outlets which can be accessed by poor people, e.g. radio. These outlets would use a range of programmes such as news, plays, radio phone-ins as well as popular culture forms such as music, storytelling etc. to convey important social and economic information. (ii) civic education and input into development of school curricula and; (iii) experimentation with mobile services, such as legal aid clinics, schools, libraries/book shops, health clinics, etc. Initnitiatives that promote solidarity and coalition building among the poor and marginalized and between poor groups and not-so-poor groups within the community. This might include support to civil society initiatives that work to (i) promote diverse and actionoriented opportunities for the exchange of information and experiences among poor and marginalized people cutting across age, religion, region and ethnicity; (ii) develop peer information and training systems through mobilization and training of local volunteers to carry out awareness raising on specific issues within their communities and; (iii) create forums where poor and less poor groups can meet to identify and discuss issues of common concern. Emerging and existing informal and formal groups and networks that mobilize and organize poor people around particular issues. Depending on the specific context, support might involve facilitating establishment and support of membership-based groups and organizations such as farmers clubs, rotating saving clubs, old peoples groups. Promoting linkages between and support structures for CSOs. This might include support to (i) rural-urban networks of local level membership-based organizations and urbanbased NGOs to strengthen the legitimacy and voice of civil society and (ii) NGO resource centres, at central and local levels, to facilitate information exchange, capacity building and development of common viewpoints among different civil society organizations.
3.3.3 Goal Three: To support government to decentralize power and create effective and accessible local government structures and information systems UNDP may prioritize support to decentralization programmes that promote effective central-local institutional linkages, financial autonomy and accountability to local citizens. The issue needs to be explicitly addressed of how the poor and marginalized can access public services and participate in local governance processes. The role of traditional governance systems and how poor people relate to these systems also needs to be recognized. Activities might include support for: The developmehe development and implementation of policies and programmes on decentralization and local governance that seek to address uneven power structures and that promote development of inclusive and pro-poor local governance structures. The development and institutionalization of programmes that aim to raise the awareness and build the capacity of local officials to engage constructively with poor people and CSOs. These might include sustained capacity development for government officials to manage responsive planning processes at local levels. Civic education campaigns that strengthen the knowledge of poor people about local governance, including the roles and functions of the elected officials and councils, the budget and mandates of local government departments, mechanisms for participation, etc. Such initiatives recognize that poor people are ill-equipped to hold
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local government authorities and service providers accountable for the delivery of basic social services to a satisfactory standard. They lack the confidence that comes from understanding and knowledge of how to participate in decision-making processes on community development, including prioritizing the type and level of social services. CSOs working at local level to promote dialogue between government bodies and local people on governance issues considered a priority by poor people. The development of practical ways for people to access information on particular issues of interest: e.g. land rights, inheritance rights, birth registration, farming methods, market information etc. Initiatives might include experimentation with (i) community radio, (ii) use of notice boards about services and other local issues in community and local government offices, (iii) production and distribution of easy to read/understand leaflets and booklets in all relevant languages, to citizens, village leaders and other relevant institutions at the local level, and (iv) telecentres. Improved service delivery in the most remote areas. This could include support to mobile services such as administrative services, legal aid clinics, schools, libraries/book shops, health clinics, etc. Work with traditional governance systems/leaders to raise awareness and build knowledge about constitutional law and rights in order to promote the protection of human rights within the traditional structures. Support may also be provided to conduct practical training in counselling, mediation and participatory methods.
3.3.4 Goal Four: To facilitate and mediate a dialogue between government and civil society organizations that promotes active participation by the poor In country contexts where dialogue is non-existent or conflict ridden, UNDP may act as a broker to get the parties together. In country contexts open to dialogue, but where governance processes are captured by elites, support to platforms for citizen participation and to policy processes that enable their participation at central and local level may be appropriate. Activities might include support for: PolPolicy processes that enable participation of the poor and marginalized. This can be done through ensuring that timeframes and budgets permit organization of and genuine participation by poor groups. Support directed towards CSOs may focus on advocacy and mobilization activities. Initiatives that experiment with development and institutionalization of inclusive platforms for dialogue between the poor and marginalized and local authorities. These might include (i) forums that enable equal exchange of experiences and views between poor groups and government officials/traditional leaders on priority issues within local communities, e.g. the type and quality of local services as well as their accessibility to poor people and the efficiency of their delivery, (ii) establishment of selected user groups/committees, and (iii) establishment of discussion forums, etc. Sensitizing and building capacity of all parties involved in order to promote meaningful participation and equal voice of the poor. Activities aimed at government officials could focus on sensitizing and developing participatory skills related to management of meetings and decision-making processes. Capacity building for civil society organizations
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may focus on their role as intermediaries. This could include training of NGO staff and local volunteers (particular attention should be given to young people and the elderly) to (i) work as facilitators and mediators in processes involving citizens and local authorities, (ii) make policy analysis and (iii) conduct advocacy. Capacity building for citizens could include awareness raising, building of knowledge and understanding of power and politics, and developing communication, negotiation and organization skills. 3.3.5 Goal Five: To assist government and civil society organizations to monitor and evaluate activities aimed at promoting active citizenship by poor and marginalized people.In country contexts where enabling policies are in place, but in practice active citizenship is constrained by a lack of transparency, responsiveness and accountability initiatives to monitor the administration could be supported. If the context allows for it, support can be provided to civil society organizations to perform a monitoring role. While the central level is extremely important in shaping the overall governance environment, efforts linking central and local level initiatives will often have a greater impact. Activities might include support for: Government and/or civil society organizations to conduct baseline and follow-up studies on selected issues regarding active citizenship and how it relates to poverty reduction and human development.This might include surveys of citizensawareness, access to information and public services, political behaviour, etc. correlated with selected demographic data. Strengthening the awareness and capacity of peoples elected representatives to perform oversight functions, particularly related to central and local level initiatives that aim to promote inclusive and meaningful participation and accountability. Some civil society organizations may be well-placed to devise and conduct appropriate training programmes. Initiatives that instil healthy competition between the local administrations in different localities.This could be in terms of success in implementing government policies, for example related to: achieving the MDGs and other development indicators; minimizing administrative procedures; reducing case backlog; and increasing overall citizen satisfaction, etc. Civil society organizations in performing a monitoring role. This might include building civil society organizations capacity to: (i) work with local communities to identify local indicators for measuring effectiveness of national and local government programmes; (ii) carry out direct monitoring of programmes; (iii) mobilize poor and marginalized groups to engage in monitoring of public budgets, programmes, administrative procedures, contracting procedures, etc. Community monitoring groups and citizen reporting cards may be useful tools in promoting participatory monitoring. Support to civil society initiatives that combine local monitoring activities with national advocacy may be particularly useful in pressing for policy changes.
Part Four: References for further reading
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4.1 Resources Related to Active Citizenship in theory and practice UNDP Policy and Practice Notes, Guides, Toolkits etc. Access to Information, Practice Note (2003) http://www.undp.org/policy/practicenotes.htm Civic Education, Practical guidance note (2004) http://www.undp.org/governance/docs/A2I_Guides_Civic%20education.pdf Indicators for Human Rights Based Approaches to Development in UNDP Programming, Users Guide (2006) http://www.undp.org/oslocentre/docs06/HRBA%20indicators%20guide.pdf Poverty Reduction and Human Rights, Practice note (2003) http://www.undp.org/policy/docs/povertyreduction-humanrights0603.pdf Right to Information, Practical guidance note (2004) http://www.undp.org/governance/docs/A2I_Guides_RighttoInformation.pdf UNDP and Civil Society Organizations, Policy of engagement (2001) http://www.undp.org/cso/resource/policies/UNDPCSOPolicy.doc UNDP and Civil Society Organizations, Practice note on engagement http://www.undp.org/policy/docs/policynotes/UNDP%20CSO%20Policy.pdf UNDP and Civil Society Organizations, Toolkit for strengthening partnerships (2006) http://www.undp.org/cso/documents/CSO_Toolkit_linked.doc Other UNDP publications Civic Engagement, UNDP Essentials (2002) http://www.undp.org/eo/documents/essentials/CivicEngagement-Final31October2002.pdf Democratisation with Inclusion: Political Reforms and Peoples Empowerment at the Grassroots by James Manor. UNDP, Human Development Report Office, Occasional Paper, Background Paper for HDR 2003 (2002) http://hdr.undp.org/docs/publications/background_papers/2003/HDR2003_Manor.pdf Human Development Report 2000 http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2000/en/ Human Development Report 2002 - Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2002/en/ Participatory Governance and Poverty Reduction by S. R. Osmani, in Choices for the Poor (2001) http://www.undp.org/dpa/publications/choicesforpoor/ENGLISH/CHAP05.PDF
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Poverty Report 2000 - Overcoming Human Poverty http://www.undp.org/povertyreport/ Other relevant publications and resources Beneficiary, Consumer, Citizen: Perspectives on Participation for Poverty Reduction by Andrea Cornwall, Sidastudies no. 2 (2002) http://www.sida.se/shared/jsp/download.jsp?f=Cornwall+study+Web.pdf&a=2079 Bringing citizen voice and client focus into service delivery by Anne Marie Goetz and John Gaventa, IDS Working Paper 138 (2001) http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/bookshop/wp/wp138.pdf Concepts of citizenship: a review by Emma Jones and John Gaventa, IDS Working Development Bibliography 19 (2002) http://www.ntd.co.uk/idsbookshop/details.asp?id=678 From users and choosers to makers and shapers: repositioning participation in social policy by Andrea Cornwall and John Gaventa, IDS Working Paper 127 (2001) http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/bookshop/wp/wp127.pdf Learning Citizenship by Juliet Merrifield, IDS Working Paper 158 (2002) http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/bookshop/wp/wp158.pdf Participation, Citizenship and Local Governance by John Gaventa and Camilo Valderarama, Background note prepared for workshop on Strengthening participation in local governance, IDS June 21-24 (1999) http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/particip/research/citizen/gavval.pdf Thinking Strategically about Politics and Poverty by Mick Moore and James Putzel, IDS Working Paper 101 (1999) http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/bookshop/wp/wp101.pdf 4.2 Resources Related to Active Citizenship in an African Context Afrobarometer Round I: Compendium of Comparative Data from a Twelve-Nation Survey, by the Afrobarometer Network compiled by Carolyn Logan and Fabiana Machado Afrobarometer Paper No. 11 (2002) http://www.afrobarometer.org/papers/AfropaperNo11.pdf Afrobarometer Round 2: Compendium of Results from a 15-Country Survey compiled by Michael Bratton, Carolyn Logan, Wonbin Cho and Paloma Bauer, Afrobarometer Paper No. 34 (2004) http://www.afrobarometer.org/papers/AfropaperNo34.pdf Building Democracy in Africas weak states by Michael Bratton (2005) http://www.kubatana.net/docs/opin/building_democracy_mb_2005.pdf
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Poor People and Democratic Citizenship in Africa by Michael Bratton, Afrobarometer Paper No. 56 (2006) http://www.afrobarometer.org/papers/AfropaperNo56.pdf Striving for Good Governance in Africa, UNECA (2005) http://www.uneca.org/agr/agren.pdf 4.2.1 Malawi Baseline Survey for Civic Education in Malawi, UNOPS (2006) Born-Again Politicians Hijacked our Revolution! Reassessing Malawis Transition to Democracy by Stephen Brown, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 38, no. 3 (2004) http://aix1.uottawa.ca/~brown/pages/Stephen_Brown_CJAS.doc Civic and political space programme document 2006-2009, Dan Church Aid (2006) Consultation by Helicopter. Peoples participation in policy making in Malawi by Wiseman Chirwa and Micael Nyirenda, Christian Aid Policy Briefing (2003) http://www.christian-aid.org.uk/indepth/0304malawi/Consultation_by_helicopter.pdf Decentralisation and Rural livelihoods in Malawi by Sholto Cross and Milton Kutengule, Ladder Working Paper No. 4 (2001) http://www1.uea.ac.uk/polopoly_fs/1.1004!wp4.pdf Democracy Report for Malawi by Wiseman Chirwa, Nandini Patel and Fidelis Kanyongolo http://www.idea.int/publications/sod/upload/Malawi.pdf Drivers of Change and Development in Malawi by David Booth, Diana Cammack, Jane Harrigan, Edge Kanyongolo, Mike Mataure and Naomi Ngwira, ODI (2006) http://www.odi.org.uk/publications/working_papers/wp261b.pdf Malawi Report 2005, The Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2005&country=6782 Malawis process of democratic transition: An analysis of political developments between 1990 and 2003 by Heiko Meinhardt and Nindini Patel, for KAS (2003) http://www.kas.de/db_files/dokumente/7_dokument_dok_pdf_4156_1.pdf Public opinion and the consolidation of democracy in Malawi by Maxton Grant Tsoka, Afrobarometer Paper No. 16 (2002). http://www.afrobarometer.org/papers/AfropaperNo16.pdf Strategy to associate non-state actors in the development and implementation of the EDF Country support programme in Malawi by Geomar International for Government of Malawi/ European Union (2005)
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Tangled Web by John M. Kadzandira, Stanley W. Kaila and Peter M. Mvula, in Voices of the Poor: From Many Lands, WB (2002) http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/poverty/voices/reports/lands/lanmalawi.pdf Ten Years of Democracy in Malawi: Are Malawians Getting What They Voted For? By Khaila, Stanley and Catherine Chibwana, Afrobarometer Paper No. 46 (2005) http://www.afrobarometer.org/papers/AfropaperNo46.pdf UNDP in Malawi www.undp.org.mw/ What Makes CSO Coalitions Effective? Lessons from Malawi by Rick James, INTRAC (2002) http://www.intrac.org/publications.php?id=15 4.2.2 Tanzania Civil Society in Tanzania by Siri Lange, Hege Walewik and Andre Kiondo, Christian Michelsen Institute (2000) http://www.cmi.no/pdf/?file=/publications/2000/rep/r2000-6.pdf Democracy and Governance Assessment of Tanzania. Transitions from the Single-Party State by ARD for USAid (2003) http://pdf.dec.org/pdf_docs/Pdacd437.pdf EC-Government of Tanzania. Non-State Actors-Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) Mapping Study Report by Joram Stephen Kilemile (2005) Selected Studies of Civil Society in Tanzania: Policy, Social Capital and Networks of the Vulnerable edited and compiled by Waheeda Shariff Samji and Alana Albee (2002) Government of Tanzania EC Support Programme for Non-State Actors in Tanzania (2005) Research and Education for Democracy in Tanzania, Programme Document. Phase V: Democratic Empowerment 2005-2007, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Dar es Salaam (2005) http://w w w.ambdaressalaam.um.dk/NR/rdonlyres/AF2FE8D4-465F-40B7-AEC A820D1DB7C974/0/REDETPROGRAMMEJCFINALVersion2.doc Tanzania Report 2005, The Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2005&country=6845 To Have and to Hold: Womens Inheritance Rights in the context of HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa by Richard S. Strickland, ICRW Working Paper (2004) http://www.icrw.org/docs/2004_paper_haveandhold.pdf
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Uncritical Citizens or Patient Trustees? Tanzanians Views of Political and Economic Reform by Chaligha, Amon, Robert Mattes, Michael Bratton and Yul Derek Davids Afrobarometer Paper No. 18 (2002) http://www.afrobarometer.org/papers/AfropaperNo18.pdf Understanding Patterns of Accountability in Tanzania: Component 2: The Bottom Up Perspective by Tim Kelsall, Siri Lange, Simeon Mesaki and Max Mmuya, Oxford Policy Management (2005) http://www.opml.co.uk/docs/Patterns_of_Accountability_Component_2_Report.pdf UNDP in Tanzania www.tz.undp.org/ Voices of the Poor, Poverty and Social Capital in Tanzania by Deepa Narayan ESSD Monograph Series 20, World Bank (1997) http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/IW3P/IB/1997/10/01/000 009265_3980313101940/Rendered/PDF/multi0page.pdf Why Do Things Happen The Way They Do? A Power Analysis of Tanzania FK by Gran Hydn http://hei.unige.ch/sections/sp/agenda/colloquium/Goran%20Hyden_Power%20analysis.pdf
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4.3 Other Resources and Websites Power and Drivers of Change Analyses DFID/GSDRC drivers of change website http://www.gsdrc.org/go/topic-guides/drivers-of-change ODI Tools Website http://www.odi.org.uk/RAPID/Tools/Toolkits/Policy_Impact/Tools.html OECD/DAC Network on Governance Website http://www.oecd.org/department/0,2688,en_2649_34565_1_1_1_1_1,00.html Lessons learned on the use of Power and Drivers of Change Analyses in Development Cooperation, OECD DAC Network on Governance http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/DOC82.pdf SIDA Power analysis http://www.sida.se/shared/jsp/download.jsp?f=SIDA4712en_Methods+web.pdf&a=3485 Other Resources and Websites AfroBarometer Publications: http://www.afrobarometer.org/publications.html CIVICUS Civil Society Index: http://www.civicus.org/new/default.asp DRC on Citizenship, Participation and Accountability: www.ids.ac.uk/drc-citizen IDS Participation Group: www.ids.ac.uk/ids/particip John Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project: http://www.jhu.edu/~cnp/ Logolink (Participation and Local Governance): www.ids.ac.uk/logolink
Annex 1
36
ANNEX 1 Overview of Civil Society in Malawi
Religious institutions Religious institutions play an active and leading role in civil society. They mobilize significant levels of human and financial resources. Christian organizations in particular play a significant role in delivering education and health services throughout the country. It has been noted that the Catholic Church mainly plays a role in relation to national politics and that there are significant limits to its grassroots civil society activism. Except for cooperation with religiously based international NGOs, the religious organizations do not receive much attention from donors. Media The number of printed media, radio and TV-stations grew dramatically in the wake of the democratic transition in the 1990s. But, despite freedom of expression, there are limitations and constraints to this right. Journalists experience intimidation and harassment and the government controls a large segment of the broadcasting media. Radio constitutes the most important source of information for many Malawians, and although state-owned radio channels tend to ignore certain issues, non-state radio channels allow debate on controversial topics. Community-based organizations There is a strong culture of self-organization in Malawi, especially at the community level in rural areas. Community-based organizations include a wide range of locally based institutions, groups, and organizations that can be of more or less official and more or less formal in nature. Some of these include the village headmen, to whom people often turn for advice and assistance in daily matters; funeral associations, which offer assistance, especially to those who cannot afford funeral services on their own, during funerals; farmers clubs, formed by households to prevent hunger in the community; cultural groups, including theatre, dance troupes, sporting clubs, etc. Other more intangible aspects of civil society at the community level include the cultural institutions, which are of great importance to the daily life in the villages and include the customs and practices around rituals for initiation of boys and girls, marriage, etc. District/ethno-linguistic associations Often called Friends of specific districts, these organizations are usually established and run by the urban elite originating from the district in question. They engage in developmental projects, such as education facilities, and advancement of specific cultural features such as language. Socio-economic organizations These include farmers associations and the farmers clubs, which are part of the extension system of the state as well as newer and more independent credit organizations and lending clubs operating at different levels to facilitate access to cheaper credit, provide training in business management and marketing and act as producer associations.
Annex 1
37
Development-oriented non-governmental organizations With the transition to democracy the number of NGOs and NGO networks has increased rapidly. Many NGOs engage in advocacy and development activities related to human rights and governance, while others work along more sectoral lines such as food security, HIV/AIDS, environment etc. Although some NGOs have extensive district networks, most of them are urban-based and managed and staffed by university educated people. Their funding mainly comes from international donors and NGOs. Academia Although academia played a significant role during the democratic transition from 1992 to 1994, academics have not developed a common forum or platform from where they can contribute to the process of democratization. Universities are also not vibrant in discussing issues of national concern and the interaction between universities and other CSOs is minimal. Trade unions Malawis labour movement is one of the weakest in Southern Africa. Independent unions were non-existent during the Banda regime, and while the current democratic regime allows for unions to be formed, they do not play any significant role in politics or in mobilization of people.
Annex 2
38
ANNEX 2 Overview of Civil Society in Tanzania
Religious institutions Religious organizations, especially the Christian Church, play an active role in civil society. They receive funding from the local congregations as well as foreign benefactors and benefit from high levels of respect and trust by their adherents. The religious organizations play a significant role in the provision of secondary education and health care. The Christian Church is also active in civic education in schools and awareness raising in the communities and engages in advocacy campaigns and criticism of certain government policies. Media The role of the media has increased in recent years. Although the newspaper circulation is quite limited, the press does play a role as a watchdog revealing political mismanagement and as a mouthpiece to voice peoples discontent with local government officials, etc. There are dozens of radio stations. The national radio station is state-run and some local radio stations are run by NGOs and the churches. Television stations have emerged since 1994. Both radio and TV broadcast drama series and soaps with educational content, on health and social issues. Although the media is free in principle, intimidation of journalists is still common, especially in rural areas, and the journalistic standards are quite low. Community-based organizations Organizations at community level include community development activity organizations, which engage in income generating activities such as sewing, brewing, milk production etc. and are almost entirely organized by women; security teams or Sungusungu that originally were organized by people in response to the inability of the state to provide security and has been accepted by the state since the beginning of the 1990s; rotating saving clubs are found in the urban areas and count about half of the self-employed women among their members; cultural groups, performing traditional dances and theatre parody are historically found in all villages, workplaces and schools and were consciously used during the one-party rule for propagandist purposes. Development-oriented non-governmental organizations The number of NGOs has increased drastically since the early 1990s as has the number of NGO coalitions and networks. While many NGOs are urban-based, elite-run and rely on donor-funding some are organized locally around common interests for example in the areas of health, agriculture etc. Overall, NGO activity covers a broad range of areas from service delivery, development-activities, advocacy and human rights. Most of the NGOs rely on donor funding. Some NGOs are so well endowed that they allocate funds to their partner organizations.
Annex 2
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District Development Funds Commonly led by politicians or businessmen based in Dar es Salaam, the main activity of the District Development Trusts is to provide secondary schooling in the hometowns/districts of the leaders. Their revenue is primarily raised from peasants and sometimes fund-raising dinners. The peasants however, do not have any influence on how the funds are being spent. District Development Funds may also be organized in urban areas, where they commonly maintain the neighbourhood roads. Academia There are a few independent research organizations engaging in socio-economic and governance related issues. In addition, some donor-funded universitybased programmes and NGOs also conduct research on governance. Trade Unions Despite the historical importance of the labour movement, the one-party regime effectively minimized its role. Apart from the Teachers Union, the trade unions formed with the introduction of the multi-party system do not have an official legal status. While they are allowed to conduct their activities and are members of the umbrella organization of free trade unions, they play a limited role in civil society.
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United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Katrine Riisgaard Pedersen, 2006

Mobilizing Poor People for Active Citizenship

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

Box 1. Illustrative indicators of active citizenship

Collective action by people: People

informal discussing officials.

People making demands on government bodies: People engaging with government

People holding government bodies accountable: People holding government

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part One: Unfolding concepts, attributes and practice of Active Citizenship

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Two: Active Citizenship in Practice: Malawi and Tanzania

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Three: UNDP and Active Citizenship for poor people

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Four: References for further reading

Part Four: References for further reading

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Four: References for further reading

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Four: References for further reading

United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre

Part Four: References for further reading