Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
August/September 2011
Class Struggle 96
August/September 2011
Brief Stuff
Quake Quake City sees Red
Christchurch city workers are organising to oppose the worst effects of the disaster capitalist solution to the rebuilding of Christchurch. To recap, our analysis shows that CHCH as a microcosm of current rightwing solutions to the impact of global crisis is Aotearoa. The NACTs have legislated for direct cabinet rule of Christchurch in a state of emergency that will see the disaster used as a pretext to restructure capital in the region. This means the liquidation of much fixed capital and its reallocation from small capitalists to the big Canterbury and national and international corporates. We saw the first move in this direction with the man-made earthquake of the sacking of Ecan to allow big dairy farmers to grab cheap water rights. Now as we predicted, The Press reports: The Central Christchurch recovery is under threat as quake-weary property owners start using their insurance money to buy new buildings in Auckland and overseas. rail link starting point. Opposition is thus becoming widespread. After months of autocratic refusal to allow the citizens of the worst affected areas of CHCH into the plans for their futures, they are now mobilising in their neighbourhoods and all across the Red Zone to get answers and to get full compensation. This grassroots mobilisation looks like it could become a major factor in deciding the upcoming election.
Equally, it means the liquidation of much variable (living labour) capital as workers are shunted around, forced out of their munted homes and into the already flooded reserve army of unemployed. So now we have the worst affected Red Zone areas planned for evacuation with compensation offers for relocation at 2007 levels. The elite manipulation of property values through slow release of new sections is dispossessing many former homeowners in East Christchurch, especially of working-class Pakeha, Maori, Polynesians and Asians. National Party investors and land developers have formed a neo-feudal aristocracy with "tangata whenua" - Ngi Tahu Holdings Corporation and Ngi Tahu Property - for direct rule through CERA that has subordinated egalitarian democracy and its vestige in the elected Christchurch City Council, which is fragmenting. The capitalist dictatorship has here become overt and very apparent, historically unconscious of the implications of its outright liquidation of social democracy in Canterbury - the major political dynamic. The reactionary nature of "political correctness" around Maori nationalism has thus been starkly revealed. Frustration is pent-up on this and the growing range of economic issues. Another example is the rail transport proposal in the "presidential-style" Mayor's Central City Plan, which - contrary to the recovery needs of urban Rangiora, Kaiapoi, Rolleston, Hornby and Lyttelton - prioritises business demands with a brand new and expensive CBD-to-University
Following this evidence the spokesperson for the families of the 29 dead miners Bernie Monk said: These guys went into a death trap. They had nowhere to go and it has always been in the hearts of the families and now its out there. Monk was also critical of the incompetent rescue operation that gave the families false hope when experienced miners were telling them there was no hope. Years of funding cuts to government regulators, removal of mandatory inspections, and pressure to produce a profit, combined to make the mine a death trap. Key still promises that the men will be recovered, but its now up to the miners unions to make sure that the mine doesnt begin working again before the men are recovered. The least that Key can do is to immediately reinstate compulsory mine inspections and union monitored health and safety regulations, while fully compensating the families.
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But dont hold your breath as the NACT regime is pushing hard for mining to pull the economy out of a hole. And behind this tragedy is the fact that predatory, destructive capitalism puts its profits before peoples lives. That the only assurance that mines can be safe is to put mining in Aotearoa under public ownership and workers control.
August/September 2011
made respectable as biculturalism or multiculturalisn by the dominant white culture. On the other hand, 'reverse racism' is not really racism since it cant be imposed. If it could then Maori would be running the country and whites would be complaining about being at the bottom of the heap. So-called reverse racism is no more than the expression of historic grievances of the colonial past being reproduced today as Maori marginalised off their land and concentrated in the so-called 'underclass'. White racists hide their racism by trying to claim that this grievance-driven resentment is equally if not more pervasive and potent as European racism. Some Maori recompense has been made, especially to iwi corporate elites, but only by begging the state to redress past wrongs and playing by the rules of capitalism that even Brash can agree with. But begging is hardly the action of racists even iwi elites. And if the begging begins to look like special treatment then the racists come rushing out to cry one law for all. In the final analysis New Zealand remains a racist country and the evidence for that is the majority support for the NACT regime that continues to plunder land and resources, most recently the Foreshore and Seabed, preventing any possibility of Maori emerging from marginalisation into economic selfsufficiency. So long as NZ remains a capitalist semi-colony dependent on land based resources ultimately stolen from Maori, so will racism continue to be part of the fabric of society.
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August/September 2011
Manas Program
Mana policy is for Maori, for workers and for the poor. This means that Mana stands for all sections of the working class and workers branches are becoming established. Vote Mana for real change; party vote Mana for an independent voice for Maori, for workers and for the poor. The Mana programme is to Abolish Goods and Services Tax (GST); establish a Financial Transaction Tax ("Hone Heke" Tax); nationalise monopolies and duopolies. Mana policy would seem to shift the tax balance onto the rich from the poor. It is more of a challenge to capitalism than the Labour party policies.
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affiliation to Labour (eg. MUNZ). The trade union apparatus continues to be used to promote Labour through the CTU. This explains why the Labour Party has lost the support of low paid workers who are overwhelmingly Maori, women and youth. And why Goff is facing no pressure to agree to work with Mana in government. Our review of the results of the last election showed that the Labour party lost because a large part of the low paid working class did not get out and vote for Labour. It had lost confidence in Labour. Realising this the Labour party tries to attract working class voters again, with promises to defend some workers, and makes left sounding policy to take GST off food and to introduce a 15% capital gains tax, and make the first $5000 tax free. These things are small reforms that would favour the poor rather than the rich. It is likely then that some of these workers who did not vote last time will decide to vote Labour this time. These workers like those who support Mana will be looking for a Labour Government in which Mana MPs pull Labour to the left.
August/September 2011
into parliament. In all the other Maori electorates a Mana Party vote is important. The Mana Party is calling on its supporters to vote for its candidates in all Maori seats. As well as that we think that Mana should invite Labour supporters to vote for Mana candidates to defeat Maori Party MPs Sharples, Turia, Flavell and Katene.
General electorates: Vote Labour electorate candidates and Mana party vote. In the Maori electorates:Te Tai Tokerau: Vote Hone Harawira (Mana) for the electorate and Mana Party vote. If Hone doesnt win then Mana will have to get 5% of the national party vote to get MPs 5
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August/September 2011
Class Struggle 96
imperialism takes on the form of Islamic radicalism. To defeat the TNC and its imperialist backers the revolutionary forces must continue the armed struggle at this point directly against imperialism, and all the pro-imperialist factions of the national bourgeoisie squabbling for the imperialist franchise, to finally win national independence and set the example for the other Arab states in their ongoing national, antiimperialist revolutions. The only road to liberation is forward from the Arab national revolution to permanent revolution and the Socialist United States of North Africa and the Middle East!
August/September 2011
certain. It will have to subordinate the armed democrat insurgents to keep Libya as an oil colony of the EU and in doing so prove that the way forward is a complete break with imperialism and its bourgeois agents in Libya. Its obvious that the outcome in Libya is far from settled. The TNC (or its successor) is balanced between imperialism(s) and the hostility of the popular uprising to imperialism(s) on the ground. It will have to negotiate between the different imperialisms, notably the US which needs more bases in its contest with China for Africa, China's multi-billion investments in Libyan oil, and the desperation of declining France, Italy and Britain to sign and enforce preferential agreements, on the one hand, and an armed populace that is now carrying the hopes of advancing the Arab revolution, which has the power to demand a radical redistribution of the oil profits, on the other. In other words the TNC (or its bourgeois successor) will be a Bonapartist regime trying to do the impossible in a global capitalist crisis with rising inter-imperialist rivalry over oil etc namely, reconciling the two sides of the basic contradiction, revolution and counterrevolution, that is now becoming activated regionally, continentally and globally.
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Thus the TNC regime installed in place of Gaddafi has no room for manoeuvre. The NATO powers, particularly France and Italy, are scrambling among themselves for new oil contracts that freeze out a surgent China. They have already signed deals with the TNC which has in turn said it will honour all of Gaddafis contracts. Italy and France are declining imperialisms and will quickly resort to military invasion to enforce their contracts. Britain is a major financial centre that is now faced with the beginnings of popular opposition to its austerity measures and will also deploy its troops to protect its interests in Africa and support the US in its rivalry with China. They will also demand that the TNC regime stops the flood of refugees to the EU. China in Africa is pursuing an imperialist policy and is now the most influential great power in that continent. It has billions invested in Libya to develop oil production and infrastructure and has belatedly along with Russia recognised the TNC in an attempt to protect its assets. If the TNC turns its back on China we can expect it to look for support in other sections of the Libyan bourgeoisie. It won't back Gaddafi's crony capitalism directly as he is a spent force with the African Union coming out against him. But some of Gaddafi's faction could easily re-emerge to promote preferential deals with China in the same way that it has done deals with other fake left bourgeois factions in Africa like ZANU-PF to swap scarce and valuable minerals for rapid infrastructure development. China then, is in a good position to strike a deal to swap oil in exchange for rebuilding the now war ravaged infrastructure of Libya. Thus the global capital crisis means that weak declining imperialist powers such as France and Italy will put strict terms on the TNC regime which will not allow economic independence of Libya and impose austerity and state repression on the people at the same time that China will offer much more preferential investment to develop the economy. This is likely to create rivalry between factions of the Libyan bourgeoisie jockeying to serve competing imperialisms. No doubt France and Italy have their champions in the TNC, but who will champion China and Russia and win the admiration of Castro and Chavez?
August/September 2011
The armed peoples militia has shown that it is has only recently come under a unified command, with Misrata and the Western mountain insurgents remaining largely outside the Benghazi command. Much has been made in the capitalist media of the dependence of the popular militia on NATO, and the gutter press has engaged in jingoistic tales of special ops leading the fight. This is rubbish. Imperialism intervened in Libya to prevent the insurrection from turning into a rebellion. For this reason is did not arm the rebellion to allow it military superiority. Its objective was to take away Gaddafi's military advantage and force him and the TNC to negotiate a solution. Gaddafi did not oblige, and nor did the revolutionary fighters submit. While NATO helped to bring about the defeat of Gaddafi as necessary to contain the revolution, it and the TNC its new agent, has not gained control of the revolutionaries. In particular the Misrata fighters and those of the Western Mountains made up of both Arabs and Berber are refusing to take orders from TNC appointees. The ongoing battle to destroy the Gaddafi forces will favour these independent forces and limit the ability of NATO and the TNC to determine the outcome in imperialism's favour. For the first time in the Arab revolution we now have an armed peoples militia that has removed a dictator and created the conditions for the national revolution to become permanent! We must honour the revolutionary spirit of the revolutionary fighters especially its youth ranks who have born the brunt of battle and paid the price in human life of the campaign to defeat Gaddafi. One battle has been won, but two battles remain. These battles are conjoined. The first is to stop imperialism imposing a new neo-colonial regime through the TNC. The second is to fight to create a workers and peasants republic that will complete the anti-imperialist revolution as a socialist revolution. We need to continue to call on the people's militia that actually exists on the ground to refuse to disarm, to form their own organs of self-government, to form a national workers and soldiers assembly with the tasks of controlling and planning the national economy, and to carry the revolution forward to a complete break with imperialism and all of its local bourgeois agents of all colors and creeds. So we offer a program for the revolutionaries and support those among them who are prepared to fight to retain their arms and form a
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popular militia to defend their February victory and open the road to their October.
August/September 2011
trial for watching videos of the Arab Spring and the regime is holding down food prices in fear of an uprising. In South Africa the popular front ANC regime is under attack from its opportunist Youth League under the pressure of the millions of black youth raging against the imperialist recolonising of Africa behind the 'humanitarian' UN resolution 1973. Will there arise in time a revolutionary Marxist organisation in all of these countries that is capable of leading permanent revolution? The onset of the many mass movements rising up to oppose the austerity measures of capitalism in crisis are met everywhere by autocratic regimes or popular fronts that prepare the masses for defeats. To open the road to revolution we revolutionaries must devote our utmost energy and commitment to urgently rebuilding a revolutionary international.
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attributing to imperialism (NATO/UN) or its agents (Gaddafi) an historic progressive role rather than the popular masses leading the national revolution. Therefore the urgent task in this current global capitalist crisis is to rebuild a new international Bolshevik party based on democratic centralism and the program of the Fourth International of 1938 that is able to intervene decisively in all struggles and test its program as capable of being the guide to socialist revolution today.
August/September 2011
The crimes of Gaddafi and his cronies, and the alleged crimes of the revolutionary forces, to be judged by Libyan peoples' courts, not the imperialist International Criminal Court! For opening of the borders between all the Arab states from Tunisia to Syria! For the national, ethnic and cultural rights of historic peoples such as the Berber; for full democratic rights to all migrant and displaced peoples! For equal rights of women and youth! For socialisation of oil and banks as part of a national plan to develop the economy as part of the wider economy of the whole region. For a Socialist Federation of Workers Republics of North Africa and the Middle East!
HUMANIST WORKERS FOR REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM (USA) COMMUNIST WORKERS GROUP (Aotearoa/NZ) REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS GROUP (Zimbabwe) REVOLUTIONARY (Austria) COMMUNISTS FOR LIBERATION
Refuse to disarm; disband the Gaddafi army, form a popular national militia! For the formation of local, regional and national councils of action to implement the immediate needs of the masses for food, health and housing; for equal participation of women and youth; for a Workers and Soldiers Assembly! For a Workers' and Farmers' Government! UN and NATO out of the country; all imperialist trade ties revoked and all contracts cancelled; return Libya's assets; seize non-compliant imperialist assets; socialisation of all privatised assets! Down with the TNC/Imperialist draft Constitution! This Constitution is imposed by imperialism not the revolutionary masses! Boycott the ratification of this Constitution! For a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly!
Note from the RKOB: While we fully support the resolutions line and programme for the Libyan Revolution we want to point out that we do not share some formulations in the resolution (e.g. we consider the Gaddafi-regime not as semi-fascist but as bourgeois-bonapartist; we characterise the British SWP as centrist, not left-reformist). We also believe that the sentence The Libyan revolutionaries () had little choice but to enter into a military bloc with NATO against the semi-fascist Gaddafi. is misleading. In fact it was a weakness of the Rebels that they did not look for an alternative strategy and did not issue a strong appeal to the mass movements in the Arab countries and the international workers movement for volunteers and material and military aid. September 5 2011
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August/September 2011
British Riots:
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(such as voting Labour) they cannot be political actors. Putting a post-modern slant on this liberal 'rationality', Bauman says that capitalism no longer shapes working class identity as wage workers but rather as consumers. He says consumption is identity. What motivates individuals is not consumption of the means of subsistence to enable them to work, but rather consumption as a means of realising their social identity. Post-modernism offers no way out of this 'irrationality' because there is no identifiable social structure to change. Consumption is not seen as the product of capitalist alienation whose 'rationality' can be contested and overthrown by proletarian revolution. Alienation is reproduced on a daily basis as part of the expropriation of surplus value. Workers become separated from their work, their product, from others and from themselves. The result is the production of the 'alienated bourgeois subject' who can only operate in a 'rational' capitalist market and bourgeois democracy. Riotous behaviour that challenges this market/state framework of property ownership and equal exchange thus appears as 'irrational' and 'meaningless'. Zizek is not far behind Bauman invoking Marx and Hegel in support of post-modern meaninglessness. Marx is already back in favour so Zizek tries for Hegel as well. He writes off the rioters as a 'rabble'. This is why it is difficult to conceive of the UK rioters in Marxist terms, as an instance of the emergence of the revolutionary subject; they fit much better the Hegelian notion of the rabble, those outside organised social space, who can express their discontent only through irrational outbursts of destructive violence what Hegel called abstract negativity. Zizek also cites the self-proclaimed Marxist philosopher Badiou who argued that we live in a social space which is increasingly experienced as worldless: in such a space, the only form protest can take is meaningless violence. It is not surprising that the European postmodern philosophers can declare that the bourgeois subject is not materially reproduced by global capitalism beset by contradictions, crises, unemployment and austerity, but is instead the lost in an irrational 'worldless' social space. They are, after all as intellectuals, lost in the same 'worldless social space' shared by all alienated bourgeois subjects.
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Radical anti-capitalists
Radical anti-capitalists do believe that a 'social space' called capitalism still exists and shapes the behaviour of individuals as workers and consumers. The British SWP response to the riots saw both the disorganised nature of the riots and also their 'deeper political' causes. The riots are a sort of spontaneous anticapitalist rebellion against unequal exchange or market relations where bosses' profits rise at the expense of workers wages and jobs. They quote Martin Luther King :riots are the voice of the unheard. Anarchists also typically take this view. Rioting is inherently revolutionary because it is a response to perceived capitalist inequality, unemployment, police violence, racism and so on. It is the reverse side of the 'shopping with violence' right wing explanation of the riots. Unfortunately this prevailing fetishised exchange view on the left cannot go deeper than working class spontaneity as an explanation of the riots. What these radical anti-capitalist views have in common is the belief that the working class can become spontaneously class conscious due to its perception of class relations as unequal exchange relations. Spontaneous anticapitalism arises from the conception of capitalism at the level of exchange relations. If that is how capitalism works then you can see it and spontaneously fightback. But this is not a Marxist anti-capitalism because for Marx exchange relations are inverted production relations resulting from 'commodity fetishism'. Therefore the spontaneous critique of capitalism at the level of exchange leaves capitalist production relations hidden and unchallenged. Instead of critiquing this market fetishist view of the riots, David Harvey gives it a Marxist gloss. He says that capitalism today can only survive by looting. If the rioters are feral it is because capitalism has become feral. Harvey argues that modern capitalism still extracts surplus-value during production, but that its main method of extracting value today is to steal it in the process of exchange. Naomi Klein takes a similar line. For Harvey and Klein capitalism based on theft is morally bankrupt. It cannot survive without looting. In the excitement of the aftermath of the 'riots' the Harvey provides a non-Marxist argument to justify the actions of the 'rioters' as no more than reflections of a capitalist system defined as based on looting.
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By confining his argument to exchange relations Harvey cannot provide a material framework for a working class morality other than 'looting back'. He sells Marxism short. As we shall see capitalism was born by looting. It was born feral, or as Marx says covered with blood and dirt. But what makes capitalism especially degenerate today is a longer story. Capitalism is facing a existential crisis expelling masses of living labour it cannot exploit. If you don't have a job or social wage you don't have an income you can live on, then you have to buy and sell on the black economy for your subsistence. So the riots were not a mindless consumerist 'outburst' but an historically necessary form of behaviour on the part of the most exploited and oppressed workers thrown out of capitalist production; a fight for survival, a fight to overcome alienation, and at the same time the birth pangs of socialist revolution as the dialectical expression of a future human universality.
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spontaneous rebellion, the young rebels break the spell of their alienated existence. The task then is how to turn riots into sustained rebellions and then into revolutions. First we have to distinguish between ruling class looting to amass wealth, and working class looting to subsist.
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basis then capitalism would not have survived 300 years. It would have been overthrown by massive workers riots and uprisings a long time ago. Capitalism survives because it masks its exploitation as natural and necessary and the fundamentally unequal relations between workers and capitalists appear in the marketplace as equal - an honest days work for an honest days pay. Thats why when capitalism does openly loot this is seen as an aberration and not a normal condition of capitalism itself but the actions of rogue capitalists (neo-liberals, bankers, bad bosses, imperialists, corrupt politicians etc) and on the other side, rogue workers (gangs, lumpens, criminals, communists etc) - today rioting unemployed youth who take something for nothing. The question of who gets away with looting (or doesn't get caught) becomes a matter of bourgeois morality and bourgeois statistics and in the last analysis bourgeois class power. Bosses point the finger at some workers and call them criminals. Workers point the finger at some bosses and call them criminals. When workers do more than point the finger but burn down bosses property, this is a declaration of potential working class power so the bosses understandably unleash the maximum power of their state.
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misidentifying of value as a property of labour to its product the commodity is a 'fetish'. It is the basis of bourgeois ideology that is reproduced in the production process. But more importantly it is also a process by which the alienation of value from the worker also alienates that workers from [capitalist] production, and the [commodity] product, and as a result from his or her [class] co-workers, and ultimately from his or her 'self' [productive power]. The result is that the 'alienated bourgeois subject' becomes the 'sovereign individual' whose 'identity' (to use the pomo jargon) is the sum of the value of the commodities he or she owns. Hence a system of law and order is derived from these private property rights which then justifies locking up those who loot. Therefore, whoever steals the value of commodities breaks bourgeois property law because the commodity is the property of the owner, capitalist or worker. Since exploitation is not based on looting, looting back cannot end exploitation. Moreover as we have argued looting back criminalises and atomises the working class and makes it easier for the ruling class to repress. To justify reclaiming the full value of the commodities that the workers actually produce with their commodity labour power they need to first become conscious of their alienation from that value in the first place. Marx said that this cannot happen spontaneously because of 'commodity fetishism' can only be revealed by the scientific critique of capital that exposes and explains the true historically specific nature of capitalism. Thus workers need to become class conscious and understand that the only form of looting that can take back the labour value expropriated by the capitalists is organised workers' expropriation of capitalist property. Workers need to assert a new social relation that breaks out of capitalist alienation and transforms looting into expropriation of the value that the capitalist class extracts from our surplus labour. Fetishised looting is no more than a spontaneous expression of alienation yet the roots of alienation cannot be removed unless capitalism itself is expropriated.
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production it also begins to destroy them. Each crisis of overproduction destroys jobs to restore profits. An increasingly growing layer of society is excluded from the 'social space' of production into the 'social space' of the surplus population. Migrant workers, youth in particular, are hardest hit. In most countries youth unemployment is approaching 50% or more. Austerity and welfare cuts mean that young workers of generation zero are forced to live below the poverty line. To survive the economically superfluous most beg, borrow or steal. This forces them to appropriate the value of commodities as small traders or indulging in crime. Just as poverty is endemic to capitalism, crime, looting, and trading in the black market, is the necessary response so that impoverished unemployed workers can survive in capitalist society. This is anathema to capitalism not a 'crime' as such, but because it is a foreshadowing of the socialist principle of redistribution on the basis of need. Unfortunately capitalist society still exists, the unemployed cannot perform work to meet their needs, and random looting has unintended side effects. But where other workers are harmed this is a matter for workers' tribunals not the bosses' courts. In stealing to survive they may harm small traders and other workers. Small traders who are robbed risk losing their jobs and their businesses and ending up in the reserve army. Similarly, looting capitalist corporates may put jobs of the workers they employ at risk. For that reason, where looting is justified for the survival of the working class it should be organised and directed at only those multinational corporates where items can be resold to provide the means of subsistence (food, clothing, rent etc), and where the employees of these big corporates are strong enough to defend their jobs, despite losses due to looting. Thus the working class needs to unconditionally support the young rebels where they are looting to survive because this is spontaneous class action which challenges capitalism and the authority of the state. Youth have come to the rescue of a labour movement that has been bought-off by more than a century of imperialist privilege, by co-option into parliamentary politics, and by swallowing whole the exchange level ideology of economism (strike for jobs and wages) and social democracy (vote for a party that will pass laws to create jobs and pay a living wage). The youth have sounded the opening shots of the working class fight back against the global crisis of capitalism. The ruling class understands this clearly which is why it has brought down the state forces onto the rioters. The fascists know that their time has come. The working class is on the move and must be stopped. The BBC makes the Powellites respectable again, and the fascist gangs are taking to the street
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While capitalism creates the embryo of socialism in its womb, Marx also said socialism will not be born until capitalism has exhausted its productive powers. When capitalism destroys the productive potential of the youth it has reached that point. Marx saw the productive capacity of workers as a force of production. So not only is capitalism destroying nature in the usual sense of the ecosystem, human production is a key part of that ecosystem. The old labour movement hidebound by a century of labourism and social democracy is now pushed aside by these new militant layers fighting for the survival of nature against the destruction of capital. But as we have argued in relation to the Arab uprisings and the European risings, the objective necessity of resistance to the destruction of the global capitalist crisis faces a crisis of leadership able to chart the course from riot to revolution. What is missing is the leadership of a revolutionary Marxist party that takes the critique of capitalism to its rotten heart - the alienation of labour from productive workers into the hands of the capitalist class. What is missing is the Marxist party that acts as the collective proletarian 'scientist' applying the knowledge of capitalism in practice and constantly testing and revising that knowledge through struggle. Marxism makes it clear that there can be only one response to the capitalist crisis and the barbaric attacks on workers by the ruling class and that is socialism. Capitalism has run its historic course and its long run tendency to destroy nature and society to survive demands that it be overthrown. The British riots along with all the other uprisings taking place today are a catalyst for class consciousness. The riots have shown us how the working class to survive must reproduce itself both materially and ideologically independently of the ruling class and prepare to dig the grave of capitalism. Workers must unconditionally defend the spontaneous rebellion of young workers fighting for their subsistence. We must form united fronts and defence committees against the forces of the state and their fascist paramilitaries. Workers must build councils or soviets everywhere through occupations and strike committees so that all workers of all genders, races, nationalities, ages, experience, and so on, participate fully. Wherever these organs exist Marxist revolutionaries must raise their collective voice in the building of a revolutionary international movement, raising demands, organising tactics, mobilising support, forming international links, propagandising, agitating, and revolutionising the roots of capitalist alienation
Revolutionary Party
The upsurge of youth around the world shows that the young workers of Generation Zero have nothing to lose.
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Defend Marxism
While the economic conditions for socialism exist today, standing between the working class and socialism are political, social and cultural barriers. They are the capitalist state and bourgeois ideology and its agents. These agents claim that Marxism is dead and capitalism need not be exploitative. We say that Marxism is a living science that explains both capitalisms continued exploitation and its attempts to hide class exploitation behind the appearance of individual "freedom" and "equality". It reveals how and why the reformist, Stalinist and centrist misleaders of the working class tie workers to bourgeois ideas of nationalism, racism, sexism and equality. Such false beliefs will be exploded when the struggle against the inequality, injustice, anarchy and barbarism of
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