The

``Americanisation
myth
1099
European Journal of Marketing,
Vol. 35 No. 9/10, 2001, pp. 1099-1116.
# MCB University Press, 0309-0566
Received May 2000
Revised July 2001
The ``Americanisation myth
in European political markets
A focus on the United Kingdom
Paul R. Baines
M/dd/esex ln/ters/lv 8us/ness 5hcc/, Lcndcn, lK
Christian Scheucher
lc//l/she A/adem/e, V/enna, Auslr/a, and
Fritz Plasser
Zenlrum /u r angeuandle lc//l///crshung, V/enna, Auslr/a
Keywords Mar/el enlrv, Mar/el/ng, lc//l/s, ln/led K/ngdcm
Abstract The ex/sl/ng de/ale /n lhe c//l/a/ s/ene //leralure cn lhe lrans/er c/ l5 ama/gn
exerl/se lc Teslern Eurce /s /arge/v /ased cn c/sertal/cns c/ ama/gn etc/ul/cn and, lc a
//m/led degree, cn surtevs c/ l5 c//l/a/ cnsu/lanls Th/s arl//e allemls lc rct/de a deeer
undersland/ng c/ scme c/ lhe rc//ems assc/aled u/lh lhe ral/a/ a//al/cn c/ l5 c//l/a/
mar/el/ng exerl/se /n Eurcean c//l/a/ mar/els, /cuss/ng r/mar//v cn lhe lK The aer
/ntesl/gales lh/s lrans/er c/ l5 ama/gn exerl/se us/ng /clh a c//l/a/ s/ened///us/cn
ersel/te and an /nlernal/cna/ mar/el/ngmar/el enlrv ersel/te, suggesl/ng lhal lhe luc
ersel/tes are mulua//v re/n/cr/ng (ua//lal/te dala uere c//eled /rcm /nlert/eus u/lh l5
c//l/a/ cnsu/lanls uhc had cnsu/led lc 8r/l/sh c//l/a/ arl/es al lhe 1997 8r/l/sh genera/
e/el/cn and u/lh lhree aadem/s uhc are rencuned researhers /n lh/s //e/d The aer argues
lhal, /eause c/ lhe terv d///erenl cnlexlua/ ent/rcnmenls and lhe/r /m//al/cns /cr ama/gn
cndul, lhe clenl/a/ /cr Amer/an/sal/cn /s //m/led lhrcugh /nd/rel excrl melhcds The
aer /urlher argues lhal l5 c//l/a/ cnsu/lanls cu/d enelrale lhe Eurcean mar/el /cr
c//l/a/ cnsu/l/ng sert/es lhrcugh a mcre uslcm/sed c//er/ng us/ng /nd/rel excrl melhcds cr
a mcre slandard/sed c//er/ng us/ng d/rel excrl melhcds
Introduction
To what extent can American models of political campaigning be transferred to
Europe? Taking the UK as an example, in this article it is argued that
transferability of campaigning methods is possible more through process than
content and that they are culturally, economically and politically dependent.
This article seeks to explore common debates from political science (diffusion:
``Americanisation versus modernisation) and international marketing (market
entry: adaptation versus standardisation). Political scientists view the
proliferation of campaign expertise in terms of how it has diffused into other
countries and affected that countrys state of democracy, whereas, marketers
are concerned with whether or not a standardised or adapted product or service
offering increases a firms efficiency and effectiveness in international markets
when entering new markets.
The research register for this j ournal is available at
http://www.mcbup.com/research_registers
The current issue and full text archive of this j ournal is available at
http://www.emerald-library.com/ft
The authors would like to thank John Egan, at Middlesex University Business School, for
helpful comments on a first draft and Ross Brennan, also at Middlesex University Business
School, for helpful comments on the final draft.
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1100
Professional political consultancy services have become part of a sizeable
``political marketing industry in the USA. By 1996, the industry was worth $6
billion (Churchill, 1996). Yet, despite its apparent size, there is still a limited
degree of research into this industry (Sabato, 1981; Baines, Plasser and
Scheucher, 1999). Academic understanding of political campaigning expertise
in Western Europe is ``far more deficient and unsatisfactory (Plasser el a/,
1999) than in the USA, although country-specific studies have enlightened the
debate somewhat (e.g. Bowler and Farrell, 1992; Granberg and Holmberg, 1995;
Swanson and Mancini, 1996). Political marketing practice in the USA is
regarded as being: ``a source of innovation in campaign techniques (Kavanagh,
1995, p. 227); at ``the cutting edge of electioneering innovation (Blumler el a/,
1996, p. 59); a ``world role-model for political campaigning (Scammell, 1997);
and, as a result, has ``brought about a transnational diffusion of American
campaign and marketing techniques as the profession internationalises
(Farrell, 1998). More recently US political consultants have set up joint ventures
with their European counterparts in a variety of major European cities to offer
political consultancy services in lobbying, advertising and market research.
The complex nature of US political consultancy services has led to a high
degree of specialisation in terms of the services that US consultants are able to
offer[1]. Although political campaigning has been categorised as a consumer
service (see Baines and Egan, 2000) there is little written in this area (see
Newman, 1988, for an early consideration). This paper seeks to illustrate some
of the apparent difficulties faced by US political consultants who would wish to
export their services to a major European market. Although the focus of this
article is the United Kingdom, which differs somewhat from the rest of Europe,
many of the points made herein are also considered relevant to continental
European campaigns. The focus of the article is on the nature of the cultural,
political and economic contexts in which political campaigns operate and their
impacts upon the political consultants service offering. This article seeks to
further explore common debates from political science (diffusion:
``Americanisation versus modernisation) and international marketing (market
entry: adaptation versus standardisation). Political scientists view the
proliferation of campaign expertise in terms of how it has diffused into other
countries and affected that countrys state of democracy, whereas marketers
are concerned with whether or not a standardised or adapted product or service
offering increases a firms efficiency and effectiveness in international markets
when entering new markets. It is to the former debate that we first turn.
``Americanisation versus modernisation: a political science
perspective
The ``Americanisation of European political campaigning has initiated a
controversial debate in the political science literature on the consequences of
modernising campaign practices (see Kavanagh, 1995; Farrell, 1996; Scammell,
1996; Negrine and Papathanasopoulos, 1996; Plasser el a/, 1999). The debate
centres on whether European campaigns have been professionalised and
The
``Americanisation
myth
1101
modernised in their own right (Scammell, 1997) or whether they have become
Americanised (Semetko el a/, 1991) either through observance of American
campaigns or trans-human trade in political consultants and party executives.
Party executives have typically moved between the (US) Democratic Party and
the (UK) Labour Party (particularly during the 1992, 1997 British General
Elections and in the 1992, 1996 American Presidential Elections) and the (UK)
Conservative Party and the (US) Republican Party during the same periods.
It has been argued that political communication in Britain has moved in an
``American direction (Semetko el a/, 1991) with a tendency to communicate
more pragmatic policies. Swanson and Mancini (1996, p. 268) state that modern
campaigning methods (presumably in the EU since this was the focus of their
study) approximate more closely to a US archetype than a US model. Thus, ``we
would expect to find significant variation between electoral practices in
different countries and ample possibilities for local adaptation. Plasser (1999)
disagrees arguing that whilst there have clearly been American influences on
European elections, as yet, there is no proof for a ``directional convergence and
diffusion process which the proponents of the ``Americanisation concept
claim. Western European campaigns have modernised in their own right but
have adopted the most useful US campaign techniques with modifications to
take into account the special circumstances operating using a so-called
``shopping model approach (see Plasser el a/, 1999). Thus, ``American style
methods are likely to be incorporated into foreign electioneering in those
countries where electoral conditions are most similar (Scammell, 1997).
Bowler and Farrell (1998) argue that it is not clear whether American
technologies have changed what campaigns are about (i.e. the ``product) or
how messages are delivered (i.e. distributed and communicated). Examples of
transatlantic practices adopted in UK political campaigning include the use of
rapid rebuttal and opposition research, with both the Labour Party and the
Conservative Party purchasing software for computer systems which later
became known in the media as Excalibur and Broadsword. Other examples of
US practices adopted in the UK include a greater predilection for the use of
market research techniques to test and design policy (see Baines, 2000).
Infra-structural and contextual factors operating in Western Europe have
affected the diffusion of US political marketing practice. Principally, these have
been said to include: the electoral system and structure of party competition,
whether the campaign is candidate or party-centred, the nature and structure of
regulation, restrictions on media and paid advertising, the structure of the
media, and the strengths and distinctiveness of national cultures (Scammell,
1997); the length of the election campaign, the presidential versus the
parliamentary system, the commercial versus the public service broadcasting
system, the predominantly local or regional press versus the national and more
strongly partisan press (Semetko el a/, 1991, p. 18); the degree of modernisation
in society (Plasser el a/, 1999); and the level of finance available to campaigns
(Baines, Plasser, and Scheucher, 1999). The Appendix provides an overview of
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1102
the highly complex regulatory considerations under which European political
parties are operating in their domestic political markets.
The increased funding available in US campaigns has led to the greater use
of direct mail for voter persuasion, and quantitative opinion polling to pre-test
and track broadcast adverts and voter opinion in contrast to countries in
Western Europe where broadcast advertising is largely prohibited, press and
billboard advertising is seldom pre-tested and tracked, and polling is used more
for the determination of a partys ``market-share. In Britain, regulations on
campaign expenditure prohibit ``excessive spending by political parties
nationally and in the constituencies[2]. In the USA, a private TV system
operates, whereas most European countries operate under state-owned
broadcasting networks or some hybrid of the two. The US context allows the
purchase of unlimited political broadcasts, whereas, in Europe, paid political
broadcast ads are either legally restricted or forbidden by law (Kaid and Holtz-
Bacha, 1995).
Recently, the increasing competition amongst public and private (satellite
and terrestrial) TV networks, and the increasing global convergence of the
software, media, Internet and communication industries, has ensured the
development of a process of political communication which is increasingly
moving towards that of its media-driven US counterpart (Plasser el a/, 1999)
although the extent to which US techniques can be transferred is currently
limited because British newspaper and broadcasting organisations are ``more
varied and ``more sophisticated (Jones, 1997, p. 125). The dominance of the
BBC in UK broadcasting could be argued to ensure more ``sophisticated
programming in terms of content on both radio and TV. Similarly, the print
news organisations in the UK are generally more national than their US
counterparts (e.g. Da//v Ma//, The 5un, The T/mes), although this point should
not be overstated since there are a number of large circulation newspapers in
the USA (e.g. The Neu Ycr/ T/mes, The Tash/nglcn lcsl).
Caspi (1996) argues that ```Americanisation could be considered a sufficient,
but not a necessary or required, condition for political modernisation whilst
modernisation advocates suggest that UK campaign expertise is sought after in
its own right by campaign executives in other Western democracies:
Sir Tim Bell, Gallup, and Saatchi personnel active in the Conservative campaign in 1992, have
been employed by parties fighting elections in Russia and South Africa in 1993 and 1994.
Conservative Party officials helped in the Bush campaign in Autumn 1992, while Labours
Philip Gould worked on the Clinton campaign and has advised many West European socialist
parties (Blumler el a/, 1996, p. 57).
Glob alisation versus adaptation: a services marketing perspective
Internationalisation in service companies, because of their predominance in
Western economies, is an important research field and yet ``there are very few
published studies on the subject (Evardsson el a/, 1993). US international
service firms are usually successful operators in their own domestic market
prior to internationalising (Lovelock and Yip, 1996) usually providing a
The
``Americanisation
myth
1103
competitive domestic offering (Evardsson el a/, 1993) because of the need to
cater for such a heterogeneous market in the USA. When deciding to operate
overseas, important strategic decisions include deciding which foreign markets
to enter and how encompassing market analysis and selection, and which
market entry method to utilise. ``It is more a question of selecting a suitable
market and marketing culture (Evardsson el a/, 1993). Although there are
many entry methods (e.g. indirect and direct export, licensing, franchising,
foreign production, etc.) determining which one is to be used depends on the
degree to which a firm decides to adapt its services to the new market. The
internationalisation process encapsulates a number of sequential stages
including domestic service provision, domestic provision of services to foreign
clients (not relevant here because of protectionist nature of political markets[3]),
foreign service provision through export (e.g. transhuman exports and wired
using ICTs exports), overseas service production using a domestic service
template, and establishment of an overseas service production facility (Roberts,
1999).
Levitt (1983) argues, in an article more concerned with products than
services, that ``companies must learn to operate as if the world were one large
market ignoring superficial regional and national differences because of the
impacts of communication and transport technologies. Kotler (1997) suggests
that ``global standardisation is not an all-or-nothing proposition but a matter of
degree and so even with such global brands as Coca-Cola or McDonalds there
is still some standardisation (e.g. the incorporation of pineapple in Cokes
``secret formula in Indonesia and McDonalds serving of beer in continental
European restaurants). Even with these great bastions of standardisation, some
adaptation has been necessary.
Proponents of adaptation point to physical, political, legal, cultural, and
economic differences in national markets affecting product usage and
conditions (Wind, 1986). In a political marketing context such contextual
differences have been said to include: campaign orientation (whether national
or local); campaign focus (party or candidate); communication infrastructure
(regulated or unregulated); organisational structure (party executives or sub-
contracted consultants) and source of fund-raising (private, public or some
hybrid) (Baines, Harris and Newman, 1999). The standardisation debate has
tended to consider the exporters perspective, considering the intermediaries in
foreign markets, rather than the consumers (Reichel, 1989). In a political
marketing context, this would suggest that adapting American political
campaign consulting services for European political parties without expressly
considering their impact upon, and degree of acceptance by, the national
European electorates might be an unwise approach.
The debate in marketing has largely been concerned with how to adapt and
standardise the marketing mix. Huszagh el a/ (1985) suggest that this occurs
sequentially starting with the product, then promotion, then price and finally
distribution. Other writers (see Keegan, 1995) suggest some combination of
adaptation and standardisation of the different components of the marketing
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1104
mix. Ultimately, the degree of standardisation adopted determines whether a
firm becomes a domestic, an international, a multinational or a transnational
operator[4] (see Dahringer and Muhlbacher, 1991). Multi-national firms may
exercise process standardisation (i.e. non-product components) whilst global
(transnational) firms are more likely to pursue programme (more product-
related) standardisation (Samiee and Roth, 1992). Information-based services
(such as political consultancy) as opposed to people-processing and
possession-processing based services (see Lovelock and Yip, 1996) enable the
delivery of core service components through remote terminals. This, however,
requires some of the work to be done by the overseas client, and requires ``a
transformation of customer participation as a resource of the service
production system (Bancel-Charensol, 1999).
To some extent, the debate is hampered by the limited discussion of the
nature of political marketing from the perspective of the product or service
marketing mix (see OLeary and Iredale (1976), for an early consideration of the
former) although there is some discussion of the nature of the political product
(see Reid, 1988; OShaughnessy, 1990; Lock and Harris, 1996; Egan, 1999) and
the political marketing process (OShaughnessy, 1990; Butler and Collins, 1994,
1999; Baines, Plasser and Scheucher, 1999).
Methodology and sample design
The data reported on in this article was obtained in the second phase of a three-
phase qualitative experience survey study currently being conducted by one of
the authors into the transferability of US political marketing techniques to UK
political campaigns. The interview topics used had been determined and
informed by previous interviews with American political consultants in the
first phase of the study conducted in January 1998 with 34 US political
consultants and reported elsewhere in more detail (see Baines and Egan, 2000).
The research was designed in this phase to determine the inherent problems
associated with transferring US political marketing methods to UK political
campaigning and the exploratory data presented here provide avenues for
further research. Multiple data sources (interviews, articles, professional
commentary) and theoretical perspectives from various disciplines (e.g.
marketing, political science and communication studies) have been considered.
The research was interpretive in that the researchers pre-understanding
played an important role in the analysis of the interview transcripts (see
Gummesson, 2000). The data collected are non-quantitative and interpretations
are based on existing theory and personal experience (see Baines, 1996).
US political consultants who had worked at a senior level at the 1997 UK
general election on party campaigns were a very rare breed. Nevertheless,
through the contacts that the first-phase respondents had with other US
political consultants, a small sample of potential respondents was obtained
through referral. Three highly credible, very senior, American political
consultants who had worked for two of the three major British political parties
(i.e. Labour and the Liberal Democrats) were eventually selected. Interviews
The
``Americanisation
myth
1105
with three prominent UK ``Americanisation academics were also conducted to
enhance the sample and provide a theoretical balance to the practical
perspective for the purpose of theory building. Table I provides details of the
respondents. The respondents were selected because of their considerable
experience in their area and standing in the industry (professional respondents)
or in academe (academic respondents).
The interview approach adopted was interpretivist, and the interview data
collected was collaborative (see Holstein and Staples, 1992). Some general
topics were introduced initially and other lines of questioning were used as the
conversation developed and opportunities arose. Telephone interviews were
used for the three (resident) American political consultants whilst the three
interviews with the academics were conducted /n s/lu, in Manchester,
Cambridge and London. All six interviews lasted 45 minutes and the basic
topics covered were the same. It could be argued that the data obtained from a
telephone depth-interview interview might differ from data obtained in a
personal depth-interview depending on whether one adopts a positivist or
social constructionist perspective. However, because of the very limited
availability of the interviewees and their location, the conduct of personal
interviews was not feasible.
To increase the validity of the qualitative data, the researchers interviewed
the respondents /n s/lu (de Ruyter and Scholl, 1998), taped and transcribed the
interviews and provided respondents with a copy of the interview for checking
Table I.
Details of respondents
Respondent Organisation Role
Nicholas
OShaughnessy
Cambridge University Has conducted research into the
phenomenon of US political marketing see
bibliography
Margaret Scammell London School of
Economics
Has conducted research into the
``Americanisation of UK political
campaigning see bibliography
David Farrell Manchester
University
Has conducted research into comparative
political campaigning, especially importance
of electoral systems and the
internationalisation of US political
consultancy see bibliography
Mark Mellman The Mellman Group President of the Mellman Group, advisor to
the Labour party during the 1997 British
general election
Rick Ridder Ridder/Braden Inc. President of the International Association of
Political Consultants (1999), advisor to the
Liberal Democrats during the 1997 British
general election
Stan Greenberg GGC/NOP Ltd. Key Clinton campaign advisor during the
1992, 1996 American presidential elections,
senior advisor to the Labour Party during
the 1997 British general election
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1106
(Miles and Hubermann, 1994). NUDIST data analysis software was used for
coding purposes in addition to thorough readings of the transcripts.
Thus, the semi-structured interview approach /n s/lu, the method of
sampling and the relatively structured method of coding using NUDIST would
indicate that a social constructivist approach has been adopted. There are also
elements of other qualitative approaches. However, this is relatively common
as ``qualitative research is inherently multi-method in focus (Flick, 1998, p. 229)
and there is ``frequently a commitment to use more than one interpretive
practice in any study (Denzin and Lincoln, 2000).
Findings from the in- depth interviews
Comments made by academics and consultants mainly centred on infra-
structural and contextual differences in the two operating environments (i.e. the
US and UK political markets) and how this affected campaigning practice. There
was a strong degree of commonality of many of the issues raised by the
respondents indicating a high degree of reliability in the data. An attempt to
portray this reliability is indicated through multiple citation of similar comments
by different sources. The concepts mentioned are considered further in the
following sections: financing the campaign; campaign organisation, experience
and professionalism; political advertising, message development and research;
and media management, opposition research and freedom of information.
I/nan/ng lhe ama/gn
US campaigns tend to be financed through funds raised by the candidate rather
than through party dues (Farrell Interview) whilst the time spent on fund-
raising is ``trivial in comparison to the UK (Greenberg Interview) because of
the lack of a need to pay for private broadcast advertising (OShaughnessy
Interview). Direct marketing is becoming more and more important as a fund-
raising tool (Scammell Interview) although it has come to the UK much later
than in the USA (OShaughnessy Interview). The type of message appeal used
in the USA is more emotional than perhaps would be tolerated in the UK:
With direct mail, its how emotional, how hyperbolic, how lurid can we make this mailshot?
Now it seems that they may well be exhausting the tolerance and patience of the voters. The
question arises whether the same method can be repeated ad infinitum. But this culture, I
think, is far less receptive to that kind of appeal (OShaughnessy Interview).
Telephone fund-raisers, ``a major part of the American political scene, are used
relatively less in the UK because of local (and now national) expenditure
ceilings (OShaughnessy interview). A philanthropic citizen ethos exists in the
USA in donating to political campaigns. The source of finance in the UK is
principally invisible, whereas in the USA, it is far more visible (OShaughnessy
interview).
Cama/gn crgan/sal/cn, exer/ene and rc/ess/cna//sm
US campaigns are predominantly candidate-oriented whilst UK campaigns are
party-oriented (Farrell, Mellman, OShaughnessy, Ridder interviews). Thus, the
personal vote that US candidates receive in the USA is far higher than in the UK
The
``Americanisation
myth
1107
(Ridder Interview). The campaign organisation in the USA is more
``professionalised, ``temporary (Farrell interview) and ``independent (Greenberg
interview) whilst UK party organisations are ``amateur (OShaughnessy
interview) and ``more permanent (Farrell interview). Campaign personnel in the
USA, probably because they tend to be sub-contracted, were more ``independent
(Scammell interview), ``more experienced (Ridder interview) and ``specialised
(Farrell interview) than their UK counterparts because of the longer campaign
periods in which they were used to working (Greenberg interview). In the UK,
party executives conducted some of the roles performed by US consultants
(Farrell interview) and they tended to be ``ideologically-tied to their parties
unlike their US counterparts (Scammell interview).
Nevertheless, UK political campaigns have become more professional,
perhaps as a function of transatlantic influence, as the following quotes would
suggest:
[With Blairs] campaign he was able to resource his own office, therefore that helped him to
present himself. What you got, in essence, was something that is not a million miles away
from the American model (Farrell interview).
Well, its very, very difficult to find a campaign that hasnt had an American influence these
days. America has been operating for some time as a role model. Certainly, since the
beginning of television (Scammell interview).
The implication is that transhuman export between US and UK campaigns lies
behind the increasing ``Americanisation trend:
We have to remember that there was a great deal of traffic between New Labour and their
Democrat friends in Washington (OShaughnessy interview).
Greenberg further demonstrates the application (albeit somewhat modified) of
US campaign organisation, and ``Americanisation, in UK campaigns:
The Blair campaign had a campaign manager, Peter Mandelson. It had a general consultant,
Philip Gould, and we worked together and I did the polling but the ad agency, although it was
important was not part of the strategic operation because advertising did not have that role.
They also have a different kind of role for the politicians. Gordon Brown and Tony Blair led
their own campaigns, they were not simply spokespeople. They were very much part of the
campaign strategy which is not true for candidates in the United States (Greenberg
Interview).
However, Greenberg suggests that perhaps the UK has reached its limits in
terms of the influence that the American model of political marketing should
have on its UK counterpart.
There are some thresholds that have been crossed in Britain, which were important to cross.
You need to take communication seriously and that means respecting voters. But Im not sure
that taking it to the next step of professionalism would improve the campaign. Im not sure
what criteria for improvement is. If the criterion for improvement is increasing participation
then we are using the wrong model (Greenberg interview).
lc//l/a/ adterl/s/ng, message dete/cmenl and researh
Political advertising in the UK differs considerably from that of the USA. There
is a ``lot of money devoted to paid advertising (Greenberg interview) and more
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1108
emphasis on direct marketing (Mellman interview) in contrast to the UK where
earned media (publicity) is a greater priority (Ridder interview) and there is
more emphasis placed on print advertising (Mellman interview). Political TV
broadcasts differ in that 30-second spots are used in the USA compared to
``party programmes in the UK (Mellman interview). The large number of TV
broadcasts in the US ensure ``a back and forth dialogue that is much less
apparent in the UK (Mellman interview). The messages used in advertising also
tend to be more issue-based as opposed to personality-based (Mellman
interview) ``pragmatic and ``voter-oriented (Farrell, OShaughnessy
interview) than the ideological messages more usual in UK political campaign
communications. Negative advertising is a dominant feature of American
campaigns (OShaughnessy, Greenberg interviews) whilst communication
strategy is filtered through journalists more in the UK (Greenberg interview). In
the USA, advertising spots contain material that is negative, actively attacking
an opposition politicians personal record or character. This is less likely to
occur in the UK.
We attacked the Tories, John Major, but it had to be done partially through press conferences
and filtered through journalists and, if journalists decided it was out of bounds, it didnt work.
[In the US], paid advertising is permissive for campaigns to, kind of, push the envelope[5] on
the kind of damage they can do to their opponent (Greenberg interview).
Speaking in a 30-second spot is an act of concentrated character assassination and that is a
recurrent feature of American campaigning (OShaughnessy interview).
Often advertising spots in the USA engage in dialogue with opposition
politicians (and give the whole campaign a feeling of gamesmanship) in
contrast with the party election broadcasts operated by British television
networks as the following comment illustrates:
Often [in the UK] the program is planned fairly far in advance, certainly before you know
whats being done by the opposition that week. So there isnt the same kind of back and forth
dialogue . . . where spots actually are very directly, very consciously, very specifically,
responding to allegations or messages in the opponents spots (Mellman interview).
There is a ``greater reliance (Ridder interview), or even an over-reliance
(Mellman interview), on the use of focus groups in the UK for message
development purposes (Scammell interview) compared to the USA possibly
because of ``the relatively lower degree of homogeneity amongst voters there
(Farrell interview). US political research companies tend to make more use of
projective questioning in these groups when they are conducted (Scammell
interview). Messages are more frequently tested in the USA (Scammell
interview) and ``arise out of the market research (OShaughnessy interview)
with ``statistically modelling of image positions, perceptions and arguments
(Mellman interview).
In the USA, political communication has more to do with symbolism and the
higher degree of importance with which the American people view the
marketing imperative in their society than in the UK. ``They are voting in a civil
war of values (OShaughnessy interview). Scammell explains that political
The
``Americanisation
myth
1109
communication in the UK, particularly that conducted by the British Labour
party, has adopted some of this symbolic inflationism.
You are seeing the development of warmer, more personal, non-political language . . . It is
certainly a reasonably clear idea that its not enough just to have the right words. You have to
load it down with all the right visual imagery and the right emotional imagery. Its certainly
new in [British] politics (Scammell interview).
Med/a managemenl, ccs/l/cn researh and /reedcm c/ /n/crmal/cn
The lesser degree of emphasis on TV communication in the UK places greater
primacy on earned media than in the USA (Mellman, Ridder interviews). The
UK press plays a greater role in criticising the policies and statements made by
political parties (Greenberg Interview) and tends to be ``mischievous, national
and anarchic in comparison to a ``tamer, local and provincial press in the
USA (OShaughnessy interview). Opposition research is conducted by
(OShaughnessy interview), and ``is fed through, the press (Greenberg
interview) in the UK whereas in the USA it also feeds into paid advertising
spots (Greenberg interview). Opposition research is limited in the UK because
of the absence of a freedom of information bill (Farrell interview) unlike in the
USA, perhaps because the population ``places a greater emphasis on privacy
(OShaughnessy interview) and, therefore, ``parties have less ready access to
information (OShaughnessy interview). The result is that opposition research
in the USA can be ``incredibly personal (Scammell interview).
It is very much more guerrilla activity in the US than it is here. Here, it is much different. It
really has taken campaigning a firm step down the warfare, as opposed to the marketing,
route. I really cant see that happening here (Scammell interview).
In the USA and the UK, the Internet, and media in general, is also impacting
upon the business environment as media markets fragment (Farrell interview).
The communication and distribution of electoral information is impacted upon
strongly by the developing nature of ICTs (Interactive and Communication
Technologies) as Greenberg outlines:
The Clinton campaign created a culture around information . . . controlling it and moving
rapidly in disseminating it was central to winning. I think that culture infused the Blair
campaign (Greenberg interview).
Trans/erene c/ ama/gn exerl/se
What is clear from the interviews is that political marketing is not developing
in isolation in the USA and being transferred slowly to the UK. Political
marketing methods are also being developed in the UK.
Well, a lot of this stuff just isnt transferable . . . I have to be honest, most of the techniques
that have been cultivated in the United States are very closely tied to the amount of money
that are part of US campaigns and, therefore, make them almost irrelevant to Britain
(Greenberg interview).
However, campaign expertise is not all that can be, or is, transferred to UK
campaigns.
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1110
The thing that I think is most transferable is not so much the marketing campaign, but from
the Clinton campaign, was the notion that the left can be tough-minded, progressive, fast,
flexible, they can construct an organisation that can give people confidence in the lefts
capacity to govern (Greenberg interview).
UK campaign expertise is more likely to develop relatively independently of the
USA with some small degree of interdependence, making it an appealing
campaigning model to other political parties operating in similar political
systems.
Labour, in particular, since 1997 has become a model as much as Clinton [has]. The sets of
constraints that Labour are facing are a lot closer to other European countries, Australia and
New Zealand who are definitely coming over and asking to see New Labour. Labour is
developing as a world role model every bit as much as Clinton [is] (Scammell interview).
Discussion
The interviews illustrate a number of inherent differences between the way
political marketing is operated in the USA and the UK. Direct marketing
methods, as fund-raising media, are used more in the USA than the UK to
provide the higher degree of funding necessary for the production of expensive
broadcast advertisements that are the mainstay of US political marketing. The
increased degree of activity, and the greater number of campaigns operating
over longer periods of time, require skilled labour which has resulted in the
development of a strong political consulting industry. The public service
broadcast ethos in the UK has resulted in less demand for finance and has
placed greater emphasis on broadcast message diffusion through publicity
(earned media) via the broadcast and print press. In the USA, opposition
research feeds into both political adverts and into the press whereas, in the UK,
it supplies the press more and has not traditionally been intertwined with party
election broadcasts in the same way. Opposition research is also much easier to
collect in the USA since the public sector is subject to freedom of information
legislation where its UK counterpart is currently not.
The substantial differences in the contextual nature of the UK political
market t/sa t/s the US political market, the infrequency and limited duration of
the election campaigns, and the limits placed on local and national party
expenditure ensure that UK elections remain an unattractive market for
US consultants in fee earning terms. Considering the similarity of regulation
in many other European countries (see Appendix), it is unlikely that US
international consultants would be interested in targeting single European
markets. However, the European union countries do represent a significant
opportunity (particularly with enlargement taking in parts of Eastern
Europe) en masse. The challenge for US international consultants is to be able
to offer either a core standardised service that takes into account the basic
needs of these different markets, or to customise their offerings for each
country. In the former case, the areas of exportable US expertise of most use to
European political parties include knowledge concerning the message
development and research interface, research and voter data collection, a
The
``Americanisation
myth
1111
modified approach to opposition research for feeding into either news
management or political advertising spots (where appropriate) and a modified
approach to direct marketing methods for the purpose of fund-raising,
primarily, and voter persuasion in those countries where campaign expenditure
rules permit.
In each case, the process can be standardised for the different countries
although it is unlikely that one service product would be appropriate for all
markets as the US political consumer differs considerably from the political
consumer in individual European political markets (see Granberg and
Holmberg, 1995). Offering a core service, possibly in conjunction with other
service offerings (e.g. lobbying, strategic marketing research, cause-related
marketing and media consultancy work) to non-political or social clients, might
then facilitate the increasing ``Americanisation of appropriate aspects of US
political campaigning expertise. This service could be offered in conjunction
with overseas partners (direct export).
The suggestion of offering customised services to European parties,
effectively a continuation of the status quo, would probably be better served by
indirect export methods with consultants operating out of the USA. In such a
case, it could be argued that there is less of a risk of the ``Americanisation of
European political campaigning since US international consultants are more
likely to act as general consultants to party apparatchiks, and where they
perform a task (such as polling or media consulting) this product will need to be
modified to take into account the political context of the market.
Conclusion
``Americanisation of political campaigning in Western Europe is currently
predominantly affected by US international political consultants operating in
domestic European markets using indirect export methods and sometimes,
depending on experience, a poorly customised service product. It is mainly to
this form of ``Americanisation that the existing literature refers. American
international political consultants entering the European political market using
direct export methods (e.g. overseas branches) and promoting a standardised
core service product incorporating local adaptations would probably have
greater success in obtaining European clients. In such cases, political
campaigning practice might then evolve differently and affect democracy
differently. The question which needs to be asked is: ``what would be the effect
on democracy if US political consultants used direct export methods for
political consulting?
Future researches, which would cast more light on this topic, include a
topography of the international political consulting profession and their clients,
systematic empirical research into the nature of the political consulting service
product and its degree of standardisation and customisation when exported,
and the impact upon the various European electorates of the use of individual
(modified or otherwise) US techniques.
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1112
Notes
1. The main areas of professional political consulting (relating to electoral campaigns)
expertise include: general consulting (comprising a strategic and organisational role), direct
mail consultancy (for both voter persuasion and fund-raising purposes), media consulting
(incorporating the production and placement of broadcast advertising), opinion polling
(corresponding to a market research role in its commercial counterpart), the collection of
opposition research (whose closest commercial counterpart is market and competitive
intelligence) and fund-raising consultants. Other services offered by some consultancies
include expertise in lobbying, cause-related marketing and social marketing programmes.
2. Constituency spending is currently regulated under the 1986 Representation of the People
Act whilst national party expenditure comes under the 2000 Elections, Political Parties and
Referendums Act.
3. Electoral arrangements for member countries of the European union preclude individual
countries parties from running in other member states elections. This, effectively,
operates as a highly protectionist market.
4. A domestic firm sees domestic markets as being of primary importance, an international
firm sees overseas markets as a logical extension of the domestic market (and therefore
adopts an adapted approach to overseas markets primarily based on domestic
circumstances), a multi-national firm sees overseas markets as being separate, distinct
markets requiring adaptation, and transnational firms ``strive for product market linkages
that cross national boundaries (Dahringer and Muhlbacher, 1991).
5. American colloquialism meaning to go beyond the boundaries of common practice.
References
Baines, P.R. (1996), ``The relevance of strategic marketing planning for political parties,
unpublished MPhil thesis, Manchester School of Management, UMIST, Manchester.
Baines, P.R. (2000), Mar/el/ng Managemenl and lc//l/a/ Cama/gn/ng /n lhe l5. lm//al/cns
/cr lK lc//l/a/ larl/es, unpublished PhD thesis, Manchester School of Management,
UMIST, Manchester.
Baines, P.R. and Egan, J. (2000), ``Marketing and political campaigning: mutually exclusive or
exclusively mutual?, lrceed/ngs c/ lhe Aademv c/ Mar/el/ng Ccn/erene, 5-7 July,
University of Derby, Derby.
Baines, P.R., Harris, P. and Newman, B.I. (1999), ``New realpolitik: political campaigning and the
application of political marketing across cultures, lrceed/ngs c/ lhe Eurcean Mar/el/ng
Aademv Ccn/erene, May, Humboldt University, Berlin.
Baines, P.R., Plasser, F. and Scheucher, C. (1999), ``Operationalising political marketing: a
comparison of US and Western European consultants and managers, D/suss/cn laer
5er/es, Vol. 7, Middlesex University Business School, London.
Bancel-Charensol, L. (1999), ``Impacts of information and communication technologies on service
production systems, The 5ert/es lnduslr/es }curna/, Vol. 19 No. 4, pp. 147-57.
Blumler, J.G., Kavanagh, D. and Nossiter, T.J. (1996), ``Modern communications versus traditional
politics in Britain: unstable marriage of convenience, in Swanson, D.L. and Mancini, P.
(Eds), lc//l/s, Med/a and Mcdern Demcrav. An lnlernal/cna/ 5ludv /n E/elcra/
Cama/gn/ng and The/r Ccnseuenes, Praeger, London.
Bowler, S. and Farrell, D.M. (Eds) (1992), E/elcra/ 5lraleg/es and lc//l/a/ Mar/el/ng, Macmillan
Publishing, London.
Bowler, S. and Farrell, D.M. (1998), ``The internationalisation of election campaign consultancy,
paper presented at the conference on The Role of Political Consultants in Elections, June,
National Press Club, Washington, DC.
Butler, P. and Collins, N. (1994), ``Political marketing: structure and process, Eurcean }curna/ c/
Mar/el/ng, Vol. 28 No. 1, pp. 19-34.
The
``Americanisation
myth
1113
Butler, P. and Collins, N. (1999), ``A conceptual framework for political marketing, in Newman,
B.I. (Ed. ), Hand/cc/ c/ lc//l/a/ Mar/el/ng, Sage Publications, London, pp. 55-72.
Caspi, D. (1996), ``American-style electioneering in Israel: Americanisation versus
modernisation, in Swanson, D.L. and Mancini, P. (Eds), lc//l/s, Med/a, and Mcdern
Demcrav. An lnlernal/cna/ 5ludv c/ lnnctal/cns /n E/elcra/ Cama/gn/ng and The/r
Ccnseuenes, Praeger, London.
Churchill, A. (1996), ``Marketing political consultants: follow your own advice, Cama/gns and
E/el/cns, February, pp. 52-3.
Dahringer, L.D. and Muhlbacher, H. (1991), lnlernal/cna/ Mar/el/ng. A (/c/a/ lersel/te,
Addison-Wesley, Wokingham, p. 48.
Denzin, N.K. and Lincoln, Y.S. (2000), ``Introduction: the discipline and practice of qualitative
research, in Denzin, N.K. and Lincoln, Y.S. (Eds), Hand/cc/ c/ (ua//lal/te Researh, 2nd
ed., Sage Publications, London.
de Ruyter, K. and Scholl, N. (1998), ``Positioning qualitative market research: reflections from
theory and practice, (ua//lal/te Mar/el Researh. An lnlernal/cna/ }curna/, Vol. 1 No. 1,
pp. 7-14.
Egan, J. (1999), ``Political marketing: lessons from the mainstream, }curna/ c/ Mar/el/ng
Managemenl, Vol. 15 No. 6, pp. 495-504.
Evardsson, B., Edvinsson, L. and Nystrom, H. (1993), ``Internationalisation in service companies,
The 5ert/e lnduslr/es }curna/, Vol. 13 No. 1, pp. 80-97.
Farrell, D.M. (1996), ``Campaign strategies and tactics, in LeDuc, L., Niemi, R.G. and Norris, P.
(Eds), Ccmar/ng Demcra/es. E/el/cns and Vcl/ng /n (/c/a/ lersel/te, Sage, Newbury
Park, CA.
Farrell, D.M. (1998), ``Political consultancy overseas: the internationalisation of campaign
consultancy, lc//l/a/ 5/ene & lc//l/s, Vol. 31, pp. 171-8.
Flick, U. (1998), An lnlrcdul/cn lc (ua//lal/te Researh. Thecrv, Melhcd and A//al/cns, Sage
Publications, London.
Granberg, D. and Holmberg, S. (1995), The lc//l/a/ 5vslem Mallers. 5c/a/ lsvhc/cgv and Vcl/ng
8ehat/cur /n 5ueden and lhe l5, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 212-19.
Gummesson, E. (2000), (ua//lal/te Melhcds /n Managemenl Researh, 2nd ed., Sage Publications,
London, p.178.
Holstein, J.A. and Staples, W.G. (1992), ``Producing evaluative knowledge: the interactional basis
of social science findings, 5c/c/cg/a/ Enu/rv, Vol. 62, pp. 11-35.
Huszagh, S.M., Fox, R.J. and Day, E. (1985), ``Global marketing: an empirical investigation,
Cc/cm//a }curna/ c/ Tcr/d 8us/ness, Winter, pp. 31-43.
Jones, N. (1997), Hcu lhe (enera/ E/el/cn Tas Tcn and Lcsl. Cama/gn 1997, Indigo Press,
London.
Kaid, L.L and Holtz-Bacha, C. (Eds) (1995), lc//l/a/ Adterl/s/ng /n Teslern Demcra/es, Sage
Publications, Newbury Park, CA.
Kavanagh, D. (1995), E/el/cn Cama/gn/ng. The Neu Mar/el/ng c/ lc//l/s, Blackwell
Publishers, Oxford.
Keegan, W.J. (1995), (/c/a/ Mar/el/ng Managemenl, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.
Kotler, P. (1997), Mar/el/ng Managemenl, 9th ed., Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, pp. 403-28.
Levitt, T. (1983), ``The globalisation of markets, Hartard 8us/ness Ret/eu, May-June, pp. 92-102.
Lock, A. and Harris, P. (1996), ``Political marketing: vive la difference, Eurcean }curna/ c/
Mar/el/ng, Vol. 30 No. 10/11, pp. 21-31.
Lovelock, C.H. and Yip, G. (1996), ``Globalising services marketing, in Lovelock (Ed. ), 5ert/es
Mar/el/ng, 3rd ed., Prentice-Hall, London, pp. 534-61.
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1114
Miles, M.B. and Hubermann, A.M. (1994), (ua//lal/te Dala Ana/vs/s. An Exanded 5cure/cc/,
Sage Publications, London.
Negrine, R. and Papathanasopoulos, S. (1996), ``The `Americanisation of political communication: a
critique, The Hartard lnlernal/cna/ }curna/ c/ lress/lc//l/s, Vol. 1, February, pp. 45-62.
Newman, B.I (1988), ``A services oriented strategic framework for politicians lrceed/ngs c/ lhe
7lh Annua/ De/s/cn 5/ene lnsl/lule Teslern Reg/cna/ Ccn/erene, Decision Science
Institute, Honolulu, HI, pp. 192-5.
ODonnell, S. and Jeong, I. (2000), ``Marketing standardisation within global industries: an
empirical study of performance indicators, lnlernal/cna/ Mar/el/ng Ret/eu, Vol. 17 No. 1,
pp. 1-11.
OLeary, R. and Iredale, I. (1976), ``The marketing concept: quo vadis?, Eurcean }curna/ c/
Mar/el/ng, Vol. 10 No. 3, pp. 146-57.
OShaughnessy, N. (1990), The lhencmencn c/ lc//l/a/ Mar/el/ng, Macmillan Press, London.
Plasser, F. (1999), ``Tracing the worldwide proliferation of American campaign techniques,
paper presented at the Annual Conference of the International Association of Political
Consultants (IAPC), 8-10 November, Milano.
Plasser, F., Scheucher, C. and Senft, C. (1999), ``Is there a European style of political marketing? A
survey of political managers and consultants, in Newman, B.I. (Ed.), Hand/cc/ c/ lc//l/a/
Mar/el/ng, Sage, Newbury Park, CA.
Reichel, J. (1989), ``How can marketing be successfully standardised for the European market?,
Eurcean }curna/ c/ Mar/el/ng, Vol. 23 No. 7, pp. 60-7.
Reid, D.M. (1988), ``Marketing the political product, Eurcean }curna/ c/ Mar/el/ng, Vol. 22
No. 9, pp. 34-47.
Roberts, J. (1999), ``The internationalisation of business service firms: a stages approach, The
5ert/e lnduslr/es }curna/, Vol. 19 No. 4, pp. 68-88.
Sabato, L.J. (1981), The R/se c/ lc//l/a/ Ccnsu/lanls. Neu Tavs c/ T/nn/ng E/el/cns, Basic
Books, New York, NY.
Samiee, S. and Roth, K. (1992), ``The influence of global marketing standardisation on
performance, }curna/ c/ Mar/el/ng, Vol. 56, April, pp. 1-17.
Scammell, M. (1997), ``The wisdom of the war room: US-campaigning and Americanization, }can
5hcrensle/n Cenlre cn lress, lc//l/s and lu/// lc//v Researh laer R17, Harvard
University, Cambridge, MA, April.
Semetko, H.A., Blumler, J.G., Gurevitch, M. and Weaver, D.H. with Barkin, S. and Wilhoit, G.C.
(1991), The Icrmal/cn c/ Cama/gn Agenda, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hillsdale, NJ.
Swanson, D.L. and Mancini, P. (1996), ``Patterns of modern electoral campaigning and their
consequences, in Swanson, D.L. and Mancini, P. (Eds), lc//l/s, Med/a, and Mcdern
Demcrav. An lnlernal/cna/ 5ludv c/ lnnctal/cns /n E/elcra/ Cama/gn/ng and The/r
Ccnseuenes, Praeger, London.
Wind, Y. (1986), ``The myth of globalisation, }curna/ c/ Ccnsumer Mar/el/ng, Vol. 3, pp. 23-6.
The
``Americanisation
myth
1115
Appendix. Institutional background of political marketing activities in Western
Europe and the USA
C
o
u
n
t
r
y
E
l
e
c
t
o
r
a
l
s
y
s
t
e
m
i
n
l
o
w
e
r
h
o
u
s
e
a
T
V
o
w
n
e
r
s
h
i
p
b
P
a
i
d
p
o
l
i
t
i
c
a
l
T
V
a
d
s
S
t
a
t
e
s
u
p
p
o
r
t
f
o
r
p
a
r
l
i
a
m
e
n
t
a
r
y
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
a
n
d
p
a
r
t
i
e
s
F
r
e
e
T
V
t
i
m
e
c
F
i
n
a
n
c
i
a
l
s
u
p
p
o
r
t
B
a
n
o
n
p
u
b
l
i
c
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
o
p
i
n
i
o
n
p
o
l
l
r
e
s
u
l
t
s
c
o
n
d
u
c
t
e
d
p
r
i
o
r
t
o
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
s
d
C
a
m
p
a
i
g
n
o
r
i
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n
f
o
r
l
o
w
e
r
h
o
u
s
e
F
i
n
l
a
n
d
P
R
-
m
i
x
e
d
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
Y
e
s
(
n
o
t
o
n
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
s
t
a
t
i
o
n
s
)
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
+
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
N
o
r
w
a
y
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
S
w
e
d
e
n
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
D
e
n
m
a
r
k
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
B
e
l
g
i
u
m
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
T
h
e
N
e
t
h
e
r
l
a
n
d
s
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
Y
e
s
(
n
o
t
o
n
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
s
t
a
t
i
o
n
s
)
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
F
r
a
n
c
e
M
a
j
o
r
i
t
y
-
p
l
u
r
a
l
i
t
y
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
N
o
m
o
d
e
r
a
t
e
Y
e
s
P
a
r
t
y
+
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
G
r
e
a
t
B
r
i
t
a
i
n
F
P
T
P
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
N
o
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
+
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
I
r
e
l
a
n
d
S
T
V
-
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
+
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
G
e
r
m
a
n
y
P
R
-
m
i
x
e
d
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
Y
e
s
(
n
o
t
o
n
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
s
t
a
t
i
o
n
s
)
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
A
u
s
t
r
i
a
P
R
-
m
i
x
e
d
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
(

c
n
l
/
n
u
e
d

Table AI.
European
Journal of
Marketing
35,9/10
1116
C
o
u
n
t
r
y
E
l
e
c
t
o
r
a
l
s
y
s
t
e
m
i
n
l
o
w
e
r
h
o
u
s
e
a
T
V
o
w
n
e
r
s
h
i
p
b
P
a
i
d
p
o
l
i
t
i
c
a
l
T
V
a
d
s
S
t
a
t
e
s
u
p
p
o
r
t
f
o
r
p
a
r
l
i
a
m
e
n
t
a
r
y
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
a
n
d
p
a
r
t
i
e
s
F
r
e
e
T
V
t
i
m
e
c
F
i
n
a
n
c
i
a
l
s
u
p
p
o
r
t
B
a
n
o
n
p
u
b
l
i
c
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
o
p
i
n
i
o
n
p
o
l
l
r
e
s
u
l
t
s
c
o
n
d
u
c
t
e
d
p
r
i
o
r
t
o
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
s
d
C
a
m
p
a
i
g
n
o
r
i
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n
f
o
r
l
o
w
e
r
h
o
u
s
e
S
w
i
t
z
e
r
l
a
n
d
P
R
-
m
i
x
e
d
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
N
o
Y
e
s
P
a
r
t
y
I
t
a
l
y
F
P
T
P
(
3
/
4
)
+
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
Y
e
s
(
n
o
t
o
n
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
T
V
)
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
P
a
r
t
y
+
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
S
p
a
i
n
P
R
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
P
a
r
t
y
P
o
r
t
u
g
a
l
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
P
a
r
t
y
G
r
e
e
c
e
P
R
S
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
+
p
r
i
v
a
t
e
N
o
(
n
o
t
o
n
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
s
t
a
t
i
o
n
s
)
Y
e
s
Y
e
s
N
o
P
a
r
t
y
U
S
A
F
P
T
P
P
r
i
v
a
t
e
Y
e
s
N
o
N
o
N
o
C
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
S
o
u
r
c
e
:
A
d
a
p
t
e
d
f
r
o
m
B
a
i
n
e
s
,
P
l
a
s
s
e
r
a
n
d
S
c
h
e
u
c
h
e
r
(
1
9
9
9
)
N
o
t
e
s
:
a
E
l
e
c
t
o
r
a
l
s
y
s
t
e
m
i
n
l
o
w
e
r
h
o
u
s
e
:
P
R
p
r
o
p
o
r
t
i
o
n
a
l
r
e
p
r
e
s
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n
;
F
P
T
P
f
i
r
s
t
-
p
a
s
t
-
t
h
e
-
p
o
s
t
;
m
i
x
e
d
c
o
m
b
i
n
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
m
a
j
o
r
i
t
y
r
u
l
e
a
n
d
p
r
o
p
o
r
t
i
o
n
a
l
r
e
p
r
e
s
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n
;
m
a
j
o
r
i
t
y
p
l
u
r
a
l
i
t
y
s
y
s
t
e
m
w
i
t
h
r
u
n
-
o
f
f
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
;
S
T
V
s
i
n
g
l
e
t
r
a
n
s
f
e
r
a
b
l
e
v
o
t
e
s
y
s
t
e
m
b
T
V
o
w
n
e
r
s
h
i
p
:
N
a
t
i
o
n
a
l
n
e
t
w
o
r
k
s
o
n
l
y
c
F
r
e
e
T
V
t
i
m
e
:
i
n
m
o
s
t
w
e
s
t
e
r
n
d
e
m
o
c
r
a
c
i
e
s
,
p
a
r
t
i
e
s
a
n
d
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
a
r
e
g
i
v
e
n
f
r
e
e
a
i
r
t
i
m
e
o
n
s
t
a
t
e
-
o
w
n
e
d
T
V
f
o
r
p
a
r
l
i
a
m
e
n
t
a
r
y
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
s
.
I
n
o
t
h
e
r
w
o
r
d
s
,
t
h
e
p
a
r
t
i
e
s
a
n
d
c
a
n
d
i
d
a
t
e
s
a
r
e
p
r
o
v
i
d
e
d
w
i
t
h
f
r
e
e
a
i
r
t
i
m
e
f
o
r
a
c
e
r
t
a
i
n
n
u
m
b
e
r
o
f
T
V
a
d
s
,
d
e
p
e
n
d
i
n
g
o
n
t
h
e
i
r
s
e
a
t
s
i
n
p
a
r
l
i
a
m
e
n
t
.
T
h
i
s
i
s
a
f
o
r
m
o
f
i
n
d
i
r
e
c
t
c
a
m
p
a
i
g
n
f
i
n
a
n
c
i
n
g
b
y
t
h
e
s
t
a
t
e
d
B
a
n
o
n
p
u
b
l
i
c
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
p
o
l
l
r
e
s
u
l
t
s
:
F
r
a
n
c
e

7
d
a
y
s
b
e
f
o
r
e
a
n
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
(
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
s
t
a
k
i
n
g
p
l
a
c
e
o
v
e
r
t
w
o
c
o
n
s
e
c
u
t
i
v
e
S
u
n
d
a
y
s
,
t
h
e
m
o
r
a
t
o
r
i
u
m
i
s
a
c
t
u
a
l
l
y
t
w
o
w
e
e
k
s
)
;
I
t
a
l
y

2
8
d
a
y
s
b
e
f
o
r
e
a
n
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
(
a
l
l
n
a
t
i
o
n
a
l
,
r
e
g
i
o
n
a
l
a
n
d
l
o
c
a
l
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
s
a
n
d
r
e
f
e
r
e
n
d
u
m
s
)
;
P
o
r
t
u
g
a
l

7
d
a
y
s
b
e
f
o
r
e
a
n
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
;
S
p
a
i
n

5
d
a
y
s
b
e
f
o
r
e
a
n
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
;
S
w
i
t
z
e
r
l
a
n
d

7
d
a
y
s
b
e
f
o
r
e
a
n
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
(
n
a
t
i
o
n
a
l
e
l
e
c
t
i
o
n
s
o
n
l
y
,
b
u
t
n
o
t
r
e
f
e
r
e
n
d
u
m
s
)
Table AI.