Changing Vernacular Houses around Varanasi, UP (India) Dr. Ravi S.

Singh
Reader, Department of Geography Faculty of Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi Introduction A house symbolises status. A folk or vernacular1 house is the predominant and outstanding element in the cultural landscape of rural areas. It is rightly observed that it is the symbol of regional character, expressing the distinctive social organisation of its inhabitants, their status and rural economy (cf. Bhattacharya 1972, Tamaskar 1972). In the geographical literature all buildings are collectively termed as house. Of course, they are further classified and categorised, on various bases, for the purpose of their systematic study. The tradition of studying houses and their types has been quite strong in the broader field of cultural geography, particularly in (rural) settlement geography. Interestingly, it received enriching contributions from all three leading schools of geography, namely the German, French and American schools. As a result, it had been one of the most vibrant sub-disciplines of geography. The American school, under the able leadership of Carl Sauer (1889-1975), also played important role in the diffusion of the cultural geographic study of the landscape including the houses and their forms. In India too impact of the international academic fashion flowed in through the works of a few geographers like R.L. Singh (at Varanasi) and the line of pupils, A.B. Mukerji and his students (especially at Chandigarh). Some of them like A.B. Mukerji had received some training in the US. In the post-world war II era, the plethora of research works on different parts of the world stand testimony to the then prevalent trend. In the wake of several changes in the course of disciplinary trends and upcoming areas of investigation, that strong trend of habitat and houses study has undoubtedly weakened with the passage of time. However, their all time relevance calls for reviving and re-starting such studies in order to understand the nature and pattern of change taking place in rural built space. Following this line of argument, the present paper is an attempt to analyse the changes taking place in the Middle Ganga Valley through a case study of rural areas around Varanasi. The paper emphasises on understanding the role played by the distance from a prominent urban centre in effecting the pace of change. Since all associated factors do not have the same influence over time and space; this study also tries to assess relative importance of different factors and their consequences. In the context of field survey, the study will also try to highlight the dynamics of changing houses in northern India in new circumstances emerging together with globalization and changing lifeways. Accordingly, the following discussion is organised in to five main sections: Defining Vernacular, Varanasi Region: The Geographical Personality, Vernacular Houses in Varanasi Region, Changes in Vernacular Houses, and Conclusions. Defining Vernacular The common use of the term vernacular is not the same all the times. Therefore a little clarification is needed to explain the context in which that is used in this paper. The dictionary meaning not of foreign origin or of learned formation and in the context of architecture, concerned with ordinary rather than monumental buildings (CODCE: 1364) worth consideration. It gives clear idea of what does vernacular stand for here. Thus, vernacular houses are those built of traditional materials and in the style of the locality. They are designed originally by amateurs, generally the occupants themselves, going by the local conventions and their own requirements as well as the means available with them. Therefore, the function becomes the most important feature. Tradition guided the construction and local materials were an obvious choice. It was architecture without an architect in contrast to other buildings designed by an architect. Vernacular houses are born out of local building materials and technologies and an architecture that is climate-responsive and a reflection of the customs and lifestyles of a community. That is how the

10

typical vernacular forms of building are those that have existed in the region in their basic forms, as per the requirement in a particular geographical environment: a sloping roof surface to bear the rainfall or a circular house form to combat cyclonic winds or a thick flat mud roof that keeps out the heat of the sun or an inner courtyard which is the open space used in varied ways in south Asia, particularly India. In this sense vernacularity is therefore traditional. But, vernacular houses need not use locally available resources or natural materials only to address local needs, as believed by many. At least, not in the light of current practices. We will have to accept the fact that vernacular buildings are constantly evolving over time to reflect the environmental, cultural and historical context in which they exist. Oliver (2003: 14) rightly defined vernacular houses as those "related to their environmental contexts and available resources, they are owner- or community-built, utilizing traditional technologies . . . , built to meet specific needs, accommodating the values, economies and ways of life of the cultures that produce them". Vernacular buildings are the architectural products that emerged as a response to the requirements of societies before the industrial period and to the insurmountable limits created by the region and climate, and as a result of the unique interaction between human mind and experience gathered by observing natural phenomena. Vernacular buildings, either individually or a whole settlement, are the best examples of the harmony among human behaviour, building and the natural environment. While, on the one hand, people prepare their houses and settlements to be used according to the location, they challenge the permanent conditions of climate with a mixture of foxiness, courage and modesty on the other. The products that emerge and the solutions that are developed as a result of the reflection of the different climatic effects on vernacular buildings reflect at the same time on the architectural characteristics of that region (Engin, et al 2007). Varanasi Region: The Geographical Personality It is a difficult enterprise to demarcate the areas surrounding a city. In geographical literature the concept of city region however is quite familiar. Varied terms are used to denote the city-region, viz. Umland, urban hinterland, sphere of (city) influence, catchment area, and urban field. Following that practice, here too we define Varanasi region as delineated by Singh (1955). In broader terms, Varanasi region is comprised of two physical units: (i) the Ganga Valley plain and (ii) the southern upland. Former, of these two units, is prominent with four-fifths of the total area and the later rises abruptly from the adjoining plain. On the basis of relief and geological difference both of these broader units could be further divided into three lower order regions each. The whole region is drained by the Ganga and its tributariesthe Ghaghara or Saryu, the Son, the Gomati, and the Karmanasa. The region is situated in sub-tropical continental interior; it experiences monsoonal rhythm of seasons. The plains have typical alluvial soils whereas in the Vindhyan upland has stiff and shallow red clay. Though large scale agriculture practised through ages has pushed natural forests to the margins, prominent trees found are Sal, Shisham, Jamun, Mahua, Semal, etc. To explain the cultural setting, we can refer to the demographic characteristics, agriculture, industry, means of transport and communication, literacy and education, languages spoken, and of course the settlements( rural and urban). It is one of the densely populated regions of the country where rural population dominates the urban people. Naturally, the majoritys mainstay is agriculture or activities related directly to agriculture. Large scale migration from this region at least since the late1880s shows the incapacity of rural areas in holding its population. With the mass level mechanisation of agriculture in recent times, the labour retaining capacity of villages has been severely affected. Consequently, unprecedented out-migration from villages has affected the villages in more than one way. Despite higher growth rate of population, its distribution is not evenly distributed. Increasing trend of urbanisation is reported in successive censuses; however, larger population is still rural. Agriculture is mainstay of the people. But in the contemporary situation it is facing several problems. Deteriorating irrigation infrastructure for the lack of maintenance and very poor electricity supply make the cultivators community dependent on monsoon. In the wake of modern practices, greater dependency of the cultivators on market proves to be very harsh for small and marginal farmers who find it difficult to survive. Food crops no doubt still claim greater acreage but market oriented 11

farming is prominent in and around city areas. In terms of industrial development, this region is undoubtedly backward with the exception of a few scattered sugar mills, carpet works in Bhadohi and adjoining areas, and the industries based on natural resources found mainly in Sonbhadra. In relative terms again one may agree to the all round improvementwhether it is widening of major highways, metalling of earlier kuccha roads, construction of village roads, gauge conversion and doubling of the railway tracks--taken place in transport and communication. The process of human settlement had begun in this region in the pre-historic times. It has also been the meeting ground of various culture groups (Singh 1955: 153) the Mediterranean-Armenoids and the Munda speaking Proto-Indics; the Aryans and the non-Aryans; the Rajputs and the aboriginals; and later the Hindus and the Muslims. As far as the distribution of the rural settlements is concerned, both major types, i.e. the nucleated or agglomerated and the dispersed or scattered villages are found in this region. The role of rivers has been important in the distribution of the rural settlements. On the other hand, economic factors like market, routes and roads initially had a limited role to play in the context (in view of the self-sufficient nature of villages to a great extent); however, in the present context they appear playing important role in the growth of settlements. Two urban settlements Varanasi and Ayodhya are contemporary in their ancient origin. Rest of the prominent urban centres are either of the medieval or the British period. River (confluence) related sites of towns are common in the region. Vernacular Houses in Varanasi Region In continuation to his study of Varanasis Umland conducted in 1955, credited as one of the pioneer studies in urban geography in India, Singh (1957) studied the typical rural dwellings in the umland of Varanasi. This study, published as a paper in National Geographical Journal of India, is based on exhaustive field work conducted in nine sample villages distributed throughout the Umland. An extensive survey of several thousand houses was carried for this work. Of them 1000 odd houses were studied in detail, (1957: 60, fn. 1). It shows the magnitude of field-input in the work. Of the sample villages, only Sundarpur was from Banaras (Varanasi) district. As a result of urban growth and sprawl, today it is difficult to trace any sign of village in this settlement which is now part of Varanasi city. Of course, today a prominent locality by this name exists. In this section, attempt is made to summarize the major characteristic features of vernacular houses reported in Singhs (1957) study. Initially dwellings must have served the purpose of shelter. That is how; climate has a primary influence on vernacular houses. Mukerjee (1972) concludes that typical (inserted by the present author) rural houses are the result of trial and error method adopted (p. 397). Most of the scholars agree with the fact that differentiation in the dwellings is related to the nature of building materials which vary according to the natural environment, and to economic and social conditions. The economic conditions are expressed in the size, form and colour of the house (Singh 1957: 59). Singh (ibid) tries to identify house types on their regional characteristics: mud walled and tiled roof houses, mud walled and thatched roof house, and wattle and thatch house. But one of the popular ways to distinguish different houses has also been the number of rooms in a house. Table 1 below presents the summary of distribution of different types which have been regrouped as one or two rooms dwellings (belonging to the poor people), three to four rooms dwellings (of poor middle class), five to seven rooms dwellings (the average middle class), eight and more rooms dwellings (of upper middle class or rich peasants). The architectural characteristic features in folk houses have been angan, deorhi/deodhi, tiled/thatched verandah, square plan, one stories, absence of openings/windows, sloping roof, and absence of lavatories (except the rich family houses). Beside these prominent features, carved doors, rafters, pillars of the verandah, and the use of eaves are mention worthy.

12

Table 1: House types based on number of rooms Type of House One room Two room Three room Four room Five room Six room Seven room Eight room Nine room Eleven room Others room % of the total number of house 14.0 19.0 18.2 5.8 25.7 2.6 9.3 0.8 2.3 0.5 0.9 % of the total population living in 6.9 13.5 15.5 6.5 30.2 3.3 12.5 1.2 5.0 1.6 3.8 100.0

Total 100.0 (Source: Singh 1957: 60)

Changes in Vernacular Houses If we say that the rural areas characteristics have undergone massive change, it will not be exaggeration. There are several indicators to support this statement. Methods of cultivation, organisation of cultivation related works, agricultural labours availability, wages, and conditions, major crops produced, variety of crops, commercialisation of animal husbandry, etc. Though we do not have data to support our observation, it is apparent through field-observation that there is general improvement in the income level, purchasing capacity and therefore household level affordability. New preferences and priorities too are part of the change. These changes in the rural economy are accompanied by the changes in social institutions and systems which are reflected in the prevalent attitude and behaviour. In quite a natural way, all such changes have their bearing upon rural houses which are discussed below. This discussion of changes is based on general observations and detailed study of Chamaon. Building material and regional characteristics Singh (1957) identified three house types on the basis of building materials together with their regional characteristics: mud walled and tiled roof houses; mud walled and thatched roof house; and wattle and thatch house. We will have to accept the view of the villagers that such houses are less durable and require frequent maintenance. In view of the out-migration of the males particularly belonging to the service-castes, there is an apparent shortage of labour required for traditional houses and their maintenance. Naturally, the labour cost is higher than the past periods. With increasing population density there is pressure over the local resources needed for building work. At the same time with greater penetration of market and access to several modern building materials, there are options available; in tune with the contemporary fashion. There is choice available. In economic terms, they are better for their durability and lesser demanding for maintenance. Here it would be enough to conclude that there is sort of universalisation of building materials. Now, regionality of building materials is being replaced by two new factors that is affordability of modern building materials and accessibility to them. There is clear shift towards pucca (made of baked bricks, concrete, cement, steel) houses. Of course, the degree of shifting varies and many transitory houses could be found, in the region, which tell about the general household earning and also about the household preferences.

13

Number of rooms and house types There has been a common practice to distinguish house types on the basis of rooms in house(s). Before commenting on this classification, it is important to know why the number of rooms varies by households. The very reason is the economic condition. Economically well-off family may go in for a large house and naturally that will have more rooms. But, the existing social attitudes and practices also have influence on it. In the past, when joint family used to be the norm of the day, the concept of individual private space was perhaps unknown. Only the wife of the head of the family used to have the liberty of having her separate room. Even that room as well as other rooms used to be shared depending upon the emergent requirements. Time has changed now. Even in the rural families, nucleation is making faster inroads. The concept of joint family is becoming the past. In a nucleated family, individual choice and preference matter more. Every member requires individual privacy and naturally more rooms. Similarly, for many activities (like cooking food, toilets/ lavatories and bathing) rooms were not needed; in the contemporary life, these are a must. However, the following classification is still relevant: one or two rooms dwellings (belonging to the poor people) three to four rooms dwellings (of poor middle class) five to seven rooms dwellings (the average middle class) eight and more rooms dwellings (of upper middle class or rich peasants) Change in the Essentials of vernacular architecture The architecture of vernacular houses in this region has the following characteristic features (cf. Singh 1957: 52-59): Angan, tiled/thatched verandah, square plan, one storied, absence of openings/windows, sloping roof, and the absence of lavatories (except the rich family houses). Of all these, angan is of greatest importance. The place of angan is integral in the conventional concept of a complete and proper house; of course, it is not a direct part of the built up space. The proper meaning of angan needs to be clarified first. Often while writing in English, we tend to confuse angan with an open space in or around the house. In the proper sense of this space, it is open inner courtyard. In vernacular houses it serves multiple purposes as sleeping place for female members and young children (during summers especially), a good compensation for the lack of proper ventilation and sunlight in the compact rooms of the dwelling, the place for agro processing (done by family labour, particularly women), the place for ceremonial occasions, exclusive women domain, and also a corner of it is used as kitchen. In a rich mans house existence of more than one angan was normal. Despite this higher degree of significance, angan is undergoing change. Most remarkable is the extinction of multiple angan houses and shrinking of single angans. It owes to several changes in the village society and economy. Traditionally the space in a village life is highly gendered and also segregated. In the practical sense, angan used to be the exclusive women domain where they could move as they liked. It does not mean that there was no hierarchy and all was free in real terms. The daughters-in-law, particularly the newly wed ones, had to maintain parda, and naturally they enjoyed lesser degree of liberty, especially in the presence of elder(ly) women. But, this space was not freely accessible to adult male members who were supposed to flash some type of warning sound before entering the angan. But, the younger members whether male or female remained free from such restrictions. Angan was also used as sleeping place for female members and young children (during summers especially). A corner of it was used as kitchen and it was the place for agro processing (done by family labour, particularly women) and also used as the place for ceremonial occasions. On the other hand, it provided a good compensation for the lack of proper ventilation and sunlight in the compact rooms of the dwelling. With the changing times, many changes have taken place relegating the significance of angan in contemporary vernacular houses. As noted earlier, breaking down of joint family system has promoted the individualism in village life and that is how individual privacy requires private spaces. 14

No more sleeping in the open angan is a very comfortable idea, especially for the new generation couples. Now, one female member prefers to have a separate room for her over sharing a common space like angan. With the inroads made by modernity, the tradition of parda is now considered symbol of backwardness. Quite naturally, this practice is weakening and fading away fast. That is how gender segregation of household space too is a past. So is the women-exclusive character of angan. In the past, even now in the remotely located villages, such activities used to be community level affair. And, organising a function within own angan was preferred and considered prestigious. Outsourcing of major activities during any family level function to the professional firms is quite common in the villages which are well connected with nearby urban centres. For such professional arrangements, the space of any ordinary angan is small; and, the arrangements are made outdoors. This utility of angan is thus either gone or is in the process. Now, most of the agro processing is mechanised and done professionally and greater integration with (nearby) markets together have favoured discontinuation of household level processing. Procurement from the market instead of preparing at home is fashionable and a sign of progressiveness, and ultimately status-symbol. Such a tendency again appears debasing significance of angan. New houses in general have provisions for proper ventilation and sunlight as well as a kitchen. In total, most of the traditional utility values of angan tend to fade away. But, this process has a direct relationship with the distance of the village from the nearby (major) urban centre. Nearer is the village to such a centre; faster is the process of change and vice a versa. The fate of deorhi/deodhi another space generally used by womenfolk has also been the same as angan. In true sense, it is a zone that mediates between the outside and the inside of a house. Naturally, it has two doors in two opposite directions, but not positioned exactly facing each other to prevent a direct glance into the anganthe private zone marked by the presence of womenfolk of the family. In another sense, it is the entrance. However, it serves multiple purposes: as womens workplace, the place where they receive friends and other guests too (in the absence of any male member of the family), storage, etc. In social perception, deorhi used to be attached with the family prestige. And, therefore challenging somebody at his/her deorhi, or crossing over that by female members of the family or by outsider(s), has always been treated as against family honour and hence always objected and resisted seriously. In new houses there is no space for deorhi. Actually, it has disappeared faster than angan. In the modern construction, there is conspicuous absence of inside verandah which was almost compulsory component of vernacular architecture in yesteryears. It was used as sleeping and sitting place by women, as kitchen space, as dinning space, and storage of (small and medium) agricultural tools and implements. In the contemporary life way, daily routine within a (nucleated) family is undergoing change; and, so is the farming practice that has become more mechanised. Vanishing of the past utility of this space again discourages its provision in the new houses. However, the outside verandah, used as sitting space for males, guest room, and preparing and keeping fodder, continues to survive with a little change in functions performed. With the mechanisation of cultivation, cattle stock is viewed as burden. If at all any cattle is attractive that is miltching animalcows or buffaloes. Fodder making or keeping is not therefore a common function performed now; of course all others continue almost unchanged. The square plan of the vernacular houses is maintained even through the new constructions. Majority of the houses continue again as single storied. But, in case of the roadside villages closer to medium or large towns and cities together with Varanasi, where land rent is considerably high, vertical expansion is an economically rationale decision adding new dimension to vernacular architecture. The revolutionary development and expansion in civil engineering and building technology have altered the age-old adaptive strategy of having sloping roof in monsoon regions with the climatic conditions of Varanasi region. Now, there is no need of having sloping roofs of varying angles. Flat roofs with a little slanting are adopted without any complaint. Similarly, absence of openings/windows and lavatories (found in only the rich family houses earlier) is past today; all new constructions have proper ventilation and provision of windows, as referred above, and also toilets.

15

Actually, under the rural development programme, government is trying hard to encourage people to get own toilet constructed and providing financial assistance for that. What is changing and how? In her longitudinal study of three villages in the fringe of Varanasi, Lejonhud (2003) notices change in the landscape (which also includes vernacular houses) as consequence of other changes in village life: economic (mostly in occupational pattern/structure, agriculture, and handicraft); political (participation, decision making, state interventions, and power and caste relations); educational facilities and accessibility to them; and social structures. The changes are rooted fundamentally in the continuously contoured communication and changing accessibility towards positive side. The canvass of opportunities is so large that painting an image larger than life is not so strange. And, flashing of the success stories by (audio-visual) media raises the rage. Dreaming is no longer frowned upon; rather it is treated as the first step towards achieving a larger target. Every type of awareness is at its unprecedented level even in villages. Yearning for earning (rather making money) more and gradually universalising education, pushing behind of the traditional clutches of society, and direct contact with outside world in the age of information together have radicalised the pace of change. Such changes are rash and expose abruptness. However, at the same time some changes are smooth. There is large scale out-migration from this area. Naturally, the migrants are source of the moneyorder economy, sending remittances to respective families. At the same time, they are also the agents of new information. They also play a role in changing the family attitude, choice, and preferences. These together affect rural houses. Conclusions The changes in landscape expressed through vernacular houses owe to several socio-cultural and economic processes of change (cf. Singh 2004). Varanasi region, considered as problem region on the basis of several development indicators, has undergone a great variety of change in last half a decade. Be that the attitude towards means and methods of earning, gender relations, caste relations, education or choice and preferences. In the present period, the vernacular elements of rural houses, whether that is the nature of (local) building material, vernacular designs and the construction technology, tend to disappear in the process of invasions of the aliens factory produced and (urban) market obtained materials and construction workers, urban designs, and technologies. Singh (2004) hopes, so long as farming remains the main occupation of rural societies, and cattle continue to play an important role, the design of the rural house will continue to be influenced by the specific needs of farming and compulsions of providing shelter for cattle (p. 96). However, in this observation, the change within farming and animal husbandry goes unnoticed. And, that is crucial in understanding the fundamentals of any such change. The pace of that change varies. In one hand the pace indicates dynamism and progress, and on the other hand, lack of it is indicator of stagnation. Should the change be welcome? (*This paper consists of some preliminary findings of an ongoing study) Notes 1. The terms folk and vernacular are used in same sense in this paper unless explained otherwise.

16

References Bhattacharya, N.D. 1972. Rural Dwellings and House-Types in Murshidabad. In, Singh, R.L. (ed.) Rural Settlements in Monsoon Asia. Varanasi: National Geographical Society of India, pp. 376-382. Chamar, K.V. 2002. Rural Dwellings and House Types in Desert Land of Haryana: A Case Study of Bhiwani District. Transactions, Institute of Indian Geographers, vol. 24 (1 & 2): 53-62. Diddee, Jaymala 2004. Evolution of Folk House Types in Maharashtra. In, Grover, Neelam and Singh, K. N. (eds.) Cultural Geography: Form and Process. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, pp. 51-59. Engin, N., Vural, N., Vural, S. and Sumerkan, M.R. 2007. Climatic Effect in the Formation of Vernacular Houses in the Eastern Black Sea region. Building and Environment , Vol. 42 (2): 960969. Lejonhud, Kristina 2003. Indian Villages in Transformation: A Longitudinal Study of Three Villages in Uttar Pradesh. Karlstad (Sweden): Karlstad University Studies. Marh, Bhupinder Singh 2004. Three Rural House Types of the Ravi River Valley: A CulturoGeographical Analysis. In, Grover, Neelam and Singh, K. N. (eds.) Cultural Geography: Form and Process. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, pp. 60-74. Mukerjee, Sudershan 1972. The Influence of Climate on the Architecture of Rural Houses in Maharashtra. In, Singh, R.L. (ed.) Rural Settlements in Monsoon Asia. Varanasi: National Geographical Society of India, pp. 393-397. Oliver, Paul 2003. Dwellings: The Vernacular House Worldwide (Revised edition). London and New York: Phaidon Press. Singh, Mehar 2004. The Changing Rural House Types of Punjab: An Expression of Socio-economic and Cultural Change. In, Grover, Neelam and Singh, K. N. (eds.) Cultural Geography: Form and Process. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, pp. 75-96. Singh, R. L. 1955. Banaras: A Study in Urban Geography. Banaras: Nand Kishore & Brothers. Singh, R. L. 1957. Typical Rural Dwellings in the Umland of Banaras (India). National Geographical Journal of India, vol. 3(2): 51-64. Tamaskar, B.G. 1972. Rural House types on the Sagar-Damoh Plateau. In, Singh, R.L. (ed.) Rural Settlements in Monsoon Asia. Varanasi: National Geographical Society of India, pp. 386-392. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English (CODCE)1990. (8th edition; ed. R. E. Allen). Delhi: Oxford University Press.

17