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Review of Related Literature:

Womens Political Participation

University of the Philippines College of Philosophy and Social Sciences Department of Political Sciences

Problems in Philippine Local Government and Administration POLSCI 254

In completion of the requirements in

Presented to

Maria Ela L. Atienza, PhD


Associate Professor, Department of Political Science University of the Philippines

Presented by

Kathy S. Zausa
MA in Political Science Student

Feminism is a collection of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and equal opportunities for women. Its concepts overlap with those of women's rights. Feminism is mainly focused on women's issues, but because feminism seeks gender equality. This Review of

literature seeks to present the ideas of different authors on Feminism, the rights of women in acquiring education and the insights of brilliant authors in their time with regard to womens quest for liberation. Betty Friedans 1963 book, The Feminine Mystique, was in some ways less radical feminist book. The mystique implanted to the women, at least the middle-class; suburban has changed through their effort of flourishing the old mystiques that bounds them to a new rolling of the coin. Friedan reiterated that education is very vital to womens life in order to alleviate their status in the society. She never encourage women to choose between marriage and career, according to Friedan, The assumption of your own identity, equality, and even political power does not mean you stop needing to love, and be loved by, a man, or that you stop caring for your own kids. Friedan, The Feminine Mystique, p. 380) Betty Friedan is just one of thousands of women who can be classified as liberal feminists. Notwithstanding of all the different ideas and sentiments on this matter, this authors agrees on gender justice. A liberal feminist desires the inclusion of women in the affairs of the society such as education, forums and market place. The old problem----education: Because of education more and more women had no education, which naturally made them unhappy in their role as housewives. A number of educators suggested seriously that women no longer be admitted to the fourth-year colleges and universities: in the growing college crisis, the education which girls could not use as housewives was more urgently needed than ever by boys to do the work of the atomic age. This resulted to womens dissatisfaction, emptiness, discontentment and unhappiness. The logic of feminine mystique redefined the very nature of womans problem. When woman was seen as human being of limitless human potential, equal to man, anything that helps her from realizing her potential was a problem to be solved: barriers to higher education and political, participation, discrimination and prejudices in law or morality. The feminine mystique permits, even encourages women to ignore the question of their identity- a stunting or evasion of growth that is perpetuated by the

feminine mystique. In a sense that goes beyond any womans life, I think this is the crisis of women growing up- a turning point from an immaturity that has been called femininity to full human identity. They had to prove that woman was not a passive, empty mirror, not frilly, useless and decoration, not a mindless animal. Not a thing to be disposed of by others, incapable of a voice in her own existence, before they could even begin to fight for the rights women needed to become the human equals of men. It was the need for a new identity that started women, a century ago, on that passionate journey, that vilified, misinterpreted journey away from home. Suburban communities, particularly the new communities where social, cultural, educational, political, and recreational patterns are not as yet firmly established, offer numerous opportunities for the able, intelligent woman. According to Kate Millett a radical feminist who wrote Sexual Politics (1970), she argued that sex is political primarily because the Male-female relationship is the pattern for all power relationship: Social caste supersedes all other forms of in egalitarianism: racial, or political, economic, and unless the clinging too male supremacy as a birthright is finally forgone, all systems of oppression will continue to function simply by virtue of their logical and emotional mandate in the primary human situation. (Kate Millett, Sexual Politics, p. 25) Patriarchal ideology, according to Millett, exaggerates biological differences between men and women, making certain that men always have the dominant, or masculine, roles and that women always have the subordinate, or feminine ones. The presence of conditioning, this secure the apparent consent of every women they oppress and by intimidation that is everywhere in patriarchy. According Millet, The streetwise woman realizes that if she wants to survive patriarchy, she had better act feminine or else she may be subjected to a variety of cruelties and barbarities. Historically, patriarchy has manifested itself in the social, legal, political, and economic organization of a range of different cultures. Patriarchy also has a strong influence on modern civilization, although many cultures have moved towards a more egalitarian social system over the past century. The term patriarchy was used to refer to autocratic rule by the male head of a family. However, in modern times, it more generally refers to social systems in which power is primarily held by adult men.

Hess and Sussman in the book Women and Family, says that a womans life is like a sandwich; career, the bread was placed around the real meat of life, the family. Thus, women were no longer closeted in the home, but to be a wife and mother was still a womans primary goal and most rewarded status. Hanna Pitkins, Fortune is a Woman analysis on Machiavellis sexual or gender imagery attempts to explain some of his many paradoxes in terms of his childhood and upbringing. The book is more widely interesting for raising the important question of the relevance of psycho analytical techniques to an understanding of political concepts. Emphasizing as he does mans basic animalism and unchanging nature. The power of femininity, then, is a complex topic for Machiavelli. Centrally intertwined with political concerns. Young women are dangerous as desirable objects, threatening to deliberate men and to privatize them. Older uxorial and matronly women have personality and the capacity for agency, but their purposes are likely to be evil, particularly when they are angry, which they often are. Their powers then approach the superhuman and dwarf those of men. Women are objects of the mens desire, conquest, or possession. As desirable objects, however, they do have great power of a sort to move and hold men; without meaning to or actually doing anything, they are the central force that makes the plot more forward. Their power is like the power of gold; or as priest says in Mandragola, he who deals with them gets profit and vexation together. But its a fact that theres no honey without flies. In the book A Vindication of the Rights of Women, the eighteenth-century married, bourgeois women. Wollstonecraft compared these privilege women to members of the feathered race, birds confined to cages that have nothing to do but trail themselves and stalk with mock majesty from perch to perch. Bourgeois women sacrifice health, liberty, and virtue for whatever their husband can provide for them. A Vindication believes on womans acquisition of autonomy and education. Thus, society according to Wollstonecraft should give the same education as boys because all persons deserve an equal chance to develop their rational and moral capacities so that they can achieve personhood. Despite the limitations of Wollstonecrafts analysis, she did present a vision of a woman and a liberated woman who obey the commands of reason and discharge her wifely and motherly roles devotedly.

The Subjection of Women is the title of an essay written by John Stuart Mill in 1869, possibly jointly with his wife Harriet Taylor Mill, stating an argument in favour of equality between the sexes. "The Subjection of Women" (1869) offers both detailed argumentation and passionate eloquence in opposition to the social and legal inequalities commonly imposed upon women by a patriarchal culture. Just as in "On Liberty," Mill defends the emancipation of women on utilitarian grounds. Mill was convinced that the moral and intellectual advancement of humankind would result in greater happiness for everybody. He asserted that the higher pleasures of the intellect yielded far greater happiness than the lower pleasure of the senses. He conceived of human beings as morally and intellectually capable of being educated and civilized. If society really wanted to discover what is truly natural in gender relations, Mill argued, it should establish a free market for all of the services women perform, ensuring a fair economic return for their contributions to the general welfare. Only then would their practical choices be likely to reflect their genuine interests and abilities. Women, Families and Work. The book is composed of 8 chapters. The first chapter entitled Setting the Stage is the best for me. This particular chapter describes and analyze demographic and economic shifts in the family and working lives of Canadian women. The main intention is: First, to understand current patterns in historical context, to show ideas about women and womens place have changed in response to these shifts, and to create framework for understanding both the resistance to change and feminism. In brief, this book asks what Zillah Eisentein (1984: 206) referred to as the important feminist question: What does sexual equality mean and how does one try to create truly egalitarian relationships while recognizing the biological difference constituted by womens ability to bear children? Chapter 8 of the book focuses on Social Control. It is important to look at family life, and patterns in historical perspective; the book provides a historical context for understanding the roots of ideology of motherhood. Despite sweeping economic and

demographic shifts, ideas about womens family and work responsibilities have changed a little. Hess and Sussman book entitled, Women and Family Two Decades of Change. This book discusses the Womens Moral and Family of the Future, the Womens Movement inauguration in 1948, this is the first Womens Rights convention, organized by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott and held in Saneca Falls, N.Y. The Women and Family argued that, women should be educated, admitted to professions, have increased opportunities for employment outside the home. In the midnineteenth century feminists and many contemporary feminists have failed to realize the complexity of the relationship between the family, other social structures, and womens liberation. Consequently, their suggestions for change in the family are inadequate. In addition, those theorists who have addressed the issue with the perspicuity it deserves have for the most part been unable to come up with analyses that suggest either significant or immediate change in the family. The contemporary feminist by the time the new feminist movement had emerged in the 1960s, womens roles had changed greatly. Large proportions of married as well as single women were at work; some women, both single and married, had succeeded in business and the professions, and many middle class women attended college. College graduates were no longer expected to follow the rule of the 1920s and 30s and choose between marriage or a career. However, those who elected to pursue both objectives learned quickly that a womans life is like a sandwich; career, the bread was placed around the real meat of life, the family. Thus, women were no longer closeted in the home, but to be a wife and mother was still a womans primary goal and most rewarded status.

Today, the movement has demonstrated of its commitment to motherhood and to women having access to the world outside the home. Most feminists want women to fulfill both of these commitments-to strike a balance between motherhood and work, or, in more traditional terms, between family and work. What hope is there that a balance between the more and the less individualistic demands of the two spheres can be achieved?

The next book, is entitled The Educated Women Prospects and Problems by the group of 300 College Student, the Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry in 1975, p.149; gives an emphasis on individual Autonomy. The most significant contribution of psychiatry to human growth and development has been the encouragement of ego autonomy. Ego autonomy is a highly complex concept that defies simple definition, but roughly it means that a person is able to control his or her life by adaptive choice and independent action. With ego autonomy one has the inner freedom to develop ones potential, emotionally and intellectually. It implies to capacity to acknowledge reality in the process of making choices, but does not simply adjusting to the status quo. Ego autonomy calls for the ability to accept interdependence with other individuals and in the process to benefit from these dependencies rather than be crippled by them. The College woman of today faces a future marked by uncertainty, difficulty, and probably same frustrations - but one that also offer a hitherto none existent range of options and possibilities. Excitement, opportunity, and creativity are available to her, but she must contend with external inflexibility, reaction and at times naked hostility, as well as with internal obstacles grounded in her own learned responses about what it means to be a woman. The one experience that she is certain to meet is conflict. But it is perhaps only slightly overoptimistic to believe that through conflict can come growth. Nevertheless, the changes that have begun in the last few years hold forth real hope to women that they will be able to use their education creatively. And these changes can lead to greater fulfillment for greater number of women than ever before and, as a corollary, should also enhance the fulfillment of men.

United Nation published the Civic and Political Education of Women in 1964, Chapter 2 of this books says that the essential elements of Civic and Political Rights are set forth in the United Nations Convention on the Political Rights of Women, the right to vote, right to stand for election, and the right to hold public office and exercise public functions.

These rights should be shared equally by women and women. The possession of such rights carries with it the duty to exercise them effectively in the interest of the community which recognizes them. It is only through responsible activities of all citizens, men and women alike, that true progress can be achieved. Right to vote: Article 21 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights; There are many women whose qualifications and abilities equip them for this form of public service, and who have a useful and valuable contribution to make. Sometimes this is denied them; sometimes they themselves do not seek to serve at the higher levels. Those who have the aptitude for political activity owe a duty to their nation to develop these abilities. Valerie Bryson(1999;8) This book presents an ideas from different feminist perspective. Ideas that reinforce each other, or interact to produce a deeper understanding than would otherwise be possible. At times, however, they can come into conflict, so that two contradicting sets of beliefs are often held simultaneously by one institution, group or individual. Failure to understand this can cause much political confusion; if we are to develop a more consistent and effective feminist politics, we need to acknowledge such conflicts and recognize their source in underlying theory. As I observe in my readings, there are a lot of feminist theories that intertwined in ideas. They present different views but they still come up with the same principle and that is the greatest good to the greatest numbers of women---liberation and institutionalization of feminist consciousness. Sandra Lee Bartky (1990; 15) says that Feminist consciousness is consciousness of victimization. To apprehend oneself as victim is to be aware of an alien and hostile force outside of oneself which is responsible for the blatantly unjust treatment of women and which enforces a stifling and oppressive system of sex-role differentiation. For some feminists, this hostile power is society or the system; for others, it is simply man. Bartky continued saying that, many women do not develop a consciousness divided in this way at all they see themselves, to be sure, as victims of an unjust system of social power, but they remain blind to the extent to which they themselves are implicated in the victimization of others, -raising of womans consciousness is,

unfortunately, no safeguard against her continued acquiescence in racism, imperialism or class oppression. Stacey Young (1997; 25) A central thesis of this book is that lasting social changes in how people understand their situations and how they perceive their options for altering those situations. Progressive changes in consciousness come about through discourses that challenge oppressive construction of social phenomena. Language acts play crucial part in bringing individual and collective social change. Language is powerful, and I can say that this is one power women have possessed. According to Stacey, by crating and disseminating a particular category of language acts, mixed-genre, auto theoretical feminist writings. These texts reflect the ideas and discourses that emerge from grassroots, community based activism and consciousness, and they influence that activism and consciousness. Feminist presses are important to the womens movement as purveyors of writings that encourage shifts in consciousness and action. Presses actually generate ideas and forums for those ideas public expression through their efforts to develop and encourage certain kinds of writings and writers, to extend the tools and encourage certain kinds of writings and writers, to extend the tools and resources required for writing to people who ordinarily lack access to them, and to get books to audiences who especially benefit from reading them. Presses and their books are thus catalyst for change. James M. Ussher (1989:19) says that, many feminist have emphasized the role which language plays in the construction, perpetuation, and representation of womens oppression. Language is man-made, and either denies the existence of sexuality in women or provides word which has negative connotations. According to the Forum Editor, Voice of America, Women are getting aware of discrimination. The edition presents Benice Sandler, the director of the Association of American Colleges Project on statues and Education of Women. She was the first person ever appointed to the staff of a congressional committee to work specifically on womens right and later serve as deputy director of the Womens Action program in the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare.

Sandler, believes that the children needs to see women in positions of power, positions authority of prestige. Ideal woman and male figure is to educate people base on their ability and not on the basis of their reproductive organs. William H. Chase (1992; 46) argues that, women should be freed from all prior social expectations and enabled to become their individual person. In the process they become bolder and more liberated than women had ever been before. National rights individualism that suffragists talked about and the idea of womens emancipation celebration by feminist. Feminism were talking about more than politics. Their vision encompassed economics, social roles, and sexuality as well as the franchise. Nineteenth century forebears, these feminist envisioned emancipation as multi-layered phenomenon, and they denied strength from their existence as a community, their ultimate goal was complete individual freedom. Nancy F. Cott (1977; 101) Education was among New England is both men and women in 1840, whereas 60 years earlier, in Revolutionary Era, only about half of New England Women could sign their names. Strong prejudice against and opportunity for advance education were marginal. Women in that period believes in philosophers like the teachings of Rousseau who says that serious education robbed women of their charms and disrupted their contentment. Limited schools accept girls and womens schools had important consequencesone has to subvert the status quo with respect to womens breadth of interests. Opponents, education led many women to look beyond their domestic duties. Educated women predominated among the feminists of their education contributed to their rebellion. The orientation toward gender in their education fostered womens consciousness of themselves as a group united in purpose, duties, and interests. Cott believes that women can shape their destiny by their own hands and minds. Ann Oakley (1974) this study shows different view of women in their conditions at home. In 40 housewives they surveyed, certain characteristics of housework maybe more or less uniformly experienced as dissatisfying while others are potentially rewarding. The assignment to womens our seeming predilection for domesticity, are structural features of their general situation in industrialized societies at the present time.

Feelings and attitude about housework can be expected to have something to say about both the oppression and liberation of women. This book reports the results of a study on the attitudes of British working and middle class women in the 1970s towards housework, children, and marriage. Oakley was frustrated at the lack of attention that traditional sociological research had given women to date, so she undertook this project to try to understand and document this understudied population. She interviewed 40 women between the ages of 20-30, all married, with children, living in a London suburb. As classified by their husband's occupations, half were working class and half were middle class. Several of the women also worked outside the house part-time or even full-time, but in her definition, any woman who is the one primarily responsible for doing the domestic chores is a housewife, regardless of her other employment status.

The study was designed to get at a variety of questions: What are the attitudes of the women towards housework-do they think it worthwhile? Is there a correlation between social class and domesticity (a personality characteristic of being well-suited to doing housework)? How satisfied are women with the kind of work they do and with their status as housewives? What are the standards that women have for their work, where do these standards come from, and what are the women's daily routines? How much do the husbands help out with the domestic chores? How do the women feel about having children and caring for them. One idea that Oakley expands upon is how housewives structure their work through self-specification of standards and routines. By spelling out rules, housework is placed into the category of other types of work. This also serves "as a means of job enlargement, a process of elaborating housework tasks so they take up endlessly increasing amounts of time," which serves to keep the worker fully employed. These rules and standards also give the worker a means to measure whether she is doing a satisfactory job. If she measures up to her standards, then she can give herself a pat on the back and a reward; otherwise, she will feel guilty and perhaps attempt to redouble her efforts. (http://www.amazon.com/Sociology-Housework-Ann-Oakley/dp/0394730887)

Colin Hay (2002: 71-74) According to Colin Hay in his analysis on Beyond malestream political analysis the feminist challenge is that political is synonymous with the public sphere is to exclude from political analysis the private arena within which womens oppression, subordination and, indeed, resistance occurs. It is, moreover, to dismiss as apolitical (or perhaps even pre-political) he continued, that all struggles whether self-consciously political or not, on the part of women which do not manage to traverse the public-private divide. For it is only in so doing that they can thereby register themselves as political. More fundamentally still, it is to exclude from consideration the process by which the historical and contemporary confinement of women to a predominantly private existence centered upon the family and domestic duty have been sustained, reproduced and, increasingly, challenge. Hay states that, Feminism in its concern to interrogate the politics of womens subordination in all the contexts in which it occurs, thus constitutes a profound challenge to the traditional and conservative conception of the political that has tended to dominate malestream political science. Marsh and Stoker (2002:109) the chapter deals with a strong argument that, Feminism is innately political. To the extent that It picks out and problematises the fundamentally political relation between gender and power (Hojer and Ase 1999:73). Marsh and Stocker states that, to suggest that all social relations have political dimensions is to open to scrutiny the power relations that pervade social institutions, without in any sense denying the economic and cultural processes with which they are articulated. Though all social relations may also be political relations, this does not imply that they are only political relations, nor that they can adequately understand each terms. It is useful indeed, I would suggest essential to be able to consider relations of domestic violence for instance as political relations. To suggest that they are exhausted by their description in such terms, however, would be to present an analysis that is both grossly distorting and wholly inadequate. The political is perhaps then best seen as an aspect or moment of the social, articulated with other moments. Though politics may be everywhere, nothing is exhaustively political.

Carden (1974; 11) argues that The New Feminist Ideology today are set to identifies the base demands of female equality; according to her book The New Feminist Movement, the nature of the biological differences between the sexes. Justified the unfair treatment afforded them by society- it was, they felt, their human right to be freed from such crippling restraints as those which gave husbands rights over their wives earning and allowed women only minimal opportunities for education denied them to vote. Todays feminist examined and protest the degree to which social institutions channel women into an unreasonably narrow role. They point out that women are expected to commit themselves primarily, if not exclusively to being wives and mothers and that social expectations give them very little even in the ways they can interpret their wifely and motherly responsibilities. The new feminists feel that consciously or unconsciously almost everyone cooperates in this oppressive socialization or conditioning. Mitchell (1971; 173-182) states that, the Womens Liberation Movement combined of impact of two different forces. The contradictions that came up to the surface within the position of women in advanced capitalist society. Womens position in society in the home-and outside it, in production Feminism which postulates the primary of social oppression over all other forms, has no scientific theory for this assumption: nothing really explains why it arose why and how it continued and, hence nothing comes to mind as to how it is to be ever come. Author concluded that, in the home the social function and the psychic identity of women as a group is found class different at work are here obliterated for status difference: wealthy, middling, poor. This is not to underestimate these. But the position of women as women takes precedence: oppressed whatever their particular circumstances. Hence the important of feminist consciousness in any revolution..Hence womens Liberation. Political participation: As a case study on political participation the book entitled Women of China: Economic and Social Transformation, Part IV Organizing Change: Women and Public Sphere; Education NGO Affiliation and Political Participation states

that, although in many ways gender roles in both the workplace and the home remained in touched in socialist China, women, as in other ex-socialist countries, did benefit from a greater degree of state commitment to equality and from more social rights. The achievement of gender equality in both economic and political life appears to have been sustained during the transition to a market economy. Women in China shared with the benefits brought by the reforms, such us better economic and career opportunities, higher living standards and more desirable lifestyle. National Peoples Congress has recorded that women are 21% in 1978 is the 6% in 1983. In China, another views that womens participation were encourage but was not given the real sense of political participation for there is no real democratic system. The author states that, The decline of women in the mainstream political system does not mean that womens statue has actually deteriorated what they have really gained. A more democratic political system would provide a better stage for womens active participation. The presence of NGOs like hundred flower movements and the Cultural Revolution are subject by government scrutiny. A public sphere thus appearing in Chinese society and becoming an increasingly important part of political life. However, in the Japanese Society the study of Imamura on Urban Japanese Housewives at Home and in the Community deals with the importance of family. In considering the question of community in contemporary Urban Japan, then, the following points reveals the factors that affects Japanese housewives view on their status (i) little attention has been given to the mechanisms of communication and integration among members of a mobile population (ii) Insufficient attentions has been find to the benefits of solidarity and (iii) cooperation among neighbors is recognized as a good means of solving problem. Imamura, states based on her case study in Santama City that community spirit will be left to the government and perhaps the long term residents but will not touch the majority of the population who see themselves as transients. The issue here is sustainability of the programs in the community in which every housewives will have an opportunity to participate and get involve.

Feminism, is a narrow-based theoretical standpoint, and tries to answer the problem that has no name and providing a unique perspective with its own strength and weaknesses. What interest me most is how these half-done and intervening answers cross, and adhere to the same sentiments in which women have been subjugated and subdued and how it becomes a starting point of denying the mystique that confines them on a shelf, to direct their future enjoying freedom and be happy being a WOMAN.

References
1. Millett, Kate. Sexual Politics, Granada Publishing. 1969. 2. Beth B. Hess and Marvin B. Sussman. Women and Family. The Haworth Press. 1984. 3. Pitkin, Hanna Fenichel. Fortune is a Woman. University of Chicago Press, 1984

4. Friedan, Betty. Feminine Mystique. Vail-Ballou Press, Inc.1963. 5. Wollstonecrafts, Mary. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Ed. Charles W. 6. 6. Hangelman, Jr. W.W Norton & Company Inc.,1967. 7. Mill, Stuart. The Subjection of Women. 1869. 8. S.J Wilson. Women, Families and Work 3rd edition. 1981. 9. Hess, Beth and Sussman, Marvin B. Women and Family Two Decades of Change. The Haworth Press, 1984. 10. CCS, Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry. The Educated Women Prospects and Problems. 1975. 11. UN. Civic and Political Education of Women. New York. 1964. 12. Valerie Bryson. Feminist Debates: Issues of Theory and Political Practice. MacMillan Press Ltd. 1999. 13. Bartky, Sandra Lee. Femininity and Domination: Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression. Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc., 1990.

14. Young, Stacey. Changing the World Discourse, Political and the Feminist Movement. Routledge, Inc. 1997.

15. Ussher, Jane M. The Psychology of the Female Body. Routledge, N.Y. 1989. 16. Forum Editor. Voice of America. Todays Woman. US Information Agency, Washington, D. C 20547. 1975 17. Chase, William H. The Paradox of Change American Women in the 20th Century. Oxford University Press. 1992. 18. Cott, Nancy F. The Bonds of Womanhood Womens Sphere in New England 17801835. Yale University. 1977.

19. Oakley, Ann. The Sociology of Housework. Martin Robertson, 1974.

20. Hay, Collin. Political Analysis. PALGRAVE, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010. 2002. 21. David Marsh and Gerry Stoker. Theory and Methods in Political Science (2nd Edition). PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010. 2002.

22. Carden, Maren Lockwood. The New Feminist Movement. Rusell Sage Fundation, 230 Oark Avenue, New York 10017, 1974.

23. West, Jackie et.al. Women of China: Economic and Social Transformation. MACMILLAN PRESS LTD., Houndsmile, Basingstoke, Hampshire R621 6XS.

24. Imamura, Anne E. Urban Japanese Housewives at the Home and in the Community. University of Hawwaii Press, USA, 1987. 25. Mitchell, Juliet. Womans Estate. C. Nicholls & Company Ltd., The Philips Parks Press, Manchester, 1971.

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