ISSN 1744-0718 [Print] ISSN 1744-0726 [Online]

MANAGEMENT SCHOOL

Who is afraid of the Spanish Inquisition? Endogamy and culture development among Chiloe encomenderos and Catholic namesakes of persecution victims
David E. Hojman

No. 2006/18

Research Paper Series

Management School University of Liverpool Liverpool, L69 7ZH Great Britain

Who is afraid of the Spanish Inquisition? Endogamy and culture development among Chiloe encomenderos and Catholic namesakes of persecution victims

DAVID E. HOJMAN

Abstract Almost two centuries after the final demise of the Spanish Inquisition, its effects may still be present. Fear of the Inquisition may have affected endogamy patterns and other cultural attitudes of Catholic families in Chiloe Island in Southern Chile. More generally, the same fear may have eventually influenced the development of Chilean national culture. The paper looks at several groups of people with Spanish surnames, from different historical periods. In particular, it explores colonial family trees, partly formed by Chiloe encomenderos and Catholic namesakes of Inquisition victims. Incidences of possibly Spanish Jewish surnames, and the different crimes investigated by the Inquisition tribunal in Lima, are examined. A new, short list of those most exposed to harassment and intimidation by the Inquisition in the 17th and 18th centuries is put together. In its light the paper discusses the evolution of family trees, generation after generation.

---* Management School, University of Liverpool, Chatham Street, Liverpool L69 7ZH, UK. Fax: 44 (0) 151 795 3001 / 3005. Email: JL33@liv.ac.uk. The author gratefully acknowledges data, comments and suggestions from interviewees and other informants in Chile, Spain, and elsewhere. No names are given, in order to protect their privacy and that of others.

Words: 9,878

People are filled with such fear of this beast [the Inquisition] that they glance furtively in all directions in the streets to see if it is nearby, and walk and stop in fear, their hearts tremulous and fluttering like the leaves of a tree, afraid that it will attack them. Whenever this animal strikes a blow, no matter how far away it is, all feel it as a blow in the pit of their stomachs (Solomon Usque, 1553, quoted by Gitlitz, 2000, p. 60).

Chile had long been divided by enclaves of clan, class and party Chilean society was also ingrown and insecure individuals were marked for life by family names It was a country of parallel subcultures that never touched, of parochial worlds whose members rarely ventured beyond their familiar, if often claustrophobic, confines (Constable and Valenzuela, 1993, p. 141).

This paper explores several aspects of culture and culture development in the island of Chiloe in Southern Chile. It argues that fear of the Spanish Inquisition may have played a fundamental role in these aspects and development. Three main questions are addressed. First, why there has been so much endogamy, and for so long, in Chiloe? Extremely high levels of endogamy were already present in the 17th century (Guarda, 1995, 2002). Second, otherwise similar groups in colonial Chiloe are very different, in terms of incidence of possibly New Christian surnames. 1 How to explain these differences? Could they somehow contribute to explain endogamy? Third, can anything that we may learn about the culture of Chiloe Island, help us to understand Chilean national culture? Chile has cultural features possibly unique in Latin America, such as very low corruption together with a very low level of interpersonal trust, or a large gap between those who claim to be Catholic and those who go to church (Hojman, 2002, 2006).

1. Endogamy and possibly New Christian surnames What makes a group of people marry each other, over a very long period of time, in the absence of any obvious reasons for it? In their choice of spouse, group members tend to prefer someone who is one of us, but what makes him or her one of us? If the answer is culture, what does that mean in this specific context? To begin with, we have two Chiloe family trees in 2

mind, both from Guarda (2002). As the discussion progresses, other groups will be introduced. The first group is a branch of a very large family, including 51 surnames over ten generations (from the late 16th or early 17th centuries to the mid 20th century). The second group is a family tree including 55 surnames over seven generations during the colonial period (late 16th to late 18th centuries). As far as they know, members of these families have always been Catholic. They can trace back their ancestry to Spanish conquistadores and encomenderos. 2 In this sense, there are no obvious differences between them and other large, traditional Chiloe families. In order to protect these families privacy, no real names will be used. Instead, we will use the expressions the ancestors of Jose Bloguez (Jose Bloguez being the Spanish-language translation of Joe Bloggs), and Juan Verdejos family tree (Juan Verdejo being the Chilean equivalent of John Smith, or the man in the Clapham omnibus). 3 Historically, some endogamy was necessary for the class of encomenderos. 4 Encomiendas were granted as a reward to heroic military deeds during the Conquest, or war against the Indians. They could be inherited only once. Marrying each other was one of the ways by which encomendero families tried to keep their privileges and wealth to themselves, rather than spread them around the wider population. But, as the Indians were decimated, gradually the Chiloe encomiendas became less valuable. Eventually the system collapsed and the encomiendas were legally abolished in the late 18th century. The ancestors of both Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo seem to have engaged in excessive endogamy. 5 One example from the Bloguez family is

that of a particular widow who married again. A few generations later, a descendant of the first husband and a descendant of the second husband marry two sisters. A few more generations later, descendants of these two lines of the family again marry each other. There are many examples of two brothers (or cousins) marrying two sisters (or cousins). The same surnames (not the familys founder) appear twice or more in the same generation, or twice or more in several consecutive generations. As to the Verdejo family tree, in its older generations there are 38 individuals who are new additions to the family. If each of them had contributed two surnames (fathers and mothers) to the family tree, this would amount to 76 surnames. However, the Verdejo family tree has only 55 surnames. In its first generation (with 14 individual ancestors on record), two surnames (not the family founders) appear three times each, and a third surname, twice. In the second generation (20 individuals), as many as six surnames appear twice. A particular surname appears twice in the first, second, sixth and seventh generations. 6 Guarda (2002, pp. 499-504) lists 128 surnames of Chiloe encomenderos and 341 other surnames in their entorno social (social environment or milieu), a total of 469 surnames. 7 So, there was no need to marry a namesake (someone with ones own surname). Many other potential spouses were available. Admittedly, some of these potential marriage partners may not have been suitable on social or other grounds. But even if we limit the discussion to the Bloguez and Verdejo family trees only (which are possibly the equivalent of each other socially), a comparison between these two family trees shows that almost half the surnames in each tree are

not in the other tree. There would have been less endogamy in Chiloe, if only more ancestors of Jose Bloguez and more members of Juan Verdejos family tree had married someone from the other group. But, apart from one or two exceptions, they did not. 8 There is strong empirical support for the view that in many cases endogamy, or the lack of it, may have resulted from cultural attitudes, rather than been biologically or geographically determined. This may have happened much more often than popularly believed. Easter Island may offer a highly appropriate example. Also within Chiles national boundaries, Easter Island has possibly been equally, or even more isolated than the island of Chiloe, from continental Chile. Easter Islands population was only about 100200 people in the second half of the 19th century, to increase to about 2,800 in the 1990s. However, it has less endogamy than places such as Lugo, Santiago de Compostela or Sierra de Gredos in Spain, according to church dispensations, and less endogamy than Costa Rica, Italy or Venezuela, according to surnames in marriage records (Gonzalez-Martin et al, 2006, pp. 439-440). The reason for this absence of endogamy is that local traditional cultural attitudes were even more strict than Catholic church rules. Members of the Bloguez and Verdejo families in Chiloe continued to marry into a limited number of encomendero and entorno social families, long after this practice stopped making economic sense. They also tended to marry Catholic namesakes of Inquisition victims (victims in Europe, not in Chile), more often than other Chiloe individuals. This is surprising because there is no evidence of these families being, or ever having been, New Christian.

Possibly a good reason to marry someone with an apparently New Christian surname (the use of the word apparently will be explained in the next section) could be that one is a New Christian himself or herself. An obvious possibility would be that, sometime in the distant past, the Bloguez and Verdejo families could have been Jews. However, there is no evidence of this. In Chiloe in general, or among the ancestors of Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo in particular, there is no Sephardi-derived forms of popular culture such as tales, myths, poems and songs (Trapero, 1998; Gonzalez, nd). There is no survival of any remains of Jewish religious or other practices and traditions. No secrets transmitted from parent to child have ever been discovered. In this particular sense, the inhabitants of Chiloe, and the Bloguez and Verdejo families among them, are very different from the descendants of victims of the Spanish Inquisition around the world, such as the chuetas of Majorca (Porcel, 1977; Laub and Laub, 1987), or the cryptoJews of New Mexico (Jacobs, 2000; Kunin, 2001). There is absolutely no evidence of either Chiloe inhabitants in general, or the Bloguez and Verdejo families in particular, being New Christian or crypto-Jews, or even of they ever having been accused of being New Christian or crypto-Jews by their enemies. The next section introduces and briefly discusses the Bonnin (2001) list of surnames. These are Spanish surnames which could possibly have been adopted by New Christian families, mostly in Europe. We apply the Bonnin list to several groups in Chile, including the Chiloe ancestors of Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo. Section 3 introduces a new list, compiled by the Chilean historian Jose Toribio Medina (1956), of victims of the Lima Inquisition tribunal (which had jurisdiction over Chile). The Bonnin and Medina lists are very

different. However, chi-squared tests using both lists confirm that the Bloguez and Verdejo family trees on the one hand, and Chiloe encomenderos as a whole on the other hand, are different. The incidence of namesakes of Inquisition victims is significantly higher in the Bloguez and Verdejo families. The Medina list also shows that most individuals investigated or processed by the Lima tribunal, and who had namesakes in Chiloe, were accused not of being crypto-Jews but of other crimes. A much shorter list, especially put together for this paper, is discussed in Section 4. This new list (the 1639 plus list) includes those who were most at risk of harassment and intimidation by Inquisition officials in colonial Chiloe. You may have been likely to engage in excess endogamy, if your ancestors surnames were in this list, or if you wanted to avoid marriage to someone in that unhappy situation. Also, you may have chosen your surnames carefully and engaged in other forms of protection. This paper is not about Jewish blood in someones ancestors, but about cultural attitudes and culture development, and this is addressed in Section 5. The answers on offer apply to these cultural aspects.

2. The Bonnin list: Could you be New Christian? The Bonnin list (Bonnin, 2001, pp. 353-374) consists of over 3,000 Spanish surnames, compiled from Inquisition archives, censuses of Jewish ghettos in Spanish cities, and other sources. According to Bonnin, any reader who finds his or her surname in the list could have Jewish ancestors. However, finding your surname in the list does not guarantee that you have New Christian blood, and the fact that your surname is not in the list does not guarantee that you do not have it. Practically all the Spanish surnames

adopted by New Christians already existed. Surnames were chosen for different reasons, but by far the most frequent practice seems to have been to prefer ordinary surnames, to avoid attracting unwanted attention. 9 The Bonnin list must be taken with a pinch of salt. Almost as a matter of definition, no list of New Christian or crypto-Jewish surnames can be complete and free of errors of fact or interpretation. Trying to compile any of these lists is bound to be full of difficulties and lead to plenty of ambiguities. Official documents have been lost and archives destroyed (Liebman, 1963; Hampe-Martinez, 1996; Millar Carvacho, 1997). Bonnin may have chosen to emphasise Majorcan and Peninsular Spanish sources, cases and spellings, to the detriment of colonial Hispanic American ones. Possibly all we can say is that if your name is there, you may be more likely to have Spanish Jewish ancestry, than if your name is not there. But we do not know how much more likely. As mentioned before, members of the Bloguez and Verdejo family trees seem to have chosen spouses with the same surnames as (or namesakes of) Inquisition victims in Europe, more often than the rest of Chiloe encomenderos. Thirty out of 51 surnames in the Bloguez family (59 percent), and 27 out of 55 surnames in the Verdejo family (49 percent) appear in the Bonnin list (are Bonnin surnames). In contrast, among Chiloe encomenderos as a whole, the respective numbers are 41 Bonnin surnames in a total of 128 (32 percent, Guarda, 2002, pp. 499-500). These differences are statistically significant (see Appendix). Large as the shares of Bonnin surnames are among the ancestors of Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo, such large shares are not really exceptional.

For example, both a list of 64 Portuguese arrivals to Buenos Aires at the beginning of the 17th century, and the list of their respective sponsors or bondsmen (Saguier, 1985, pp. 482-483), show similarly high or even higher proportions of Bonnin surnames. 10 The same applies to several other groups which will be discussed in following paragraphs, including early colonial (before 1610) Spanish arrivals to continental Chile. For comparison purposes, three other groups were identified, and the respective shares of Bonnin surnames, calculated. The first group, in chronological order, is a random sample of 117 Spanish surnames in early colonial Chile (before 1610), taken from Barros Arana (2000). The second group is formed by the 34 surnames of Chiles top merchants in 1795-1819, roughly the time of Chiles War of Independence (Lamar, 2001, p. 91). Finally, the third group is a random sample of 100 Spanish surnames in mid 20th century Chile from the Diccionario Biografico de Chile (1965). This is the countrys Who-Is-Who. We will use the codes BARR, MERCH and DICC, respectively, for each of these three groups. The definitions of all six groups, respective historical periods, and proportion of Bonnin surnames in each of them are presented in Table 1. The lowest rate of Bonnin surnames is that of the top merchants (MERCH, 29 percent), followed by the Chiloe encomenderos as a whole (ENCOM, 32 percent). The highest rate is found among Spanish surnames in the early colonial period, before 1610 (BARR, 63 percent), followed by the ancestors of Jose Bloguez (59 percent). Intermediate (or intermediate-tohigh) proportions of Bonnin surnames are found among random (but successful) Chileans with Spanish surnames in the mid-20th century (DICC,

44 percent) and in Juan Verdejos family tree (49 percent). Chi-squared tests confirm that the differences in incidence of Bonnin surnames between ENCOM and Verdejo, between ENCOM and Bloguez, and between MERCH and Bloguez, are all statistically significant with very high probability levels (see Appendix). It may seem paradoxical that the lowest rate of Bonnin surnames (that is, possibly New Christians) is among merchants (MERCH). This is in contrast with the situation in, for example, colonial Buenos Aires (Sanguier, 1985) and possibly other places. In Bahia, Brazil, about half the merchants in the early 17th century were New Christians (Schwartz, 1991, p. 754). At least part of the explanation is that many of the early 19th century merchants in Chile were Basques. In the Lamar (2001) list of 34 surnames of top merchants at the time of Independence, ten are Basque. These Basque surnames are not in the Bonnin list. This may have interesting implications to which we will come back later on. So far, we have found at least two different family trees in Chiloe with a relatively high incidence of Bonnin surnames (Bloguez and Verdejo). In terms of incidence of Bonnin surnames, the respective chi-squared test suggests that these two groups are not significantly different from each other (see Appendix). However, the two family trees have to a large extent different surnames and different Bonnin surnames in them. This is important, since it challenges the view that the high endogamy levels observed among these Chiloe encomenderos and their entorno social were inevitable because of small numbers. Such alleged inevitability is not confirmed by our evidence. On the contrary, many surnames are in one of these family trees but not in the

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other. Out of a total of 51 surnames in the Bloguez group, 18 of them are not present in the Verdejo family. Out of a total of 55 surnames in the Verdejo group, 26 are not among the Bloguez surnames. The surnames which appear in one of these family trees, but not in the other, include both Bonnin surnames and others, and both surnames of large and powerful encomendero families, and others. If there was a need to marry people with the same surname as oneself at all, this need had nothing to do with a physical or biological scarcity of potential marriage partners. The relatively high incidence of Bonnin surnames in the BARR, Bloguez, Verdejo, DICC and other groups in Chile may be provoked simply by the fact that these surnames were (and are) the most common in Spain. That would be the reason why they were chosen by New Christians. Strong support for this view is offered by Rodriguez-Larralde et al (2003). In their Table 3 (p. 285) they list the 51 most common Spanish surnames in 2000, from a sample of 3.6 million telephone users. Out of these 51 most common surnames, 47 of them (92 percent) are Bonnin surnames. There is every reason to expect that these surnames were equally common in 1600. Rodriguez-Larralde and his co-authors also provide evidence that, in other sectors of the Spanish population in 2000, the share of Bonnin surnames was much smaller. For example, in their Table 1 (p. 283) they identify 16,702 different surnames in Madrid. Since the Bonnin list includes about 3,000 surnames, the conclusion is that in Madrid in 2000, even if all the Bonnin surnames had been present, still the proportion of Bonnin surnames in this population would be only about 18 percent (3,000 divided by 16,702). This

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share is even smaller than those found for the ENCOM and MERCH groups in Chile. Given the high incidence of Bonnin surnames among the ancestors of Jose Bloguez and Juan Verdejo, and their low incidence among Chiloe encomenderos as a whole, it seems reasonable to expect that it should be possible to identify some Chiloe family trees with very few, if any, Bonnin surnames. In order to explore this possibility, a third Chiloe family tree was identified. The descendants of a prolific first generation Spanish conquistador and encomendero (who had not figured before in our discussion) were selected from Guarda (2002) for careful analysis. To protect their privacy, we will call his family tree the descendants of Pedro Urdemales (Pedro Urdemales being another name for Chiles John Smith, the man in the Clapham omnibus). Urdemales was the founder of a seven-generation principal encomendero family, covering the whole of the 17th and 18th centuries. What makes Pedro ideal as a research subject is not only that his own surname is not in the Bonnin list, but also that it appears only once in the Bloguez and Verdejo family trees. So, Urdemales is clearly a different family. However, out of 57 surnames in the Urdemales family tree, 36 are Bonnin surnames (63 percent). In terms of incidence of Bonnin surnames, the difference between the ancestors of Jose Bloguez and the descendants of Pedro Urdemales is not statistically significant. Similar results were obtained for other large, traditional Chiloe families. So, the most likely interpretation seems to be that those members of the ENCOM group, whose surnames do not appear in the Bonnin list, either did not stay in Chiloe, or did not have children in Chiloe. The families with

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high proportions of Bonnin surnames (Bloguez, Verdejo, Urdemales) are those who stayed in Chiloe, generation after generation. In contrast, those included in the ENCOM group but who are not in the Bonnin list, did not stay in Chiloe, or died without forming or joining large local families. There is no contradiction between these possibilities. If you liked the locals, you were likely to marry one of them and stay. Maybe at some stage Chiloe encomiendas had become so unattractive, that some members of the ENCOM group were just not interested in them, only in leaving Chiloe as soon as possible. Maybe it was easier to leave Chiloe if your surname was not in the Bonnin list. Maybe it was easier to stay, if your surname was in the list. There could have been some persistence, or path dependence, at work. Maybe it was easier to marry into a Chiloe family, if one of your relatives or ancestors had already done it before, if you were already one of them (your surname was already one of theirs). Migrating from Chiloe back to Santiago, Lima or Spain was tantamount to getting back closer to the Inquisition. Everything else being the same, possibly those who migrated back did it because they thought that they had less to fear from the Inquisition, as compared with those who stayed in Chiloe. It may not be an accident that two out of the only three individuals who are mentioned by Guarda (2002, pp. 359, 404) as familiares (officials) of the Inquisition seem to have had very small families, at least in Chiloe. In the case of a Francisco Gonzalez de Elgueta, information on only two generations of his own family, both in the second half of the 17th century, is recorded (although we know a little bit more about his wifes family). The second case is that of Tomas de Olavarria, governor of Chiloe in 1608, who does not seem

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to have had any children, at least in Chiloe. It may be interesting to note that Olavarria was married to a member of the Toro Mazote family. This family has been chosen by Flusche (1989) for in-depth study as the perfect representative of upward social mobility in continental Chile during that period. Becoming a familiar of the Inquisition may also have been part of that attempt at social mobility. In general, possibly anyone who was seriously into it would not have wished to stay in Chiloe. Upward social mobility was only possible in Santiago, Lima or Spain. 11 Summarising, the Bonnin list has been useful by suggesting that there may be a fundamental difference between the ENCOM group (Chiloe encomenderos as a whole) and many other groups in Chile, including Chiloe encomendero families such as Bloguez, Verdejo and Urdemales. However, the Bonnin list cannot help us to identify important differences within those Chiloe families with equally large shares of Bonnin surnames.

3. The Medina list: What is your crime? The Medina list (Medina, 1956, Volume 2, pp. 427-442) has over 2,000 names of the persons investigated, tried or condemned by the Lima Inquisition tribunal, and mentioned in his book. The Medina list is different from the Bonnin list, not only in that it was compiled with different purposes. For example, as already mentioned, 30 out of the 51 surnames of the ancestors of Jose Bloguez are Bonnin surnames. And there are 32 surnames, out of the total of 51 in the Bloguez family tree, in the Medina list. But only 22 of these surnames are in both lists, Bonnin and Medina. On the other hand, using the Medina list, instead of the Bonnin one, in new chi-

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squared tests, confirms that the Bloguez family and the ENCOM group are significantly different. Our previous finding, that the Bloguez and ENCOM groups are not random samples drawn from the same population, is robust to using the Medina list, instead of the Bonnin list. A substantive advantage of Medina over Bonnin is that Medina tells the reader the alleged crime of which each individual victim was accused. This puts the proportion of Bonnin surnames in the Bloguez family tree (30 out of 51, 59 percent) in a more realistic perspective. Out of these 30 surnames, eight are not mentioned by Medina at all (which suggests that they may reflect Inquisition activities in Europe or parts of the New World not covered by the Lima tribunal). Another ten of these Bonnin surnames are indeed mentioned by Medina, but these Inquisition victims were not accused in Lima of being crypto-Jews. Some people with the same surnames, relatives or not, may have been Jews or crypto-Jews in Europe (that is why these surnames are in the Bonnin list). But their namesakes were accused in Lima of different crimes, ranging from blasphemy, soliciting and witchcraft, to sexually abusing female prisoners, falsely pretending to be a priest and saying mass, and a student who allegedly sold his soul to the devil in exchange for good exam marks. Two of the 30 Bonnin surnames in the Bloguez family are also surnames of Lima inquisidores. Only in the remaining ten out of 30 Bonnin surnames in the Bloguez family tree, some of the victims were accused in Lima of being crypto-Jews. Even among them, this charge applies to less than a third of the victims (there are several individuals for each surname). No surname can be identified as unequivocably New Christian.

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A summary of the relevant information on the 51 surnames and 30 Bonnin surnames in the Jose Bloguez family tree is presented in Table 2. It must be remembered that being accused, or being found guilty by the Inquisition was very different from being really guilty (Medina, 1952, 1956; Hampe-Martinez, 1996; Millar Carvacho, 1998; Poole, 1999; Williams, 2001). The inquisitorial standards of justice were very different from those of contemporary Western legal systems. Many victims died in prison, before their verdicts were reached. In Lima in particular, the Inquisition rushed to condemn possibly innocent rich prisoners because it badly needed the proceeds from the confiscation of all property from those found guilty (Silverblatt, 2000; Bradley, 2002). There is absolutely no evidence, either in the ancestors of Jose Bloguez, or in any of the other Chiloe families examined in this paper, that Inquisition victims in Lima or elsewhere, and Chiloe inhabitants who shared the same surname, were relatives, however distant. The Medina list has confirmed our previous reservations about the Bonnin list. In particular, using Medina shows that a high incidence of Bonnin surnames does not unequivocally suggest that members of a Chiloe (or Chilean) group or family are more likely to be New Christians, or crypto-Jews, or have more to fear from the Inquisition. To move forward in the latter direction, a new list is needed.

4. The 1639 plus list (and how to get out of it) There is plenty of evidence of manipulation, irregularities, abuse of power, greed, corruption, favouritism, rule bending, dishonesty and hypocrisy in the Inquisition activities, in Lima in particular (see sources already

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mentioned). Maybe namesakes of victims of Inquisition activities in Europe (that is, people with Bonnin surnames) were more exposed than others to Inquisition abuses and brutality in Chile and Chiloe. But as shown before, there were (and are) far too many namesakes. Practically everyone was a potential victim of harassment, intimidation, and worse. Being innocent was not good enough. The Lima Inquisition could be trusted to torture any suspect until a confession to its satisfaction was produced (or the suspect was burned at the stake, precisely for refusing to confess). In terms of physical distance from the Inquisition, Santiago is further than Lima, and Chiloe is further than Santiago. However, even in Chiloe the Inquisition was never far. For example, the Inquisition familiar Tomas de Olavarria became governor of Chiloe in 1608 (Guarda, 2002, p. 404). Portuguese New Christian merchants were blamed for the capture of Bahia in Brazil by the Dutch in 1624 (Schwartz, 1991), which left those from Portuguese origin in Chiloe more exposed than before. 12 In 1639, a man from Chiloe becomes a witness in an Inquisition investigation (Guarda, 2002, p. 295). All of this was too close for comfort. In 17th century Chiloe, potential victims of the Inquisition benefit from, or are favoured or protected by the huge physical distance from Lima; by the fact that there is absolutely no evidence of crypto-Jewish activity on Chiloe Island; by the fact that as compared with, for example, rich Portuguese merchants in Lima, Chiloe families have little to be confiscated from them; and by the fact that they are effective soldiers for the Spanish crown in a strategic war frontier region. Even if some of them had been suspected of being New Christians (as opposed to Old ones), the Spanish crown could not have done

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without them. In their absence, there would not have been anyone else to take their roles. 13 However, crypto-Jews (as opposed to New Christians loyal to the Spanish crown) would not have been tolerated, because they were expected to side with Dutch and other enemy invaders. For members of encomendero families, even the rumour that they may be New Christians could be extremely damaging to their chances when applying for vacant encomiendas or other official positions. Using Medina (1952), Millar Carvacho (1998) and Guarda (2002) as sources, a new list was compiled with the surnames of those most at risk. The new list is short, with only 50 surnames (the Bonnin list has 3,000 surnames), but it is much more relevant to colonial Chiloe than Bonnins. The new list includes: a) the surnames of alleged crypto-Jews in the huge 1639 auto-de-fe (public execution by burning at the stake) in Lima, also known as la complicidad grande; b) the surnames of victims of several other, smaller investigations, processes and autos of suspected crypto-Jews, for which at least some of the evidence was collected in Chile, and which are mentioned by Medina; and c) the surnames of Portuguese individuals active in the region during the period, which are not unequivocally Old Christian. Anyone in Chiloe (or continental Chile) whose surname was one of these 50 surnames in our new 1639 plus list is likely to have been more exposed than others to attempts at harassment and intimidation. It is perfectly possible (or most likely) that all the traditional Chiloe families were Old Christian. But still, in many families, at least one of their surnames in the late 16th or early 17th centuries (or later) is in this new 1639 plus, or harassment and intimidation, list. 14

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Two forms of protection are particularly noteworthy: choosing potential marriage partners carefully, and choosing your own surnames carefully. Excess endogamy may have already started in this generation, if not before. In the present context, we define excess endogamy as that going beyond parents encouraging children to marry someone as a sound business proposition, or because both fathers fought as comrades in the same wars and are as brothers to each other. In this particular case, excess endogamy has two special characteristics. First, it follows from fear of the Inquisition, and second, parents do not tell their children the real reason why they are pushing them in a specific direction. Children may be encouraged to marry someone from a family whom our own family have known for generations, rather than told to avoid someone who, or his or her family, could accuse us of being New Christians or crypto-Jews (even if we are not). Of course, there is another, equally powerful reason for excess endogamy: to keep possible New Christians out. No one knows who may have New Christian ancestors. The typical head of a traditional colonial Chiloe family does not know whether there are any converso ancestors in his own family, let alone in other families. But at least he thinks that he approximately knows how serious the risk of attracting the Inquisitions attention is likely to be, and he thinks that he has the situation more or less under control. This already precarious balance may be completely upset by your children marrying people whose own ethnic backgrounds are equally or even more uncertain (at least to you). This does not reflect anti-Semitic attitudes. Simply the danger of being linked by the Inquisition to alleged crypto-Jews is too high, and the consequences, unthinkable. Among the

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crimes punished by the Inquisition, this was the only one in which descendants were also accomplices. During the colonial period plenty of people could choose their own surnames, and they did. They gave themselves the surname, or the two surnames, of their own choice, out of all eight (assuming no endogamy) of their parents and grandparents surnames. Chiloe families seem to have used this liberally in order to get rid of unwanted surnames. The effects may be observed in Table 3. For example, consider the family tree of ancestors of Jose Bloguez. Out of nine 1639 plus surnames in it in the colonial period, two had disappeared after the first generation (I in Roman numerals), a third surname was gone after the second generation (II), and a fourth surname, after the third generation (III). Three more 1639 plus surnames had been lost after the fourth generation (IV). The ancestors of Juan Verdejo were in this sense even more successful. Six of their initial eight 1639 plus surnames had gone by the end of the second generation, and the rest had disappeared with the fourth generation. This process of elimination of 1639 plus surnames can be observed in full, only in the family trees of Jose Bloguezs and Juan Verdejos ancestors. The family tree of someones ancestors is thick at the top (older generations) and thin at the bottom (younger generations). In contrast, family trees of descendants, such as Pedro Urdemales, are precisely the opposite: thin at the top (older generations) and thick at the bottom (younger ones). In Table 3 there is no discernible pattern to the Urdemales family tree, or a repetition of the Bloguez and Verdejo patterns, possibly because we cannot see all the individuals in the earlier generations. Many 1639 plus surnames may have

20

disappeared from the Urdemales family tree, but we would not have been able to observe this process. On the other hand, a different pattern is apparent among the descendants of the man who acted as Inquisition witness in 1639 (see the INQW family tree in Table 3). It is not known whether this witness was forced by the Inquisition or he volunteered, but in any case no 1639 plus surnames are present among his descendants for the first four generations. Only in the fifth generation (V) a 1639 plus surname appears, and then two more in generations VI and VII, respectively. But this was only about 100 years and four generations after the 1639 auto-de-fe, and possibly many decades after the witness himself had passed away. Two family trees which have not been mentioned before, OTHER5 and OTHER6, are introduced in Table 3. They are both family trees of descendants. Still, some interesting patterns appear. In OTHER5 there are only four 1639 plus surnames. They do not come all together in the same generation, and they do not linger. They arrive, they stay for the briefest of periods, and then they are gone. In OTHER6, there are even fewer 1639 plus surnames (three), and only at the beginning and end of the colonial period. In other words, before the danger, or the perception of danger, got really serious, and after it had gone. The OTHER6 family tree is also different from the rest, in that the men in it tend to marry very young, on average when they are about 20 years old (eleven generations in slightly over 200 years), against an average marriage age for males of about 30 in the other families. Maybe the fact that there are so few 1639 plus surnames in this family, is precisely what makes its men more attractive as marriage partners.

21

Interestingly, the founder of the OTHER6 family is Basque. As shown before, the proportion of Bonnin surnames among at least some Basques is lower than in other groups in colonial Chile (however, the incidence of Bonnin surnames is high in the OTHER6 family). 15 It is worth emphasising from Table 3 that the incidence of Bonnin surnames in each of these families does not help us to understand what is happening. Both OTHER5 and OTHER6 have proportions of Bonnin surnames above 50 percent. Much more useful is to look at the 1639 plus surnames, and especially at the evolution of 1639 plus surnames over time, from generation to generation.

5. An emergent or developing culture By the 18th century the Lima Inquisition tribunal was already in decline. There was no trace left of crypto-Jewish religious activity, or crypto-Jewish fortunes to be confiscated, anywhere in the Viceroyalty of Peru. The inquisidores had become interested in protestants and difficult priests. In Chiloe, the rebellion of encomienda Indians of 1712 (Urbina Burgos, 1990) both stressed the potential weakness of the Spanish crowns grip on the region, and further damaged the already low profitability of local encomiendas. The worst of the danger seemed to be over. Still, potential victims of the Inquisition in Chiloe remained cautious. Official family trees were carefully put together. Old, safe surnames, which had naturally disappeared several generations before, were conveniently resurrected. Any mistakes in family trees were swiftly corrected. The role of Portuguese ancestors was played

22

down. New family myths and traditions were invented (although some of these processes may have started long before). For example, new myths emphasised the fervent Catholic religiosity of particular ancestors, which was sometimes rewarded by miraculous events. Popular sayings were composed, or adopted, encouraging people to be discrete. Even a proud national dish of the island of Chiloe was invented, or embraced, curanto, which combines pork, shellfish and other ingredients in a most un-Jewish manner. A unique culture of these Chiloe encomenderos and their entorno social, and related Catholic namesakes of Inquisition victims, has emerged. Some characteristics of this culture, such as excess endogamy or what you tell your own children (not much, and only the convenient myths and traditions), will persist for generations after the Inquisitions demise. There are two key characteristics of the new culture, and several minor ones. The first feature is aptly summarised by the advice Marry your own, even if you do not know who they, or you, are. Tastes or preferences in terms of spouse choice have become endogenous. You learn to like your own, and marry them. You encourage your children to befriend, and eventually marry, the children of your own friends or relatives. When choosing potential marriage partners, you rely on people you know and have always known. Excessive endogamy inevitably follows. This is also related to trust. In this particular sense, you do not trust others, or outsiders, certainly not as much as you trust your own family. The advice may well be: Trust your own and be careful with everyone else. Also related to trust (or the absence of it), the second feature of this emergent Chiloe culture may be summarised by the advice Marry your own,

23

but then (or even before) choose your surnames carefully. Memories have become selective. Some surnames are conveniently forgotten and others are noisily rediscovered. Family links to members of the Spanish nobility, or to the most respected among 16th century conquistadores, are newly found. Members of Chiloe encomendero families call themselves vecino feudatario (neighbour with feudal entitlements), noble (noble, both as noun and adjective), and nobilisimo (extremely noble, adjective only). By about or shortly after 1700, several among the most emblematic allegedly cryptoJewish surnames mentioned in the most notorious 17th century Lima autosde-fe had already gone from many family trees. People became discrete. They adopted a cautious, dont-trust approach towards newcomers to the family, from Chiloe itself or elsewhere, including continental Chile. Many of these and other features of this new, emergent Chiloe culture are to a large extent shared with the inhabitants of continental Chile. Some aspects of it are, in no particular order, snobbery (the claim to noble ancestors and rejection of manual labour, Hojman, 2002); absence of trust (Inglehart, 1997, p. 359); a preference for democracy and the rejection of corruption (both possibly associated to bad memories of the worst excesses of the Lima Inquisition tribunal); and tolerance and skepticism towards religious fanaticism and fundamentalism (contemporary Chileans claim to be Catholics but do not go to church, Hojman, 2006). The distinction between traditional Chiloe families who stayed, and individuals who left, is very much the same as that between criollos and peninsulares in continental Chile, except that in Chiloe Island it was much more difficult to co-opt crown officials, and the arrival of new colonists had dried up by 1600 or 1650. In contrast, by about 1640

24

continental Chile continued receiving Portuguese immigrants who were considered dangerous by Buenos Aires, and who will have integrated successfully into Chilean colonial society by about 1680 (Bradley, 2002, pp. 606, 612). However (or maybe precisely as a result), endogamy in late colonial Valparaiso, for centuries the most important port in Central Chile, was higher than in Oaxaca or Leon in Mexico or among Druze Arabs (McCaa et al, 1979, p. 426).

6. Conclusions We may now be able to tentatively answer the three questions asked at the beginning of this paper. There has been so much endogamy in Chiloe, and for such a long time, possibly because during the colonial period endogamy was a convenient form of protection against your children marrying someone you (and they) did not know. That person could either spy on your family and report you to the Inquisition (even if you were innocent), or become a victim of the Inquisition himself or herself, and in the process implicate your own children and grandchildren (and yourself). The worst period of fear of the Inquisition was the 17th century, but once attitudes had been learned people stuck to them, usually without knowing the reason why these attitudes had developed. Differences in terms of numbers, or incidence, of (Catholic) namesakes of Inquisition victims between otherwise similar Chiloe families or groups may or may not be important. Differences in the incidence of Bonnin surnames are unlikely to mean very much, except that they may alert the researcher to other, more fundamental questions. The work by Medina on the Lima

25

Inquisition tribunal confirms that a high share of Bonnin surnames may have nothing to do with crypto-Jewish ancestors. On the other hand, a group of people much smaller than the namesakes of the 3,000 or so in the Bonnin list, could have been more exposed than the rest to attempts at harassment and intimidation in colonial Chiloe (and continental Chile). They are the namesakes of the victims of the 1639 Lima auto-de-fe, the victims of other smaller processes against alleged crypto-Jews which started or culminated in Chile, and the scapegoats of the fears inspired by Portuguese expansionism in Spanish crown officials. This new 1639 plus list, or harassment and intimidation list, has only 50 surnames in it, but traditional Chiloe families used to gradually drop these surnames from their family trees with amazing efficiency and regularity. Protecting themselves for several generations against the Inquisition, under severe conditions of geographical isolation and economic stagnation, may have led to the development of a new culture in Chiloe, characterised by attitudes such as marry your own, even if you do not know who they, or you, are, choose your surnames carefully, trust only those whom your family have known for a long time, or pretend to be a Catholic even if you are not. Many of these cultural attitudes are also present in continental Chile. In the same way in which the Inquisition contributed to shaping Chiloe culture, it may also have contributed to the specificity of Chilean national culture. It has often been claimed that a particular Basque input, especially during the 18th century, could have helped to make Chile different from the rest of Latin America. The evidence presented and discussed in this paper suggests that it is perfectly possible that not only Basques, but also others who were more

26

likely to have been affected by Inquisition actions, along lines similar to traditional Chiloe families, may have also contributed to Chilean exceptionalism.

27

Notes
1

The terms New Christian and converso refer to those Spanish and Portuguese Jews forced to convert to Catholicism, from the late 14th century onwards, some of whom continued practicing Judaism in secret (the cryptoJews), and to their Hispanic American descendants (Kamen, 1965; Caro Baroja, 1978; Roth, 1979; Millar Carvacho, 1998; Silverblatt, 2004). Other useful references are Friede (1951), Uchmany (1993) and Hampe-Martinez (1996). The encomienda consisted of the right to exploit Indian labour (Urbina Burgos, 1990; Loveman, 2001). In theory, the Indians were free but had to pay taxes. The encomendero collected these taxes in the kings name and made sure that the Indians converted to and persevered in the Catholic faith. In return he or she was entitled to a share of the tax revenue. If they wished to do so, Indians could pay in labour services. Often this arrangement was extremely profitable for the encomendero.

Although this paper is sympathetic to some Chiloe encomendero families, it must be remembered that, regardless of how humane some individual encomenderos may have been, the system deprived the Indians of their freedom, income, traditional culture and religion, health, families, and sometimes lives (Urbina Burgos, 1990). The Indian population in Chiloe encomiendas fell from 12,000 to 1,500 between the late 16th and the late 18th century (Guarda, 2002, p. 12).
4

For example, the word consanguinidad, marrying a relative so close that a special church dispensation was needed, is used eleven times in three pages by Guarda (1995, pp. 82-84).

In this particular context, excess endogamy may be defined as that amount of endogamy over and above: a) either inevitable endogamy resulting from the fact that simply there is physically no one else to marry; or b) any endogamy which may result from choosing partners randomly (whichever is the largest).
6

Because samples are small and exhaustive census material is not available, standard demographic and statistical techniques to look at endogamy (Strauss, 1977; Crow, 1980) are ruled out. The entorno social included, for example, the governor of Chiloe, who was often appointed among candidates from continental Chile or directly from Lima or Madrid, and the Corregidor (Lord Mayor and Police Chief) of Castro, typically a member of a local family. Encomendero families and their social milieu represented only a small minority of the total population. By 1590, the white mestizo population (children of Spanish fathers and Indian mothers) in continental Chile was already twice the size of the ethnically European population (Loveman, 2001, p. 76). According to Urbina Burgos (1990, p. 74), by 1712 Indians in Chiloe

28

Island amounted to half the total population, with the other half being Europeans and mestizos. Although there were exceptions (Bodian, 1994, p. 62; Silverblatt, 2000, pp. 537-538), the evidence presented in the rest of this paper suggests that the most ordinary surnames were overwhelmingly chosen. However, there are some interesting differences. The Saguier lists are from the early colonial period, whereas the ancestors of Jose Bloguez are taken from ten generations, going all the way to the 20th century (about 350 years). The proportion of Bonnin surnames among the Bloguez ancestors is as large in the first half of this extended period of time, as in the second half. The Portuguese in Buenos Aires were merchants. In contrast, the first generations of Bloguez and Verdejo ancestors (in about the same period, early 17th century), were conquistadores, soldiers and encomenderos. Another key difference is that the Portuguese merchants in Buenos Aires were pushed inland every time there was a danger of enemy invasion (Bradley, 2002). In sharp contrast, in Chiloe the earlier members of the Bloguez and Verdejo family trees were relied upon as the first (or the only) line of defenders against enemy, usually Dutch, invasion. An additional difficulty to getting married in Chiloe was a serious scarcity of Spanish women (Boyd-Bowman, 1976). It would be wrong to think of all the Portuguese in South America during this period as New Christians. This misleading identification may be the result of propaganda by 17th century Lima merchants trying to get rid of the competition, and Inquisition officials.
13 12 11 10 9

Moreover, the Lima Inquisition tribunal and its local representatives in Chile were often in conflict with the Santiago authorities (Medina, 1952).

The new 1639 plus list will be used to compile Table 3. However, the list is not published here, precisely in order to avoid creating a new weapon for harassment and intimidation in the 21st century. Basque immigrants were extremely successful in Chile for about a century or more before and after Independence, and made substantial contributions to national life and institutions (Hojman, 2002, 2006). Maybe one of the reasons why they became so successful, in addition to their own formidable qualities, is that they may also have been more acceptable as marriage partners, precisely because they were not in the 1639 plus list, and they were deemed less likely to have New Christian ancestors.
15

14

29

Table 1 The six groups, in chronological order: definitions, historical periods, and proportions of surnames in the Bonnin list Definition of the group (the respective codes are in parentheses) Period Share of surnames in Bonnin list (percent) *

Spanish surnames in early colonial Chile (BARR) All Chiloe encomendero families (ENCOM) Juan Verdejos family tree

Before 1610

63

Colonial: 16-18th centuries

32

Colonial: 16-18th centuries (seven generations) Independence: 1795-1819 Ten generations: 17-20th centuries Most recent: Mid 20th century

49

Chiles top merchants (MERCH) Jose Bloguezs ancestors

29

59

Diccionario Biografico (DICC)

44

* The sample sizes are, respectively, 117, 128, 55, 34, 51 and 100. Sources: Compiled by the author from Diccionario Biografico de Chile (1965), Barros Arana (2000), Lamar (2001) and Guarda (2002).

30

Table 2 The ancestors of Jose Bloguez: their 51 surnames, according to whether they are in the Bonnin or Medina lists, and their namesakes crimes In Bonnin or Medina lists? Their namesakes crimes Number of surnames

In Bonnin list but not Medina list

New Christians or crypto-Jews, but not in Chile or the Viceroyalty of Peru Bigamy, blasphemy, soliciting, witchcraft, etc, but not crypto-Jews Crypto-Jews Bigamy, blasphemy, soliciting, witchcraft, etc, but not New Christians or crypto-Jews (in Chile or Peru) Less than a third of the accused, crypto-Jews; the rest, as above Blasphemy, soliciting, crypto-Jew, and unknown

In Medina list but not Bonnin list Same as above In both lists

1 10

In both lists

10

In both lists, and namesakes of Lima Inquisidores Not in Bonnin or Medina lists Not in Bonnin or Medina lists, Portuguese (nonJewish)

Not applicable

10

Not applicable

Sources: Compiled by the author from Medina (1956), Bonnin (2001) and Guarda (2002).

31

Table 3 Chiloe family trees and the 1639 plus list (or harassment and intimidation list) Family tree (in parentheses, total surnames, Bonnin surnames) Number of 1639 plus surnames (in parentheses, 1639 plus share in family total, percent) Generations (in Roman numerals) affected, by 1639 plus surname, one surname per line

Ancestors of Jose Bloguez (51, 30)

9 (18%)

V, VI, VII I, II, III, IV, V IV II, III I I, II I I, IV I, IV II, III, IV II II III II I I II I III, VII II, III, IV, V, VI, VII III, IV II, IV, VI III, IV, VI V VI VII I, II IV, V V VI, VII I II X, XI 32

Ancestors of Juan Verdejo (55, 27)

8 (15%)

Descendants of Pedro Urdemales (57, 36)

6 (11%)

Descendants of Inquisition witness, INQW (28, 12) Family 5, not mentioned before, OTHER5 (40, 21)

3 (11%)

4 (10%)

Family 6, not mentioned before, OTHER6 (28, 17)

3 (11%)

Sources: Compiled by the author from Medina (1952), Millar Carvacho (1998), Bonnin (2001) and Guarda (2002).

33

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34

Hampe-Martinez, Teodoro (1996), Recent Works on the Inquisition and Peruvian Colonial Society, 1570-1820, Latin American Research Review, 31, 2, pp. 43-65. Hojman, David E. (2002), The Political Economy of Chiles Fast Economic Growth: An Olsonian Interpretation, Public Choice, 111, 1-2, March, pp. 155178. Hojman, David E. (2006), Economic Development and the Evolution of National Culture: The Case of Chile, in Harrison, Lawrence and Berger, Peter, eds., Developing Cultures: Case Studies, London, Routledge, pp. 267-286. Inglehart, Ronald (1997), Modernisation and Postmodernisation, Princeton, Princeton University Press. Jacobs, Janet Liebman (2000), The Spiritual Self-in-Relation: Empathy and the Construction of Spirituality among Modern Descendants of the Spanish Crypto-Jews, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 39, 1, March, pp. 5363. Kamen, Henry (1965), The Spanish Inquisition, New York, Meridian. Kunin, Seth D. (2001), Juggling Identities among the Crypto-Jews of the American Southwest, Religion, 31, 1, January, pp. 41-61. Lamar, Marti (2001), Doing Business in the Age of Revolution, in Uribe-Uran, Victor M., ed., State and Society in Spanish America during the Age of Revolution, Wilmington, Scholarly Resources, pp. 89-117. Laub, Eva and Laub, Juan F. (1987), El Mito Triunfante, Palma, Miquel Font. Liebman, Seymour B. (1963), The Jews of Colonial Mexico, Hispanic American Historical Review, 43, 1, February, pp. 95-108. Loveman, Brian (2001), Chile: The Legacy of Hispanic Capitalism, Oxford, Oxford University Press, Third Edition. McCaa, Robert, Schwartz, Stuart B. and Grubessich, Arturo (1979), Race and Class in Colonial Latin America: A Critique, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 21, 3, July, pp. 421-433. Medina, Jose Toribio (1952), Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile, Santiago, Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, www.cervantesvirtual.com (first published in 1890). Medina, Jose Toribio (1956), Historia del Tribunal de la Inquisicion de Lima, 1569-1820, Santiago, Nascimento (first published in 1887).

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Millar Carvacho, Rene (1997), El Archivo del Santo Oficio de Lima y la Documentacion Inquisitorial Existente en Chile, Revista de la Inquisicion, 6, pp. 101-116. Millar Carvacho, Rene (1998), Inquisicion y Sociedad en el Virreinato Peruano, Santiago, Universidad Catolica. Poole, Stafford (1999), The Politics of Limpieza de Sangre: Juan de Ovando and His Circle in the Reign of Philip II, The Americas, 55, 3, January, pp. 359389. Porcel, Baltasar (1977), Los Chuetas Mallorquines, Barcelona, Bruguera. Rodriguez-Larralde, A., Gonzales-Martin, A., Scapoli, G. and Barrai, I. (2003), The Names of Spain: A Study of the Isonymy Structure of Spain, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 121, 3, July, pp. 280-292. Roth, Cecil (1979), Los Judios Secretos: Historia de los Marranos, Madrid, Altalena. Saguier, Eduardo R. (1985), The Social Impact of a Middleman Minority in a Divided Host Society: The Case of the Portuguese in Early SeventeenthCentury Buenos Aires, Hispanic American Historical Review, 65, 3, pp. 467491. Schwartz, Stuart B. (1991), The Voyage of the Vassals: Royal Power, Noble Obligations, and Merchant Capital before the Portuguese Restoration of Independence, 1624-1640, American Historical Review, 96, 3, June, pp. 735762. Silverblatt, Irene (2000), New Christians and New World Fears in Seventeenth-Century Peru, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 42, 3, July, pp. 524-546. Silverblatt, Irene (2004), Modern Inquisitions, Durham, Duke University Press. Strauss, David J. (1977), Measuring Endogamy, Social Science Research, 6, 3, September, pp. 225-245. Trapero, Maximiano (1998), Romancero General de Chiloe, Frankfurt, Vervuert Iberoamericana. Uchmany, Eva Alexandra (1993), The Periodisation of the History of the New Christians and Crypto-Jews in Spanish America, in Stillman, Yedida K. and Zucker, George K, eds., New Horizons in Sephardic Studies, Albany, State University of New York Press, pp. 109-136. Urbina Burgos, Rodolfo (1990), La Rebelion Indigena de 1712: Los Tributarios de Chiloe contra la Encomienda, Tiempo y Espacio, 1, pp. 73-86, www.memoriachilena.cl.

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Williams, Jerry M. (2001), A New Text in the Case of Ana de Castro: Limas Inquisition on Trial, Dieciocho, 24, 1, pp. 7-32, www.congreso.gob.pe/museo/inquisicion/ana-de-castro.pdf.

37

Appendix The chi-squared tests Hypothesis: The fact that a surname is or not in the Bonnin (2001) list, and the fact that this surname is in one or the other of these two groups, are independent a

ENCOM

Verdejo

MERCH

Bloguez

DICC

BARR b

23.71 ***

2.75 *

12.47 ***

0.48

7.47 ***

ENCOM

5.48 **

0.17

11.49 ***

2.73 *

Verdejo

3.14 *

1.37

0.45

MERCH

7.08 ***

2.61

Bloguez
a

2.96 *

An alternative wording would be that both samples have been drawn from the same population. The critical values (with 1 degree of freedom) are: 2.71 at the 10% level, 3.84 at the 5% level, and 6.63 at the 1% level (the hypothesis must be rejected for test values higher than these).
b

For codes, see Table 1. The hypothesis is rejected at the 10% level. The hypothesis is rejected at the 5% level. The hypothesis is rejected at the 1% level.

* ** ***

38