Boletín Septiembre 2006

Geopolítica y Comunicación en Asia Central y el Cáucaso
Observatorio
Septiembre 2006
ASESINADO A TIROS EL VICEGOBERNADOR DEL BANCO CENTRAL RUSO
Kozlov era inflexible contra el dinero negro y había retirado la

licencia a varios bancos.
Fuente: www.elpais.es
Continúa en página 27
LOS 'AGUJEROS NEGROS' DE LA URSS.
Cuatro conflictos regionales heredados de la Unión Soviética

amenazan la estabilidad de Europa.
Fuente: www.elpais.es
MILITARES RUSOS ACUSADOS DE ESPIONAJE.
Cuatro agentes del Servicio de Inteligencia Militar de Rusia se

encuentran detenidos en Georgia bajo sospecha de espionaje,
señaló el gobierno de Tiflis.
Fuente: http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/news/
MOSCOW SUSPENDS GEORGIA TROOP PULLOUT.
Russia September 30 it has temporarily suspended a pullout of

its troops from two Russian bases in Georgia until the security
situation has returned to normal. Russia made the announcement
as most of its diplomatic staff prepared to leave Georgia.
Fuente: www.eurasianet.org
ÍNDICE
-Política interior...p.3
-Política exterior...p.10
-Conflictos y disputas territoriales....p.17
-Economía....p.23
Grupo de investigación en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social

www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
El Observatorio de Geopolítica y Comunicación en

Asia Central y el Cáucaso es un proyecto que se encuadra
dentro de la línea de “Historia de la propaganda y análisis de la
comunicación política” del Grupo Interdisciplinario de
Estudios en Comunicación, Política y Cambio Social
(COMPOLITICAS), y tiene como principal objetivo el
estudio, investigación y difusión de los principales fenómenos
políticos y comunicacionales que tienen lugar en ese espacio
geográfico.
El Observatorio es, asimismo, un foro de debate que,

con sede en la Facultad de Comunicación de la Universidad de
Sevilla, pretende discutir y dar a conocer, especialmente en lo
que a los aspectos comunicacionales se refiere, una zona del
mundo muy poco estudiada en la Universidad española.
Esta inquietud investigadora está en consonancia con la

convicción de que es necesario aportar nuevos elementos para
la confección de una verdadera historia de la comunicación
“universal”, que se aparte del eurocentrismo que normalmente
aqueja a la disciplina. Para ello, el Observatorio se acerca a la
región de Asia Central y el Cáucaso con una mirada
multidisciplinar que incluye el interés por su historia, cultura,
religión, desarrollo político-social, relaciones internacionales,
etc., imprescindible para comprender la evolución histórica de
las diferentes formas de comunicación en este lugar del mundo.
Si bien resulta complejo definir con precisión el espacio

al que llamamos Asia Central y el Cáucaso, el Observatorio se
interesa especialmente por el espacio ex – soviético de esta
región, que incluye a una parte de la Federación Rusa y a países
como Armenia, Azerbaiyán, Georgia, Kazajstán, Turkmenistán,
Uzbekistán, Kirguizstán y Tayikistán.
Una de las principales formas de difusión de las

actividades del Observatorio es la edición de este boletín
mensual de noticias sobre Asia Central y el Cáucaso.
Boletín septiembre 2006 elaborado por

Fernando Márquez Herrero

www.us.es/cico
2
Observatorio
Política Interior
TITULARES
GEORGIA: SCHEDULING OF LOCAL ELECTIONS

TRIGGERS FUROR
Eurasianet (03/09/06)
CENTRAL ASIAN LEADERS SEEK TO IMPROVE

REGIONAL COOPERATION
SCANDAL SPARKS NEW ROUND OF CONFRONTATION

BETWEEN PRESIDENT AND PARLIAMENT IN KYRGYZSTAN
Título GEORGIA: SCHEDULING OF LOCAL ELECTIONS TRIGGERS

FUROR
Subtítulo
Entradilla President Mikheil Saakashvili’s August 26 decision to bring forward the date
of elections for local and municipal councils and mayors of major towns and
cities has triggered a storm of protest from Georgian opposition parties,
including those that earlier announced their intention to boycott that ballot.
And the apparent willingness of the ruling National Movement to "bend the
rules" to permit parliament deputies to participate in mayoral elections has
only made things worse.
Autor Liz Fuller (A EurasiaNet Partner Post from RFE/RL)
Fecha 03/09/06
publicación
Traducción Georgia: la planificación de elecciones locales provoca una ola de protestas
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de On August 7, presidential-administration head Giorgi Arveladze said the
texto local elections would be held in early December, Caucasus Press reported.
But on August 28 -- a public holiday in Georgia -- it was announced that
President Saakashvili signed a decree two days earlier scheduling the
elections for October 5. Those opposition parties that had not yet done so
were constrained to scramble to submit applications to register for the ballot
before the formal deadline for doing so expired at 6 p.m. local time on
August 28.
To Boycott Or Participate?
Earlier this summer, the major opposition parties -- the Republican party
headed by Davit Usupashvili, the New Conservatives (aka New Rightists)
headed by Davit Gamkrelidze, the Conservatives (co-chaired by Koba
Davitashvili and Zviad Dzidziguri), the Industrialists (Zurab Tkemaladze),
the Labor party (Chairman Shota Natelashvili), Tavisupleba (Liberty, chaired
by Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, son of the late President Zviad

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Gamsakhurdia), and the People’s Forum (headed by Akaki Asatiani) -

mulled a collective boycott of the ballot, but were advised against it on the
grounds that the minimum voter participation for the ballot to be valid is so
low that a boycott could not affect the outcome, according to "The
Messenger" on July 17.
Following further consultations on August 5, the Republicans, Conservatives,
and Industrialists decided to field candidates in the ballot, while the
remaining four parties held fast to the idea of a boycott, Caucasus Press
reported. Labor’s Natelashvili was nonetheless quoted on August 7 as saying
he might reconsider that decision.
On August 22, Republican party parliament deputy Davit Berdzenishvili was
quoted by the daily "Rezonansi" as saying that the Republicans,
Conservatives, and Industrialists would resume talks at the end of the month
on forming an election bloc, and hoped they could persuade the Labor party
to align with them, Civil Georgia reported.
On August 31, Natelashvili announced that Labor will indeed participate in
the vote, adding that he believes it has "the best chance" of winning,
Caucasus Press reported. Labor made a strong showing in the 2002
municipal elections, garnering the largest percentage of the vote (25.5
percent) in Tbilisi. But Tavisupleba reaffirmed its intention to boycott the
election, Caucasus Press reported on August 28.
The Greens and the movement We Ourselves issued comparable statements
on August 30 saying they will not participate in the ballot, while
Samartlianoba (Justice) did likewise on August 31.
Registration Difficulties
Prior to Saakashvili’s August 28 announcement, the only opposition
formation to have registered for the local elections was Georgia’s Path, the
movement established by Salome Zourabichvili following her dismissal as
foreign minister last fall.
On August 28, seven other parties also applied for registration: the
Republican party, Industry Will Save Georgia, and the smaller and less
influential National Ideology Party, Merab Kostava Society, and Mother
Georgia. The two latter parties were refused registration, however, on the
grounds that they failed to submit the required 50,000 signatures in their
support, according to Caucasus Press on August 31. The Conservatives and
Labor were exempt from registration, having fielded candidates
independently in previous elections, according to Caucasus Press on August
28.
A total of nine parties finally succeeded in registering, according to Caucasus
Press on August 31: Industry Will Save Georgia, the Republican Party, the
Conservative Party, the National Ideology Party, Georgia’s Way, the New
Conservatives, the ruling United National Movement, the National-
Democratic Party, and the Labor Party.
Tricky Scheduling
Meanwhile, the Central Election Commission sought to address a further
problem resulting from the timing of the local election. The election law
stipulates that parliament deputies must temporarily relinquish their
mandates before registering as mayoral candidates. But the deadline for
registration is September 11, while parliament reconvenes after its summer
recess only on September 12.
That restriction affects Conservative party leader Koba Davitashvili and the
Republicans’ Berdzenishvili, who sought to run for mayor in Tbilisi and

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Batumi, respectively. Both men accused the Georgian authorities on August

29 of sabotaging their chances of participating in the election, the pro-
government television station Rustavi-2 reported.
Giga Bokeria, a prominent member of the parliament faction of the majority
National Movement, suggested on August 28 that Davitashvili and
Berdzenishvili should appeal to the parliament’s bureau to convene an
emergency session at which they could surrender their mandates, Caucasus
Press reported.
Central Election Commission Chairman Guram Chalagashvili for his part
reasoned that the parliament bureau will convene one week before the
opening of the fall session and that body strip the two deputies of their
mandates, Civil Georgia reported on August 29.
But Tina Khidasheli of the Republican party countered on August 29 that
Bokeria’s suggestion violates not only the law on parliament deputies but
also the Georgian Constitution. Parliament deputy Kakha Kukava
(Conservative) similarly said it would be "absolutely illegal" for the
parliament bureau to do so.
Opposition Bloc Infighting

The Tbilisi mayoral election may, moreover, prove an obstacle to the
creation of an opposition bloc to challenge the ruling National Movement in
voting across the country. Four parties -- the New Conservatives, the
Republicans, the Conservatives, and Industry Will Save Georgia -- are
currently mulling such an alignment, according to Civil Georgia on August
30.
But as indicated above, Conservative leader Davitashvili hopes to run for
Tbilisi mayor, while the New Conservatives are reportedly considering
making their participation in a putative opposition bloc contingent on that
bloc nominating wealthy businessman Badri Patarkatsishvili as its candidate
for that post.
New Conservatives leader Gamkrelidze explained to journalists on August
29 that there is little point in participating in the elections unless the bloc has
a real chance of success, and that Patarkatsishvili is undoubtedly their best
bet.
(An opinion poll of 447 people conducted in June by the weekly "Kviris
palitra" found that Patarkatsishvili was the most popular prospective
candidate, with 27 percent support, followed by Zourabichvili [18 percent],
Davitashvili [16 percent] and incumbent Gigi Ugulava and beer magnate
Gogi Topadze, founder of Industry Will Save Georgia, both with 14 percent.)
But Tkemaladze was quoted on August 30 as saying the Industrialists plan to
nominate Topadze as their candidate for Tbilisi mayor, while Republican
party leader Usupashvili told Civil Georgia on August 22 that his party has
"never considered" nominating Patarkatsishvili.
In light of those two parties’ reservations about Patarkatsishvili’s candidacy,
the prospective opposition alliance could be confined to the Conservatives
and Republicans. Those two parties are now considering the possibility of
nominating former Minister for Conflict Resolution Giorgi Khaindrava as
their candidate for mayor of Tbilisi, Caucasus Press reported on August 31.
Khaindrava, who was dismissed in July following disagreements with
hawkish Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili, has not yet commented
publicly on that possibility. Nor is it clear whether Davitashvili would shelve
his own ambitions to back Khaindrava.
Zourabichvili, who plans to run in the Tbilisi mayoral election, stands to gain
if the other opposition parties fail to unite behind a single candidate.

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Speaking on August 29 at a press conference in Tbilisi, she described herself

as "the real opposition candidate," according to Civil Georgia. She also
branded the authorities’ decision to bring the election date forward by two
months "a sign of weakness."
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/pp100306.shtml
Fecha 04/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones
Título CENTRAL ASIAN LEADERS SEEK TO IMPROVE REGIONAL

COOPERATION
Subtítulo
Entradilla Central Asian leaders have taken steps to strengthen regional ties. But
chances remain high that agreements signed during an informal summit in
the Kazakhstani capital of Astana will become bogged down in logistical
details.
Autor Joanna Lillis (Joanna Lillis is a freelance writer who specializes in Central
Asian affairs)
Fecha 07/09/06
publicación
Traducción Los líderes de Asia Central buscan la mejora de la cooperación regional.
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de A major obstacle to closer regional cooperation is Turkmenistan’s hermit-
texto like tendencies, underscored by the fact that the country’s strongman,
Saparmurat Niyazov, stayed away from the September 1 regional summit.
Beyond Turkmenistan’s idiosyncratic behaviour, mistrust remains a
stumbling bloc. For example, relations between Uzbek leader Islam Karimov
and his Tajik counterpart Imomali Rahmonov have been cool for years.
The deals that emerged from the September 1 gathering of the leaders of
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to some extent lacked
substance. The summiteers -- who discussed economic, security and cultural
cooperation -- concluded two pacts covering water resources -- one that seeks
to save the shrinking Aral Sea and another that strives to improve the
regional water management system.
Summit participants envisioned the creation of a consortium to tackle long-
running disputes over the distribution of scarce water resources. Tajikistan
and Kyrgyzstan hold the bulk of the region’s water, while the main
consumers are Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The discrepancy
leads to annual spats over supply and consumption. While expressing a desire
to put a better management system into place, the states could only agree on
setting up a working group to examine the feasibility of creating a water
consortium. This suggests that progress toward the final goal of a
comprehensive management system is likely to be slow.

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Meanwhile, the agreement on saving the Aral Sea appears to rest on a shaky
foundation. The sea -- a victim of misguided Soviet central planners, who
diverted rivers that fed the Aral to support cotton cultivation -- has been
shrinking at an alarming rate for over 40 years, and now is estimated by the
UN Environment Program to be less than half of its size in the mid-1960s. As
a first step toward the Aral’s regeneration, the Central Asian leaders agreed
to revive the International Aral Sea Salvation Fund, aiming to raise
international awareness about the environmental catastrophe.
The second stage of the Aral salvation blueprint would seem to require the
diversion of Siberian rivers, an oft-debated measure that was discredited
during in the late Soviet era as environmentally hazardous. At a news
conference, Kazakhstani President Nursultan Nazarbayev defended the idea
of redirecting rivers, and downplayed the long-standing environmental
concerns. "We have talked to the Russian president about the fact that
statements to the effect that this would be damaging and so on were
populist," Nazarbayev said. "This would be just 8 percent of the flow, which
would not even have any effect on drainage but would play a great role in
integration and relations between our countries."
Any attempt to implement a river-redirection scheme would be sure to
generate a storm of protests. It would also be an enormously expensive
project, which, in the end, could merely spread the environmental damage,
rather than rescue the Aral. Even while seeming to promote the idea,
Nazarbayev admitted that "the issue is quite serious and complex."
Following the regional summit, Uzbek President Islam Karimov stayed on in
Kazakhstan for his first ever state visit. In the post-Soviet era, Uzbek-Kazakh
relations have been characterized by a rivalry for regional supremacy -
Kazakhstan as an economic powerhouse and Uzbekistan as a political
heavyweight. The effusive praise and relaxed body language displayed
during Karimov’s state visit indicated a degree of success in improving
relations. "How enthusiastically the Kazakhs have welcomed the delegation
from Uzbekistan. Whatever you ask, Nursultan Abishuly, I am ready to
resolve all issues," Karimov told Nazarbayev, in remarks broadcast on
Kazakhstan’s Khabar TV.
Nazarbayev and Karimov signed a variety of agreements, including one that
established an interstate coordination council. The two presidents also
pledged to double trade, which is up 27 per cent so far this year. However, it
started from a low base: in 2005, Uzbekistan accounted for approximately 1
percent of Kazakhstan’s overall foreign trade volume, according to figures
from Kazakhstan’s Statistics Agency.
"The year 2006 has seen a breakthrough in Kazakh-Uzbek relations,"
Nazarbayev told a news conference at the end of the visit.
Certainly there have been more contacts between the two neighbors in 2006
than in previous years, with Karimov attending Nazarbayev’s January
inauguration and Nazarbayev paying his first state visit to Uzbekistan in
March. The increased contacts, in turn, seem to have produced stronger
bilateral bonds. Nazarbayev cited several achievements since his March trip
to Tashkent: the Development Bank of Kazakhstan has opened a Tashkent
branch; the Almaty-Tashkent-Nukus rail route has been revived; and the
number of flights between Tashkent and Almaty has been increased.
"People in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are eager for one thing: for there to be
more opportunities to mix," Karimov told the joint press conference. "The
formal restrictions preventing people from mixing should be reduced to a
minimum."

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Despite the upbeat rhetoric, the two leaders failed to directly address several
practical obstacles to expanded cooperation, especially stringent border-
crossing procedures and corruption. Crossing the frontier remains
complicated, with Uzbek citizens required to show their own border guards
documentary proof of their reason for travelling, and citizens from both states
subject to arbitrary bribe requests from border guards on both sides.
In addition to improving ties with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan has in recent
months succeeded in forging closer relations with Kyrgyzstan. Throughout
the summer, the two countries carried out joint operations that, according to
Kyrgyz officials, have routed Islamic militants in southern Kyrgyzstan.
The various Central Asian leaders appear to have differing motivations for
seeking greater regional cooperation. Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev,
for example, seems primarily interested in gaining political support from his
neighbors to bolster his shaky domestic political position. Karimov,
meanwhile, is preoccupied with promoting regional security as a means to
contain Islamic radicalism. Given the differing agendas, it remains to be seen
whether the recent moves will produce meaningful regional cooperation, or
prove to be just another false start.
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav090706.shtml
Fecha 10/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones
Título SCANDAL SPARKS NEW ROUND OF CONFRONTATION

BETWEEN PRESIDENT AND PARLIAMENT IN KYRGYZSTAN
Subtítulo
Entradilla A scandal in which the state’s security service stands accused of planting
drugs on the former parliament speaker is renewing the feud in Kyrgyzstan
between the executive and legislative branches of government.
Autor
Fecha 12/09/06
publicación
Traducción El escándalo provoca una nueva ronda de confrontación entre el presidente y
Títulos el parlamento en Kyrgyzstan
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Members of Kyrgyz parliament convened a special hearing on September 11
texto in connection with the scandal, which erupted September 6 with the arrest of
former parliament speaker Omurbek Tekebayev in Poland on a drug
smuggling charge. Polish authorities found heroin crudely stashed inside a
matryoshka doll packed in Tekebayev’s luggage. After an investigation
determined that the drugs had been planted, a Polish court set Tekebayev free
and he returned to Kyrgyzstan early on September 12.
Immediately after word spread of Tekebayev’s arrest, opposition politicians
insisted he had been set up. During the parliamentary hearing, MPs reviewed

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evidence implicating the National Security Service (NSS), specifically the

president’s brother and security service deputy chief, Janysh Bakiyev, in the
framing of Tekebayev. Among the evidence was videotape taken at
Bishkek’s Manas airport showing a high-ranking airport official taking
Tekebayev’s luggage away and then returning with it a short while later.
Also presented was a written statement by the airport deputy director, Nadir
Mamirov, who claimed that Janysh Bakiyev had personally instructed that
heroin be placed in Tekebayev’s luggage
The revelations forced the resignations of Janysh Bakiyev and the head of the
NSS, Busurmankul Tabaldiyev. Both, however, denied specific involvement
in a conspiracy to frame Tekebayev.
MPs also demanded an explanation from President Bakiyev, who declined to
meet with the legislators, citing a "busy schedule." MPs also demanded that
the president explain reports that he met in late July with Boris Berezovsky, a
Russian tycoon now wanted by Moscow on criminal charges. According to
reports, Berezovsky flew to Bishkek from his home in London. If such a
meeting did indeed occur, Bakiyev may have violated international
agreements by not taking action to arrest and extradite Berezovsky to
Moscow.
Some MPs said that if President Bakiyev declined to comply with
parliament’s request for an explanation, they would organize a mass rally for
September 15.
One MP, Kabai Karabekov, was quoted by the 24.kg information agency as
calling for President Bakiyev’s resignation. "He doesn’t have the moral right
to lead the country," Karabekov said.
The parliament considered a resolution calling for the resignations of
President Bakiyev, Prime Minister Feliks Kulov and other government
officials. A vote was expected to be taken within the coming days.
Comments attributed to President Bakiyev and posted on the presidential
website indicated that a government commission would be established soon
to investigate the scandal. "What has happened proves that, unfortunately,
there are people in Kyrgyzstan who do not like stability in the nation,"
President Bakiyev was quoted as saying.
The scandal would appear to give parliament momentum in its long-running
power struggle with president. A bout of maneuvering between the
legislative and executive branches in February resulted in Tekebayev’s
resignation as speaker. Now, at the very least, opposition MPs hope the
recent turn of events will force Bakiyev to take action to curb rampant
corruption in Kyrgyzstan. During the spring of this year, opposition
politicians attempted to foster a series of mass rallies in an effort to pressure
Bakiyev on the corruption issue. But the rally strategy sputtered after failing
to attract significant public support, enabling President Bakiyev to gain the
upper hand in the power struggle.
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav091206a.shtml
Fecha 13/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones

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Política ExteriorE
TITULARES
IRÁN Y RUSIA FIRMAN ACUERDO NUCLEAR

BBCMundo.com (26/09/06)
GEORGIA SAYS RUSSIAN OFFICERS ARE SPIES

Topix.net (27/09/06)
MILITARES RUSOS ACUSADOS DE ESPIONAJE

BBCMundo.com (29/09/06)
BUSH: KAZAKHSTAN IS A "FREE NATION"

MOSCOW SUSPENDS GEORGIA TROOP PULLOUT

Título IRÁN Y RUSIA FIRMAN ACUERDO NUCLEAR
Subtítulo
Entradilla La agencia de energía atómica rusa anunció la firma de un acuerdo con Irán
que fija una fecha para la inauguración de la primera planta nuclear rusa en el
país, en el puerto de Bushehr, a orillas del Golfo Pérsico.
Autor Steven Eke (Analista de la BBC)
Fecha 26/09/06
publicación
Traducción
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Este acuerdo se produce luego de que el jefe de la delegación nuclear iraní en
texto Moscú acusara a Rusia de no cumplir con sus compromisos previos de enviar
combustible nuclear para el reactor.
Este proyecto ha sido demorado en varias ocasiones y continúa siendo
controvertido, provocando tensiones en la relación entre Rusia y Estados
Unidos.
Un vocero de la agencia atómica rusa informó que la planta de Bushehr
estará lista para septiembre de 2007.
Con anterioridad, el jefe de la delegación nuclear iraní en Moscú se quejó de
las demoras en establecer un plazo para su finalización y advirtió que su país
terminaría la construcción del proyecto por su cuenta.
Ambas partes insisten en que las demoras se deben a problemas técnicos,
más que a la discusión sobre el desarrollo nuclear iraní.
Para Rusia, el conocimiento nuclear es potencialmente un producto de
exportación lucrativo, ya que cada planta que construye para otro país tiene
un valor de más de US$1.000 millones.
Precauciones

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Moscú insiste en que ha tomado precauciones para evitar que tecnologías

nucleares con fines civiles se utilicen con fines militares.
Pero Estados Unidos ha hecho repetidos llamados para que Rusia deje de
cooperar en el campo nuclear con Irán, alegando que Bushehr puede ayudar a
Irán a fabricar lo que Washington sospecha son armas nucleares.
Rusia se ha unido en la exhortación de Occidente para que Irán suspenda su
programa de enriquecimiento de uranio, e incluso se ofreció a construir una
central compartida en Rusia para enriquecer uranio para Irán.
Cuando Teherán evadió la propuesta con una respuesta poco clara, Moscú
asumió una posición más dura advirtiendo sobre lo que llamó "medidas de
una naturaleza económica", lo que se interpretó ampliamente como
sanciones.
Mientras Moscú no fijaba un plazo para finalizar la construcción del proyecto
de Bushehr, tenía aún un elemento para negociar con Teherán.
Ahora, Rusia parece haber decidido no poner en peligro una relación
económica valiosa, a pesar de las críticas que pueda recibir de EE.UU.
Medio BBCMundo
Enlace http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/international/newsid_5381000/5381704.stm
Fecha 27/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones
Título GEORGIA SAYS RUSSIAN OFFICERS ARE SPIES
Subtítulo
Entradilla Georgian authorities detained four Russian military officers and 12 others on
spying charges Wednesday, and Interior Ministry forces surrounded Russian
military headquarters in Tbilisi to demand the handover of another Russian.
Autor Misha Dzhindzhikhashvili
Fecha 27/09/06
publicación
Traducción Georgia afirma que los oficiales rusos son espías.
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de The actions highlighted escalating tensions between the two ex-Soviet
texto neighbors.
Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili said the Russian military intelligence
officers were detained Wednesday in the Georgian capital and the Black Sea
port of Batumi on charges of espionage. He said the dozen Georgian citizens
who were detained were part of the same 'very dangerous' spy chain.
Merabishvili said the suspects had been involved in espionage for several years.
Georgian authorities moved to detain the suspects to thwart a 'serious
provocation' they had prepared, Merabishvili said.
'They showed a particular interest in Georgia's defense capability, its programs
of integration into NATO, energy security, political parties and organizations' as

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well as information about the nation's military forces and infrastructure,

Merabishvili added.
Interior Ministry forces surrounded the Russian military headquarters in Tbilisi
demanding the handover of another Russian officer accused of spying,
Merabishvili said.
Russia's Foreign Ministry summoned Georgia's ambassador to Moscow,
handing him a note protesting the detention and demanding the officers'
immediate release. The ministry denounced the Georgian allegations as
unfounded and said the officers' detention 'underlined the Georgian leadership's
anti-Russian course.'
Bilateral relations have become increasingly tense after President Mikhail
Saakashvili came to power following Georgia's 2003 Rose Revolution, pledging
to take the Caucasus nation out of Russia's orbit, join NATO and integrate
closely into other Western structures.
Georgian officials long have accused Russia of backing separatists in Georgia's
breakaway provinces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and making efforts to
undermine Saakashvili's government _ allegations Russia has denied. Earlier
this month, Georgian authorities arrested activists of several opposition groups
on charges of plotting a coup against Saakashvili with Russia's blessing.
Amid spiraling tensions, Russia earlier this year banned imports of Georgian
wine and mineral water for alleged public health reasons. It was widely seen as
a cover for an attempt to hurt Georgia's economy, which depends on a huge
Russian market.
Russia's military has retained bases in Georgia after the 1991 Soviet collapse,
but pledged to withdraw them by the end of 2008.
Russian peacekeepers have been deployed to Georgia's breakaway provinces of
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which have enjoyed de-facto independence
without international recognition since breaking away after bloody wars in the
early 1990s. Russia has also granted most residents of the two regions
citizenship.
Saakashvili has vowed to take Abkhazia and South Ossetia back into the fold,
and he accused the Kremlin last week of 'gangster occupation' of the two
provinces in a speech before the United Nations.
On Wednesday, Saakashvili flew into the Kodori Gorge, a section of Abkhazia
controlled by government forces to rename it Upper Abkhazia. Georgian
government forces moved into the gorge's upper 25-mile section two months
ago to root out members of a defiant militia.
'We are located in Upper Abkhazia and we are communicating to the entire
world that we will never leave Abkhazia,' Saakashvili said in the village of
Chkhalta where he inaugurated a new administrative building, which is part of a
government effort to set up a local administration there.
The Georgian leader also promised to bring the breakaway region's main city,
Sukhumi, back under government control. 'We absolutely will return to
Sukhumi, which is just 40 miles from here,' he said.
The leader of Abkhazia's separatist government derided the renaming and
warned it would fuel tensions. 'We view attempts at renaming part of the
territory or gorge with a political subtext as the latest provocation by Mikhail
Saakashvili, and to be totally honest, the latest bit of stupidity by the Georgia
president,' Abkhazian President Sergei Bagapsh said.
The Kodori Gorge is a narrow, steep-sided river valley flanked by rugged
mountain slopes and dotted with a few towns and settlements. The upper, inland
portion where Georgia claims control has about 4,000 inhabitants.

12 www.us.es/cico
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Medio Topix.net
Enlace http://www.topix.net/content/ap/37886438800301025704146411717119006022
89?threadid=VKA3T4HD0EJ3I9QI
Fecha 27/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observacio
nes
Título MILITARES RUSOS ACUSADOS DE ESPIONAJE
Subtítulo
Entradilla Cuatro agentes del Servicio de Inteligencia Militar de Rusia se encuentran
detenidos en Georgia bajo sospecha de espionaje, señaló el gobierno de
Tiflis.
Autor
Fecha 29/09/06
publicación
Traducción
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Un vocero del ministerio del interior georgiano expresó que se espera que los
texto oficiales comparezcan este viernes ante un tribunal para una audiencia
preliminar.
Luego de las detenciones, Rusia llamó a su embajador en la capital de
Georgia e inició la evacuación de parte de su personal diplomático "debido a
la creciente amenaza en contra de su seguridad".
Moscú también recomienda a sus ciudadanos que no visiten Georgia y
suspendió la emisión de visas para los georgianos.
El presidente de Georgia, Mikhail Saakashvili, por su parte calificó de
"histérica" la reacción de Moscú ante los arrestos.
Intercambio de acusaciones
En un hecho separado, el embajador de Rusia ante Naciones Unidas, ONU,
hizo un llamado al Consejo de Seguridad para que censure y presione a las
autoridades georgianas con el fin de que dejen de instigar la tensión en las
zonas separatistas de Abjasia y Osetia del Sur.
Rusia acusa a Georgia de querer anexarse esas regiones mediante la
concesión de la nacionalidad georgiana a la población.
Los arrestos de los militares rusos coinciden además con la primera visita
oficial del presidente georgiano a las regiones separatistas, la cual el gobierno
de Moscú había dicho que era peligrosa y que podría incrementar la tensión
entre ambas naciones.
Georgia, por su parte, dice que Rusia está llevando a cabo una guerra a nivel
económico, al imponer un embargo a la importación de productos
georgianos.
La situación diplomática entre los gobiernos de Moscú y Tiflis se ha

13 www.us.es/cico
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deteriorado en las últimas semanas desde que Georgia y la alianza militar de

la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte, OTAN, iniciaran una serie
de conversaciones para estrechar lazos.
Además, ambos países mantienen tensas relaciones desde 2003, luego de la
llegada al poder de Saakashvili, quien se ha convertido en uno de los
principales aliados de Estados Unidos en el Cáucaso.
Evidencia en video
El vocero del Ministerio del Interior de Georgia, Shota Kjizanishvili, dijo que
los cargos en contra de los militares rusos ya fueron presentados formalmente
y agregó que el tribunal considerará ahora la detención preliminar de los
oficiales.
La policía georgiana se mantiene rodeando el cuartel general del ejército
Ruso en Tiflis, donde aseguran se encuentra refugiado otro militar ruso a
quien buscan para ser interrogado.
Un contratista también de origen ruso, que había sido detenido junto con los
cuatro agentes de la inteligencia militar de Moscú, fue liberado este viernes,
según confirmaron fuentes de ambos países.
Tiflis mostró imágenes en video en las que afirma se ve a los oficiales rusos
hablando con ciudadanos georgianos sobre instalaciones militares e
intercambiando dinero.
Georgia también los vincula con un ataque producido en el pueblo de Gori en
el que murieron tres policías y docenas de personas resultaron heridas.
Por su parte, el ministro de defensa de Rusia, Sergei Ivanov, dice que los
cargos en contra de los oficiales son falsos y solo buscan desviar la atención
de los problemas internos de Georgia.
Medio BBCMundo
Enlace http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/international/newsid_5391000/5391966.stm
Fecha 30/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones
Título BUSH: KAZAKHSTAN IS A "FREE NATION"

Subtítulo
Entradilla Washington rolled out the red carpet for Kazakhstani President Nursultan
Nazarbayev. Following September 29 talks, US President George W. Bush
downplayed concerns about Kazakhstan’s recent democratization record,
emphasizing that the Central Asian nation appears committed to building
institutions "that will enable liberty to flourish."
Autor Joshua Kucera (Joshua Kucera is a Washington, DC,-based freelance writer

who specializes in security issues in Central Asia, the Caucasus and the
Middle East.)
Fecha 29/09/06
publicación

14 www.us.es/cico
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Traducción Bush: Kazakhstan es una “nación libre”

Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Nazarbayev and Bush held roughly hour-long talks in the Oval Office,
texto followed by a private luncheon. In comments following the meal, Bush
characterized Kazakhstan as a "free nation." Bush administration officials
seemed reluctant to elaborate on the specifics of the discussions. According
to the White House’s web site, the two leaders were to discuss security
issues, "energy diversification" and democratization.
Bush’s comments on Kazakhstan’s record clashed with recent assessments
by human rights groups and civil society organizations, which have been
critical of the Nazarbayev administration for taking aggressive action to limit
domestic opposition. Freedom House, in its 2006 Nations in Transit report,
said "the Nazarbayev administration continues to block political participation
by groups that advocate reforms, and exaggerates the potential threat posed
by political, ethnic, or religious extremists."
On September 28, Nazarbayev made two public appearances in Washington.
In the morning, he unveiled a monument to Kazakhstan’s independence, and,
in the evening, he was the honored guest at a dinner recognizing
Kazakhstan’s decision to give up its nuclear arsenal. A non-voting member
of Congress, Eni Faleomavaega, Democrat of American Samoa, introduced
Nazarbayev at the dinner. Faleomavaega suggested Nazarbayev’s decision to
disarm should earn him a Nobel Peace Prize, earning applause from the
audience of 400.
Only Samuel Bodman, the US secretary of energy, dared to suggest that the
United States and Kazakhstan have any disputes. "We don’t agree on every
issue, but on most we do," he said at the morning monument unveiling.
Nazarbayev kicked off his Washington visit September 28 by signing a $650
million agreement to buy 310 diesel locomotives from General Electric.
Later in the morning, he formally unveiled the monument on the grounds of
the Kazakhstan embassy in Washington, which depicts a warrior of the Saka
people, an ancient civilization that lived on the territory of what is now
Kazakhstan two thousand years ago. Nazarbayev noted that although the
statue was of a warrior, his sword was sheathed and his arms out. "He is a
man of peace," he said.
The theme of disarmament was one that Kazakhstan sought to emphasize
during Nazarbayev’s visit. The Kazakhstani embassy in Washington has
promoted the country as one of the few nations of the world to voluntarily
give up its nuclear weapons program.
Nazarbayev decided in the early 1990s to give up the arsenal of nuclear
weapons he inherited from the Soviet Union, and for that move was feted at a
dinner at a downtown Washington hotel organized by the Kazakhstan
embassy and the Nuclear Threat Initiative. Nazarbayev, in his remarks,
described Kazakhstan’s decision to disarm, and was praised by luminaries
that also included former Senator Sam Nunn and media mogul Ted Turner,
co-founders of the Nuclear Threat Initiative.
Nazarbayev also seemed to take a jab at nuclear powers for monopolizing
nuclear technology, and he called for global nuclear disarmament. "A
paradoxical situation has formed in the world that essentially runs counter to
the fundamental principles of international law: one group is allowed to have
weapons and to improve them, while the second group is denied permission
to have weapons, or to even develop them. This is wrong, unfair and
disproportionate," Nazarbayev said, according to a translation of his speech

15 www.us.es/cico
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by the Russian news agency Interfax.

"Approaches to resolving this issue should be revised within the UN in favor
of global measures and responsibilities of all nations, primarily the nuclear
powers, to reduce the amount of nuclear weapons and to gradually destroy
their arsenals," he said.
Also at the dinner, Linton Brooks, administrator of the National Nuclear
Security Administration, announced that the United States and Kazakhstan
has reached agreement to downgrade nearly all of Kazakhstan’s remaining
highly enriched uranium. The agreement calls for the dilution of highly
enriched uranium at the Institute for Nuclear Physics in Alatau, and for the
conversion of research reactors to operate on low-enriched uranium, Brooks
said.
During his visit, Nazarbayev met with the heads of energy companies,
including ConocoPhilips, Exxon Mobil and Halliburton, as well as with Paul
Wolfowitz, president of the World Bank. He also met with members of
Congress, including Senator Mary Landrieu, Democrat of Louisiana, and
Rep. Darrell Issa, Republican of California.
Kazakhstan organized a large media blitz for Nazarbayev’s visit, including a
four-page insert in the September 28 issue of The New York Times, along
with television ads extolling Kazakhstan’s potential for tourism and business
on CNN and during late-night network news broadcasts.
Nazarbayev’s visit was overshadowed, however, on American television
news by the antics of Sacha Baron Cohen, the comedian whose alter ego, the
boorish Kazakh journalist Borat, has drawn official protests from Astana.
Cohen, in character as Borat, gave a news conference in front of the
Kazakhstani Embassy.
Sean Roberts, a Central Asia Fellow at Georgetown University, noted that
Borat’s stunts may have ultimately helped Kazakhstan avoid controversy
during the visit. "Ironically, he [Borat] is now taken so much of the limelight
that he is unfortunately obscured a lot of the serious questions about
Nazarbayev’s visit and issues related to US-Kazakhstani relations."
Medio Eurasianet
Fecha 30/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones
Título MOSCOW SUSPENDS GEORGIA TROOP PULLOUT
Subtítulo
Entradilla Russia September 30 it has temporarily suspended a pullout of its troops
from two Russian bases in Georgia until the security situation has returned to
normal. Russia made the announcement as most of its diplomatic staff
prepared to leave Georgia.
Autor A EurasiaNet Partner Post from RFE/RL

16 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
Fecha 30/09/06
publicación
Traducción Moscú suspende la retirada de tropas de Georgia
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de The latest crisis in Georgian-Russian relations was sparked by the arrest this
texto week in Tbilisi of four Russian military officers on spy charges.
General Aleksandr Baranov, the Russian commander of the North Caucasus
military district, said an ongoing troop pullout from Russia’s two Soviet-era
military bases in Georgia has been suspended. He said the troops’ security
could not be fully guaranteed as they crossed Georgian territory.
"The pullout of troops from the Republic of Georgia planned for this year has
been suspended," Baranov said. "We believe the recent incidents contradict
all the norms of cooperation between the armed forces on the territory of
Georgia. They are not in line with any of the agreements on the situation and
activities of troops based on the Georgian territory. To be frank, I can say
that they resulted from actions and decisions made by the two hawkish
ministers --the minister of defense and the minister of the interior."
Embassy Evacuated
In contrast, Moscow has already flown home more than 80 embassy staff
from Tbilisi.
An embassy spokesman says only two Foreign Ministry officials and security
guards will remain at the embassy in the Georgian capital. The others are
expected to be flown back to Moscow later today.
Both NATO and the United States have called on Russia and Georgia to ease
tensions following the arrest this week in Tbilisi of four Russian military
officers on espionage charges.
Russia has called the arrests unacceptable and called on the UN Security
Council formally to censure Georgia for its conduct.
But U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack, speaking on
September 29 in Washington, said the United States does not believe the
issue requires the attention of the United Nations and that the two sides
should resolve it themselves.
McCormack was also asked by reporters about the perception of some
observers that the United States has had something to do with events in
Georgia.
US Denies Involvement
"Georgia is a sovereign state," McCormack said. "The Georgian government
makes its own decisions based on the -- its assessment of what is right for
Georgia and the Georgian people. We are friends of the Georgian people; we
are friends of the Georgian government. We are friends of the Russian
people, and we’re friends of the Russian government. So I know, I’ve heard
news reports of all the -- you know, various conspiracy theories involving the
United States and the ’hidden hand’ of the United States. Just frankly not
true. These are two sovereign states. We would encourage them to work out
their differences as any two neighbors would."
Georgian police today continued to surround the four-story building of the
Russian Army headquarters in Tbilisi, where a fifth Russian officer sought on
spying charges was believed to be hiding.

17 www.us.es/cico
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Soured Relations
Georgia’s relations with Russia have soured after President Mikhail
Saakashvili came to power in the so-called Rose Revolution in 2003 with
promises of closer ties with the United States and European Union, and a
drive to join NATO.
The U.S.-educated Saakashvili spoke to reporters about the crisis on
September 29 at a copper mine south of Tbilisi.
"We are acting based on our laws and on international accepted practice,"
Saakashvili said. "Georgia has no intention whatsoever to cause escalation.
The purpose, goals we were pursuing was to eradicate this kind of subversive
and espionage activities in Georgia, and I think this has been more or less
achieved. Otherwise, we will act what is according to international practice
and international legal norms."
Since Saakashvili came to power, there has been a recurring war of words
between the two sides, often over the breakaway regions in Georgia of South
Ossetia and Abkhazia, where separatist administrations say they want to
secede to Russia.
Medio Eurasianet
Fecha 30/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones

18 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
Conflictos y Disputas TerriotorialesE
TITULARES
GEORGIA GOES ON THE OFFENSIVE

ANN/Groong(26/09/06)
LOS “AGUJEROS NEGROS” DE LA URSS

ElPaís.es (26/09/06)
Título GEORGIA GOES ON THE OFFENSIVE
Subtítulo
Entradilla NATO prepares to accept its first member from the CIS Speaking at
the United Nations last week, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili
accused Russia of "annexation" and "bandit occupation" of Abkhazia
and South Ossetia. His sharp tone was related to approval by the
top foreign officials of the NATO states of an "intensive dialog"
with Tbilisi, which is practically the same as an invitation to
membership. That promises nothing good for Russia.
Autor Dmitry Sidorov (Washington); Vladimir Solovyev
Fecha 26/09/06
publicación
Traducción Georgia se pone a la ofensiva
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de texto Dreams Come True
Saakashvili made his eyebrow-raising appearance at the Friday session

of the UN General Assembly in New York. During his 20-minute expose
of
Russia's destructive role in the restoration of Georgian territorial
integrity, he demanded that Moscow withdraw its peacekeeping troops
from Abkhazia and South Ossetia immediately, since "their mission has
nothing to do with maintaining peace." Then the Georgian president
criticized Kremlin policy toward Georgia.
"Those regions," he said, referring again to Abkhazia and South

Ossetia, were annexed by our neighbor to the north, Russia, which
supports their inclusion as part of it, intentionally mass issuance of
Russian passports in violation of international law... The residents
of the disputed regions live under the bandit occupation of Russia. I
doubt that there is anyone in this auditorium who would tolerate that
type of interference on their territory."

19 www.us.es/cico
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Saakashvili's strong words were unprecedented. Russia had never been

accused of "annexation" before, much less from the floor of the UN.
Previously, Tbilisi had criticized Moscow through Georgian

Defense Minister Irakly Okruashvili and the fact that such serious
accusations are now coming from the head of state is an indication
that Georgian-Russian relations have reached a new level of
hostility. According to information obtained by Kommersant, the U.S.
administration asked Saakashvili to tone down his statements.
Nonetheless, such phrases as "bandit occupation" and "accomplices of

the Russian peacekeepers" remained.
The Georgian president's boldness is obviously a byproduct of Tbilisi's

recent diplomatic victory. Before Saakashvili's UN appearance the top
foreign officials of the 28 member states of NATO decided to integrate
Georgia more closely into their ranks and approved the transition to
a phase of "intensive dialog" with the country.
Former Czech president Vaclav Havel coined the term "intensive

dialog." The phase implies closer integration into NATO and is
essentially the penultimate step toward membership in the alliance.
The Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were the first country to
complete the intensive dialog phase successfully and the phase has been
a mandatory step for all entrants since 1997. Thus Georgia, which has
always made its desire for membership clearly known, has received the
signal that its wish may become reality. Georgia is the first, and so
far only, CIS country that can boast of this close relationship with
NATO. NATO's step is exceptional also because one of the conditions for
accession to the organization is the lack of conflicts on the territory
of the candidate state. Georgia has two conflict zones, Abkhazia and
South Ossetia, and armed conflicts breaks out in them from time to
time. It seems Brussels has decided to close its eyes to that detail.
Georgian authorities are unabashedly happy and they are certain

that nothing will interfere with their speedy progress in NATO. "We
are close to NATO membership," Saakashvili said yesterday as he
congratulated Georgian judoists on their victory over their Russian
opponents in a world championship finals match in Paris. "The Russian
judo team has created certain problems for the Georgian sportsmen,
just as Russia is creating problems for Georgia on its way to NATO.
But Georgia is already in the semifinal in that question, and nothing

will stop it from going to the final."
Russia Resists
Georgia's accusations did not go unnoticed by Russia, although Moscow

responded in a softer tone. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov,
who was also at the session of the UN General Assembly in New York,
stated that the Georgian president had "twisted facts" and Georgia was
buying "a large quantity of offensive weapons." Lavrov complained of
"numerous violations by Tbilisi of the agreement on the settlement

20 www.us.es/cico
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of the Abkhazian conflict." "The problems can only be solved with

mutual respect and on the basis of fact," Lavrov said. "I did not hear
either in Mikhail Saakashvili's speech." Russian President Vladimir
Putin was still more reserved. "Mikhail Nikolaevich [Saakashvili] is
a hot-blooded person," he noted. "In the Caucasus, all politicians
are marked by particular emotionality. All the more so since he is
concerned about his country and the situation that is developing
in the government." He added that, should a compromise solution be
found to the conflicts on the territory of Georgia, Moscow was ready
to act as guarantor of such agreements.
The prospect of Georgia's joining NATO caused a bigger stir in

Russia. The Russian Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry reacted
differently to the possibility of the organization's appearance within
Russia's zone of interests in the Caucasus. Russian Defense Minister
and Deputy Prime Minister Sergey Ivanov did not ascribe particular
meaning to it, saying that Georgia's accession to NATO will not damage
Russia's military security. Ivanov noted that Russia has the means
to neutralize the negative effects of the move. "We are building two
modern mountain brigades in the Caucasus now," he said.
"Their personnel will operate in the mountains at high elevations.
Both brigades will be stationed directly on the border with Georgia,

so Russia's security will not suffer."
The Foreign Ministry did not share Ivanov's calm and optimism but
reacted nervously to the NATO decision. "Any expansion of the alliance
will bring changes in security, but the case with Georgia has a special
character because of its proximity to Russia and the obvious complexity
pf the Caucasus problem," reads the official statement of the Foreign
Ministry. "The accession of Georgia to the current, untransformed
NATO,
if that intention is realized, will seriously affect the political,
military and economic interests of Russia and be negatively reflected
in the fragile situation in the Caucasus." The ministry openly stated
Moscow's displeasure. "The beginning of an intensive dialog means
that Georgia has been given new a status in relation to NATO. Our
negative attitude toward that is known."
The Circle Narrows
The euphoria of Georgian authorities over the beginning of that

intensive dialog is connected with hopes for a quick settlement of
the Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-South Ossetian conflicts. Tbilisi
is convinced that Moscow will obstruct that process and is counting
on NATO's help to make Russia change its position. "We are certain
that the support of the leading powers will help solve the problem of
our territorial integrity," stated Givi Targamadze, chairman of the
Georgian parliamentary committee on security and defense. "We hope
that it will also put an end to the tension in relations with Russia."
Georgia's hope may be justified, although settling territorial

conflicts in favor of Georgia is hardly NATO's main goal in the

21 www.us.es/cico
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region. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline opened this year in the

Turkish city of Ceyhan. The pipeline goes to Europe around Russia and
is so far pumping oil from Caspian deposits belonging to Azerbaijan.
In the near future, Kazakh oil is to flow through the line as well.
The West, which was the main sponsor of the construction, needs
a firm guarantee of the line's security, all the more so since the
Baku-Ceyhan leg of the pipeline passes through unstable areas. NATO's
entry into the area could guarantee that stability.
The membership of Georgia alone may be insufficient to sooth Western

nerves, however. Therefore, increasing NATO activity in Azerbaijan
and Armenia may be expected. They already participate in NATO
programs.
Medio ANN/Groong
Enlace http://groong.usc.edu/news/msg162879.html
Fecha consulta 27/09/06
Género period. Noticia
Observaciones
Título LOS “AGUJEROS NEGROS” DE LA URSS
Subtítulo Cuatro conflictos regionales heredados de la Unión Soviética amenazan la

estabilidad de Europa
Entradilla
Autor Pilar Bonet
Fecha 26/09/06
publicación
Traducción
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Quince años no bastan para resolver cuatro conflictos separatistas legados por la
texto Unión Soviética al desintegrarse en 1991. Los territorios de Abjazia y Osetia del
Sur en Georgia, el Alto Karabaj en Azerbaiyán y el Transdniéster en Moldavia
cada uno a su manera-, son focos de inestabilidad en Europa y para estos
agujeros negros de la ex URSS no se atisban hoy compromisos hacia una
solución pacífica. Al contrario, ya que los secesionistas ven la desmembración
de Yugoslavia como argumento a su favor y creen que lo que es válido para
Kósovo lo es también para ellos. Rusia les secunda en esta actitud, mientras los
dirigentes de Georgia y Moldavia, cada vez más impacientes, buscan apoyo en
Occidente, y lo encuentran para el diálogo y la diplomacia, pero no para la
guerra.
Los conflictos congelados de la ex URSS han sido incluidos en el orden del día
de la 61 Asamblea General de la ONU a instancias de Ucrania y otros Estados

22 www.us.es/cico
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del grupo GUAM (Georgia, Azerbaiyán y Moldavia) con la oposición de Rusia

y Armenia. El 17 de septiembre pasado, el Transdniéster celebró un referéndum
en el cual más del 97% de la población se declaró a favor de la independencia
de Moldavia y la incorporación a Rusia. En noviembre, Osetia del Sur realizará
un referéndum semejante para reiterar posiciones ya manifestadas en anteriores
consultas populares.
La comunidad internacional no reconoce como Estado a ninguno de los
secesionistas, ni siquiera Rusia, que tiene tropas pacificadoras en Abjazia,
Osetia del Sur y el Transdniéster, con distintas fórmulas de acuerdo en cada
caso. Oficialmente, Rusia está por la integridad territorial de Georgia,
Azerbaiyán y Moldavia, pero sus representantes diluyen cada vez más esta
postura con declaraciones a favor de los separatistas y sus derechos. El Kremlin
juega con la idea de la autodeterminación, aunque con limitaciones, pues el
argumento es un arma de doble filo, si se aplica a sus regiones problemáticas,
como Chechenia.
En 2004, con Chechenia más controlada que en el pasado, Putin acusó a
Occidente de mantener un doble rasero respecto a Kósovo y a los territorios
secesionistas de la ex URSS. En Francia, el pasado fin de semana, Putin reiteró
que Rusia respeta el derecho internacional y la integridad territorial de
Moldavia, pero señaló que se deben "buscar soluciones que satisfagan a todos
que viven en un determinado territorio, especialmente en Europa". Pese a la
falta de reconocimiento internacional, los separatistas se sienten hoy más
respaldados por Moscú que en el pasado.
Con Putin, Rusia emprendió una política sistemática de entrega de pasaportes en
las regiones secesionistas y hoy un elevado porcentaje de la población local son
ciudadanos rusos (150.000 entre los 230.000 habitantes de Abjazia; 40.000 entre
los 50.000 habitantes de Osetia del Sur y 100.000 entre los 500.000 residentes
en el Transdniéster). Moscú ha creado así una "base legal" para intervenir en
defensa de los derechos de sus ciudadanos.
Desde la perspectiva de Moldavia y Georgia, Moscú ha dejado de ser mediador
para convertirse en parte del problema. De ahí que Chisinau y Tbilisi redoblen
sus presiones para forzar la retirada de los pacificadores rusos de los territorios
separatistas, una exigencia que el presidente de Georgia, Mijaíl Saakashvili,
formuló en la Asamblea General de la ONU.
El georgiano acusó a Rusia de "anexión" y pidió que se internacionalizaran los
esfuerzos mediadores, aunque en Abjazia y Osetia del Sur existe ya una
presencia internacional. En el primer caso, de observadores militares de la ONU
que vigilan un alto el fuego de 1994, y en el segundo, de observadores la OSCE
(Organización de Seguridad y Cooperación en Europa), que vigilan otro alto el
fuego de 1992. Los separatistas ven a los rusos como una garantía contra
incursiones armadas semejantes a las que experimentaron a principios de los
noventa.
Saakashvili rechazó la analogía entre los territorios separatistas post-soviéticos
y Kósovo. Cualquier posición que implique "tratos y canjes territoriales a
cambio de un acuerdo sobre Kósovo es no solo anticuada sino profundamente
inmoral", señaló el líder georgiano en la ONU. Pocos días antes, Putin expresó
la opinión opuesta: "Uno no debe aplicar un criterio con Kosovo y otro con
Abjazia y Osetia del Sur", dijo el líder ruso a un grupo de estudiosos
occidentales.
Cada conflicto congelado tiene sus peculiaridades y "los intereses de Rusia no
son de la misma naturaleza en todos ellos", afirma una fuente próxima al
Kremlin. Osetia del Sur y Abjazia son "una cuestión de seguridad en el
Cáucaso", dados los vínculos de estos territorios fronterizos con las
comunidades nacionales del sur de Rusia. A principios de los noventa, la llegada

23 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
de refugiados de Osetia del Sur a la región rusa de Osetia del Norte

desestabilizó el precario equilibrio de los osetios con la comunidad de los
ingushes y produjo un conflicto en cadena que podría volver a repetirse, señalan
las fuentes. En el caso del Transdniéster, se trata de una cuestión de
"geoestrategia" y de "valores". El Transdniéster, poblado sobre todo por eslavos,
nunca fue parte de Rusia, aunque sí de Ucrania, en época soviética. El Alto
Karabaj, el enclave azerbaiyano ocupado por Armenia en los años ochenta en
época de Mijaíl Gorbachov, es un contencioso bilateral que impide a la región
beneficiarse de la riqueza creada por el petróleo de Azerbaiyán, además de ser
una amenaza latente sobre el sistema de transporte del crudo del Caspio a
Occidente.
"Hay Estados reconocidos que no son tales y Estados no reconocidos que sí lo
son", señalaba un político ruso que no quería ser identificado. Al margen de los
juegos geoestratégicos por la esfera de influencias, los separatistas de Abjazia y
Osetia del Sur tienen unos argumentos que Occidente se ha negado a escuchar,
señalaba.
Medio ElPaís.es
Enlace http://0-
www.elpais.es.fama.us.es/articulo/internacional/agujeros/negros/URSS/elpporin
t/20060926elpepiint_12/Tes/
Fecha 27/09/06
consulta
Género Reportaje
period.
Observacio
nes

24 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
Economía
TITULARES
RUSSIA BOWS TO TURKMENISTAN’S

GAS PRICING DEMAND
ASESINADO A TIROS EL VICEGOBERNADOR DEL BANCO

CENTRAL RUSO
ElPaís.es (15/09/06)
RUSIA "TRANQUILIZA" A LA UE
BBCMundo (23/09/06)
RUSIA OFRECE AYUDA A CUBA

BBCMundo (28/09/06)
Título RUSSIA BOWS TO TURKMENISTAN’S GAS PRICING DEMAND
Subtítulo
Entradilla The cost of controlling Central Asia’s gas market is getting pricey for the
Russian conglomerate Gazprom.
Autor Sergei Blagov (Sergei Blagov is a Moscow-based specialist in CIS political
affairs.
Fecha 06/09/06
publicación
Traducción Georgia: la planificación de elecciones locales provoca una ola de protestas
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de At a September 5 meeting in Ashgabat, Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller caved
texto in to the pricing demands of Turkmenistan’s fickle dictator, Saparmurat
Niyazov. The Russian company agreed to a roughly 40 percent price increase
for Turkmenistan’s natural gas -- $100 per 1,000 cubic meters (tcm). The
deal covers purchases through 2009.
For months Gazprom had resisted Niyazov’s sudden effort to jack up the gas
price from $65/tcm to $100/tcm, prompting the Turkmen government in July
to lambaste Moscow’s energy policies. At one point, Ashgabat characterized
Russian officials as "dogs and agitated monkeys." Gazprom, in the end,
proved unwilling to risk any disruption in Turkmen gas supplies, and thus
acceded to the $100/tcm price.
Failing to reach an agreement with Turkmenistan could have led to a
geopolitical disaster for Russia, as Moscow’s energy strategy in Central Asia
is in large measure dependent on its continued control of Turkmen gas
supplies. Without Turkmen imports, Russia would be hard-pressed to meet
its own energy export commitments to Western Europe and elsewhere.
Following the announcement, Niyazov appeared to gloat. Pointing out that
Russia resold Turkmen gas in Western Europe at over 100 percent markup,

25 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
he characterized the $100/tcm as a reasonable price for Gazprom to pay. "We

are not greedy people," Niyazov said at a news conference.
Despite the drastic price hike, Russia, via Gazprom, got what it needed – the
extension of its effective monopoly over Turkmen energy supplies. Niyazov
indicated that Russia would enjoy preferential access to the "untapped"
Yolotan gas field, and expressed a desire to potentially quadruple the
capacity of an existing gas pipeline running along the Caspian coast. Russian
experts are scheduled to travel to Turkmenistan in October to make a
preliminary assessment of the expansion plan.
In addition, Niyazov reportedly assured Moscow that Turkmenistan would
not participate in a potential trans-Caspian gas pipeline, and thus divert its
energy away from Russia. "First of all, we will be supplying gas to Russia,"
Niyazov said. "Do not think that Turkmenistan wants to go elsewhere with its
gas."
For Gazprom, however, the pricing deal marked the end of an era in which
the Russian conglomerate could dictate the price it was willing to pay. "Until
recently, Gazprom was the winner in the political and economic struggle in
the post-Soviet space. However, the recent negotiations with Turkmenistan
assigned all that to the past," said a commentary published by the Russian
news website Lenta.ru.
Gazprom sought to put a positive spin on the outcome of the negotiations.
"We are very pleased by the results," Miller said. "We will always honor our
obligations." Miller added that the company and the Turkmen government
had agreed to review the gas price every three years.
Economic analysts said they didn’t expect Gazprom’s bottom line to be
seriously hurt by the Turkmen gas deal. The real losers will likely be the CIS
countries that are dependent on Russian gas supplies, especially Ukraine.
"I forecast that the average price for CIS countries will have increased by 20
percent by the end of this year, and 15 percent more in 2007," Natalya
Milchakova, an analyst for the Otkritiye brokerage house, told the Russian
daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta. "Subsequently, this year, Ukraine will probably
buy gas from Gazprom at the price of $114-115/tcm." Other analysts
suggested that the cost for Ukraine could reach as high as $160/tcm. The
Ukrainian government, according to Nezavisimaya Gazeta, calculated in its
2007 budget that the country would pay $135/tcm.
Although Gazprom’s profits may not take a significant hit in the near term,
some analysts suggest that Niyazov’s negotiating success could spark other
suppliers to seek more for their natural gas. In other words, a Pandora’s Box
of price hikes may have been opened.
History would seem to indicate that Niyazov himself will not be satisfied for
long with the $100/tcm price. In April 2003, Russia and Turkmenistan signed
a 25-year supply contract in which Ashgabat agreed to supply over the term
of the deal up to 2 trillion cubic meters of gas at a price of $44/tcm.
However, Ashgabat almost immediately started seeking price increases. In
late 2005, Gazprom agreed to buy 30 bcm from Turkmenistan at $65/tcm
during the first half of 2006.
Turkmenistan has cagily maintained its negotiating leverage with Russia by
seeking expanded energy ties with other consumers, especially China. Last
April, Niyazov and Chinese President Hu Jintao signed a framework
agreement on oil and gas cooperation, under which China agreed to purchase
30 billion cubic meters of gas for 30 years, starting in 2009, when a
Turkmen-Chinese gas pipeline is due to start operating. [For background see
the Eurasia Insight archive].
According to a report posted by the Russian news website Polit.ru, Moscow

26 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
decided to meet Niyazov’s pricing terms after the signing of several

agreements in late August aimed at expanding ties between Ashgabat and
Beijing.
Medio Eurasianet
Enlace http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/business/articles/eav090606.shtml
Fecha 09/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observaciones
Título ASESINADO A TIROS EL VICEGOBERNADOR DEL BANCO

CENTRAL RUSO
Subtítulo Kozlov era inflexible contra el dinero negro y había retirado la licencia a varios
bancos.
Entradilla
Autor Rodrigo Fernández
Fecha 15/09/06
publicación
Traducción
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Andréi Kozlov, el vicegobernador primero del Banco Central de Rusia, murió
texto ayer a consecuencia de los disparos que recibió la noche anterior en Moscú.
Kozlov era responsable de supervisar la banca privada y había ordenado retirar
la licencia a varios bancos comerciales. De ahí que la policía sospeche, en
primer lugar, que la muerte del alto funcionario está relacionada con su lucha
por limpiar de negocios turbios el sector que supervisaba.
Kozlov, 41 años, había ido anteayer a jugar un partido de fútbol como miembro
del equipo del Banco Central al picadero cubierto del complejo deportivo
Spartak. El partido terminó a eso de las nueve de la noche -siete de la tarde en la
España peninsular- y cuando 15 minutos después salía del edificio con su chófer
y guardaespaldas, dos desconocidos abrieron fuego contra él. El chófer trató de
proteger con su cuerpo a Kozlov, pero recibió un balazo en la cabeza y murió en
el acto. Kozlov cayó herido y uno de los atacantes se acercó y le dio un tiro de
gracia en la cabeza, lo que indica que eran asesinos a sueldo profesionales.
Los compañeros de juego de Kozlov lo llevaron al Hospital Nº 33, el más
cercano del lugar del suceso, donde de inmediato fue llevado al quirófano. Los
médicos lucharon durante más de cinco horas por su vida, pero todo fue inútil:
Kozlov falleció en la mesa de operaciones.
Kozlov era conocido por ser partidario de aplicar mano dura contra los bancos
que incumplen la ley de lucha contra el lavado de dinero negro. Precisamente
por ese motivo, varios bancos fueron privados de sus licencias, entre los que
figuran el Neftianói (Petrolero), el Sodbussinesbank, el Banco Federal de
Reserva y el AsiaUniversalBank. Uno de los más importantes éxitos de Kozlov
fue lograr que el Parlamento aprobara la ley sobre el seguro de los depósitos

27 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
bancarios de la población.
Pero no sólo entre los bancos comerciales tenía Kozlov enemigos. La actividad
del vicegobernador del Banco Central también daba grandes dolores de cabeza a
los operadores del mercado de importaciones grises, es decir, de los que
inventan esquemas reñidos con la ley para disminuir los pagos por tributos
aduaneros y por el impuesto sobre el valor añadido. Algunos de los vetos de
licencias bancarias estaban relacionadas precisamente con operaciones
sospechosas para el pago de importaciones.
Conmoción financiera
Entre las últimas iniciativas de Kozlov destaca la proposición, hecha la semana
pasada, de introducir la prohibición de por vida de la profesión bancaria para
aquellas personas involucradas en delitos económicos, principalmente evasión
de impuestos y lavado de dinero.
Kozlov, diplomado del Instituto de Finanzas de Moscú, comenzó a trabajar en el
Banco Estatal de la URSS en 1989 y después de la desintegración de la Unión
Soviética continuó en el sucesor de éste, que pasó a llamarse Banco Central de
Rusia. En 1995, cuando Serguéi Dubinin encabezaba el Central, fue nombrado
vicegobernador, pero cuatro años más tarde dejó el cargo para pasar al sector
privado. En abril de 2002, al mes de que Serguéi Ignátiev tomara las riendas del
Banco Central, Kozlov se convirtió en su vicegobernador primero. Kozlov
estaba casado y tenía tres hijos.
La comunidad financiera y el Gobierno ruso están conmocionados por la muerte
del Kozlov. Se trata de la víctima de más alto rango durante el régimen de
Vladímir Putin, y a muchos les recuerda los tiempos caóticos de la primera
mitad de los años noventa, cuando los asesinatos de hombres de negocios eran
casi pan de cada día.
El fiscal general, Yuri Chaika, supervisa personalmente las investigaciones, y el
jefe de Gobierno, Mijaíl Fradkov, le ha pedido que le informe periódicamente
de los progresos que se hagan.
Medio ElPaís.es
Enlace h http://0-
www.elpais.es.fama.us.es/articulo/internacional/Asesinado/tiros/vicegobernador
/Banco/Central/ruso/elpporint/20060915elpepiint_8/Tes/
Fecha 18/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observacio
nes
Título RUSIA “TRANQUILIZA” A LA UE

Subtítulo
Entradilla El sector aeronáutico y la energía fueron los puntos principales de una cumbre
tripartita efectuada entre los presidentes de Rusia, Vladimir Putin y de Francia,
Jacques Chirac, y la canciller de Alemania, Angela Merkel.
Autor
Fecha 23/09/06
publicación

28 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
Traducción
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de Reunido con sus colegas en las afueras de París, Putin ofreció aumentar el
texto suministro de gas a Europa, que calificó de "socio energético fiable".
Actualmente Rusia suministra el 30% de los requerimientos de gas natural y el
18% de las importaciones petroleras de la Unión Europea (UE).
En conferencia de prensa, Putin habló de "una interdependencia colectiva" en
materia energética, que calificó como "positiva" y llamó a "no politizar" el
tema.
Entretanto, Chirac y Merkel se refirieron al deseo europeo de reforzar la
cooperación con Rusia en todos los ámbitos, "en particular la energía" y dieron
la bienvenida a la invitación extendida a Putin para que participe en la cumbre
europea que se desarrollará el mes próximo en Finlandia.
Mensaje "tranquilizador"
Según los analistas, Rusia trata de infundir confianza a los europeos luego de
temores en algunos sectores sobre un supuesto uso de la energía "como arma
política" por parte de Moscú, que el pasado invierno creó alarma en Europa al
cortarle el suministro de gas a Ucrania.
Los observadores también señalan que Moscú intentó acabar con los temores
occidentales sobre las intenciones de su país en el grupo Aeronáutica de
Defensa y Espacio Europea (EADS, por sus siglas en inglés).
El mes pasado, Rusia adquirió el 5% de las acciones del consorcio franco
alemán, que enfrenta problemas con el nuevo superjumbo A380.
Esta compra "no es el signo de una conducta agresiva", según el mandatario
ruso.
"No tenemos la intención de utilizar esas acciones para cambiar la situación
institucional de EADS, pero estamos listos para un acuerdo", dijo Putin.
Diez mil millones

Durante la cumbre, Francia y Rusia firmaron tratados en los sectores del
transporte y la aeronáutica por US$10.000 millones.
Los acuerdos franco-rusos permitirán a Rusia poner en práctica proyectos de
infraestructuras de transportes como la construcción de una autopista que unirá
Moscú con San Petersburgo.
"Rusia está interesada en las relaciones extremadamente fuertes en materia de
tecnologías avanzadas, aviación, espacio y creación de infraestructuras
modernas", enfatizó Putin.
"Hemos hablado del espacio y de la aeronáutica en el marco de proyectos
concretos", añadió el presidente ruso.
Medio BBCMundo
Enlace http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/business/newsid_5374000/5374246.stm
Fecha 25/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observacio
nes

29 www.us.es/cico
Observatorio
Título RUSIA OFRECE AYUDA A CUBA

Subtítulo
Entradilla Rusia acordó prestar ayuda financiera a Cuba, señalaron autoridades durante
una visita que el primer ministro ruso, Mikhail Fradkov, hizo a ese país.
Autor
Fecha 28/09/06
publicación
Traducción
Títulos
Traducción
Entradilla
Cuerpo de El premier ruso firmó un acuerdo para reestructurar la deuda acumulada por
texto Cuba desde el colapso de la Unión Soviética y otorgó un nuevo crédito por un
valor de US$350 millones para que el gobierno cubano pueda comprar bienes
rusos como automóviles y camiones.
El crédito contempla "fundamentalmente, la compra de vehículos, elementos
electro-energéticos y materiales para la renovación de las plantas termo
eléctricas", señaló Alexander Bochanov, primer secretario encargado de prensa
de la embajada rusa en La Habana.
Ambos países también suscribieron un convenio de cooperación técnico-militar.
Fradkov, la figura política rusa de más alto perfil en visitar la isla en seis años,
se reunió con el presidente provisional de Cuba, Raúl Castro.
El acuerdo no afecta los miles de millones de dólares que por concepto de deuda
Cuba acumuló con la antigua Unión Soviética.
Por el momento, ambos países acordaron dejar ese tema de lado.
Medio BBCMundo
Enlace http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/spanish/latin_america/newsid_5390000/5390712.stm
Fecha 25/09/06
consulta
Género Noticia
period.
Observacio
nes

30 www.us.es/cico

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