The Characteristics of Individual Activists

Motivating Membership, Facilitating Decisions, Consolidating Sensibilities, Communicating Effectively and Developing Journeys.

Contents 1. Executive Summary 2. Introduction 3. Psychological Characteristics 3.1 Efficacy 3.2 Values, Beliefs and Norms 3.3 Rational Choice 3.4 Models of Activism 3.5 Internal Sources 4. Demographic Characteristics 4.1 Age 4.2 Gender 4.3 Class (Income and Education) 4.4 Ethnicity 5. Motivating Membership, Facilitating Decisions, Consolidating Sensibilities, Communicating Effectively and Developing Journeys 5.1 Motivating Membership 5.2 Facilitating Decisions 5.3 Consolidating Individual Sensibilities 5.4 Communicating Effectively 5.5 Developing Journeys

1. Executive Summary To begin to understand the dynamics of individual activism, the report approaches the phenomenon from two different but complementary angles. Initially, the psychological characteristics of individual activists are explored, a sort of bottom-up micro-structural approach that looks at the associated cognitive processes and inner subjective reasoning that goes on within the mind of the activist. The report found psychological characteristics to be particularly useful for understanding why an individual may partake in activism and indeed, why they may not. The report identifies three key areas where psychological characteristics may have an effect on individual activism: Efficacy There is a general consensus within research that this psychological characteristic is a strong determining factor of individual behaviour. A strong belief in personal capabilities will motivate proenvironmental behaviour such as activism. Crucially, self-efficacy is influenced strongly by the collective efficacy of an environmental organisation, so this has clear and profound implications for the way a group should organise itself. Activists tend to be optimistic regarding collective efficacy hence their proactive conduct. Efficacy (and anger) can be utilitarian. Values, Beliefs and Norms Individual attitudes towards environmental behaviour are clustered into higher-order values along a biocentric and anthropocentric divide. These in turn shape the general beliefs and concerns of individuals along altruistic, egoistic and biospheric lines, which determine specific attitudes (towards biofuels for instance). Values, beliefs and norms differ between activists and supporters of environmental organisations, as well as fluctuating throughout one individuals life. Therefore, past behaviour and social identity can be a significant influence on individual activism. Crucially, a successful environmental organisation must be sensitive to variation patterns in values, beliefs and norms and individual sensibilities. Rational Choice As well as knowing who participates in activism, it is important to understand why they participate. The elementary and pivotal decisions facing the potential activist can make or break whether or not action is carried out. An individual will make a rational choice based on the condition/object, an evaluation of whether or not it is important, and eventually an evaluation of the associated costs and benefits. Participants will invest their energy in the organisation only if they expect to receive some benefits in the form of material, solidary and purposive incentives. Activism in this way can be regarded as a two-way process where both the cause and the activist benefit from individual participation. However, if the costs are high the individual may not partake in activism. Crucially, costs and benefits are subjectively perceived so an environmental organisation can influence the decisions an individual makes by emphasising the potential benefits to the collective group and to the individual him or herself. Efficacy and values, beliefs and norms are key elements of the costs and benefits analysis. One of the principle findings of the rational choice approach that has enormous leverage concerns the practical costs of civic engagement and activism, where the capacity of individuals to engage in civic matters is determined by their basic organisational and communicative abilities. Environmental organisations must therefore make alternative types of activism available to individuals to avoid specific costs and benefits halting activism altogether, whilst exercising the benefits of participatory activism.

Subsequently, the report outlines a number of effective activism models. Models of activism are useful as they integrate psychological and demographic characteristics to explain how individual activism occurs. The models reveal that there are key determining and mediating variables at work that have a huge impact on individual activism. Moreover, the models have very valuable practical implications for how environmental organisations can encourage, enable and empower participation, and improve and harness individual activism- outlined in the concluding section. The report then goes on to explore internally sourced research that has looked at activism within FoEs own membership. Markedly, the internal sources revealed very similar points to the external sources. The key components that determine individual activism according to the internal studies are motivations, needs, communication and trust. Evidently, psychological characteristics are crucial to understanding individual activism, and the report confirms this. However, the demographic characteristics of individual activists have also traditionally been viewed as important, and are explored by adopting a top-down macro-structural approach, which looks at how social structural forces and socialisation processes may impede or expedite individual action. Age Older and younger people tend to participate in environmental activism for different costs and benefits analyses, therefore alternative kinds of action are carried out across the ages. For instance, younger people tend to participate in more physical activism whereas older people may write to their local MP and attend civic meetings. Essentially, environmental concern is prevalent in all areas of the social structure and therefore the age of an individual may scarcely be significant. Notably, a number of studies indicate that it may not be age per se that determines environmental behaviour; rather it is underlying factors (e.g. contextual, lifestyle) that are affected by age. Nevertheless, internal sources found that middle-aged persons are more likely to partake in activist behaviour. Gender Socialisation theory posits that men and women are socialised in accordance to preconceived gender-based ideals, where this may account for a gendered division in environmental activism. However, this theory may be becoming less relevant in contemporary times due to the changing nature of traditional roles. A similar strand of thinking argues that men and women have different value orientations, where women exhibit more environmental and altruistic concern than men. There may also be underlying factors that are bound up with gender that may be potentially more of a determining variable than gender per se such as efficacy. However, the principle point to take away from the gender and environmentalism literature is that findings are inconclusive and sometimes contradictory making valid conclusions difficult to come by. Class Many studies have found that socioeconomic status (sum of education and income) is positively correlated with voluntary association membership and activism, with higher levels of education being particularly significant, thus supporting the social class hypothesis. This may be down to rational choice, as the ability to pay the selective costs of environmental activism is related to the availability of money, time and civic skills, where one would expect the costs of environmental activism to be lower for educated and wealthier citizens because they have more civic skills and money. Yet, there have been studies that have not supported the social class hypothesis, where it has been shown that different classes

participate in different forms of activism, or that there are more significant underlying factors rather than class per se (e.g. access to computer mediated communication). Evidently, research regarding class has been inconclusive. Ethnicity Many studies on activism and race indicate that ethnic minorities do not participate as much as whites, indeed the Campaign Champions FoE internal data did show that 88 per cent of respondents taking part were white British. Environmental beliefs and values could be culture-specific, and this therefore may explain why different races may exhibit different levels of environmental concern and therefore activism. On the other hand, the fact that an ethnic group is not well represented in environmental organisation membership does not necessarily indicate that a particular ethnic group holds no concern for the environment, rather, barriers to participation may be constraining expression of such concern. However, the findings on environmentalism, activism and ethnicity are inconclusive and paint a rather hazy picture of who participates and why they participate.

So, are demographic characteristics important? The report reveals research in this area to be inconclusive and sometimes contradictory. The demographic characteristics of an individual may have an influence on whether or not activism is carried out, but it certainly doesnt appear to be a determining factor. This can only be a good thing for the future of activism and ultimately for society as a whole. From all the theories, studies and reports exploring the psychological and demographic characteristics of individual activists, there are some very insightful, and more importantly, practical implications that can be utilised by FoE to improve individual activism within its membership. The report has drawn these out in the concluding section.

2. Introduction In September 1999, Zoe Fungus Weir climbed into a tree house at Cedars Wood to protest the construction of Manchester Airports second runway. It was here that she stripped naked (save for a pair of muddied boots), locked her head to the tree house with a bicycle lock, and secured her arms inside two pipes which were also locked to the tree house. Eventually, after five hours of steadfast (and quite chilly) resistance, authorities cut through the locks with hydraulic cutters and bundled Fungus down again to be arrested and charged. Nevertheless, through her persistence, Fungus had drawn a great deal of attention to the protest camps cause. In the summer of 1970, a young American consumer advocate now prominent political activist Ralph Nader opposed the huge car company General Motors (GM) by announcing his Campaign GM and Project on Corporate Responsibility. Nader used shareholder activism (where environmental and social activists target shareholders in a company to utilise their power and influence to shape corporate behaviour from within) to pressure GM to be more responsible to society and natures needs. In light of this, GM did make changes due to public pressure in which it created a public policy committee, a special committee of scientists to monitor the corporations effects on the environment and hired an air pollution expert. In October 2008, more than one hundred people came together in Leeds City Centre to participate in the The Great Unfreeze protest, a public spectacle that was organised by the activist group Stop Climate Chaos Leeds. The Great Unfreeze involved protestors stopping perfectly motionless for five minutes, appearing to be frozen stiff in various positions; giving and receiving gifts, falling from a bike and using a public telephone amongst other things. The protest was organised to highlight the urgent need to tackle climate change, but also to remind people running about their busy lives in a bustling shopping area that the bigger picture is yet to be addressed. After the strangely silent five minutes had passed, the protestors began to stir then seamlessly continued doing what they were formerly doing. Accordingly, applause was heard to ring out from spectators and the protestors themselves; indeed, this demonstration required the presence of both groups to be a success. But what is it that separates the protesters from the spectators? As each of these examples illustrate, activism can take on many forms and involve various people of different and quite diverse backgrounds. Activism can involve collective coordination of groups of like-minded people like that in Leeds City Centre; it can be based upon cooperation with people one would not normally associate with like that in the GM Campaign case; or it can involve dogged personal sacrifice like that shown by Fungus in Cedars Wood. Yet, all forms of activism can only emerge through individual effort and individual activism. So to begin to understand what activism is, one must look at what kind of people are involved in environmental activism. Thereupon, it is the individual building blocks of activism that this report sets out to explore.

3. Psychological Characteristics of Individual Activists The pathway to individual activism inevitably begins with the individuals themselves; their personal sense of capability, their worldview, their interests and their past experiences. Accordingly, a satisfactory understanding of individual activism cannot be achieved by exploring demographic characteristics alone. Rather, as McAdam and Paulsen (1993) testify, individual activism is determined by psychological characteristics (microstructural) and demographic characteristics (structural) where both are intrinsically bound together. If an individual is not ideologically or psychologically predisposed to participation, any structural factors that expose the individual to participation opportunities or direct them into activity will be inconsequential, the individual will remain inactive. Therefore, the significance of psychological characteristics will be explored in the following sections. 3.1 Efficacy There is a considerable amount of external research and theory available regarding personal and collective group efficacy, and the effects of this on (activist) participation. The general consensus appears to maintain that efficacy is a strong determining factor and therefore should be taken into account when scrutinising the psychological characteristics of activists. The influential psychologist Albert Bandura was an early pioneer in the studying of selfefficacy and the resulting effects on social behaviour, and his work seems to have catalysed much of the efficacy studies since. Accordingly, it seems wholly appropriate to start with Banduras (1989; 2000) work on Social Cognitive Theory. Nearly thirty years ago, Bandura (1989) researched the distinctively human characteristics motivation and action, and how these self-determining psychological characteristics can affect change in the individuals themselves and their situations. Crucially, Bandura found:
Among the mechanisms of personal agency, none is more central or pervasive than peoples beliefs about their capabilities to exercise control over events that affect their lives. Selfefficacy beliefs function as an important set of proximal determinants of human motivation, affect and action. (p.1175).

Commitment to aspirations is determined by perceived self-efficacy; the higher the goals people set for themselves, the more dedication they will channel into an endeavour.
The stronger the belief in their capabilities, the greater and more persistent are their efforts (p.1176).

Hardy resilience and dogged self-belief appear to be what separates those who passively participate with those who actively participate and excel when challenged. Therefore, selfmotivation can evidently mediate the effects of activism and non-activism. A critical question can be asked here then: Can motivation be instilled in latent potential support from external sources to boost activist behaviour? Recognising the value of such questions, Bandura (2000) continued his important research on efficacy and action by examining the effects of collective efficacy on individual participation.
Peoples shared beliefs in their collective efficacy influence the types of futures they seek to achieve through collective action, how well they use their resources, how much effort they put into their group endeavour, their staying power when collective efforts fail to produce quick results or meet forcible opposition, and their vulnerability to the discouragement that can beset people taking on tough social problems. (p.76).

Clearly, collective achievements affect individual efficacy, motivation and perhaps most importantly, action. The success of a collective group- like that of an organisation or

movement- will inevitably continue to shape the motivations and actions of its members long after the impact of the collective has been assessed, for better or worse. Thus, these findings infer that successful organisations will provide the conditions for optimistic individual efficacy and motivations to bloom. Motivated collective movements breed motivated individual activists. Hence:
The conjoint influence of perceived collective political efficacy and trust in the governmental system predicts the form and level of peoples political activity (p.78).

Similarly, a significant observation was made by Foster (2007) when researching Community Building Initiatives in a local neighbourhood in that level of collective efficacy is more significant than demographic variables in determining active citizenry in addressing social, health and economic issues. Strikingly then, this study assumes that sense of collective efficacy is more of a determining factor than a group members age, class, sex, ethnicity and education in predicting participatory activism. A further finding established:
individuals who became activists initially possessed a strong sense of connection and ties to their community (p.94).

The type and strength of the relationship between the group and the individual activist is apparently rather important. A sense of association between the individual member and the collective group is seemingly vital for an individual activist to partake in action. The collective efficacy of the group also has to be adequate for the individual to look beyond their immediate life circumstances and deem participation worthwhile. Accordingly, activists tend to be rather optimistic regarding collective efficacy and perceive the collective cause of the group to be meaningful enough to address the bigger picture. Understandably, if a potential activist witnesses an organisation acting in an unprofessional and unconvincing manner, then he or she will presumably reason participation to be not worthwhile and dedicate more time to scrutinising the small print on last weeks telephone bill. Seemingly,
people have a stronger sense of efficacy to manage various aspects of their lives in their immediate environment than to bring about changes in society-wide problems. (Ballesteros et al, 2002, p.119)

Ballesteros et al (2002) draws awareness to the tension between immediate life circumstances and society-wide problems, and the personal management that is required to dedicate time to both. However, there appears to be more than a dichotomy of concern emerging here; local concerns catalyse a higher level of collective efficacy than global concerns. This is noteworthy as this infers that activists are participating in activism due to local concerns, therefore it may be worth organisations and movements mobilising support through a more localised focus. In this way, the collective efficacy of potential activists can be harnessed more effectively by appealing to locally salient issues. Similarly, Harre (2007) asserts that tension between immediate life circumstances and society-wide problems is particularly evident within the younger generations, where studies have revealed that young people are simply too busy with other priorities, usually because they are financially more rewarding and cooler than volunteering work. However, the young people of today are the future of tomorrow and motivating this section of society to participate in activism is essential for tackling social problems, as well as providing a positive experience for the individuals themselves. Personal efficacy is a central psychological motivator for young people, and if strong enough, will at least provide a platform for the individual to participate in the collective context, and offer an abundance of potential for young peoples ongoing identity projects:

When young people are active in their communities, they not only help create a thriving society but also help create themselves. (p. 711).

Significantly, many studies have found that parental modelling has an important impact on youth participation and is related to activism in adolescence and in adulthood. Indeed, if the apple doesnt fall far from the tree- as the proverb goes- the fruit may be more easily picked and in a shorter period of time. This has clear implications for the way organisations should go about increasing participation and their activist base. Furthermore, parental (activism) networks provide opportunities for their children as well as for the parents themselves, so networks between organisations and individuals can be developed to encourage activism from different generations of the same family; that is if the message is transmitted in an inclusive and appealing way. And crucially:
That activism leads to more activism is also supported by some evidence that those who are activists or volunteers at a particular stage in their lives are more likely to be doing these projects later in their lives (p.719).

Indeed, collected apples can bloom into trees themselves and lead to further generations of activists. Activism is usually a characteristic of an empowered individual, where empowerment appears to include an increased sense of efficacy (Angelique 2002). Therefore, as Wittig (1996) argues, efficacy may be a predictor of activism. So, in addition to parental networks and the home environment, are there other networks that stem from particular environments that inspire activism, efficacy and participation? Angelique (2002) emphasises the role of universities in creating such environments that are conducive to activism. Universities promote the five main characteristics associated with empowering environments: small group settings, a common belief system, opportunities to acquire skills and knowledge, leadership and experience. The university environment provides the optimum conditions for Kieffers (1984) four phases of development into grassroots activism: entry, advancement, incorporation and commitment. So, universities can present organisations with unique access to a thriving environment of potential activist support, and provide an opportunity for network building to benefit the empowered individual activist striving for justice, and the environmental movement as a whole. Efficacy is also central psychological characteristic of the Anger Activism Model proposed by Turner (2007). This model reminds us of the strongly emotive nature of activism, and the impassioned aspirations of the activists involved:
The Anger Activism Model argues that the interaction between angry feelings towards the target issue and efficacy predicts activism [and] despite its potential negative characteristics, anger is utilitarian, and provides valuable functions to the people experiencing itanger intensity will interact with perceived efficacy to impact persuasive outcomes. (p.116)

One important implication (and application) of the model involves how anger can be called upon to initiate activism in inactive publics (p.115). Although only appropriate for particular situations,

Anger appeals are one effective method to get audiences to read a message carefully, respond favourably, and act mightily. (p.118).

To achieve this utilitarian function, the message must be communicated clearly, be unambiguous on how the audiences goals are being threatened, and the message must make explicit that the issue is fixable (p.118) so as to be complementary to a sense of personal and collective efficacy. Organisations looking to recruit potential activists could perhaps benefit from adopting a more nuanced approach that takes heed of individual sensibilities.

3.2 Values, Beliefs and Norms To understand how individual values, beliefs and norms impact on activism, it is worth looking at how environmental behaviour more generally is determined. Wiseman and Bogner (2003) propose that individual attitudes towards environmental behaviour are clustered into higher-order values, outlined in their Model of Ecological Values (MEV):
Ecological Values are determined by ones position on two orthogonal dimensions, a biocentric dimension that reflects conservation and protection of the environment (Preservation); and an anthropocentric dimension that reflects the utilization of natural resources (Utilisation). (p.787).

So, where an individuals personality lays on the biocentric/anthropocentric dimension has an impact on their everyday attitudes and ultimately has a large influence on whether or not environmental activism can be stimulated successfully. Similarly, McFarlane and Boxall (2003) focus on the dimensions of anthropocentric and biocentric values, and proclaim:
Several layers of cognitions are represented with basic values [anthropocentrism/biocentrism] providing the foundation for higher order attitudes and behaviorsGeneral beliefs in turn influence specific attitudes and these in turn influence specific actions or behaviors. (p.80).

Distinguishing between basic values and specific attitudes is important then in understanding individual environmental behaviour. An individual may be wholly engaged in the environmental debate, and be extremely proenvironmental and conscientious of green issues, but if their specific attitudes (e.g. views regarding the role of technology in achieving sustainable biofuels) are not consistent with a certain cause, the individual will not participate in activism. Environmental organisations can have an impact on the specific attitudes of individuals, and therefore may be in a position to unite people and bring about momentum for collective activism:
Membership in an environmental group proved to be the most significant contributor to activism, providing an alternative to the commonly held version of reality. (p.85).

Likewise, environmental organisations could bring about a shift in environmental values by campaigning for more outdoor activities in schools, universities and the workplace. This could bring about a societal sense of nature-interconnectedness and catalyse greater levels of activism (Schultz 2000). Alternatively, appealing to each cluster of environmental values (anthropocentric/biocentric) could encourage further environmental activism (Schultz 2001) from the more altruistic individuals, to persons with traditional conservational concerns, to persons driven by self-interest (Stern, Dietz and Kalof 2002). Then again, Bamberg and

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Moser (2007) maintain that individual proenvironmental behaviour is a mixture of selfinterest and of concern for other people and the planet, so according to this argument, appealing to the different clusters of environmental values is necessary even for engaging environmental activism at the individual level. This study also revealed guilt to be an important pro-social emotion and determiner of proenvironmental behaviour, as was knowledge and awareness. Similarly, Stern, Dietz, and Kalof (1993) affirm that the three types of environmental concern- self-interest, concern for others and concern for other species and natural environments- all have some influence on expressed willingness to take political action. Again, findings such as these suggest environmental organisations may find adopting a more nuanced approach to motivating activism effective within their supporters and wider society. Dietz et al (1999) attempt to develop such a strategy by focusing on the Value-Belief-Norm Theory that has just been briefly explored, as it draws attention to the causal relationships involved with individuals advancing from basic pro-environmentalism to environmental activism; an important distinction that has massive implications for the ways in which environmental organisations may garner support: Definition of movement activists: Activists are committed to public actions intended to influence the behaviour of the policy system and of the broader population. Committed activists are the core of a movement and have been the subject of much recent work in the social movements literature. For them the movement becomes an important part of their life and a central element in their identity. Definition of movement supporters: Movement supporters as those who are sympathetic to the movement and who are willing to take some action and bear some costs in order to support the movement. The casual relationships involved: The boundary between supporters and activists is fuzzy, and people often move back and forth, being activists for a time then retreating to a less committed but still supportive role. It is from the supporters that new activists are drawn.
(Dietz et al 1999)

Non-activist public support can be essential for movement success, where the base for general movement support lies in a conjunction of values, beliefs, and personal norms. Notably, these values, beliefs and norms are not static, but fluctuate throughout an individuals life, and environmental organisations can influence the changing shape of these psychological characteristics:
We propose that movement success depends on movement activists and organizations building support by activating or reshaping personal norms to create feelings of obligationIt is also possible, however, for a social movement to try to activate personal norms based on other kinds of values. (p.83).

To activate personal norms and mobilise support, organisations should highlight the threats to the individual and the adverse consequences, but also emphasise that the individual has the ability to alleviate those threats by appropriate action. Fielding, MacDonald and Louis

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(2005) found that belonging to an environmental organisation was a better predictor of engaging in environmental activism than social structural variables and the other social psychological variables. This again highlights the ability of organisations to overcome the variance found in individual value orientations and social structural variables. Nevertheless, psychological characteristics play a big part in determining whether an individual partakes in environmental activism:
The theory of planned behaviour (TPB) is one of the most influential and well supported social psychological theories of human decision-making. The basic premise of the theory is that the best predictor of behaviour is intention to perform that behaviour. In turn, TPB proposes that intentions are predicted by attitudes to the specific behaviour, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control. (p.3).

Fielding, MacDonald and Louis also reveal past behaviour and social identity to have a significant influence on whether or not activism is carried out. Past engagement in environmental activism is a predictor of future intentions, so once people are engaged in environmental activism they are more likely to keep doing it. So, calling upon the actions of those already involved in the activist movement may be a more worthwhile endeavour than calling upon individuals whom have never participated in such behaviour, particularly if action is required to be swift and effective. As for the significance of social identity, the (perceived) psychological characteristics of environmental activists may in fact deter people that havent participated in activism already from doing so, due to the persistence of negative stereotypes. Accordingly, environmental organisations must take into consideration the societal baggage that comes with each and every individual, and employ varied techniques in achieving higher rates of participatory activism. Fielding, MacDonald and Louis also emphasise the need for environmental organisations to adopt a strategic approach when seeking to develop their existing support and increase their activist numbers. One such approach involves the notion of costs and benefits:
Findings from the belief-based measures of the model also indicate that convincing community members of the benefits of engaging in environmental activism may be a more fruitful strategy than downplaying the costs. (Fielding, MacDonald and Louis, 2005, p.15).

The following section will explore the cost and benefits literature, and the implications of rational choice for individual environmental activism. 3.3 Rational Choice The rational choice literature aims to take the issues of participation and activism beyond the who participates questions, to the why they participate questions. Demographic variables may be important for exploring who participates: are activists generally older or younger? Do females participate more than males? Has class or ethnicity got anything to do with activist participation? Similarly, exploring social psychological characteristics generates valuable insights into participatory activism: do activists have greater levels of personal efficacy? Do anthropocentric and biocentric value orientations have an impact on participation? Is social identity important? Although both of these lines of inquiry are crucial to understanding activism, the rational choice approach underlines the elementary but pivotal decisions facing the potential activist that can make or break whether or not action is carried out- the last port of call if you like. Wandersman et al (1987) set out to answer the

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question why do people participate by focusing on the notion of rational choice put forward by costs and benefits theory.
The theory suggests that a social exchange takes place in organizations such that participants will invest their energy in the organization only if they expect to receive some benefits. (p.538).

They cite an important typology of incentives that influence an individuals decision on whether to proceed in participation and activism: Material Incentives - tangible rewards that can be translated into monetary value such as wages, reduced taxes, and increased property values. Solidary Incentives - derived from social interactions and include socialising, status, and group identification Purposive Incentives - derived from the suprapersonal goals of the organisation and include bettering the community, doing one's duty, and feeling a sense of responsibility

(Clark and Wilson 1961)

According to this typology, an organisation can potentially increase participation and activism through the generation of incentives. Of course, for a voluntary organisation with limited funds, incentives would usually be based on solidary and purposive principles. Activism in this way can be regarded as a two-way process where both the cause and the activist benefit from individual participation. However, where there are benefits there are usually costs. An individual weighs up the benefits and costs in the final stage of a three-step mobilisation process: First Step An individual perceives a condition Second Step Evaluates it as important to his or her well-being Third Step Evaluates the costs and benefits of action

(Henig 1982)

Evidently, if the costs of participating in activism are deemed significant, action may not be carried out. Wandersman et al concluded that:
although members do not differ from nonmembers in terms of their perceptions of the possibilities of collective action, they do significantly differ in terms of their perceptions of personal influence and general belief in political efficacy. Participants' calculations of their own ability to act successfully thus seems to be differentThe implication is that nonmembers do not participate because they think it is costly (more costly than members report). (p.551).

Evaluation of costs and benefits appears to be subjective, existing in the eye of the beholder. This indicates that an individuals evaluation of participation can change, as it is not based on objective observations. Herein lies an important question: can an organisation either

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downplay the costs or alternatively, emphasise the benefits? From the literature, it would appear that emphasising the benefits is a much more positive and fruitful strategy. One such strategy would be to underline the positive experience of collective action. Lubell (2002) develops a model of environmental activism linked to the logic of collective action, building on rational choice theory.
Following a rational actor assumption, the collective interest model argues people will participate in environmental activism when the subjective expected value of participation is positive. (p.433).

Lubell identifies five factors that a potential activist will consider before making the decision to participate in activism or not: The perceived value of the collective good produced by successful environmental action The increase in the probability of success if the individual participates The extent to which the actions of the group as a whole are likely to be successful The selective costs of participation The selective benefits of participation

(Lubell 2002)

Lubell maintains that individual evaluations of costs and benefits are carried out subjectively, and therefore psychological characteristics can determine whether or not an individual becomes an activist. Efficacy, as discussed above, was found to contribute to environmental activism. An individual with high levels of personal efficacy will deem participation more worthwhile, as success is perceived to be more likely so benefits will ultimately outweigh the costs. Individual environmental values are also a key element of costs and benefits analysis:
Citizens with strong environmental values are more likely to receive psychological benefits from expressing their preferences through environmental activism or enjoy the social benefits of participating with like-minded citizens. Conversely, citizens with more conservative ideologies are less likely to have preferences for environmental protection and thus perceive less selective benefits. (p.437).

Likewise, Pattie, Seyd and Whitely (2003) affirm that those who feel strongly attached to a group should be more likely to act on its behalf than those who do not share that attachment. Again, this element of the costs and benefits theory highlights the importance of individual sensibilities, where it may be worthwhile for an environmental organisation to appeal to different forms of value orientation (e.g. anthropocentric/biocentric). One of the principle findings of the rational choice approach that has enormous leverage concerns the practical costs of civic engagement and activism. Bowers (2004) asserts that the capacity of individuals to engage in civic matters is determined by their basic organisational and communicative abilities:

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Those individuals who possess civic skills are more likely to engage in such activities than those who do not because such skills decrease the costs in the cost-benefit calculus presumably surrounding participation decisions. (p.527).

This will make Pattie, Seyd and Whitelys (2003) dimension of contact activism- which includes making contact with organisations, and writing to the media and/or political leaders- more difficult to partake in, the more troublesome people think civic engagement is likely to be, the less likely they are to engage (p.454). Environmental organisations must therefore make alternative types of activism available to individuals to avoid specific costs and benefits halting activism altogether. On the other hand, environmental organisations can exercise the benefits. Activists can enjoy the psychological benefits of participating in action with like-minded citizens. Political discussion networks provided by environmental organisations will facilitate interaction and may also reduce the costs of activism by exposing people to recruitment networks (Lubell, Zahran and Vedlitz 2007).

3.4 Models of Activism Models of activism are useful as they integrate an analysis of demographic and psychological characteristics to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of the individual activist. In this section, a small sample of a rather large area of research will be outlined and examined for practical application. Barkan (2004) looks to explain public support for the environmental movement using the Civic Voluntarism Model, and asks why:
Some individuals in the environmental movement are highly committed, full-time activists who live and breathe their activism, while many more support the movement through financial and other contributions but are not activists as that term is usually defined. (p.913)

Individuals support environmental organisations and campaigns for similar reasons, but their support is revealed in different ways. A distinction can be made between spectators who may support an organisation or campaign by wearing a badge or contributing some money but otherwise are only minimally involved in politics, and the compellingly named gladiators who exhibit high levels of political participation. Whether an individual is a spectator or a gladiator depends upon the configuration of their four components of the Civic Voluntarism Model: Resources Time, money, and communication and organisational skills, that provides the means and ability to be politically active. Demographic characteristics can play a key role in this component. Psychological Engagement Attitudes that incline citizens to become politically active. Pscychological characteristics (e.g. efficacy) play a key role in this component. Recruitment Friends and associates in ones interpersonal networks. Common networks are found in places of worship, voluntary organisations, and work settings.

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Thus, people with greater involvement in such settings are more likely to be recruited into political activity.

Issue Engagements Opinions about specific issues that induce political activity on these issues.

According to this model, an individual depending on their social, political, economic and psychological conditions will carry out different forms of environmental activism. Demographic and psychological characteristics are both crucial in explaining (and prompting) activism, with social networks playing no small role. Barkan provides a description of a typical activist in relation to the four components of the Civic Voluntarism Model:
Public supporters of the movement should be more likely to come from higher socioeconomic backgrounds, which provide them with resources for their support; to be engaged with the political process; to be members of interpersonal networks that provide settings for recruitment; and to hold various concerns about the quality of the environment. (p.916).

However, Barkan fails to address how an inactive individual may become a spectator or a gladiator, and whether or not other individuals and organisations can prompt such a transition. Nevertheless a number of inferences can be established. Firstly, an environmental organisation can present individuals with a number of alternative pathways to activism, where an individual can choose to adopt a journey most conducive to their available resources (e.g. time, money, skills). Similarly, offering alternative pathways to participation that are engaging and attractive to different psychological characteristics can encourage individual activism. Thirdly, potential pathways to activism should be advertised to individuals already participating in various networks, as well as exposing individuals outside of existing networks to activism opportunities. This will necessitate innovative strategies and unique approaches to reaching disengaged individuals, as well as collaborating with organisations and individuals in related networks. Fourthly, an environmental organisation can campaign on a diverse range of issues that will prompt engagement from individuals interested in various specific political concerns. This model implies that a multi-strategic approach to mobilising activists will be worthwhile. Another model of environmental activism has been proposed by Seguin, Pelletier and Hunsley (1998), which postulates that the difficulty of an action is examined in contrast with the saliency and severity of the environmental problem that requires it. Put simply, the perceived difficulty of a particular environmental action will determine whether or not the action is carried out. This weighing up of action against problem is where activists are separated from non-activists, where the wheat is separated from the chaff, as it were.
In sum, environmental activists are people who intentionally engage in the most difficult ecological behaviors. They are usually members of environmental groups, are involved in fundraising campaigns or the signing of petitions, write letters to the government and to policy makers, and also try to influence peoples attitudes and behaviors toward the environment (p.631).

Determinants of activist behaviour include saliency and severity of environmental problem, resource availability, knowledge level, efficacy, global disposition toward the environment

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and perceived commonality between individual and other activists. The model proposes that five variables determine activist behaviour, where autonomy of motivation directs action and the remaining four variables mediate the action of activists: 1) Autonomy of motivation 2) Perception of responsibility to prevent health risks 3) Perceived importance of environmental problems 4) Amount of information on health risks 5) Perception of health risks The ideal activist according to this model is:
an individual who perceives as more important various possible problems in the environment such as the quality of the air, level of pollution from automobiles and industries, and the degradation of animals habitats. Activists are also more sensitive to information on health risks, health issues, and the conditions of the environment. Furthermore, activists feel that organizations such as public interest groups or environmental groups have the responsibility to protect people from health risks, and they perceive more health risks related to environmental conditions. In conclusion, we would say that activists possess a high level of autonomy toward the environment. (p.646)

It is the first variable, autonomy of motivation, which is perhaps the most striking and utilitarian. Level of individual autonomy will influence whether or not activist behaviour is carried out, where generally, the more people are autonomous toward the environment, the more they will be involved in environmental issues. (p.635). There are three different types of motivation: Intrinsic motivation behaviours that are voluntarily engaged in purely for the pleasure and satisfaction derived from their practice. Extrinsic motivation behaviours that are performed for instrumental purposes (e.g. to receive an award or to avoid punishment. Amotivation behaviours performed with no sense of purpose and to associated feelings of incompetence and lack of control.

Individuals that are intrinsically motivated are more autonomous, and would therefore generally be more likely to engage in activism. However, the remaining four variables (see above) act as mediators and have a direct impact on individual activism. So, what are the practical implications of this model? Firstly, as intrinsically, autonomously motivated individuals are more likely to participate in activist behaviour; environmental organisations can increase motivational autonomy by offering choices to individuals in the decisionmaking process and particularly in the environmental domain, involving individuals in decisions that have an affect on the environment. Secondly, environmental organisations can optimise the mediating factors to encourage individual activism to take place. This could

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be achieved in a number of ways; by making information on health risks more accessible to individuals, by emphasising that responsibility rests with each and every individual, and by underlining the importance of environmental problems and the associated health risks. Kavanaugh et al (2005) offer the Civic Effects Model, which shows that demographic and psychological characteristics explain activism:
Education Staying Informed Membership Activism Online Civic
Significant Partly Significant

Involved in Issues

Extroversion

Age

Collective Efficacy

This rather complicated looking diagram illustrates the different pathways to activism from the exogenous variables (education, extroversion, age) through the mediating variables (staying informed, membership, collective efficacy). The exogenous variables, made up of demographic and psychological characteristics, play a crucial role in the pathways to activism, where extroversion can lead directly to activism. The model posits that age is only partly significant. Importantly, an individual may enter into activism through staying informed and not necessarily through environmental group membership, although group membership does represent an important avenue to activism:
Our study also points to the importance of group memberships as a form of civic participation. People who belong to multiple groups or organizations act as bridges or weak social ties between groups; they facilitate the flow of information across a community. Bridges differ from people who belong to just one organization (this is typically church) or to none at all. They tend to have higher socioeconomic status, a stronger sense of collective efficacy, and to be more active and involved in the community. Being a member of a voluntary association and staying informed on local affairs makes a difference for civic participation. Informed members are more likely than others to vote, discuss politics and attend meetings. They are also more likely than others to use the Internet to obtain local political information, discuss politics online, and report that they are more involved in local community and in local issues of interest since getting on the Internet. (p.30)

There are a number of practical implications that can be extracted from the model. Firstly, an environmental organisation can carve out political space for extroverts to flourish, within and without the membership of the organisation. Moreover, the enthusiasm of extroverts can be harnessed by an organisation if they are brought together in campaigns and projects. This leads on to the second point; there are alternative pathways to activism, namely individually informed activists and members of an organisation, where it may be possible to bring activists together for a common cause. Finally, the model also underlines the utility of the internet as a tool for promoting activism. Ipsos Mori (2006), the social research institute, conducted an insightful study Ingredients for Community Engagement: The Civic Pioneer Experience. Although not strictly concerned

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with environmental activism, there are a number of useful concepts that can be drawn upon to understand individual engagement. Successful engagement requires an organisation to: Encourage - the key elements of which are providing reassurance, removing psychological barriers, communicating effectively, and feeding back about precious exercises to display the value and impact of engaging and show that there is something in it for them. Enable - it is important to have enablers in place - in particular, making sure people have the information they need, having a range of accessible mechanisms and providing the support and skills needed. Enabling engagement requires removing practical barriers. Transparency is key. Empower sharing strategy decisions and subsequent accountability, inclusive decision-making, which can encourage involvement as well as being good in itself.

The Ipsos Mori research team also draw up a number of possible factors that may form parts of a successful model for engagement, which revolve around nine ingredients: Core Ingredients 1. Leadership/ Championship (Having engagement, and appropriately placed) good leaders committed to

2. Organisational Culture and Structure (Important for setting foundations, arranged in a way that encourages a shared understanding of engagement) 3. Local Involvement Structures (Identifying what structures and mechanisms work best) 4. Agency-Partnership Working (Partnerships with other organisations to achieve common goals) 5. Money/Resources (The key drivers and facilitators of engagement) Secondary Ingredients 6. Community Led/Driven (Bottom-up approach, representing the purest form of engagement) 7. Single Issues (Linked to community-led engagement, single issues identified as useful way to reach a wider audience, which can fire up local residents and channel fresh blood into existing mechanisms) 8. Targets/Performance Indicators (Targets are important if engagement is to be taken seriously) 9. Stability (Personnel, structures and political control stabilised)

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All nine ingredients interact with one another and should therefore not be considered in isolation. If all ingredients are successfully introduced into the engagement process, then activism through collective action (e.g. environmental organisation) can be achieved.

3.5 Internal Sources Friends of the Earth has been involved with research that has explored activism within its own membership. Within this research, there is data and discussions that have shed light on the psychological characteristics of its activists, as well as providing insights into activism more generally. The most relevant sources will now be considered in relation to external research to achieve a greater understanding of the valuable activism that goes on within FoE, and to gain an insight into the psychological characteristics of its most passionate and ardent members. Sargeant and Jay (2004) have produced a report that is based on qualitative and quantitative research of FoE supporters, from monetary supporters to what they call armchair activists to the dirty-handed campaigning activists. The research revealed some interesting themes regarding supporter motivations and needs, where findings from the activist section are particularly useful for understanding the psychology of individual activism. The qualitative findings were based on a focus group of thirteen activists (italics will indicate significant quotations), and quantitative findings were based on a postal survey.

Motivation For many of the activists, motivations for participating in environmental activism were based on careful consideration about particular issues, which had affected the individuals personally:
I think the enormity of the task makes causes like Friends of the Earth more worthy of support faced with globalisation and the power of multinational companies they have an huge uphill struggle and personally I feel I have to support them in that (p.52) I got involved years ago through health reasons I suffered from lots of food allergies and started taking an interest in what I was eating. Then the circles widened from there at a certain point it got bigger than just me and how I lived and I knew I had to get involved (p.52) Friends of the Earth were still dealing with issues that I cared about so I never stopped supporting them (p.52)

Similarly, in the quantitative survey, supporters in the activists group were more likely to see several of the areas as more personally important than supporters in the other groups, where they were to keen to learn how they could personally make a difference on an issue that they felt personally passionate about. Evidently, personal factors are a determiner of activist behaviour. This underlines the importance of individual values, beliefs and norms (see 3.2), where the capability of environmental organisations increasing activism in its membership may rest with their ability to appeal to different bands of values (e.g.

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anthropocentric/biocentric concerns). It also highlights the significance of specific issues, which can fire up potential activists, particularly if the issue is locally salient (Barkan 2004; Ipsos Mori 2006). An environmental organisation may therefore benefit from campaigning on a broad range of issues rather than concentrating on just one or two specific issues to attract more individuals. The motivation exhibited by activists taking part in Sargeant and Jays research appears to generally be intrinsic motivation (Seguin, Pelletier and Hunsley 1998), as motivation was personally driven where the issue was autonomously identified to be important. Quite feasibly, it may be this type of motivation that has spurred them on into activist behaviour, marking them out from other kind of supporters:
Activists were quite different primarily in that they seem more passionate in their interest in the issues, and are therefore disposed to spend more time and effort on actions. They also care more deeply about the whole range of issues, and are obviously active in other areas (not covered by Friends of the Earth) in addition. (p.91)

Activists also came across as positive, and were optimistic about FoE campaigns success rate. This appears to substantiate much of the theory on efficacy (see 3.1) where higher levels of self and collective efficacy can be a predictor of activism. Ways of increasing efficacy in nonactivists may therefore be worthwhile. A simple method of increasing efficacy could be to communicate campaign successes to membership regularly on websites and through letters/magazines. A successful organisation should breed successful activists. Needs Supporter needs were based on reported requirements by quantitative survey participants and qualitative focus groups, namely concerning methods used at the welcoming stage, feedback, fundraising asks and customer care. Activists were generally happy with the communications they had received from FoE, although telephone calls and frequent high pressure fundraising techniques were not popular:
If they are going to ask me for extra Id prefer it to be as one offs rather than constantly badgering me to increase my monthly giving I have to keep that under control and changing the amount would be a more considered decision (p.54) You do feel that you are being hammered by the groups you already support (p.54) Ive had calls where they have talked to you for ten minutes trying to convince you that tends to build up a resentment especially when you have been supporting for years and probably know a damn sight more than the fundraisers do (p.55)

Clearly, a fine line must be traversed where communication is concerned. However, effective and selective communication with regular informative feedback can facilitate what the rational choice literature terms costs and benefits personal analysis (see 3.3), where the benefits of activism/membership can be emphasised to maintain participation and engagement, and ultimately to prompt action (Seguin, Pelletier and Hunsley 1998). Furthermore, regular communication will provide environmental organisations with the appropriate platform to make alternative types of activism available to individuals to avoid specific costs and benefits halting activism altogether (Pattie, Seyd and Whitely 2003). Effective communication will also assist the empowerment process, involving individuals in an inclusive decision-making channel to encourage involvement and activism (Ipsos Mori

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2006). Also, clear communication can be used to promote anger appeals that can initiate activism in inactive publics (Turner 2007). But most importantly, communication will satisfy supporter needs by building trust between individuals and an organisation- a vital ingredient of engagement as a movement/organisation becomes a central part of an activists life:
Trust is incredibly important you cant possibly know all the intricacies of the arguments about GM foods, for example, but you trust the people at Friends of the Earth who are working on this sort of issue to summarise the information for you and to take the right line you trust them because at base you feel they are people who feel the same way that you do (p.55) It is the same with the finances I dont know exactly what their financial situation is and I dont need to as long as I trust that they are using whatever money I give them broadly to support and promote the worldview that they and I share (p.55)

The link between communication and activism certainly appears to be worthy of investigation, as in the quantitative survey, Sargeant and Jay revealed that activists are more likely than the others to request more comprehensive information. Rose, Dade and Scotts (2007) research into how to motivate individuals with different psychological dispositions to change behaviours that affect climate change emissions, has been sourced internally by FoE due to its applicability and straightforward recommendations. The reports findings are based on qualitative research in the West of England. Principally, the reports greatest theoretical clout comes from its easily accessible typology of individual psychological characteristics, which is classified into prospectors, pioneers and settlers. The typologies have been classified by grouping value modes or attributes into recognisable clusters that are representative of an archetypal individual, with data that has been culled from thousands of questions put to hundreds of thousands of people over decades of research (p.4). The typology has three classifications and twelve subgroups: Prospectors (40%) Golden Dreamers Happy Followers Now People Tomorrow People Pioneers (40%) Transitionals Concerned Ethicals Flexible Individuals Transcenders Settlers (20%) Roots Smooth Sailing Brave New World Certainty First

(Subgroups in italics particularly relevant to Rose, Dade and Scotts (2007) report)

The report generated some insightful conclusions. Firstly, individuals can belong to either the prospectors, pioneers or settlers typology. Pioneers, or perhaps more specifically transcenders, are most often the initiators of new behaviours, they are curious and experimental, representing societys innovators. Prospectors on the other hand do not initiate new behaviours, but they adopt behaviours from the pioneers through a number of different cognitive and behavioural processes. Finally, the settlers are more stuck in their ways, traditional and cautious. The typologies can be explored much more rigorously, however the more pertinent point can be made without an in-depth analysis of the classifications. As individuals belong to different typologies based on alternative values and

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attributes, connecting with these individuals requires various strategies that appeal to specific psychological characteristics. For instance:
Any face to face execution for Prospectors needs to look and feel contemporary, retail rather than NGO, product and service rather than cause. Any hint of politics, ethics or campaigning will frighten Prospectors away. Prospectors like experts on hand but they need to be on hand not in front. The ideal salesperson for a Now Person is going to be another Now Person, preferably glamorous but at least well kempt, not concerned with selling an idea but the right stuff to have now. So dont whatever you do, send a badly dressed Pioneer who really would rather be talking about the issue, or the leading edge actions such as pledging not to fly and growing their own vegetables to avoid food miles. (p.27)

In other words, what may prompt activist behaviour in the concerned ethicals of the pioneer group may be entirely different to what catalyses activism in the now people of the prospectors group. This is an astute observation, and something which campaign promoters must take heed of if they are to carve any major inroads into societys various sensibilities.

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4. Demographic Characteristics Individuals will usually strive to participate in activism if they believe action is appropriate, the cause is meaningful and compelling, the personal benefits and costs are agreeable (where agreeable changes from person to person), the likelihood of success is sufficient, and they have the required information to make judgements. Clearly, psychological characteristics of individuals have a huge influence on whether or not activism is carried out. However, put rather crudely, as people are affected by internal influences, they are also affected by external influences. External influences are experienced through being a part of society, an individual in a collectivity, and a node within a network. Personal decisions are not autonomous; other people and groups can shape individual psychological characteristics. An example of this would be folk ecological beliefs that can be seen as a link between social structural forces and socialization processes (Stern, Dietz and Guagnano 1995). But it is the social structure itself that can impede or expedite individual action depending on the demographic characteristics of that person. The area of environmental activism is no different:
The ability to pay the selective costs of environmental activism is related to the availability of the money, time, and civic skills necessary for effective participationIn turn, the availability of money, time, and civic skills is linked to the many demographic variables that are traditionally considered in research on environmental behavior. The general conclusion of the literature is that better educated, higher income, younger, female, and nonminority citizens are more likely to support environmental protection and that pattern has not changed over time. (Lubell, 2002, p.437).

The literature on demographic characteristics in relation to environmental activism can be rather dry and prescriptive, so to break it up a little and make it more accessible, the main arguments will be divided and explored separately, broken up into the demographic bands of age, gender, class and ethnicity. Internal demographic data regarding FoE activists will be contrasted with external theory/studies where relevant. This data has been collected from Campaign Champions (464 responses) and activists more generally (Acxioms BehaviourBank). 4.1 Age Interestingly, Lubell (2002) analysed data from social surveys and suggested that age may have no influence on levels of environmental activism due to balancing factors (p.451). By this, he means that younger people may have more postmaterial values (where needs for belonging, esteem, and intellectual and aesthetic satisfaction become more prominent as a result of satisfied welfare and physiological requirements) and a greater awareness of environmental issues, so the benefits of environmental activism are significant. However, older people may have more civic skills and experience with political action, therefore reducing the costs of environmental activism. On analysing survey data, Pattie, Seyd and Whitley (2003) did indeed find that older people are more likely to undertake most forms of civic action. So, older and younger people tend to participate in environmental activism for different costs and benefits analyses, but action is still carried out across the ages. Nevertheless, Lubell does conclude by positing that younger people are more likely to engage in individual activism due to the selective benefits of participation. This is not supported by the Acxiom FoE internal data which revealed a much higher percentage of middle-aged individuals (40-60 years old) were engaging in activist behaviour than their younger or older counterparts. Likewise, the Campaigns Champions internal data revealed that a higher percentage of individuals partaking in activism are 45-64 year olds (40 per cent)

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compared with the 25-44 age range (31 per cent). Johnson, Bowker and Cordell (2004) also found that age was a consistent explanatory variable for environmental behaviour, but different types were age-specific. For instance, older persons reported more reading and recycling than younger ones but less group joining and participation in outdoor recreation activities. Accordingly, one would expect to see younger people carrying out more visible and active activism, but this doesnt mean that older individuals dont partake in activism more generally. Fernandez-Ballesteros et al (2002) suggest that the reason why youth are often the spearhead of political activism (p.120) is because they judge themselves more efficacious than their older counterparts to bring about social change. Similarly, Van Liere and Dunlaps (1980) findings support the age hypothesis where younger persons tend to be more concerned about environmental quality. However, the relationship was moderate, which indicates that:
The limited utility of demographic variables in explaining variation in environmental concern points to the widespread distribution of such concern in our society. (p.193)

In other words, environmental concern is prevalent in all areas of the social structure; therefore the age of an individual is scarcely significant. Notably, a number of studies have progressed the debate further by indicating that it may not be age per se that determines environmental behaviour, rather it is underlying factors that are affected by age. Zeidner and Shechter (1988) examined peoples reactions towards air pollution, and found age to be a meaningful predictor of affective reactions:
Older individuals, compared to their younger counterparts, often have more serious social problems and environmental concerns to deal with (deteriorated housing, health problems, social status, etc.), which take priority over less critical environmental concerns, such as air pollution. (p.205)

In this view, older individuals have more immediate private problems to contend with so personally less critical environmental issues such as global warming or marine pollution take a back seat. However, although this argument is wholly valid and addresses the more underlying issues of age and environmental behaviour; surely younger generations have similar problems also that can restrict the amount of time available for activism? Affirmatively, Bowers (2004) asserts that although moving home affects activism and civic duties in older people more than younger people, younger generations move more often, and usually further afield. As younger people move home more often, disruption to activism patterns may occur, although money donations through direct debit and otherwise would probably be more likely to continue. Wandersman et al (1987) also indicate how younger, more uprooted individuals may see their activism negatively affected:
The results of our analysis of the demographic variables suggest that rootedness in the community is related to participation. Living in an area longer, intending to stay longer, and having more children can be seen as embedding an individual within a community, increasing both the opportunities and incentives to participate. (p.550)

However, this is where, as Pickerill (2003) argues, computer mediated communication (CMC) can come into its own.

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While there remains a novelty (and hype) about the use of CMC which can distort its worth, its use by environmentalists has had an impact upon the forms and processes of the interviewees and their affiliated groups. British environmental activists are a diverse cohort composed of individuals and groups with diverging aims, ideologies and forms of organisation. These differences are exposed in their contrasting attitudes to, and use of CMC. They are united, however, in their struggle to use CMC to their advantage and to continue their protest, activism, and resistance (and creation of positive alternatives) through, and in, cyberspace. The environmental movement is particularly innovative, creative and skilful and this has been extended to its use of CMC. (p.131).

CMC can be utilised by individuals and organisations alike to overcome geographical obstructions, something that more uprooted individuals would certainly benefit from. Moreover, age is becoming less of a barrier to CMC use as computers and the Internet increasingly become more commonplace in businesses, libraries, cafes and households. 4.2 Gender There is a great deal of literature available on gender, concern and environmentalism. In recent years, gender, activism and civic duties have been explored increasingly more often, which compliments the earlier investigations into environmental concern more generally. As there are countless sources regarding this essential area, a select sample of influential papers have been appropriated for this section. Firstly, it is important to point out that findings on gender and environmentalism have been inconsistent and inconclusive. Environmental concern has been frequently scrutinised for gender differences, with a substantial proportion asserting that women are generally more concerned about issues than their male counterparts (McFarlane and Boxall 2003). Blocker and Eckberg (1997) draw attention to socialisation theory, where different roles are taken up by men and women according to preconceived gender-based ideals. According to this argument, men are socialised to be rational, masterful, accumulative and competitive, whereas women are socialised into a compassionate, nurturing, protective and cooperative role. Argurably, such gender divisions are becoming less relevant in modern times, however, Blocker and Eckbergs findings indicate that women have greater concern for health and safety issues, greater concern for animals, are more concerned about pollution and have a greener personal lifestyle than men. Markedly though, greater levels of concern do not translate into environmental action. Therefore, gender appears to be a weak predictor of environmentalism, rather:
Women (and men) of higher social status, with more knowledge, and with greater trust in science are more likely to engage in proenvironment action and are less likely to see the economy as more important than the environment (p.854).

Stern, Dietz and Kalof (1993) also emphasise the potential existence of a gender division, but in terms of value orientations. They point to studies that have found women to have more altruistic and biospheric concerns (see 3.2) than men, possibly due to being more rooted in the natural environment. In their discussion of the findings, they suggest that women are apparently more accepting than men of links made between the environment and harm to themselves, other humans and species or the biosphere. This indicates that socialization and the social structure can indeed shape individual concern. In a later study, they stress the importance of gender and value orientation:
There were significant gender differences in one value priority, altruism, with women reporting a substantially higher priority for this value than men. This is consequential for the

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literature on gender and environment, since altruism is the value most closely related to environmentalism in both theoretical and empirical work. (Stern, Dietz and Kalof, 2002, p.361)

Although women may be altruistically and biospherically more concerned than men, this doesnt necessarily suggest that activism is carried out by women more, rather, a number of studies have indicated that less concerned men carry out more activism (Olli et al 2001; Johnson, Bowker and Cordell 2004). On the other hand, studies have also concluded that women do participate in environmental activism more! Lubell (2007) argues that males have habitually been more active than females in traditional political participation but for environmental issues, females are more likely to express concern and participate.
One possible reason for this is a gendered division of labor, where women are underrepresented in industrial occupations and overrepresented in culturally defined nurturing roles (p.398).

Similarly, Barkan (2004) argues that women show a greater level of environmental citizenship than men, where men undertake activist roles in political participation more generally:
Of these findings, perhaps the most interesting are those for education and psychological and issue engagements. Women appear more likely than men to use the resources provided by their education to support the environmental movement, and they are also more likely to translate their psychological engagement with politics and their environmental concerns into such support. Although women continue to lag slightly behind men in political participation generally, they can still be more active than men on issues that are more important and salient for them. (p.929).

Indeed, the internal data prepared for FoE by Acxiom revealed that 66 per cent of activists were in fact female. Nevertheless, the principle point to take away from the gender and environmentalism literature is the inconclusive findings that have been generated. Although some studies have found differences, a large number are contradictory, and many more assert that there are no concrete variations between the genders in terms of environmental concern and behaviour (Van Liere and Dunlap 1980; Schahn and Holzer 1990; Lubell 2002). Other commentators like Wandersman et al (1987) argue that cultural differences are more of a determining variable, as their study showed that gender was a significant factor in the United States, where women are more likely to be a member of an organisation, but gender is not significant in Israel. There are also underlying factors that are bound up with gender that may potentially be more of a determining variable than gender per se; FernandezBallesteros et al (2002) underline the role that efficacy can play in either impeding or expediting environmental activism:
Men and women did not differ in their perceived efficacy to manage their personal lives, but men expressed stronger efficacy that they can change their lives for the better through their actions to effect social change. As previously noted, adult females judged themselves to be less politically efficacious than males. However, recent years have witnessed substantial changes in the roles women perform. Their increased participation in organisational, political, and legislative activities is likely to reduce the gender gap in perceived efficacy to influence institutional practices that affect the social and economic life of society. (p.120).

Evidently, in much of the literature concerning gender and environmentalism, the division between the genders is referred to regularly, but the relevance of it is decreasing as years go by, which can only be a good thing for society and the environment. CMC has often been

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cited as a mediator of social change, acting as a neutraliser of gender and also opening up opportunities for environmental activism (Pickerill 2003). Indeed, CMC seems to have a part to play in the future in advancing progress for social and environmental equity.

4.3 Class (Income and Education) Class has become a little old-fashioned as a concept in recent years. However, it would be absurd to propose that class divisions are no longer prevalent in society, so breaking class up into more measurable criteria can elucidate the effects of class on environmental concern, behaviour and activism. There are still allusions made to class as a concept, as will be demonstrated in this section, but class components such as income and education will also be explored. Pattie, Seyd and Whitely (2003) argue that resources are important for activism where the better educated and more middle class people are, the more likely they are to participate in most forms of civic engagement. Interestingly however, people from affluent households are less likely than poorer households to engage in contact and collective activism, but do participate in more activism overall. Evidently civic engagement is a diverse phenomenon (p.465), where class, education and income all affect different forms of activism- individual, collective and contact- in alternative ways. This complexity was also illustrated by Van Liere and Dunlaps (1980) findings, which set out to test the social class hypothesis that posits environmental concern is positively related to social class as indicated by income, education and occupational prestige. The social class hypothesis is based upon the assumptions that upper and middle class people have solved basic material needs and are therefore free to focus on environmental quality and other postmaterial concerns. The findings found a positive association between educational level and environmental concern, where higher levels of education brought about higher environmental concern. However, sufficient support for associations between income, occupation and environmental concern was lacking. The social class hypothesis was therefore not supported, which casts doubt on the relevance of class in understanding environmental concern and activism. Nevertheless, there have been studies that indicate social class may be worthy of investigation: Kavanaugh et al (2005) found that socioeconomic status (sum of education and income) was positively correlated with voluntary association membership, with higher levels of education being particularly significant in predicting activism. Similarly, Acxioms BehaviourBank data analysis for FoE found that 36 per cent of activists in their sample were of upper-middle or middlemiddle class, whilst only 4 per cent were working class. In terms of income, the BehaviourBank data analysis revealed that 41 per cent of activists in the sample earned 25,000 or over. Place of residence has also been explored in relation to environmental citizenship and activism, with urbanites frequently associated with higher levels of such behaviour (Van Liere and Dunlap 1980; Barkan 2004; Johnson, Bowker and Cordell 2004). Researchers such as Lubell (2002) progress the class debate by looking at why certain people partake in activism rather than who participates, in which he focuses on the notion of costs and benefits (see psychological characteristics). As the ability to pay the selective costs of environmental activism is related to the availability of money, time and civic skills, demographic variables such as class may influence an individuals decision to engage in activism or not. According to the costs and benefits literature, one would expect the costs of environmental activism to be lower for educated citizens because they have more civic skills. Also, the flexible budget constraints of higher income individuals should allow them to

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better absorb the costs of environmental activism. Yet, whilst Lubell found that higher educated individuals are more likely to engage in activism, income had no effect at all.
This may occur because although higher income allows people to absorb the costs of environmental activism (what economists call an income effect), it also may raise the price of time spent on nonwork activities (substitution effect). These competing forces may cancel out the effect of income on activism, but further study is needed to see when the income effect dominates the substitution effect, which would lead to an increase in activism behavior. (p.445)

However, it is worth noting that a later study by Lubell (2007) looking at activism in relation to global warming in particular, found higher educated and higher income citizens appear to have the civic skills and resources necessary to absorb the selective costs and recognise opportunities for participation. Again, this demonstrates the inconclusive findings of demographic variables in relation to activism, perhaps indicating the irrelevancy of demography in predicting engagement- though, not necessarily a bad thing for the prospects of activism in future society. McFarlane and Boxall (2003) state that social structural variables have been frequently linked with environmental activism by researchers and academics; such as age, education, political ideology, and place of residence with the young, well educated, liberal, and urban generally being seen as more active. However, in their study, social structural variables were found not to influence behaviour:
These results support the work of Dietz et al. (1998) which suggested that there is little empirical support for social structural variables influencing behaviors associated with environmentalism. This contradicts the hypothesis, often put forward by natural resource managers and policy makers, that activists are a minority of the young, well-educated, affluent, urban elites. Indeed, our results suggest those who participate in behaviors that have the potential to influence natural resource policy and management are distributed among socio-economic groups and are found in both urban and rural communities. (p.85).

Indeed, these are positively optimistic conclusions. Likewise, Wandersman et al (1987) found that demographic variables were not statistically related to membership:
Therefore, we need to understand more than the "who" of participation; we also must understand the why, when, where, and how of participation. (p.552)

Social structural variables do appear to have limited use in predicting environmental activism. However, there are indirect effects of demographic characteristics that can influence activism in a roundabout way. For instance, Pickerill (2003) asserts that access to CMC is not limited per se, but it is constrained unevenly across the population.
Access to CMC is shaped by several constraining factors: finance, location and office space, technical skills and training, technical specifications and support, gender, class and ethnicity, and languagePrecursors to using CMC are money to pay for access to the technology and the education necessary to use it. These are facilitated by an individuals social location within society. CMC users in Britain are overwhelmingly white and middle class resulting in a dominant monoculturalism online This confines the possibility of CMC advancing the move towards greater participation (p.48).

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4.4 Ethnicity
The effect of race on environmental activism is subject to the most disagreement among the demographic variables. While most theories suggest that minorities face barriers to participation, some theories of environmental justice suggest that minorities may be more motivated to participate in environmental activism in the face of disproportionate risk exposure. However, this is more likely to be the case of immediate and visible problems like air pollution rather than future and diffuse problems like global warming. Providing a theoretical framework to understand the distinctions between different types of environmental issues remains a major task. (Lubell, 2007, p.399)

This quotation from Lubell (2007) summarises the inconclusiveness of ethnicity in accounting for environmental activism, indicative of demographic variables as a whole. Nevertheless, this section will outline the major arguments and issues that have shaped the race and environmentalism literature thus far. Parker and McDonoughs (1999) study challenges earlier works that suggest African Americans show little concern about the environment and gives limited support to the theory that feelings of powerlessness create a barrier to positive environmental behavior or participation. The study reveals that there are two important factors at work here: a) cultural environmental attitudes and beliefs, and b) the ability of individuals to express these environmental attitudes and beliefs in the form of activism, particularly in collective action and environmental organisations. Subculture theory has been influential in accounting for differences in environmental attitudes and beliefs across ethnic groups in the same country:
Beliefs and values are a critical part of culturea group of people who think and act in common ways. Behaviors, values, beliefs, and attitudes distinguish the group from other parts of society. Culture is a peoples way of life. In the case of a dominant and a minority culture within one society, Ethnic groups, then, are subcultures, maintaining certain behavioral characteristics that, in some degree, set them off from the societys mainstream, or modal, culture (Marger, 1991, p. 12). Belonging to a culture means that similar histories are shared, and this influences the creation of values within the culture. (p.157)

Environmental beliefs and values could also be culture-specific, and therefore explain why different races may exhibit different levels of environmental activism. The same can be said for religious groups, income groups, gender groups and so on. Through subculture theory, African Americans have been shown to be less concerned about environmental issues such as air pollution and wildlife. However, Parker and McDonoughs findings show no support for this theory, rather they provide empirical support for other studies suggesting that African Americans are concerned about environmental issues, a trend that appears to be increasingly common within the environment and race literature. The second factor relating to an individuals ability to express such concern may be more significant, this is where barriers theory has been employed:
The barriers theory suggests that African Americans and Euro-Americans have similar environmental attitudes, but due to differences in participation styles, barriers to joining environmental groups and feelings of disenfranchisement and powerlessness, African Americans are less likely to act on their environmental concern (p.159).

The fact that an ethnic group is not well represented in environmental organisation membership does not necessarily indicate that a particular ethnic group holds no concern for the environment, rather, barriers to participation may be constraining expression of such concern. This is a critical distinction to be made, a distinction that has been made for other demographic characteristics in the form of costs and benefits. As Parker and McDonough

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found similar levels of concern for the environment between whites and blacks, they examined levels of powerlessness and found support (although limited) for barriers theory, in so much that blacks appeared to perceive barriers to be in place on the pathway to activism. In terms of global warming, Lubell (2007) found that African Americans are not less supportive than whites, with Hispanics actually more supportive. However, African Americans have lower levels of political participation and environmental behaviour, and Hispanics engage in less political action.
What these differential effects suggest is that while minority support for global warming policies is not much different from whites, their willingness or ability to follow through on those preferences is limited, perhaps by structural factors associated with racial discrimination or living in poorer communities. (p.406)

Findings from Lubells study substantiate Parker and McDonoughs findings and subsequent emphasis on barriers theory. An earlier study by Lubell (2002) also found that blacks are less likely than whites to engage in environmental activism more generally, which he suggests may be due to selective race-specific costs and benefits. One such example is provided by Pickerill (2003), where environmental activism through computer-mediated communication (CMC) may be constrained by access problems for some ethnic groups. Indeed, white males dominate the use of CMC. Similarly, Stern et al (1999) found that blacks were less likely to offer environmental movement support, where this may indicate how social structural variables can reflect on an individuals access to resources to act as a social change agentrace-specific opportunities and constraints may be at work. Markedly, the Campaign Champions FoE internal data did show that 88 per cent of respondents taking part were white British. Whilst studies such as these indicate that different levels of activism by different ethnic groups may be due to barriers rather than alternative environmental beliefs and values, some studies reveal that distinctions between ethnic groups do not always take place. Wandersman et al (1987) found that race was not related to participation, as Zeidner and Shechter (1988) found that ethnicity is a marginal predictor of air pollution attitudes and dispositions which is at variance with some previous studies conducted primarily in the U.S., pointing to major ethnic group differences in air pollution attitudes (p.206). On the other hand, there have been studies that have suggested there are differences between ethnic groups in terms of environmental beliefs and behaviours. Johnson, Bowker and Cordell (2004) found that beliefs and behaviour are different between numerous ethnic groups, and between different groups of similar ethnicity:
Our results show that environmental belief and activism vary by ethnicity despite similarity for certain socioeconomic characteristics and environmental belief. Most important, findings show that the category of ethnic minority environmental perception and behavior is not homogeneous when compared to Whites. Blacks and foreign-born Latinos were least similar to Whites, Asians most like Whites, and U.S.-born Latinos assumed a middle position between Blacks and foreign-born Latinos and Asians. Especially interesting are differences between the two Latino groups. U.S.-born Latino beliefs and behaviors more closely resembled White environmentalism than foreign-born Latino environmentalism. These findings highlight the importance of distinguishing between Latinos by criteria such as immigrant status, acculturation level, language, or country of origin. (p.178)

Barkan (2004) argues that environmental citizenship may be prompted in different ethnic groups for alternative reasons. For whites, worry about the environment (biospheric concerns) promotes citizenship, whilst perceptions of environmental danger (egoistic/altruistic concerns) promotes citizenship in African Americans and not whites. This distinction contradicts Parker and McDonoughs (1999) findings from their study, which did

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not support the environmental racism literature that suggests African Americans are more concerned with local environmental issues or urban environmental issues such as toxics, ground water pollution, local incinerators, and waste facilities that assume to exist because African Americans are thought to be disproportionately exposed to these types of hazards. Evidently, like studies exploring other social demographic variables, the findings on environmentalism, activism and ethnicity are inconclusive and paint a rather hazy picture of who participates and why they participate. 4.5 Are Demographics Important? The demographic characteristics of an individual may have an influence on whether or not activism is carried out, but it certainly doesnt appear to be a determining factor. An image of the archetypal activist has persisted within academia, and without:
More educated and higher income citizens appear to have the civic skills and resources necessary to absorb selective costs and recognize opportunities for participation. (Lubell, 2007, p.408) The civic voluntarism model is based on a socio-economic model of participation. Resources are important in participation: the better educated, more affluent and more middle class people are, the more likely they are to participate. (Pattie, Seyd and Whitely, 2003, p.445) with the young, well educated, liberal, and urban being more active (McFarlane and Boxall, 2003, p.81) thus we have confidence in concluding that younger, well-educated, and politically liberal persons tend to be more concerned about environmental quality than their older, lesseducated, and politically conservative counterparts. (Van Liere and Dunlap, 1980, p.192) Net of controls, environmental citizenship is higher among women, whites, people born in 1941 or later, those who are more educated, and those living in more urban areas and outside the south, while it is somewhat lower for people with children at home. (Barkan, 2004, p.932)

To some extent it has been quite accurate. However, such simplistic reasoning can give the impression that demographic characteristics are particularly influential in individual activism, which perhaps breezes over the inconclusiveness and contradictory nature of the related findings and data. There is no such thing as a typical activist; in fact, activists are quite the disparate bunch. Consequently, easy typologies of activists must be taken with a pinch of salt.

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5. Motivating Membership, Facilitating Decisions, Communicating Effectively and Developing Journeys

Consolidating

Sensibilities,

From the many studies, theories and reports that have explored the psychological and demographic characteristics of individual activists, there are some important and practical implications for the way FoE motivates its membership, facilitates their decisions, consolidates their individual sensibilities, communicates effectively, and develops their journeys. 5.1 Motivating Membership FoE can increase an individuals personal sense of capability through mechanisms of collective efficacy. The success rate of a collective group- like that of Foe- will inevitably continue to shape the motivations and actions of its members long after the impact of the collective has been assessed, for better or worse. Thus, FoE should provide the conditions for optimistic individual efficacy and motivations to bloom by regularly communicating successes that have been collectively achieved on websites and through letters/magazines. Local concerns catalyse a higher level of collective efficacy than global concerns. The collective efficacy of potential activists can therefore be fired up more effectively by appealing to locally salient issues. As intrinsically, autonomously motivated individuals are more likely to participate in activist behaviour; FoE can increase motivational autonomy by offering choices to individuals in the decision-making process. Anger appeals can be an effective method to get audiences to read a message carefully, respond favourably, and act mightily. To achieve this utilitarian function, the message must be communicated clearly, be unambiguous on how the audiences goals are being threatened, and the message must make explicit that the issue is fixable so as to be complementary to a sense of personal and collective efficacy. FoE could bring about a shift in environmental values by campaigning for more outdoor activities in schools, universities and the workplace.

5.2 Facilitating Decisions FoE can potentially increase participation and activism through the generation of incentives. Of course, for a voluntary organisation with limited funds, incentives would usually be based on solidary and purposive principles. From the literature, it would appear that emphasising the benefits is a much more positive and fruitful strategy. One such strategy would be to underline the positive experience of collective action. FoE should make alternative types of activism available to individuals to avoid specific (and usually quite practical) costs and benefits halting activism altogether.

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For instance, an individuals capacity to engage in civic matters is determined by their basic organisational and communicative abilities, whilst protesting at a camp requires physical capability. Effective and selective communication with regular informative feedback can facilitate what the rational choice literature terms costs and benefits personal analysis.

5.3 Consolidating Individual Sensibilities To increase their activist base, FoE can appeal to all the different higher order values by addressing biospheric, egoistic and altruistic concerns. For instance, attract a free-market economist by emphasising the financial benefits to humans in reducing environmental degradation. By doing so, FoE can overcome variances in specific attitudes. Appealing to the different clusters of environmental values may even be necessary for engaging environmental activism at the individual level in some cases. FoE can have an impact on the specific attitudes of individuals by gathering diverse values around a given issue, and therefore may be in a position to unite people and bring about momentum for collective activism. The (perceived) psychological characteristics of environmental activists may in fact deter people that havent participated in activism already from doing so, due to the persistence of negative stereotypes. Accordingly, FoE must take into consideration the societal baggage that comes with each and every individual, and employ varied techniques in achieving higher rates of participatory activism. Campaign promoters must take heed of societys disparate sensibilities, which requires various strategies that appeal to specific psychological characteristics.

5.4 Communicating Effectively Effective and Selective communication will provide FoE with the appropriate platform to make alternative types of activism available to individuals to avoid specific costs and benefits halting activism altogether. To activate personal norms and mobilise support, FoE should highlight the threats to the individual and the adverse consequences, but also emphasise that the individual has the ability to alleviate those threats by appropriate action. Effective communication will also assist the empowerment process, involving individuals in an inclusive decision-making channel to encourage involvement and activism. Communication will satisfy supporter needs by building trust between individuals and FoE- a vital ingredient of engagement as a movement/organisation becomes a central part of an activists life.

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Through communication, FoE can optimise mediating factors to encourage individual activism to take place. This could be achieved in a number of ways; by making information on health risks more accessible to individuals, by emphasising that responsibility rests with each and every individual, and by underlining the importance of environmental problems and the associated health risks. Clear communication can be used to promote anger appeals that can initiate activism in inactive publics. FoE should keep its membership informed, as knowledge, awareness and guilt are frequently shown to be strong determining factors of proenvironmental behaviour. Computer mediated communication (CMC) can be utilised by FoE to overcome geographical obstructions and specific costs/benefits analyses.

5.5 Developing Journeys FoE can present individuals with a number of alternative pathways to activism, where an individual can choose to adopt a journey most conducive to their available resources (e.g. time, money, skills). Similarly, offering alternative pathways to participation that are engaging and attractive to different psychological characteristics can encourage individual activism. Potential pathways to activism should be advertised to individuals already participating in various networks, as well as exposing individuals outside of existing networks to activism opportunities. This will necessitate innovative strategies and unique approaches to reaching disengaged individuals. FoE can campaign on a diverse range of issues that will prompt engagement from individuals interested in various specific political concerns. This model implies that a multi-strategic approach to mobilising activists will be worthwhile. Networks between organisations and individuals can be developed to encourage activism from different generations of the same family- that is if the message is transmitted in an inclusive and appealing way. FoE can carve out political space for extroverts to flourish, within and without the membership of the organisation. Moreover, the enthusiasm of extroverts can be harnessed by an organisation if they are brought together in campaigns and projects. Universities promote the five main characteristics associated with empowering environments: small group settings, a common belief system, opportunities to acquire skills and knowledge, leadership and experience. Universities can therefore present FoE with unique access to a thriving environment of potential activist support, and provide an opportunity for network building.

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The boundary between supporters and activists is fuzzy, and people often move back and forth, being activists for a time then retreating to a less committed but still supportive role. FoE can pursue effective strategies that encourage activists to stay activists. There are alternative pathways to activism, namely individually informed activists and members of an organisation, where it may be possible to bring activists together for a common cause.

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