Hierarchy and Gender in Moroccan Islamic Culture Purpose My ethnography project is an attempt to learn more about the Moroccan

Islamic culture and an attempt to explore some missiological implications arising from the study. For the purposes of this paper, I will refer to the person interviewed as Aarif in order to protect identity and not cause any discomfiture. Introduction of Aarif and His Family Aarif is from Marrakesh, a centrally located city within the Kingdom of Morocco. Morocco is located in Northern Africa with the North Atlantic Ocean on its west coast and the Mediterranean Sea on the north. To the south lies Western Sahara and to the east is Algeria. The Kingdom of Morocco is a constitutional monarchy with a population of nearly 35 million and is reported to be 98.7% Muslim.1 The official language is Arabic, but there are other Berber dialects. Morocco was once a French Colony; therefore, French is used in the areas of business and politics.2 Aarif is Muslim and a member of one of the three Berber groups of Morocco: Tarifit, Tashelhit, and Tamazight. According to Aarif the different groups are delineated by their relationship to the Atlas Mountain range. The Tarifit live to the north near the capital city of Rabat; the Tashelhit live in the central region near Marakesh; and the Tamazight to the south toward the Western Sahara. Aarif is a member of the Tashelhit ethnic group. Given the variety of ways to label ones self I inquired of Aarif as to how he labels himself. Me: In what order would you describe yourself - Berber, Moroccan and Muslim or some other way? Aarif: Muslim, Moroccan and then Berber.

U.S. Department of State. 2011. Morocco. Accessed 23 November 2011; available from http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5431.htm#profile 2 Ibid

2 Aarif is the middle child of a large family (at least by Western standards) having seven siblings. His parents met while Aarifs father was in the employ of his future wifes father. The courtship was not long, by Western standards, and the two were married and began their family. As a child, Aarif completed primary and secondary school and went on to study English and linguistics at the university level. After his university training, Aarif worked as an English teacher in a Moroccan secondary school. His interest in linguistics led him to apply for and receive a Fulbright Scholarship. He is attending Missouri State University in Springfield, Missouri where he is earning a Master of Arts in Teaching English to Speakers of other Languages (TESOL). He is also employed as a graduate assistant and teaches undergraduate English courses. His goal is to return to Morocco and continue teaching English. It was abundantly clear that Aarifs mother had considerable influence in his, and his male siblings, career decisions. Both parents had been educated but at different levels. The father did not attend a formal school but learned to read and write by attending school at the mosque. Currently a local municipality employs Aarifs father. The mother, however, is a schoolteacher who completed primary and secondary studies. Her career choice seems to have carried weight in the family because three of the four sons have chosen to be teachers. Another of the sons has chosen to be a nurse. Aarif explained this was not a typical choice for males within Moroccan culture. Interestingly, the daughters have not chosen to follow their mother in her career. One sister is studying biology at university level, another is a stay-athome mother and another sister works outside the home (Aarif did not disclose the vocation of the last sister). Aarif asserted that Moroccan men and women have equal opportunity to pursue education to whatever level they desire. He also asserted the broader Moroccan culture expected young men and women to pursue education as ability allows. Furthermore, the

3 younger generations, having had more educational opportunity, were also expected to enter the workforce. Nonetheless, within Aarifs family it seems the male members have taken advantage of higher education. Aarif is the only member of the family to leave Morocco in order to take his education to an advanced level. The conversation concerning his family, educational opportunities and the parents courtship lead our conversation toward Aarifs view of courtship and marriage. Summary of Courtship and Wedding Practices; the Social Community and Celebration of Marriage and Childbirth; and an Analysis of the Meaning of Marriage Summary of Courtship and Wedding Practices Aarif was timid as he explained the process of moving from initial attraction to courtship and to marriage. His timidity was not because he was afraid of revealing some secret but a general modesty regarding such ethereal subjects as love. I have diagrammed his description of the courtship process below.

One may notice the male and not the female usually initiates the courtship process. However, the female can choose not to accept the advances of the male. Neither the male or female genitor arranges the marriage. The diagram shows, however, the females father does

4 play a decisive role. There is no official practice of class endogamy, endogamy or hypergamy. There is, nonetheless, a communal aspect to the arranging of marriages. The Moroccans do not practice giving a dowry or bridewealth, but the families are heavily involved in legitimizing the engagement. Aarif asserts that monogamy is the norm in the broader culture but is practiced by certain ethnic groups and is legitimate under Islam. Recent divorce laws requiring a husband to divide assets with his wife/wives has greatly curtailed the practice. The Social Community and Celebration of Marriage and Childbirth Me: What is more important to you, the community or your individuality? Aarif: The community is what determines happiness for the individual; the individual does not determine the communitys happiness. In our conversation, the idea of the community came up over and over again. Not only was the community assumed to be a part of weddings and births, but also, funerals. The community seemed to act as an extended family member. It does appear the community is considered over the individual but that all individuals are expected to contribute and participate in it. Thus, Morocco would be classified as a high group-high grid culture. The participation of the community includes being witness to weddings and births, this may indicate tacit approval of marriage and validate the entrance of a child into the community. The wedding is a time for the whole community to celebrate. Two days prior to the actual ceremony the bride would begin receiving guests into her parents home for the first of two wedding events. Typically there is a wedding held at the parents home and then one at the home of the groom. Prior to the first wedding event the bride will make an offering of one-half of her gifts to her mother. Aarif stated this is a matter of respect and honor for the mother who is giving away her daughter. Each wedding celebration is filled with singing and

5 dancing and eating. The broader community plays a fundamental role in celebrating the joining of the man and woman. Aarif emphasized how the wedding was an event geared to include the whole community. The practice of having two wedding events ensures that as many community members as possible can participate. The community had already shared in other celebrations in the life of the bride and groom. When a male child has reached seven days old; the community gathers to celebrate his circumcision and a sheep are slaughtered by the father. The female children are not circumcised, but a seven-day celebration is also conducted and a sheep is slaughtered. An Analysis of the Meaning of Marriage The practice of having the two weddings speaks of how the community and parents will continue to play a role in the newly formed union. Each family member, and agreeable community member has had a part in the celebration. As such, this is a public welcoming of the couple into another aspect of society. In the end, the wedding practice seems to portray an honor for family, for women and for the community. The fathers role in the life of his daughter is significantly reduced once she is married. The husband now assumes the role of the father and as the authoritative figure. All the same, the collectivist nature of the community never ceases to influence what is expected of the new couple. In other words, what is good for the collective is good for the couple. The Moroccans employ a neolocal paradigm unless the new couple has extenuating financial circumstances. If there is an economic disadvantage, then, a perilocal arrangement is considered normative. Typically, however, the couple is free to choose where they will live after the wedding; but strong ties still exist with the larger family. Because the couple usually lives apart from either family group, they are expected to put their skills and education to use and be gainfully employed. They are also expected to have children.

6 Marriage seems to be both a breaking away and a joining to something else. The couple breaks away from their parents in order to join the collective society in a different role. They are no longer children but adult members of the group. They will participate in furthering the community by bringing their own children into it and joining them to the collective through community celebration. Because the couple can choose their postmarital residence they have some independence and individualism, but they are always socially subject to the larger group. The family dynamic of space and gender role assignments illustrates these communal characteristics. Hierarchy and Gender Role Assignment as Illustrated in Household Space The discussion concerning household space and gender roles within the family was quite enlightening. Me: Are any rooms in your home set aside or exclusive to a particular gender? Aarif: No. Aarif began to draw a sketch of a room in his home. He drew a rectangular living room surrounded on three sides with built in seating typically covered with mattresses and pillows. Then, sketching some symbols, he demarcated areas where the television and table were located. Next he marked the places his parents preferred to sit. Aarif went on to explain there was not an official rule about seating arrangements, but respect dictated the parents got their choice, especially the father. Considering this information, Aarif and I began talking about the role of the father in the home. Me: How does your family view the role of your father? Aarif: The father is king of the home. Aarif explained this term did not mean he was the absolute authority or ruler. Instead, it was a term of respect and endearment pointing to the fathers position as the leader of the house. Leading the home consisted of having a vision for what was best for the family and

7 then carrying it out. The vision entails any projects required to maintain the physical structure of the home, as well as, the welfare of the family. Further discussion led to questions about whether or not this meant the father directed or controlled the family resources. Me: Who controls the finances and other material resources in the home? Aarif: The father. He decides what needs to be done to maintain the house, keep things running and how others in the family will contribute to the overall plan. Basically the family resources came from the parents, as well as, those siblings who were employed and living in the home. If a need arose in the home requiring more financial resources than the parents could afford, the father would expect others to help. Aarif spoke of an instance where the family water well needed to be deepened. The cost of this process was much greater than the parents could afford, subsequently the family met and divided the cost among its working members. Large expenses like this were not the only example of the father directing of resources. The employed family members living in the home were also expected to carry a portion of the daily living expenses. Aarif explained the father would assign each wage earner his or her part of the expenses. One member would be responsible for electricity and phone, another the vegetables, and another the required meat. Participation in supporting the family was not based on gender but shared among working family members. Another example of how resources are directed by the father is seen in the care of aging parents. When the father (or mother) has reached an age where they can no longer care for themselves the family is expected to care for them. Often family members would move back into the family home in order to do this. However, if the case warrants, the parents will move into the home of one of the children, or divide time between several homes. Once entering the home, the females of the host family would care for the aged parents. Thusly, in a passive way, the aged father (or the aged mother) is directing the resources of their

8 children. Aarif explained that caring for aged parents is assumed and right, he then quoted from the Koran: And your Lord has commanded that you shall not serve (any) but Him, and goodness to your parents. If either or both of them reach old age with you, say not to them (so much as) "Ugh" nor chide them, and speak to them a generous word (The Children of Israel, 17.23).3 Me: Do you think any of the family members resent or feel forced to contribute to the upkeep and administration of the home? Aarif: No! This is what is expected and what we will do. Its just the way things are done. The discussion about the family home, and how its members contribute, led us to questions about which family members performed domestic chores. Gender roles are assigned and affirmed to the children by the parents and, to a large extent, by community norms. Female members carry out most duties required inside the house, such as, cooking and cleaning. Male members are responsible for chores outside the house. Aarif described the male responsibilities as those requiring muscle. This meant from time to time the men would work inside the home but only to accomplish some sort of repair or to move something heavy. Men were allowed in the kitchen but were not necessarily able to cook a whole meal. If the women were busy, the men could make tea or coffee. Also, there might be an occasion where the male family members would be asked to move a heavy pot. In the end, physical chores were expected of the men while the lighter less physical duties of the household were reserved for women. The characteristics of a high power distance collective are clearly demonstrated in the examples above. The father, though benevolent, is to be respected as the final authority in

The Koran. 1983. The Children of Israel. Accessed 18 November 2011; available from http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/k/koran/koranidx?type=simple&q1=chide+them&size=First+10 0

9 matters concerning the home and family. The family unit, like a microcosm of the community, exemplifies the core value of the hierarchy: the whole is more important than the individual. As such, certain rules and social norms have to be put in place in order to regulate the continuation of the group. In the Moroccan community, these standards are delineated through a patriarchal hierarchy. Comparison to Lecture Concerning Afghanistan Islamic Culture There are not many similarities between what I have learned from Aarif and the lecture presented about Afghanistan culture by career missionaries. The Moroccan Islamic culture appears to be much more open to women than other Islamic cultures. Women work outside the home; they have educational opportunities and women can participate in the political process. Even so, it appears from the ethnography interviews conducted that politics is still considered the realm of males. Patriarchy seems to be the norm for both societies, but there seems to be a difference in how supremacy is displayed. That is, the Afghanistan Islamic culture subordinates women through various methods of fear and domination. In particular, Afghanistan men practice polygamy especially in cases where the current wife does not produce children or if the children are all girls.4 Because women are dependent on men for care and resources, taking another wife puts the other in jeopardy. The general consensus among Afghanistan Islamic culture is that men are smarter than women. If a woman demonstrates superior aptitude for anything, she is considered to have brought shame on the man.5 Therefore, the woman, though possibly more intelligent, cannot openly display her talent/skill for fear of being out of favor in the community. The result is a patriarchal vertical hierarchy with a high power distance that is maintained by fear and dominance. David Leatherberry. Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture. Lecture, Gender, Culture and Cross Cultural Ministry, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, Springfield, MO, November 15, 2011. 5 Ibid.
4

10 The Moroccan Islamic culture is also a high power distance culture like Afghanistan. Yet, there seems to be some egalitarian leanings. For instance, the Afghanistan Islamic culture rejoices at the birth of a boy but when a girl is born there will a time of mourning. Contrarily, the Moroccan Islamic culture celebrates the birth of both boys and girls with the community. Moroccan families do not arrange marriages for their sons or daughters, unlike the Afghani culture.6 There are a number of dissimilar practices between the two Islamic cultures, most of which focus on the liberty (or lack of) for women. The lesson learned from this comparison speaks to the necessity of not placing a one size fits all frame around an Islamic culture. The missiological importance of this lesson cannot be overlooked if crosscultural missionaries are to engage Moroccan Islamic culture with the gospel of Jesus Christ. Missiological Implications for Cross-Cultural Workers A Reflection of the Theology of Gender for the Cross Cultural Worker The cross-cultural worker will be required to have a working theology of gender upon entering Morocco. If that missionary comes from a largely egalitarian or low power distance culture, he or she may struggle to adapt to the hierarchy of this culture. The worker must constantly keep in mind the truth that humanity is fallen. As such, the cooperation intended by God between genders is terribly marred. The worker must also remember the patriarchal hierarchy is the norm within the host culture. Therefore, attempts to introduce a new way of life should be done with care, grace and only at the prompting of the Holy Spirit. Prior to entering the country the cross-cultural worker should be required to identify his or her own gender bias. This exercise will raise the workers theology of gender (or lack thereof) to the forefront. Awareness of personal assumptions about gender prior to entering the field will, hopefully, awake the worker to the need for grace.

Leatherberry, Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture.

11 The cross-cultural worker will have to accept that he or she will be required to live differently than their home culture. The previous statement seems rudimentary to crosscultural work and should go without saying. However, when entering another culture, there is a strong temptation to hold onto what one knows, especially when confronted with drastic changes. The public behavior of the cross-cultural worker is paramount in his or her ability to share the gospel. Thus, the worker is required to be able to live as closely as she or he can to the culture, without surrendering biblical principles.7 The Challenges Possibly Faced by the Cross Cultural Worker The challenges to the cross-cultural worker will be varied and many. One foremost challenge will be whether or not the worker should be married. Given the characteristics of the Moroccan culture it would be beneficial for the missionary to be married. The married couple will also have to predetermine (as much as possible) how entering this culture will affect the dynamics of their relationship. It would behoove the couple to establish a solid network of accountability partners. The partners will assist the couple in effectively handling changes to their attitude and marriage as they become more and more entrenched in the host culture. It may also prove beneficial for this couple to have children. However, the added dimension of children requires another level of accountability to help navigate parenting approaches in light of the host culture. A second challenge will be in how the cross-cultural worker will develop ministry teams. The team will most likely need to be led by a male who is willing to make decisions. The decisions, however, need not be made autocratically. The leader of the team should be expected to have vision but also engage other members for input. In the end, the leader must be perceived as having made the final decision about ministry strategy. The implication is

Leatherberry, Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture.

12 that the team leader should be recognized as one who knows what needs to be done, engages his members for input, and then directs resources accordingly. The cross-cultural worker must continually examine her or his motives for introducing change into the culture. They will need to assess their own bias, compare it against biblical principles and the host cultures values. Consequently, patience and adamant determination to make long-term investment in the culture is essential to success. That said, the missionary unit and the sending board must develop a theology of success. The parties involved have to outline the parameters of what it will mean to have had success within the host culture. Failure to define these terms will lead to frustration for the missionary unit and mistrust from the sending body. If, however, expectations are prayerfully delineated prior to leaving for the field, and are consistently reviewed in light of cultural revelation, instance of frustration and mistrust can be kept to a minimum.

13 Bibliography Leatherberry, David. Gender Roles In Afghanistan Islamic Culture. Lecture, Gender, Culture and Cross Cultural Ministry, Assemblies of God Theological Seminary, Springfield, MO, November 15, 2011. The Koran. 1983. The Children of Israel. Accessed 18 November 2011; available from http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/k/koran/koranidx?type=simple&q1=chide+them&size= First+100 U.S. Department of State. 2011. Morocco. Accessed 23 November 2011; available from http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5431.htm#profile