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Literaturwissenschaft | Sprachwissenschaft
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Keltische Forschungen
Herausgegeben im Auftrag von
Brennos Verein fr Keltologie
von David Stifter
unter redaktioneller Mitarbeit
von Hannes Tauber
Kel ti sche Forschungen 3 2008
Vorwort des Herausgebers zur dritten Ausgabe 9
Editors Foreword to the Third Volume 10
In memoriam Kurt Tomaschitz 11
Birth, Looms and Irish Queens: The Power and Influence
of Iron Age Women 17
Charlene M. ESKA
Non-lawful Betrothals in Early Irish Law 33
Joseph F. ESKA
Grammars in Conflict. Phonological Aspects
of the Bergins Rule Construction 45
Die Druidinnen der Historia Augusta 63
Anders Richardt JRGENSEN
Middle Breton leiff, Middle Cornish ly Breakfast, Lunch 89
Raimund KARL
Hausfrieden. Die Siedlung als magisch-religis geschtzter Raum 103
Ronald I. KIM
The Celtic Feminine Numerals 3 and 4 Revisited 143

Bernard MEES
The Women of Larzac 169
Blanca Mara PRSPER
Some Thoughts on the Gaulish Result of Common
Celtic -mn- in Galatian 189
William SAYERS
A Swedish Travelers Reception on an Irish Stage Set
Snorri Sturlusons Gylfaginning 201
Noreia Viele Antworten, keine Lsung 221
Gustav Schirmer 245
Rezensionen 253
Ph. Freeman, The Philosopher and the Druids: A Journey Among the Ancient Celts,
London 2006 (A. Hofeneder) 253
E.-M. Winkler, Kelten heute. Das Keltenbild in der Moderne von der Wissenschaft
bis zur Esoterik, Wien 2006 (K. Kowarik) 263
G. Thomas & N. Williams, Bewnans Ke: The Life of St Kea, Exeter 2007
(A. Bock & J. Weiss) 264
P.-Y. Lambert & G.-J. Pinault, Gaulois et celtique continental, Genve 2007 (D. Stifter) 267
B.M. Prsper, Estudio lingstico del plomo celtibrico de Iniesta,
Salamanca 2007 (D. Stifter) 291
D. Ditchburn & al., Atlas of Medieval Europe, Abingdon New York 2007 (D. Stifter) 296
J. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies, Oxford Aberystwyth 2007 (D. Stifter) 299
A. Werner, Keltische Kochbarkeiten, Stuttgart 2007 (M. Swoboda-Httinger) 304
M.E. Raybould & P. Sims-Williams, A Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman
Empire containing Celtic Personal Names, Aberystwyth 2007 (H. Mller) 307
M. Lieberman, The March of Wales 10671300. A Borderland of Medieval Britain,
Cardiff 2008 (H. Tauber) 309
Abstracts 313

Some Thoughts on the Gaulish Result of Common

Celtic -mn- in Galatian
Blanca Mara PRSPER
Once upon a time, exactly in 185 B.C., and in Egypt, four young soldiers of
fortune went hunting. They were all coming from Galatia. Their names were
Akannon, Thoas, Apollonios and Kallistratos, and they leIt a graIfto to com-
memorate the hunting of what they believed was a fox, but was more likely to
be a jackal. The text reads:

FREEMAN (2001: 9) simply assumes, on the strength of three of these names,

that the four of them are Greek, and consequently he only mentions this text to
illustrate the fact that at the time the Greek language had taken over the whole
of Anatolia.
I Ior one have been unable to fnd any Iorm even vaguely resembling the al-
legedly Greek name in the internet edition of the Oxford Lexicon
of Greek Personal Names. By contrast, this form has clearcut relatives if ana-
lyzed as a Celtic form: We have a Gaulish word *acauno- stone as well as
a compound transmitted by Pliny (Nat. Hist. 17, 44) as acaunumarga stony
area. They go back to *akamno-, in its turn a secondarily thematized form
from a pan-Indoeuropean possessive adjective *h
ek-mon- stone, preserved
for instance in Old Indic aman- stone, sky, Greek anvil` and Lithua-
nian akmu stone (cf. DLGaul 3031, IEW 19). The immediate forerunner of
KF 3 2008, 189199


the Gaulish word must then be *h
ekno-, whose formation is similar to that
of the Illyrian placename Asamum. A similar form without anaptyxis is Greek
summit, highest point` (directly Irom *h
or *h
As is well known, the Celtic result of the consonant cluster -mn- remains un-
changed in Old Irish and yields -n- in the rest of the Celtic family, including
our best Celtiberian evidence comprises the placename Oilaunez
from *h
opi- + lG
mn-ed, the personal name Irom Celtic *kara-
the family names Burikounikum (K.1.3), if a bad spelling for Birik-
ounikum, from *b
omno-, and Kounesikum (K.1.1), cogently explained as a
Celtic compound *kom-ness-iko- (EICHNER 1989: 34, 44); an unclassifed word
kelaunikui, perhaps a family name coming from a Celtic present participle
*kellamno-, in its turn from *k-nG-mno- with a secondary full grade,
from *lG
(PRSPER 2002: 365; STIFTER 2002), and, of course, synchron-
ic verb Iorms like the infnitive tizaunei from *d
-mn-e and the middle
participle tizaunom from *d
The change is shared by Western
Hispanic-Celtic, as shown by ARIOVNIS, a dedication in the dative plural
from Sarreaus, Orense (in Galicia), stemming from Common Celtic *aromno-
(see below).
For the cluster -nm-, the only available information from Spain is the set of
personal names Melmu, Melmanzos, MELMANDICVS, MELMANDI, Mel-
mantama. They have been compellingly explained by STIFTER (2002) as de-
scendants of *menm thought, intelligence.
Most recently (2007) he argues
that the word albana in K.1.3 (Botorrita) may come from Celtic *anmana
names. This would mean that the regular result of Common Celtic -nm- is
Celtiberian -lm-.
1 But see now But see now STIFTER (2007) who claims it is more correctly labeled as a dissimilating pro-
2 A chieftain mentioned by Appian, Iberia 94, see the original idea in DE BERNARDO STEMPEL
(1994: 295).
3 See my work in press for a second attestation of the derivative kelauniko- on a fragment of
pottery from Botorrita, which in my opinion reads auz kelauniku[- and not aultu launikue
Aultu and wife (UNTERMANN: K.1.4). Incidentally, one of the editors of Palaeohispanica,
Carlos Jordan, has inIormed me that he has independently come to the same conclusion Ior
the frst sign ke> of kelauniku[-. His work and my own will be published in the same vol-
4 See my work in VILLAR & PRSPER (2005: chapter VII) and PRSPER (2007).
5 Cf. also my contribution to the derivational morphology of Melmanzos in VILLAR & PRSPER
Some thoughts on the Gaulish result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian
Lepontic, too, seems to have undergone this change. The best of our examples
is Valaunal, dated around the 2
c. B.C. (Mesocco, Italian Switzerland). It
comes from *elG-mno- commanding, so it is mutatis mutandis identical to
Ogamic Valamni.
Another possible example is Aouni (gen. sg., Levo, Pie-
The category that best exemplifes this change is the middle participle in -mno-,
frst identifed in Celtic by LAMBERT 1990.
Up to now, the Galatian result of
the cluster -mn- remains a mystery, although common sense suggests that the
result should be the same as in Gaulish, that is -un-. However, I am going to de-
fend exactly the opposite idea: in my view, Galatian preserves a more archaic
state of affairs than expected, and the result of the cluster -mn- is not -un-, but
-nn-, with secondary assimilation of the nasal cluster and no trace of dissimila-
tion. Of course, one could argue that -nn- is some kind of allegro-form of -un-,
or even that it is due to Greek interference, which is not very likely in view of
the regular preservation of -au- in ancient Greek.
Consequently, can be the hellenized descendant of a Gaulish form
*Acamn, in its turn made up of the Celtic word for stone, *akamno- plus an
individualizing suIfx *-(n) that turns it into a personal name. Thus,
would be a similar form to the present-day name Peter.
A number of onomastic correspondences of this name are attested in Gaulish:
cf. ACAVNISSA (CIL XIII, 4009, Arlon, Belgium) and ACAVNVS (CIL XIII,
685, Bordeaux) (STBER 2005: 71, 110). CIL III, 14359 (Vienna, Pannonia Su-
6 -eRa- > -aRa- by Josephs law.
7 If I understand him correctly, ISAAC 2004 summarily rejects this change because it doesnt
account for related forms that show no -n- enlargement: thus the ethnic name Jallav beside
the -uellaunos forms. He claims these forms are best accounted for as containing a chain
oI suIfxes: Ior example, Alaua in the Welsh river name Alaw is from *h
, whereas
Alauna would represent the resuIfxed *h
. This requires an assimilation a-e-a-
> a-a-a-. Though this traditionalist view may be right sometimes, dozens of cases which
cannot be derived from u-stems attest to the contrary. In some of them, the change has even
taken place across a morpheme boundary, e.g. Celtiberian Kounesikum and Gaulish COV-
NERTVS vs. COBNERTVS and COMNERTVS, Welsh cyfnerth frmness`.
8 This kind of forms is usually derived from adjectives, but perhaps secondarily also from
nouns used as predicates. Of course it may be the case that we are dealing with a Hoffmann
suIfx *-h
on-, the resultant formation meaning stony. But we could only be sure of that
if we had any clues of *Acamn being an inherited formation. On the other hand, in lack
oI strong evidence that both suIfxes still had a diIIerent infection in Gaulish and that, if a
difference there is, it corresponds word by word to the original one, there is a chance that by
the time our Iorm appeared they had fnally merged and the resulting suIfx was only used in
onomastics, possibly mostly as a hypochoristic, and with no traces of possessive meaning.


perior) contains a dedication to a number of deities, among them AGAVNO.
As for related placenames, AE 1945, 123 bears witness to the existence of
a statio Acaunensis, whose other transmitted name is Tarnaiae Nantuatium
(now St. Maurice-en-Valais, canton of Waadt, Switzerland): STAT(IONIS)
[C]ONLABSAM RESTITVIT. A funerary inscription found on the same spot
commemorates an ACAVNENSIAE FILIAE (AE 1897, 4). This village is also
mentioned by late Latin authors (see ACS I, coll. 14). I have been unable to
fnd any other instances oI ACAMN~-, <ACANN>- or <ACAVN>- on Latin
inscriptions, whether from the East or from the West.
There are at least another two possible instances of the Galatian assimilation
-mn- > -nn-:
The personal name is apparently a -rg-compound. In my opinion
its frst member is the middle participle in -mno- of a thematic present or aorist.
Strictly speaking it may continue a former *lego-mno- or, more probably, *leo-
mno- or *leo-mno-. The sources for this name are Memnon and Strabo, which
might explain the perhaps comparatively late loss of intervocalic -g-. As a mat-
ter of fact, Galatian shows a seemingly random distribution of forms with loss
vs. preservation of -g- in the neighbourhood of a front vowel or : cI.
(FALILEYEV 2000) and . At all events, we cannot reject out oI the hand
that the second term comes from IE *priho- free. This form is attested in a siz-
able number oI Gaulish compounds oI which the frst member is rio-. Nonethe-
less, they have often been explained as ancient rgo- compounds with a context-
specifc loss oI -g-. I think we could start from Celtic *leomno-rio-, perhaps
meaning Iree as it fows` ~ fowing Iree` (IEW 664 *lei-, SCHUMACHER 2004:
451 Urkelt. 1.*li-e/o-) or even free-willing, self-governing (IEW 665). After
pointing out that this Leonnorios was one of the leaders of the Gaulish migra-
tion to Asia Minor in 287 B.C., FREEMAN (2001: 57) wonders if the name is not
Greek aIter all and oIIers a trivial comparison with Greek lion`.
On the other hand, the personal name is, on all likelyhood, an
ancient -rg- compound with -s from former -s. The frst member remains
unparalleled, but it could presumably be traced back to Celtic *kondo- judge-
ment, head, on the assumption that, as is the case in Lepontic, a cluster -nd-
regularly yielded -nn- by assimilation. There are hardly enough reliable attesta-
9 A semantically comparable godname SAXANO is well attested in CIL XIII as an epithet of
Some thoughts on the Gaulish result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian
tions for us to decide one way or the other. For instance, the personal name
is best explained by assuming that it goes back to *ando-bog-
o-, with the customary omission of the nasal before an obstruent,
and thus to
be compared with the Cisalpine name Anokopokios from *ando-kom-bog-o-
(Briona, CIt, nr. 140).
This etymology looks a priori more likely than *ad-
bogo-, an inherited compound still preserved in the Celtiberian family name
Aboiokum, which must have undergone an early assimilation to *abbogo-,
even if latinized or re-analyzed forms are occasionally found (like ADBO-
The available circumstantial evidence suggests that
there was no assimilation -nd- > -nn- in Galatian, so there is no independent
support for the aforementioned etymology *kondo-. At the present state of our
knowledge, nothing prevents us Irom tracing back to *komnko-,
perhaps meaning assembly, meeting, derived from *kom-no- common, and
roughly equatable with the Umbrian locative sg. kumnahkle place of assem-
bly, from Italic *komn-klo- (a secondary use oI the Indo-European suIfx oI
instrument *-tlo-) and with its basis *komno-, attested in Oscan COMENEI,
Umbrian kumne assembly.
Finally, the personal name , transmitted by Phylarchus, can be
brought to bear on this matter. It has been thoroughly studied by MOTTA (1985:
152) but overlooked by FREEMAN 2001. According to Motta, the name is cor-
rupted, since it hardly makes sense that a Galatian chieftain living in the last
decades of the third Century B.C., not long after the Galatian conquest, and who
was notable for giving a potlatch, should bear an Iranian name, which incid-
entally is attested no less than three times in Asia Minor.
Thus, he concludes
that is masking a Celtic name. Motta analyzes it as a compound of
the prefx are- and omno-/obno- fear, that must have resulted in something
like *Ariomanos or *Areomnos. As Hofeneder correctly points out, however, a
form Areomnos doesnt exist, and Gaulish Ariomanus is made up of different
elements (HOFENEDER 2005: 66 and fn. 308).
10 Which in this case at least must be phonetic, not merely graphic, since the form is attested
both epigraphically and in Strabo.
11 See a recent confrmation oI this etymology Ior Anokopokios in ESKA (2002: 255 and fn. 6)
12 See my account of the Celtiberian forms containing Celtic -g- in VILLAR & PRSPER (2005:
chapter V).
13 Its a syncopated variant of = Old Persian Ariyramna- der den Frieden der
Arier schafft, see MAYRHOFER (1979: II/11, 5), who doesnt mention the syncopated variant.
But Ariamnes is the name of two satraps of Cappadocia under the Persian rule (sixth and
fourth c. B.C.).
So, the idea that conceals an erstwhile Ariomanos is perhaps far-
fetched. Interestingly, P. De Bernardo Stempel, writing about the -mno-parti-
ciples (DE BERNARDO STEMPEL 1994: 294, fn. 92), wonders in passing whether
the exception to the rule in this particular Celtic name (among others attested
in Gaul that need not concern us here) could be explained on the assumption of
a zeitlich oder rumlich bedingte Archaizitt fr die Bewahrung der Gruppe.
On my part, I would compare with two words attested on the bound-
aries of the Celtic continuum: as I said above, one of the most reliable cases of
the sound change -mn- > -n- in Hispanic Celtic is ARIOVNIS, a Celtic parti-
ciple *aromno- from Indo-European *h
-o-mno- ploughed ~ feld`. As a
divine name in the dative plural, ARIOVNIS may well go back to *aromn-o-,
a derivative meaning belonging to the felds`. Although this point cannot be
further substantiated, its at least thinkable that is a corrupted form

Ariomnios, the Galatian correspondent of ARIOVNIS.

Another possibility would be to analyze as the thematized deriva-
tive of the nomen agentis attested in Middle Irish airem ploughman. There
is a chance that we can trace back to Common Celtic a secondary, not in-
herited formation *ari-amon-, where -m/mon-/-mn- continues the original
holodynamic suIfx, -i- has been introduced from the present stem, and -a- has
been metanalyzed from stems ending in a laryngeal (see SCHRIJVER 1995: 85
and STBER 1998: 151 for details).
A noun *ariam, gen. *ariamnos was refashioned as a simple, thematic
*ariamnos, or alternatively it gave rise to a regular derivative *ariamn-os
that ousted the original form. And sooner or later, perhaps during the course of
manuscript transmission, it turned into the actually attested . Maybe
it was the agent noun *ariam that triggered the spread oI a new suIfx -iam,
that in its turn ousted the original -(a)m in these formations in Old Irish (WAT-
KINS 1962: 183). Eochaid Airem is the name of a legendary Irish king, said to
have lived in the second Century B.C., and to have been the frst Irishman to put
a yoke on the necks of oxen, so the use of this word as a personal name, per-
haps with religious or magical associations, is not completely unheard of.
Consequently, I assume that Galatian is less innovative than the rest of Gaul-
ish or, for that matter, to the rest of Continental Celtic, as regards the change
-mn- > -n-.
14 This would break the equation Airem(on) = Ariomanus = OI. Aryaman, on which see now
DELAMARRE (2002: s.u. arios).

Some thoughts on the Gaulish result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian

The aforesaid allows us to draw up the limits of an absolute chronology of the
change in Gaulish: the Celts marched into Eastern Europe around 400 B.C.,
which provides a date post quam for the phonetic change -mn- > -n-. The
interpretation of the available Gaulish data, which used to cast a uniform pic-
ture, underpinning the Gallo-Brittonic hypothesis, is now taken to question af-
ter the publication of the unmistakably Gaulish inscribed tile of Chteaubleau
(Seine-et-Marne). The text contains a middle participle VEONNA, which can
be traced back to *eo-mn or *ed-o-mn, and a verb in the frst person
NEMNALIVMI, perhaps meaning I celebrate. Furthermore, the text con-
tains an instrumental plural ANMANBE < *anman-bi (with) names, con-
trasting with ANVANA (nom.-acc. pl. n.) on the leaden plaquette of Larzac. In
other words, Chteaubleau is as conservative in this regard as Goidelic, where
-nm- is equally preserved in ainm name, and -mn- for instance in Ogamic
Summarizing, the Chteaubleau tile bears witness to the existence of a North-
ern Gaulish dialect, more conservative in this regard than that (or those) pre-
served in the bulk of the documents hitherto studied, probably in the sense that
it refects a stage in the phonetic evolution oI Northern Gaulish prior to the
wave of change travelling from Southern Gaul into Britain. We should keep
in mind that this dialect survived well into the Christian Era: to judge from
palaeography, the inscription may be assigned to the second century, though it
showed up in a well that was flled around the Iourth century, so that it is oc-
casionally deemed to be more recent (SCHRIJVER 2000: 135).
At all events, the fact that dissimilation of -mn- is absent from the Chteaubleau
document and, as claimed here, from Galatian, should stop us from using this
feature to make assumptions about a Gallo-Brittonic group in the traditional
sense, and that the change -mn- > -n- is either a) the product of a compara-
tively recent wave out of an indeterminate number of them that came to make
these dialects more similar than they were at the beginning of the Christian Era
(as per SCHRIJVER 2000: 136: the language of Chteaubleau is indeed Gaul-
ish on its way to Brittonic, but see below), or b) a recurring change that took
place or failed to do so independently in different places at different times:
witness some very distant cases of dissimilation of a primitive -nm-, like Celtib.
Melmu, Melmanzos, Hitt. laman name vs. Asturian Spanish llamar llomes to
15 As David Stifter kindly suggests to me, on the grounds that -nm- shows different results ac-
cording to the dialect.


call somebody names, insult, Span. alma from anima, or Sardian marmila <
mammilla hillock (literally teat). The Brittonic change -nm- > -n- must be
dated after syncope in the sixth century, as suggested by the Latin loanword
mynwent (< *mun

ment < monimenta); see SCHRIJVER (1995: 463, 2000: 135).

SIMS-WILLIAMS (2005: 118, fn. 63) has pointed out, however, that syncope may
have already taken place in Latin, as CIL XIII 659 MONMENT would show.
This seems to destroy the need for a late chronology for the Brittonic sound
change -nm- > -n-.
By contrast, the cluster -mn- yields a unitary result -n- in the affected Celtic
dialects, which points to a unitary process. Taking all this into account, we
have to allow for the dissimilation of -mn- spreading some time after a number
of Gaulish tribes travelled eastwards (or perhaps spreading at the same time
but from less peripheral regions), and maybe from somewhere in Gaul. The
area in question might have been a comparatively Southern one, which would
explain neatly why the change spread all over Spain and Italy a long time be-
fore it reached Northern France (witness the Chteaubleau tile), but not why
it is attested in Britain so early. The name DVBNOVELLAVNOS on British
coins of the Augustean age as well as Caesars mention of the British chieftain
Cassivellaunus, later Caswallawn, remain unexplained, unless we reconstruct
a common Celtic diphthong -a- instead of a cluster -mn- (SCHRIJVER 1995:
194; ISAAC 2004), or assume that the names are ultimately Gaulish, not British.
Then, if the Chteaubleau VEONNA and NEMNALIVMI are really exam-
ples of original -mn-, its tempting to speculate with the possibility that the
ancestor of this particular dialect stood in isolation and was unaffected by the
wave -mn- > -n- as it travelled into Britain.
A Gaulish locus of the change would also account for the fact that so many
Celtiberian and Western Hispanic-Celtic forms
have undergone the change
-mn- > -n-. We know very little about contacts (let alone linguistic contacts)
between Gaul and Celtiberia, either before or after the Roman conquest. But
it is not likely that the isogloss -mn- > -n- spread through the Pyrenes and
found its way through Northern Spain and then in different directions so early.
16 Id like to thank Professor Patrick Sims-Williams for pointing to me this reference per lit-
17 Which in my opinion belong to a common stock, later fragmented inside the Iberian Pen-
insula. Or, to be honest, the contrary is not to be substantiated, but see VILLAR 2004, who
doesnt share this view and argues for the existence of more than one Celtic dialect within
the Hispanic stock.
Some thoughts on the Gaulish result of Common Celtic -mn- in Galatian
We may accordingly wonder if the change took place before the Celts entered
Hispania. The adoption of the Iberian script by the Celtiberian peoples can be
confdently placed some time between the end oI the third century B.C. and the
beginning of the second, and we can be nearly sure that dissimilation of -mn- >
-n- had been completed by that time, since it consistently appears in docu-
ments written in the Iberian script. It may have been the case that the ancestor
of what we call Celtiberian underwent this and other sound changes when its
speakers were still somewhere in Southern France.
DE BERNARDO STEMPEL 1994 Patrizia de Bernardo Stempel, Das indogermanische m(V)no-
Verbaladjektiv im Keltischen, in: R. Bielmeier, R. Stempel eds.,
Indogermanica et Caucasica. Festschrift fr K. H. Schmidt, Ber-
lin New York (1994), 281303.
DELAMARRE 2002 Xavier Delamarre, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise. Une ap-
proche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental, Paris: di-
tions Errance 2002 [DLGaul].
DRESSLER 1967 Wolfgang Dressler, Galatisches, in: Beitrge zur Indogerman-
istik und Keltologie Julius Pokorny zum 80. Geburtstag gewid-
met, W. Meid ed., Innsbruck 1967, 147154.
EICHNER 1989 Heiner Eichner, Damals und heute: Probleme der Erschliessung
des Altkeltischen zu Zeuens Zeit und in der Gegenwart, in:
B. Forsmann ed., Erlanger Gedenkfeier fr J. K. Zeu, Erlan-
gen 1989, 956 [slightly revised and repr. as: 61. Extracts from
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ESKA 2002 Joseph F. Eska, Aspects of nasal phonology in Cisalpine Cel-
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EVANS 1967 David E. Evans, Gaulish personal names. A study of some Con-
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FALILEYEV 2000 Alexander Falileyev, Galatian `, Mnchener Studien
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FREEMAN 2001 Philip Freeman, The Galatian language a comprehensive sur-
vey of the language of the ancient Celts in Greco-Roman and Asia
Minor, Lewiston, New York: The Edwin Mellen Press 2001.
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rischen Zeugnissen, Band I. Von den Anfngen bis Caesar, Wien:
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MITCHELL 1982 Stephen Mitchell,, Regional epigraphic catalogues of Asia Mi-
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Blanca Mara Prsper
Dpto. de flologia clasica e
Universidad de Salamanca
PL. Anaya s/n
E-37001 Salamanca