Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Volume II No. 6
Journal
Politics
The Death of the Republican Party......................................................................................9 The Thinning Line: Palestianian Citizens of Israel............................................................11 International Law: An American at The Hague.................................................................13 Indecision 2012: Multiple-Choice Mitt.............................................................................14 Getting Our Electoral System Back to the Basics.............................................................15
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Stricter enforcement of the tax code seems an increasingly obvious strategy to help restore strength to the American fiscal position without inciting political upheaval. A sensible plan would: augment the Treasury and IRSs enforcement tools; substantially increase reporting requirements; and strengthen both rules and penalties on tax shelters. This could raise $100 billion in revenue per By Julian Gindi
How long human beings have existed in the world is of some debate in the scientific community. Richard Dawkins asserts that man has been here for a quarter of a million years, whereas Francis Collins suggests 100,000. For the sake of argument, I accept the Collins approach and say 100,000 years. Back in humanitys start, societies partook in activities such as cannibalism, human sacrifice, It is a truism that not all atheists and so on. These societies learned are bound to such a constructed a posteriori that if they continued moral code. It is a further truism
ple who may not exist yet, have rights in the present? What shape would these obligations take? Let us first describe an intergenerational problem of justice to establish some theoretical bearings. I start from the premise that a full conception of justice will make theoretical provisions for future generations to make claims, perhaps rights-based claims, on present generations. One of the most important phenomena bearing on a notion of intergenerational justice is overpopulation and the derivative Malthusian crisis, or in other words, the disparity between the rate of population growth and the rate of growth of the food supply. Malthus original proposition specifying the disparity in mathematical terms, namely, a geometric expansion (population) versus an arithmetic expansion (food supply), has surely been proved to be untrue because of his lack of appreciation of the impact of technology on food supply. In general, food supply has
kept up with population growth. However, it is taken as given that indefinite exponential population growth cannot be sustained in a finite world and thus if population is allowed to grow rampantly, then surely a Malthusian crisis is extremely likely for future generations. Thus there is a moral impetus for curbing present population growth in order to fill some kind of obligation to future persons. The nature of this obligation to future persons is directly informed by the way we define the nature of harm as an input into our original consideration of justice. For our purposes, it will suffice to say that if the present living generations activities lead to a decrease in the living standard of future generationsthis decrease being relevant to some specified standardthen present generations can be taken to be harming future generations and thus are morally culpable for their actions.
Yet how can these future generations have rights if they do not exist presently? Surely existence is a prerequisite to having anything, including rights. This is true, but excludes the notion that future peoples rights cannot be violated if we accept that present activities can only violate present rights. This is a view I do not accept: instead, I argue that future generations will have future rights (synchronous to their existence) that will be directly correlated with their conditions of existence. We can also safely assume that such future generations will have at least some features of existence that are similar to ours (e.g. a need for subsistence) and that further, present activities can and do have a direct bearing on such conditions of existence. The commonality of present and future conditions of existence rests precisely on the commonality of the entities in question: surely human beings in the future will share at least some properties of present human beings, and this serves as an ample prerequisite for the basis of an intergenerational moral code.
Pro-life or pro-choice? This is the question I want to spend some time not talking about. The questions surrounding the personhood of the fetus eclipse the oft-ignored issue of how the arrival (or non-arrival) of a child
can affect the mother and father. This is the area that I will devote my attention to, namely: should a father be able to refute both his rights and his responsibilities to his future offspring? I believe
I do not have space to address all of the counterarguments to this position, so I have Clearly these claims need some chosen to briefly critique two: unpacking before the force of Firstly, the most common, and the argument is evident. Attorney secondly, the most powerful. Melanie McCulley succinctly explained the situation as it stands The most common argument that in most of the western world: I have heard is a pragmatic one, The female has several options. that goes roughly as follows: If She may choose to carry the child men could terminate their rights to term and retain custody of the and responsibilities to the fetus, child. She may carry the child to this would cause an undue burterm and terminate her rights in the den on the state as they would child so that the child may be ad- unfairly incur the financial cost opted. Finally she may terminate of raising the child in question. the pregnancy through abortion. This is problematic for a number of reasons. Firstly, it assumes that This three-tiered summary brings the man has an obligation from to light an option that I believe is conception. Secondly, it seems to rarely considered for men: the op- imply that men are desperate to tion of aborting parental rights abandon responsibility en-masse, and responsibilities. Although this rather than deserving the right is not the most delicate of phras- to decide if they are emotionally ing, it accurately describes what and financially able to support happens when a woman chooses the child. If we look at both the to put a child up for adoption. philosophical and the actual reaThis leads me to ask, further as- sons for physical abortion, the suming the man cannot or should financial or emotional effects of not play any role in the physical children on the mother is taken to abortion decision, what is there imperative. According to a study to stop him from aborting both published in Perspectives on Sexhis rights and responsibilities? ual and Reproductive Health, social and personal motives account With the third option of adoption for 93% of the common reasons on the table, the two premises women give for abortion. Again, seem to follow from one another it seems unfair to assume that
Politics
The Death of the Republican Party
By Ben Rimland
The Republican Party is suffering. It has been ill for years now, yet little medicine has been administered. Perhaps the first symptoms began to crop up as a result of Newt Gingrichs temper tantrum that lead to the mid-90s government shutdown. Or, perhaps the symptoms began to show themselves with the election of Bush 43. Regardless of the time, it has become evident that the Republican institution is systematically ill. What is the diagnosis, you may ask? Upon closer investigation, the signs become clear: the Republican body is suffering from a brutal autoimmune disease. From the moment of the Presidents inauguration, its grown increasingly clear that Republicans have become united by one desire: to remove the dastardly Barack Hussein from the presi-
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history, colonialists made use of the indigenous peoples as a labor force, keeping them in marginal ghettos and shantytowns in order to reinforce the apartheid system. Today, black South Africans an estimated 80% of the South African population are the core of South African society and, despite disproportionate white ownership of land and capital, have governed the country since 1994. The case for Israels indigenous peoples, the Palestinians, lies somewhere in between these two seemingly polar examples of colonial outcomes, drawing characteristics from both. Israel, ostensibly the only democracy in the Middle East, was established in 1948 on the territory of Palestine, as carved out of Greater Syria in the interwar years by France and Great Britain. The largest exodus of
refugees in history occurred the same year, when some 750,000 Palestinians dispersed around the world due to attack or threat of attack. This figure should be taken in the context of 900,000 Palestinians hitherto living in historical Palestine. The majority of Palestinians who were internally displaced within historical Palestine were pushed to the fringes of the land: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. However, there remained a minority within this minority: those Palestinians living within the 1967 borders of Israel. Today, Israel proper the territory in between the West Bank and Gaza is comprised of 20% Palestinian citizenry, or as more allegorically labeled, Arab-Israelis. It was once the case that Arab-Israelis served as a valuable labor force and commercial asset for Israel, but with large waves
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ideals embodied by the institutions of The Hague, the fact remains that the lack of membership of many important players in these international organizations severely weakens their effectiveness. The United States is not a ratified party to the two most important establishments in The Hague: the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. It is amazing that a nation like the Netherlands, formerly a colonizing imperialist power with a brutal past and currently a state smaller in size than West Virginia, has taken it upon itself to promote the benefits of international law. The US, on the other hand, one of the worlds most powerful nations, blessed with abundant resources and proud of its democratic heritage, often ignores and violates international law. International law is often seen in our country as a waste of time, a meaningless philosophical construct without much substance. However, my time here in Amsterdam has given me a far different perspective. Class with European students and with professors who have worked at the Peace Palace has taught me that having respect of international law, the ICC and the ICJ is an important value. The Dutch have a great deal of respect for international courts, and
though the average Dutch citizen may not be fully in tune with the more theoretical ideas behind international law, their lives are shaped far more by international customs than our own. In fact, the constitution of the Netherlands allows for the certain treaties and conventions of international law to be directly applied domestically. This results in a far more relaxed and balanced society, where the average person is not only concerned with himself, but with those around him as well. It is a far more socially, environmentally, and politically aware society than the one I have grown up with in America. In just one short month here, I can see that recycling abounds, public transport and biking are more popular than cars, and the relatively high tax rates are met without much complaint. There is a real sense of civic responsibility and social egalitarianism, and I believe that it comes from the deep connection with international law. When viewed through Dutch society, the voluntary nature of international law, long derided as one of its weaknesses, actually becomes one of its strengths. Nation-states join international covenants and obey their laws on a voluntary basis because the ideals of those covenants
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stroyed by a hurricane. Never mind that his campaign is touting him as the most electable Republican (which may be true given his main opponents in the primaries) despite the fact that hes lost every election he has ever been in except for one. In that one successful election, to the governors office in Massachusetts, he campaigned on his business credentials and assured the voters that he knew how the create jobs yet he failed to deliver. At the end of his first term his approval ratings were so low that he would have very likely lost reelection, and he knew this, so he decided not to run for second term in 2006. Rather than lose and hurt his presidential chances in 2008, he decided it was safer not to run for reelection at all. For further evidence that he likely would have lost his bid for reelection, his Lieutenant Governor, Kerry Healey, ran in his place and lost to the current Democratic Governor Deval Patrick by a whopping 20 points. Never mind that he claims to not
be a career politician, though it was not from a lack of trying. Never mind that his campaign is one big contradiction; his flipflopping alone is enough to derail his prospects of winning. If there is any doubt that Romneys flip-flopping will prove to be a major liability, I have compiled a list of notable issues he has been on multiple sides of. But instead of making a bullet-point list, I made a fun little interactive Mad Libs multiple-choice game where you can decide for yourself where Mitt Romney stands on issues. The beauty of the game is when you play, no matter which option you circle, you are never wrong. Mitt Romney has literally taken the position of every option offered at one point of time or another. Enjoy! Mitt Mad Romney Interactive Libs (circle one):
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When it comes to health care, I Mad Libs is a registered think that individual mandates trademark of Penguin Group are a (good/bad) idea because (USA) Inc. All rights reserved. individual mandates (promote personal responsibility/are un-
ties and their institutions. Dissatisfaction is about the only term used to describe both the left and the right. Many in power blame the other side; their political opponents are either obstructionists or radicals. Still, some others blame the voters, asserting that Americans are easily swayed or not adequately informed. We hear these arguments over and over again and many of us are inculcated into thinking that these are
the causes of the dysfunction that we face. First, one should question most excuses given by those in power. Remember the WMDs? But more importantly, its long overdue that we begin to recognize our political systems fundamentals as the cause of our woes. The last eleven years have been one giant warning siren that something is amiss within our political system. Our nations
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We have one of the most muddled, confusing, and money laden electoral systems in the democratic world and most sweeping reforms should take place at the basic electoral level. First, our representatives are elected from some of the most egregiously gerrymandered districts in the world, encouraging them to focus only on their small, homogenous elec- The last part of meaningful retorate. Partisan districting should form deals with a topic that we
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#FollowMe: Activism, Human Rights, and Public Opinion in the Digital Age
word follow, the significance of each within the social networking world has led them to become almost universally coded with meaning. Through Twitter and a multitude of other online networks that have cropped up in recent years, public discourse has transformed immensely not only in By Claudia Powell the simple repurposing of words and symbols, but also in the influThere are a number of words that ence of new everyday leaders and I feel certain we will never fully the collective thought and action reclaim from their technological of followers around the globe. repurposing. Perhaps the most obvious of all to those familiar In an October 2010 article tiwith the popular social network- tled Small Change, Malcolm ing site Twitter is follow. Pre- Gladwell posited that discourse 2006, the word implied a leader about the influence of social meworth going after, if not physi- dia had fallen prey to digital cally then certainly in a dedicated evangelism, exaggerating its way that further implied signifi- power and detracting from tracance. Today, you might as well ditional modes of activism. Acfollow me. All it takes is a few cording to Gladwell, web-based taps of your finger. In fact, today movements garner higher paryou can follow almost 200 mil- ticipation because they do not ask lion registered users on Twitter. much of partakers and are less efThe popularization of social me- fective due to a lack of hierarchy dia in the last several years has (and thus, allegedly, strategy and fundamentally changed not only discipline). Where activists were what it means to be a follower, but once defined by their causes, they also what it means to be a leader. are now defined by their tools, he wrote. It makes it easier for While boundaries to distribut- activists to express themselves, ing information have become and harder for that expression essentially nonexistent, unbe- to have any impact. Gladwell lievable opportunity for a demo- further asserted that activism cratic exchange of ideas has sur- based in online relationships faced. Even ten years ago, who could not lead to sustained parwould have thought that a # ticipation because such activism (now hash-tag) or a @ would lacks the strong-ties (investbe predominant linking forces ed personal relationships) that among humankind? Like the structure high-risk activism.
Gladwells premier example is the American Civil Rights Movement, which involved incredible community organization as well as staggering personal risk for those brave enough to participate. According to Gladwell, the motivated hierarchical structure combined with high-risk activism (boycotts, sit-ins, and nonviolent confrontations) ultimately led the movement to success. He argues that the networks built by social media lack the authority necessary to take on a powerful, organized establishment. In light of recent events, Gladwell added that the use of social media in revolutions is only significant if it can be proven that pre-Internet movements suffered markedly without these tools. To me, comparisons seem fallacious; not only was the social climate radically different, but participants in the Civil Rights Movement undoubtedly utilized every method available to communicate their message effectively. Instead, I would argue that the effectiveness of any revolution is ultimately determined by the fortitude of people (regardless of how they connect) and their use of the resources available to them. The Internet has made it possible to like or follow every social cause with little commitment or personal sacrifice but why should we consider this a negative thing? More people
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Stains
By Charles Irving
You didnt want to break my heart, at least I dont think so, but you did. You bandaged it, glued it back together, and then just tore it back out again. How could you do that to me?
Im tired of always being the one with the problems! We both have problems, do you not realize that. Do this. Fix that. Why not this way? Youre always bossing me around, telling me what to do. Why cant for once. ugh. you know what never mind. Im done!
When you turned around and walked through the gated white picket fence, all I noticed, in spite of everything, was the indent in your back left pocket. Right there, in the jeans that you wore to work every day, not the indent of a wallet, but that of a canister. Round and thin, it left
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cally, what developed as a result of these diverse influences is an eclectic melting pot of cultures, religions and aesthetics. Nevertheless, Buddhism managed to remain the singular uniting force, historically providing the largest aesthetic influence upon the area. Buddhism, a religious ideology founded by Siddhartha Gautama in the 4th Century BC, diffused from India along the silk roads toward the East and especially throughout the Gandhara region. The resiliency and historical influence of the faith in the region is most clearly exemplified through its unique artistic heritage.
region, in New York Citys Upper East Side, is the world acclaimed Asia Society. Curators have spent the past six months dodging an endless run of geopolitical roadblocks regarding the question of 75 sculptures from this historical area, according to the New York Times. The influential canons of Buddhist art from the region were scheduled to appear for the first time outside of Pakistans Lahore and Karachi Museums. Delays were the result of heighted level of Anti-Americanism in the region following the killing of Osama Bin Laden, combined with visa issues and the death of longtime advocate Richard C. Holbrooke. Thousands of miles and seeming- Yet, after the tireless work of the ly worlds away from the Gandhara Pakistani-American ambassador,
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