Incompatible with life: The Neo-tribalist Manifesto

By El Sheikh Mazhar

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Contents
Articles
Chapter 1: Back to the lands
Tribalism Neotribalism Ecovillage Nano House 1 1 3 4 7 8 8 26 28 29 30 32 39 41 50 50 51 56 65 82 89 89 98 105 117 125

Chapter 2: A new concept of brotherhood

Leadership Collaborative leadership Tribal Leadership Band society Clan Kinship Tribe Nomad

Chapter 3: The monetary value of nature

Eco-communalism Green economy Ecotourism Organic farming Hunter-gatherer

Chapter 4: The tribal loyality

Social group Group dynamics Social psychology Collective intelligence Original affluent society

References
Article Sources and Contributors Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 127 131

Article Licenses
License 132

Chapter 1: Back to the lands

Tribalism
The social structure of a tribe can vary greatly from case to case, but, due to the small size of tribes, it is always a relatively simple role structure, with few (if any) significant social distinctions between individuals. The other concept to which the word tribalism frequently refers is the possession of a strong cultural or ethnic identity that separates one member of a group from the members of another group. This phenomenon is related to the concept of tribal society in that it is a precondition for members of a tribe to possess a strong feeling of identity for a true tribal society to form. The distinction between these two definitions for tribalism is an important one because, while tribal society no longer strictly exists in the western world, tribalism, by this second definition, is arguably undiminished. People have postulated that the human brain is hard-wired towards tribalism due to its evolutionary advantages. See Tribalism and evolution below. Many tribes refer to themselves with their language's word for "people," while referring to other, neighboring tribes with various epithets. For example, the term "Inuit" translates as "people," but they were known to the Ojibwe by a name 'Eskimo' translating roughly as "eaters of raw meat." This fact is often cited as evidence that tribal peoples saw only the members of their own tribe as "people," and denigrated all others as something less. In fact, this is a tenuous conclusion to draw from the evidence. Many languages refined their identification as "the true people," or "the real people," dehumanizing the other people or simply considering them inferior. In this, it is merely evidence of ethnocentrism, a universal cultural characteristic found in all societies.

Tribalism and violence

The anthropological debate on warfare among tribes is unsettled. While typically and certainly found among horticultural tribes, an open question remains whether such warfare is a typical feature of hunter-gatherer life, or an anomaly found only in certain circumstances, such as scarce resources (as with the Inuit), or among food producing societies. There is also ambiguous evidence whether the level of violence among tribal societies is greater or lesser than the levels of violence among civilized societies. If nothing else, conflict in tribal societies can never achieve the absolute scale of civilized warfare. Tribes use forms of subsistence such as horticulture and foraging which, though more efficient, cannot yield the same number of absolute calories as agriculture. This limits tribal populations significantly, especially when compared to agricultural populations. When tribal conflict does occur, it results in few fatalities. Lawrence Keeley argues in War Before Civilization, however, that as a percentage of their population, tribal violence is much more lethal. Nevertheless, Keeley also admits that the absolute numbers are so low that it is difficult to disentangle warfare from simple homicide, and Keeley's argument does not ever cite any forager examples, save the anomalous Inuit.

Tribalism

Tribalism and evolution

Tribalism has a very adaptive effect in human evolution. Humans are social animals, and ill-equipped to live on their own. Tribalism and ethnocentrism help to keep individuals committed to the group, even when personal relations may fray. This keeps individuals from wandering off or joining other groups. It also leads to bullying when a tribal member is unwilling to conform to the politics of the collective. Socially, divisions between groups fosters specialized interactions with others, based on association: altruism (positive interactions with unrelated members), kin-selectivity (positive interactions with related members), and violence (negative interactions). Thus, groups with a strong sense of unity and identity can benefit from kin selection behavior such as common property and shared resources. The tendency of members to unite against an outside tribe and the ability to act violently and prejudicially against that outside tribe likely boosted the chances of survival in genocidal conflicts. Modern examples of tribal genocide rarely reflect the defining characteristics of tribes existing prior to the Neolithic Revolution--for example, small population and close-relatedness. According to a study by Robin Dunbar at the University of Liverpool, primate brain size is determined by social group size. Dunbar's conclusion was that the human brain can only really understand a maximum of 150 individuals as fully developed, complex people (see Dunbar's number). Malcolm Gladwell expanded on this conclusion sociologically in his book, The Tipping Point. According to these studies, then, "tribalism" is in some sense an inescapable fact of human neurology, simply because the human brain is not adapted to working with large populations. Beyond 150, the human brain must resort to some combination of hierarchical schemes, stereotypes, and other simplified models in order to understand so many people. Nevertheless, complex societies (and corporations) rely upon the tribal instincts of their members for their organization and survival. For example, a representative democracy relies on the ability of a "tribe" of representatives to organize and deal with the problems of an entire nation. The instincts that these representatives are using to deal with national problems have been highly developed in the long course of human evolution on a small tribal scale, and this is the source of both their usefulness and their disutility. Indeed, much of the political tension in modern societies is the conflict between the desire to organize a nation-state using the tribal values of egalitarianism and unity and the simple fact that large societies are unavoidably impersonal and sometimes not amenable to small-society rules. In complex societies, this tribalistic impulse can also be channelled into more frivolous avenues, manifesting itself in sports rivalries and other such "fan" affiliations.

"New tribalism"
In the past 50 years, anthropologists have greatly revised the understanding of the tribe. Franz Boas removed the idea of unilineal cultural evolution from the realm of serious anthropological research as too simplistic, allowing tribes to be studied in their own right, rather than stepping stones to civilization or "living fossils". Anthropologists such as Richard Borshay Lee and Marshall Sahlins began publishing studies that showed tribal life as an easy, safe life, the opposite of the traditional theoretical supposition. In the title to his book, Sahlins referred to these tribal cultures as "the Original Affluent Society," not for their material wealth, but for their combination of leisure and lack of want. This work is for the progression of humanity and the enlightenment of ourselves, such as that advocated by John Zerzan or Daniel Quinn. These philosophers have led to new tribalists pursuing what Daniel Quinn dubbed the "New Tribal Revolution". The new tribalists use the term "tribalism" not in its widely thought of derogatory sense, but to refer to what they see as the defining characteristics of tribal life: namely, an open, egalitarian, classless and cooperative community. New tribalists insist that this is, in fact, the natural state of humanity, and proven by two million years of human evolution.

Tribalism The answer depends on each person's preferences as well as on the particular tribes that are used as a point of reference - because tribal life itself is not the same for all tribes; the environment where a tribe lives has an especially important influence. In an open letter to the Occupy protesters, Quinn described the Occupy movement as the "New Tribal Revolution".[1]

References
[1] Ishmael.org (http:/ / www. ishmael. org/ ows. cfm)

External links
Sow, Adama: Ethnozentrismus als Katalysator bestehender Konflikte in Afrika sdlich der Sahara, am Beispiel der Unruhen in Cte d`Ivoire (http://www.aspr.ac.at/epu/research/Sow.pdf) at: European University Center for Peace Studies (EPU),Stadtschleining 2005 (German) "The New Tribalism" (http://frohnmayer.uoregon.edu/speeches/newtribalism) by University of Oregon president Dave Frohnmayer, condemning a "new tribalism" in the traditional sense of "tribalism," not to be confused with "new tribalism". "Tribalism in Africa" (http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/30/065.html) by Stephen Isabirye "Tribalism on the terrace" (http://www.maxhtec.net/Terrace_Culture/culture_02.html) An article in Greek about soccer tribalism in Britain "KENYA: Its the economy, stupid (not just tribalism)" (http://www.irinnews.org/Report. aspx?ReportId=76159) An IRIN article on post election violence in Kenya - January 2008 Steven Pressfield, "It's the Tribes, Stupid" (http://www.stevenpressfield.com/vblog/) (five part video series)

Neotribalism
This article concerns the sociological concept of Neo-Tribalism and not the reemergence of ethnic identities that followed the end of the Cold War. Neotribalism or modern tribalism is the ideology that human beings have evolved to live in tribal society, as opposed to mass society, and thus will naturally form social networks constituting new "tribes."

Sociological theory
French sociologist Michel Maffesoli was perhaps the first to use the term neotribalism in a scholarly context.[1] Maffesoli predicted that as the culture and institutions of modernism declined, societies would embrace nostalgia and look to the organizational principles of the distant past for guidance, and that therefore the post-modern era would be the era of neotribalism. Work by researchers such as American political scientist Robert D. Putnam and a 2006 study published in the American Sociological Review[2] seem to support at least the more moderate neotribalist arguments. Data has pointed to a general breakdown in the social structure of modern civilization due to more frequent moves for economic reasons, longer commutes and a lack of emphasis in the media narrative on the desirability of strong friendships and community bonds.

Neotribalism

References
[1] Maffesoli, Michel (1996). The Time of the Tribes: The Decline of Individualism in Mass Society. London: Sage. [2] McPherson, M.; Smith-Lovin, L.; Brashears, M. E. (2006). Social Isolation in America: Changes in Core Discussion Networks over Two Decades (http:/ / www. asanet. org/ galleries/ default-file/ June06ASRFeature. pdf). pp.35375. .

Ecovillage
Ecovillages are intentional communities with the goal of becoming more socially, economically and ecologically sustainable. Some aim for a population of 50150 individuals. Larger ecovillages of up to 2,000 individuals exist as networks of smaller subcommunities to create an ecovillage model that allows for social networks within a broader foundation of support. Certain ecovillages have grown by the nearby addition of others, not necessarily members, settling on the periphery of the ecovillage and effectively participating in the ecovillage community.

Sieben Linden

Ecovillage members are united by shared ecological, social-economic and [1] cultural-spiritual values. An ecovillage is often composed of people who have chosen an alternative to centralized electrical, water, and sewage systems. Many see the breakdown of traditional forms of community, wasteful consumerist lifestyles, the destruction of natural habitat, urban sprawl, factory farming, and over-reliance on fossil fuels, as trends that must An eco-house at Findhorn Ecovillage with a turf be changed to avert ecological disaster. They see roof and solar panels small-scale communities with minimal ecological impact as an alternative. However, such communities often cooperate with peer villages in networks of their own (see Global Ecovillage Network for an example). This model of collective action is similar to that of Ten Thousand Villages, which supports the fair trade of goods worldwide.

Definition
In 1991, Robert Gilman set out a definition of an ecovillage that was to become a standard. Gilman defined an ecovillage as a: "human-scale full-featured settlement in which human activities are harmlessly integrated into the natural world in a way that is supportive of healthy human development, and can be successfully continued into the indefinite future." [2] In recent years, Gilman has stated that he would also add the criterion that an ecovillage must have multiple centres of initiative.[3]

Ecovillage

History
The modern-day desire for community was most notably characterized by the communal movement of the 1960s and 1970s, which became more focused and organized in the cohousing and ecovillage movements of the mid-1980s. Then, in 1991, Robert Gilman and Diane Gilman co-authored a seminal study called "Ecovillages and Sustainable Communities" for Gaia Trust. Today, there are ecovillages in over 70 countries on six continents.[4] The ecovillage movement began to coalesce at the annual autumn conference of Findhorn, in Scotland, in 1995. The conference was called: Ecovillages and Sustainable Communities, and conference organizers turned away hundreds of applicants. According to Ross Jackson, "somehow they had struck a chord that resonated far and wide. The word 'ecovillage', which was barely four years old at the time, thus became part of the language of the Cultural Creatives."[5] After that conference, many intentional communities, including Findhorn, began calling themselves ecovillages, giving birth to a new movement. The Global Ecovillage Network, formed by a group of about 25 people, from various countries, who had attended the Findhorn conference, crystallized the event by linking hundreds of small projects from around the world, who had with similar goals but had formerly operated without knowledge of each other. Gaia Trust, Denmark, agreed to fund the network for its first five years.[5]

Characteristics
Ecovillages are "urban or rural communities ... who strive to integrate a supportive social environment with a low-impact way of life." Although there is no blueprint for realizing this goal, ecovillages may integrate various aspects of ecological design: ecological building, alternative energy, environmentally benign manufacturing or production, permaculture (landscaping designed to mimic nature and to provide the community with food, fibre and fuel), and community building practices.[6] The hindrance of restrictive policies such as zoning and building codes to the development of sustainable housing and infrastructure in urban areas in particular is discussed. It is argued that the ecovillage movement provides some of the most relevant work and knowledge available for moving into a more sustainable future.[6] The principles on which ecovillages rely can be applied to urban and rural settings, as well as to developing and developed countries. Advocates seek a sustainable lifestyle (for example, of voluntary simplicity) for inhabitants with a minimum of trade outside the local area, or ecoregion. Many advocates also seek independence from existing infrastructures, although others, particularly in more urban settings, pursue more integration with existing infrastructure. Rural ecovillages are usually based on organic farming, permaculture and other approaches which promote ecosystem function and biodiversity. Ecovillages, whether urban or rural, tend to integrate community and ecological values within a principle-based approach to sustainability, such as permaculture design.[7] Johnathon Dawson, former president of the Global Ecovillage Network, describes five ecovillage principles in his 2006 book Ecovillages: New Frontiers for Sustainability: 1. They are not government-sponsored projects, but grassroots initiatives. 2. Their residents value and practice community living. 3. Their residents are not overly dependent on government, corporate or other centralized sources for water, food, shelter, power and other basic necessities. Rather, they attempt to provide these resources themselves. 4. Their residents have a strong sense of shared values, often characterized in spiritual terms. 5. They often serve as research and demonstration sites, offering educational experiences for others.[4] An ecovillage usually in corporates components of "green" infrastructural capital; autonomous building or clustered housing, to minimize ecological footprint; renewable energy and permaculture. The goal of most ecovillages is to be a sustainable habitat providing for most of its needs on site. However self-sufficiency is not always a goal or desired outcome, specifically since self-sufficiency can conflict with goals to be a change agent for the wider culture and infrastructure. An ecovillage's organization usually depends upon some instructional capital or moral codes - a minimal civics sometimes characterized as eco-anarchism, which involves local purchasing so as to support the local

Ecovillage economy; local food production and distribution; moral purchasing to avoid objectionable consumption; consensus decision-making for governance and a choice to respect diversity. Ecovillages should not be confused with micronations, which are strictly legal, not infrastructural, entities.

References
[1] Van Schyndel Kasper, D. (2008). "Redefining Community in the Ecovillage." (http:/ / www. humanecologyreview. org/ pastissues/ her151/ kasper. pdf) Human Ecology Review 15:12-24. Retrieved on: 2009-08-27. [2] Gilman, Robert (Summer, 1991). "The Eco-village Challenge" (http:/ / www. context. org/ ICLIB/ IC29/ Gilman1. htm). In Context. Retrieved on: 2008-04-09. [3] Robert Gilman on "Multiple Centers of Initiative." (http:/ / www. ecovillagenews. org/ wiki/ index. php/ Robert_Gilman_on_Multiple_Centers_of_Initiative) Ecovillages Newsletter. Retrieved on: 2011-11-09. [4] Taggart, Jonathan (Nov-Dec, 2009). Inside an ecovillage (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_hb6685/ is_5_35/ ai_n39169482/ ?tag=content;col1). bNet - CBS Interactive Business Network. Retrieved on: 2011-08-11. [5] Jackson, Ross (Summer, 2004). "The Ecovillage Movement." (http:/ / www. ross-jackson. com/ rj/ 21987/ 41762/ ) Permaculture Magazine 40. Retrieved on: 2011-08-11. [6] Bundale, Avril (Nov-Dec 2004). "Greening together: the ecovillage movement grows from grassroots to mainstream" (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_hb6685/ is_5_30/ ai_n29144738/ ?tag=content;col1). bNet - CBC Interactive Business Network. Retrieved on: 2011-08-11. [7] Holmgren, David. "The Essence of Permaculture." (http:/ / www. holmgren. com. au/ html/ Writings/ essence. html#Design) Retrieved on: 2008-04-09

Further reading
Books Christian, D. 2003. Creating a Life Together: Practical Tools to Grow Ecovillages and Intentional Communities New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-471-1 Dawson, Jonathan (2006) Ecovillages: Angelica Buenaventura for Sustainability. Green Books. ISBN 1903998778 Hill, R. and Dunbar, R. 2002. "Social Network Size in Humans." (http://google.com/ search?q=cache:sZ_e9TbhRboJ:www.liv.ac.uk/evolpsyc/Hill_Dunbar_networks.pdf+social+network+size& hl=en&gl=ca&ct=clnk&cd=1) Human Nature, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp.5372. Jackson, H. and Svensson, K. 2002. Ecovillage Living: Restoring the Earth and Her People. Green Books. ISBN 1-903998-16-6 Walker, Liz. 2005 EcoVillage at Ithaca: Pioneering a Sustainable Culture. New Society Publishers ISBN 0865715246 Articles Christian, Diana L. (ed.) The Ecovillage Movement Today (http://www.ecovillagenews.org/wiki/index.php/ The_Ecovillage_Movement_Today). Ecovillage Newsletter. Gilman, Robert (ed.) Living Together: Sustainable Community Development (http://www.context.org/ICLIB/ IC29/TOC29.htm). In Context.

Ecovillage

External links
Global Ecovillage Network (http://gen.ecovillage.org/) Ecovillage Network of Europe (http://gen-europe.org/) Evolving Ecovillage Network of Africa (http://gen-africa.org/) Ecovillage Directory (http://directory.ic.org/records/ecovillages.php) Ecovillage Network of the Americas (http://ena.ecovillage.org/) Red Ibrica de Ecoaldeas (Iberian network ecovillages) (http://www.ecoaldeas.org/?q=frontpage)

Nano House
The Nano House was named to be the worlds smallest sustainable house. The Nano Living System is a Swiss made "green" pre-engineered concept for residential use that presents an innovative and sustainable architectural proposition. The design based on the combination of using pre-engineered SIPs (made from cement fiberboard, recycled light gauge steel and polyurethane foam), creation of flexible spaces (through Nano Living Systems' "Suspending Technology") and use of renewable energy systems. This suggests an optimistic and environmental solution for the global housing issue of very small living spaces at extremely high prices. The "Nano House" can be used by a family of four in an area consisting of just 25 square metres (270sqft). This is made possible by the incorporation of the "suspending technology," which nearly doubles the living area within this space by transforming what is common living space by day into two separate bedrooms by night. The "suspending technology" can be used in new construction and can also be adapted to be used in existing structures, for example hotels, studios, dormitories and very small housing.

References
http://www.usatoday.com/communities/greenhouse/post/2010/07/worlds-smallest-houses-turn-heads/1 http://inhabitat.com/2010/04/15/worlds-smallest-sustainable-house-can-accommodate-a-family-of-four/ http://www.greenlivingonline.com/article/worlds-smallest-sustainable-house http://greentech.iblog.co.za/2010/04/15/worlds-smallest-sustainable-house/ http://www.architecture-view.com/2010/05/08/ sustainable-worlds-smallest-houses-able-to-accommodate-four-families/the-smallest-of-the-sustainable-house/ http://www.ecofriend.org/entry/nano-living-systems-the-world-s-smallest-sustainable-house/ http://www.greenerideal.com/building/8768-building/7000-the-worlds-smallest-sustainable-house http://nanolivingsystem.com/

Chapter 2: A new concept of brotherhood

Leadership
Leadership has been described as the process of social influence in which one person can enlist the aid and support of others in the accomplishment of a common task".[1] Other in-depth definitions of leadership have also emerged.

Theories
Leadership is "organizing a group of people to achieve a common goal". The leader may or may not have any formal authority. Students of leadership have produced theories involving traits,[2] situational interaction, function, behavior, power, vision and values,[3] charisma, and intelligence, among others.

Early history
The search for the characteristics or traits of leaders has been ongoing for centuries. History's greatest philosophical writings from Plato's Republic to Plutarch's Lives have explored the question "What qualities distinguish an individual as a leader?". Underlying this search was the early recognition of the importance of leadership and the assumption that leadership is rooted in the characteristics that certain individuals possess. This idea that leadership is based on individual attributes is known as the "trait theory of leadership". The trait theory was explored at length in a number of works in the 19th century. Most notable are the writings of Thomas Carlyle and Francis Galton, whose works have prompted decades of research[4] . In Heroes and Hero Worship (1841), Carlyle identified the talents, skills, and physical characteristics of men who rose to power. In Galton's Hereditary Genius (1869), he examined leadership qualities in the families of powerful men. After showing that the numbers of eminent relatives dropped off when moving from first degree to second degree relatives, Galton concluded that leadership was inherited. In other words, leaders were born, not developed. Both of these notable works lent great initial support for the notion that leadership is rooted in characteristics of the leader. For decades, this trait-based perspective dominated empirical and theoretical work in leadership.[5] Using early research techniques, researchers conducted over a hundred studies proposing a number of characteristics that distinguished leaders from nonleaders: intelligence, dominance, adaptability, persistence, integrity, socioeconomic status, and self-confidence, for example.[6]

Rise of alternative theories

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, however, a series of qualitative reviews of these studies (e.g., Bird, 1940;[7] Stogdill, 1948;[8] Mann, 1959[9] ) prompted researchers to take a drastically different view of the driving forces behind leadership. In reviewing the extant literature, Stogdill and Mann found that while some traits were common across a number of studies, the overall evidence suggested that persons who are leaders in one situation may not necessarily be leaders in other situations. Subsequently, leadership was no longer characterized as an enduring individual trait, as situational approaches (see alternative leadership theories below) posited that individuals can be effective in certain situations, but not others. This approach dominated much of the leadership theory and research for the next few decades.

Leadership

Reemergence of trait theory

New methods and measurements were developed after these influential reviews that would ultimately reestablish the trait theory as a viable approach to the study of leadership. For example, improvements in researchers' use of the round robin research design methodology allowed researchers to see that individuals can and do emerge as leaders across a variety of situations and tasks.[10] Additionally, during the 1980s statistical advances allowed researchers to conduct meta-analyses, in which they could quantitatively analyze and summarize the findings from a wide array of studies. This advent allowed trait theorists to create a comprehensive and parsimonious picture of previous leadership research rather than rely on the qualitative reviews of the past. Equipped with new methods,leadership researchers revealed the following: Individuals can and do emerge as leaders across a variety of situations and tasks.[10] Significant relationships exist between leadership and such individual traits as: intelligence[11] adjustment[11] extraversion[11] conscientiousness[12] [13] [14] openness to experience[13] [15] general self-efficacy[16] [17]

While the trait theory of leadership has certainly regained popularity, its reemergence has not been accompanied by a corresponding increase in sophisticated conceptual frameworks.[5] Specifically, Zaccaro (2007)[5] noted that trait theories still: 1. focus on a small set of individual attributes such as Big Five personality traits, to the neglect of cognitive abilities, motives, values, social skills, expertise, and problem-solving skills; 2. fail to consider patterns or integrations of multiple attributes; 3. do not distinguish between those leader attributes that are generally not malleable over time and those that are shaped by, and bound to, situational influences; 4. do not consider how stable leader attributes account for the behavioral diversity necessary for effective leadership.

Attribute pattern approach

Considering the criticisms of the trait theory outlined above, several researchers have begun to adopt a different perspective of leader individual differencesthe leader attribute pattern approach.[17] [18] [19] [20] [21] In contrast to the traditional approach, the leader attribute pattern approach is based on theorists' arguments that the influence of individual characteristics on outcomes is best understood by considering the person as an integrated totality rather than a summation of individual variables.[20] [22] In other words, the leader attribute pattern approach argues that integrated constellations or combinations of individual differences may explain substantial variance in both leader emergence and leader effectiveness beyond that explained by single attributes, or by additive combinations of multiple attributes.

Leadership

10

Behavioral and style theories

In response to the early criticisms of the trait approach, theorists began to research leadership as a set of behaviors, evaluating the behavior of successful leaders, determining a behavior taxonomy, and identifying broad leadership styles.[23] David McClelland, for example, posited that leadership takes a strong personality with a well-developed positive ego. To lead, self-confidence and high self-esteem are useful, perhaps even essential.[24] Kurt Lewin, Ronald Lipitt, and Ralph White developed in 1939 the seminal work on the influence of leadership styles and performance. The researchers evaluated the performance of groups of eleven-year-old boys under different types of work climate. In each, the leader exercised his influence regarding the type of group decision making, praise and criticism (feedback), and the management of the group tasks (project management) according to [25] three styles: authoritarian, democratic, and laissez-faire. The managerial grid model is also based on a behavioral theory. The model was developed by Robert Blake and Jane Mouton in 1964 and suggests five different leadership styles, based on the leaders' concern for people and their concern for goal achievement.[26]

A graphical representation of the managerial grid model

Positive reinforcement B.F. Skinner is the father of behavior modification and developed the concept of positive reinforcement. Positive reinforcement occurs when a positive stimulus is presented in response to a behavior, increasing the likelihood of that behavior in the future.[27] The following is an example of how positive reinforcement can be used in a business setting. Assume praise is a positive reinforcer for a particular employee. This employee does not show up to work on time every day. The manager of this employee decides to praise the employee for showing up on time every day the employee actually shows up to work on time. As a result, the employee comes to work on time more often because the employee likes to be praised. In this example, praise (the stimulus) is a positive reinforcer for this employee because the employee arrives at work on time (the behavior) more frequently after being praised for showing up to work on time. The use of positive reinforcement is a successful and growing technique used by leaders to motivate and attain desired behaviors from subordinates. Organizations such as Frito-Lay, 3M, Goodrich, Michigan Bell, and Emery Air Freight have all used reinforcement to increase productivity.[28] Empirical research covering the last 20 years suggests that reinforcement theory has a 17 percent increase in performance. Additionally, many reinforcement techniques such as the use of praise are inexpensive, providing higher performance for lower costs.

Situational and contingency theories

Situational theory also appeared as a reaction to the trait theory of leadership. Social scientists argued that history was more than the result of intervention of great men as Carlyle suggested. Herbert Spencer (1884) said that the times produce the person and not the other way around.[29] This theory assumes that different situations call for different characteristics; according to this group of theories, no single optimal psychographic profile of a leader exists. According to the theory, "what an individual actually does when acting as a leader is in large part dependent upon characteristics of the situation in which he [sic] functions."[30] Some theorists started to synthesize the trait and situational approaches. Building upon the research of Lewin et al., academics began to normalize the descriptive models of leadership climates, defining three leadership styles and

Leadership identifying which situations each style works better in. The authoritarian leadership style, for example, is approved in periods of crisis but fails to win the "hearts and minds" of followers in day-to-day management; the democratic leadership style is more adequate in situations that require consensus building; finally, the laissez-faire leadership style is appreciated for the degree of freedom it provides, but as the leaders do not "take charge", they can be perceived as a failure in protracted or thorny organizational problems.[31] Thus, theorists defined the style of leadership as contingent to the situation, which is sometimes classified as contingency theory. Four contingency leadership theories appear more prominently in recent years: Fiedler contingency model, Vroom-Yetton decision model, the path-goal theory, and the Hersey-Blanchard situational theory. The Fiedler contingency model bases the leader's effectiveness on what Fred Fiedler called situational contingency. This results from the interaction of leadership style and situational favorability (later called situational control). The theory defined two types of leader: those who tend to accomplish the task by developing good relationships with the group (relationship-oriented), and those who have as their prime concern carrying out the task itself (task-oriented).[32] According to Fiedler, there is no ideal leader. Both task-oriented and relationship-oriented leaders can be effective if their leadership orientation fits the situation. When there is a good leader-member relation, a highly structured task, and high leader position power, the situation is considered a "favorable situation". Fiedler found that task-oriented leaders are more effective in extremely favorable or unfavorable situations, whereas relationship-oriented leaders perform best in situations with intermediate favorability. Victor Vroom, in collaboration with Phillip Yetton (1973)[33] and later with Arthur Jago (1988),[34] developed a taxonomy for describing leadership situations, which was used in a normative decision model where leadership styles were connected to situational variables, defining which approach was more suitable to which situation.[35] This approach was novel because it supported the idea that the same manager could rely on different group decision making approaches depending on the attributes of each situation. This model was later referred to as situational contingency theory.[36] The path-goal theory of leadership was developed by Robert House (1971) and was based on the expectancy theory of Victor Vroom.[37] According to House, the essence of the theory is "the meta proposition that leaders, to be effective, engage in behaviors that complement subordinates' environments and abilities in a manner that compensates for deficiencies and is instrumental to subordinate satisfaction and individual and work unit performance".[38] The theory identifies four leader behaviors, achievement-oriented, directive, participative, and supportive, that are contingent to the environment factors and follower characteristics. In contrast to the Fiedler contingency model, the path-goal model states that the four leadership behaviors are fluid, and that leaders can adopt any of the four depending on what the situation demands. The path-goal model can be classified both as a contingency theory, as it depends on the circumstances, and as a transactional leadership theory, as the theory emphasizes the reciprocity behavior between the leader and the followers. The situational leadership model proposed by Hersey and Blanchard suggests four leadership-styles and four levels of follower-development. For effectiveness, the model posits that the leadership-style must match the appropriate level of follower-development. In this model, leadership behavior becomes a function not only of the characteristics of the leader, but of the characteristics of followers as well.[39]

11

Functional theory
Functional leadership theory (Hackman & Walton, 1986; McGrath, 1962) is a particularly useful theory for addressing specific leader behaviors expected to contribute to organizational or unit effectiveness. This theory argues that the leader's main job is to see that whatever is necessary to group needs is taken care of; thus, a leader can be said to have done their job well when they have contributed to group effectiveness and cohesion (Fleishman et al., 1991; Hackman & Wageman, 2005; Hackman & Walton, 1986). While functional leadership theory has most often been applied to team leadership (Zaccaro, Rittman, & Marks, 2001), it has also been effectively applied to broader organizational leadership as well (Zaccaro, 2001). In summarizing literature on functional leadership (see Kozlowski

Leadership et al. (1996), Zaccaro et al. (2001), Hackman and Walton (1986), Hackman & Wageman (2005), Morgeson (2005)), Klein, Zeigert, Knight, and Xiao (2006) observed five broad functions a leader performs when promoting organization's effectiveness. These functions include environmental monitoring, organizing subordinate activities, teaching and coaching subordinates, motivating others, and intervening actively in the group's work. A variety of leadership behaviors are expected to facilitate these functions. In initial work identifying leader behavior, Fleishman (1953) observed that subordinates perceived their supervisors' behavior in terms of two broad categories referred to as consideration and initiating structure. Consideration includes behavior involved in fostering effective relationships. Examples of such behavior would include showing concern for a subordinate or acting in a supportive manner towards others. Initiating structure involves the actions of the leader focused specifically on task accomplishment. This could include role clarification, setting performance standards, and holding subordinates accountable to those standards.

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Transactional and transformational theories

Eric Berne[40] first analyzed the relations between a group and its leadership in terms of transactional analysis. The transactional leader (Burns, 1978)[41] is given power to perform certain tasks and reward or punish for the team's performance. It gives the opportunity to the manager to lead the group and the group agrees to follow his lead to accomplish a predetermined goal in exchange for something else. Power is given to the leader to evaluate, correct, and train subordinates when productivity is not up to the desired level, and reward effectiveness when expected outcome is reached. Idiosyncrasy Credits, first posited by Edward Hollander (1971) is one example of a concept closely related to transactional leadership. The transformational leader (Burns, 1978)[41] motivates its team to be effective and efficient. Communication is the base for goal achievement focusing the group on the final desired outcome or goal attainment. This leader is highly visible and uses chain of command to get the job done. Transformational leaders focus on the big picture, needing to be surrounded by people who take care of the details. The leader is always looking for ideas that move the organization to reach the company's vision.

Emotions
Leadership can be perceived as a particularly emotion-laden process, with emotions entwined with the social influence process.[42] In an organization, the leader's mood has some effects on his/her group. These effects can be described in three levels:[43] 1. The mood of individual group members. Group members with leaders in a (say) positive mood experience more positive mood than do group members with leaders in a (say) negative mood. The leaders transmit their moods to other group members through the mechanism of emotional contagion.[43] Mood contagion may be one of the psychological mechanisms by which charismatic leaders influence followers.[44] 2. The affective tone of the group. Group affective tone represents the consistent or homogeneous affective reactions within a group. Group affective tone is an aggregate of the moods of the individual members of the group and refers to mood at the group level of analysis. Groups with leaders in a positive mood have a more positive affective tone than do groups with leaders in a negative mood.[43] 3. Group processes like coordination, effort expenditure, and task strategy. Public expressions of mood impact how group members think and act. When people experience and express mood, they send signals to others. Leaders signal their goals, intentions, and attitudes through their expressions of moods. For example, expressions of positive moods by leaders signal that leaders deem progress toward goals to be good. The group members respond to those signals cognitively and behaviorally in ways that are reflected in the group processes.[43] In research about client service, it was found that expressions of positive mood by the leader improve the performance of the group, although in other sectors there were other findings.[45]

Leadership Beyond the leader's mood, her/his behavior is a source for employee positive and negative emotions at work. The leader creates situations and events that lead to emotional response. Certain leader behaviors displayed during interactions with their employees are the sources of these affective events. Leaders shape workplace affective events. Examples feedback giving, allocating tasks, resource distribution. Since employee behavior and productivity are directly affected by their emotional states, it is imperative to consider employee emotional responses to organizational leaders.[46] Emotional intelligence, the ability to understand and manage moods and emotions in the self and others, contributes to effective leadership in organizations.[45]

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Neo-emergent theory
The Neo-emergent leadership theory (from the Oxford school of leadership) espouses that leadership is created through the emergence of information by the leader or other stakeholders, not through the true actions of the leader himself. In other words, the reproduction of information or stories form the basis of the perception of leadership by the majority. It is well known that the great naval hero Lord Nelson often wrote his own versions of battles he was involved in, so that when he arrived home in England he would receive a true hero's welcome. In modern society, the press, blogs and other sources report their own views of a leader, which may be based on reality, but may also be based on a political command, a payment, or an inherent interest of the author, media, or leader. Therefore, it can be contended that the perception of all leaders is created and in fact does not reflect their true leadership qualities at all.

Styles
Leadership style refers to a leader's behavior. It is the result of the philosophy, personality, and experience of the leader. Rhetoric specialists have also developed models for understanding leadership (Robert Hariman, Political Style,[47] Philippe-Joseph Salazar, L'Hyperpolitique. Technologies politiques De La Domination[48] ).

Autocratic or authoritarian style

Under the autocratic leadership style, all decision-making powers are centralized in the leader, as with dictators. Leaders do not entertain any suggestions or initiatives from subordinates. The autocratic management has been successful as it provides strong motivation to the manager. It permits quick decision-making, as only one person decides for the whole group and keeps each decision to him/herself until he/she feels it needs to be shared with the rest of the group.[49]

Participative or democratic style

The democratic leadership style favors decision-making by the group. Such a leader gives instructions after consulting the group. They can win the cooperation of their group and can motivate them effectively and positively. The decisions of the democratic leader are not unilateral as with the autocrat because they arise from consultation with the group members and participation by them.[49]

Laissez-faire or free rein style

A free-rein leader does not lead, but leaves the group entirely to itself. Such a leader allows maximum freedom to subordinates; they are given a free hand in deciding their own policies and methods. Different situations call for different leadership styles. In an emergency when there is little time to converge on an agreement and where a designated authority has significantly more experience or expertise than the rest of the team, an autocratic leadership style may be most effective; however, in a highly motivated and aligned team with a homogeneous level of expertise, a more democratic or laissez-faire style may be more effective. The style adopted should be the one that most effectively achieves the objectives of the group while balancing the interests of its

Leadership individual members.[49]

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Narcissistic leadership
Various academics such as Kets de Vries, Maccoby, and Thomas have identified narcissistic leadership as an important and common leadership style.

Toxic leadership
A toxic leader is someone who has responsibility over a group of people or an organization, and who abuses the leader-follower relationship by leaving the group or organization in a worse-off condition than when he/she first found them.

Performance
In the past, some researchers have argued that the actual influence of leaders on organizational outcomes is overrated and romanticized as a result of biased attributions about leaders (Meindl & Ehrlich, 1987). Despite these assertions, however, it is largely recognized and accepted by practitioners and researchers that leadership is important, and research supports the notion that leaders do contribute to key organizational outcomes (Day & Lord, 1988; Kaiser, Hogan, & Craig, 2008). To facilitate successful performance it is important to understand and accurately measure leadership performance. Job performance generally refers to behavior that is expected to contribute to organizational success (Campbell, 1990). Campbell identified a number of specific types of performance dimensions; leadership was one of the dimensions that he identified. There is no consistent, overall definition of leadership performance (Yukl, 2006). Many distinct conceptualizations are often lumped together under the umbrella of leadership performance, including outcomes such as leader effectiveness, leader advancement, and leader emergence (Kaiser et al., 2008). For instance, leadership performance may be used to refer to the career success of the individual leader, performance of the group or organization, or even leader emergence. Each of these measures can be considered conceptually distinct. While these aspects may be related, they are different outcomes and their inclusion should depend on the applied or research focus.

The Ontological/Phenomenological Model for Leadership

One of the more recent definitions of leadership comes from Werner Erhard, Michael C. Jensen, Steve Zaffron, and Kari Granger who describe leadership as an exercise in language that results in the realization of a future that wasnt going to happen anyway, which future fulfills (or contributes to fulfilling) the concerns of the relevant parties. This definition ensures that leadership is talking about the future and includes the fundamental concerns of the relevant parties. This differs from relating to the relevant parties as followers and calling up an image of a single leader with others following. Rather, a future that fulfills on the fundamental concerns of the relevant parties indicates the future that wasnt going to happen is not the idea of the leader, but rather is what emerges from digging deep to find the underlying concerns of those who are impacted by the leadership. [50]

Contexts
Organizations
An organization that is established as an instrument or means for achieving defined objectives has been referred to as a formal organization. Its design specifies how goals are subdivided and reflected in subdivisions of the organization. Divisions, departments, sections, positions, jobs, and tasks make up this work structure. Thus, the formal organization is expected to behave impersonally in regard to relationships with clients or with its members.

Leadership According to Weber's definition, entry and subsequent advancement is by merit or seniority. Employees receive a salary and enjoy a degree of tenure that safeguards them from the arbitrary influence of superiors or of powerful clients. The higher one's position in the hierarchy, the greater one's presumed expertise in adjudicating problems that may arise in the course of the work carried out at lower levels of the organization. It is this bureaucratic structure that forms the basis for the appointment of heads or chiefs of administrative subdivisions in the organization and endows them with the authority attached to their position.[51] In contrast to the appointed head or chief of an administrative unit, a leader emerges within the context of the informal organization that underlies the formal structure. The informal organization expresses the personal objectives and goals of the individual membership. Their objectives and goals may or may not coincide with those of the formal organization. The informal organization represents an extension of the social structures that generally characterize human life the spontaneous emergence of groups and organizations as ends in themselves. In prehistoric times, humanity was preoccupied with personal security, maintenance, protection, and survival. Now humanity spends a major portion of waking hours working for organizations. The need to identify with a community that provides security, protection, maintenance, and a feeling of belonging has continued unchanged from prehistoric times. This need is met by the informal organization and its emergent, or unofficial, leaders.[52] [53] Leaders emerge from within the structure of the informal organization. Their personal qualities, the demands of the situation, or a combination of these and other factors attract followers who accept their leadership within one or several overlay structures. Instead of the authority of position held by an appointed head or chief, the emergent leader wields influence or power. Influence is the ability of a person to gain co-operation from others by means of persuasion or control over rewards. Power is a stronger form of influence because it reflects a person's ability to enforce action through the control of a means of punishment.[52] A leader is a person who influences a group of people towards a specific result. It is not dependent on title or formal authority. (Elevos, paraphrased from Leaders, Bennis, and Leadership Presence, Halpern & Lubar.) Ogbonnia (2007) defines an effective leader "as an individual with the capacity to consistently succeed in a given condition and be viewed as meeting the expectations of an organization or society." Leaders are recognized by their capacity for caring for others, clear communication, and a commitment to persist.[54] An individual who is appointed to a managerial position has the right to command and enforce obedience by virtue of the authority of his position. However, she or he must possess adequate personal attributes to match this authority, because authority is only potentially available to him/her. In the absence of sufficient personal competence, a manager may be confronted by an emergent leader who can challenge her/his role in the organization and reduce it to that of a figurehead. However, only authority of position has the backing of formal sanctions. It follows that whoever wields personal influence and power can legitimize this only by gaining a formal position in the hierarchy, with commensurate authority.[52] Leadership can be defined as one's ability to get others to willingly follow. Every organization needs leaders at every level.[55]

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Management
Over the years the philosophical terminology of "management" and "leadership" have, in the organizational context, been used both as synonyms and with clearly differentiated meanings. Debate is fairly common about whether the use of these terms should be restricted, and generally reflects an awareness of the distinction made by Burns (1978) between "transactional" leadership (characterized by e.g. emphasis on procedures, contingent reward, management by exception) and "transformational" leadership (characterized by e.g. charisma, personal relationships, creativity).[41]

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Group leadership
In contrast to individual leadership, some organizations have adopted group leadership. In this situation, more than one person provides direction to the group as a whole. Some organizations have taken this approach in hopes of increasing creativity, reducing costs, or downsizing. Others may see the traditional leadership of a boss as costing too much in team performance. In some situations, the team members best able to handle any given phase of the project become the temporary leaders. Additionally, as each team member has the opportunity to experience the elevated level of empowerment, it energizes staff and feeds the cycle of success.[56] Leaders who demonstrate persistence, tenacity, determination, and synergistic communication skills will bring out the same qualities in their groups. Good leaders use their own inner mentors to energize their team and organizations and lead a team to achieve success.[57] According to the National School Boards Association (USA):[58] These Group Leaderships or Leadership Teams have specific characteristics: Characteristics of a Team There must be an awareness of unity on the part of all its members. There must be interpersonal relationship. Members must have a chance to contribute, and learn from and work with others. The members must have the ability to act together toward a common goal. Ten characteristics of well-functioning teams: Purpose: Members proudly share a sense of why the team exists and are invested in accomplishing its mission and goals. Priorities: Members know what needs to be done next, by whom, and by when to achieve team goals. Roles: Members know their roles in getting tasks done and when to allow a more skillful member to do a certain task. Decisions: Authority and decision-making lines are clearly understood. Conflict: Conflict is dealt with openly and is considered important to decision-making and personal growth. Personal traits: members feel their unique personalities are appreciated and well utilized. Norms: Group norms for working together are set and seen as standards for every one in the groups. Effectiveness: Members find team meetings efficient and productive and look forward to this time together. Success: Members know clearly when the team has met with success and share in this equally and proudly. Training: Opportunities for feedback and updating skills are provided and taken advantage of by team members.

Primates
Mark van Vugt and Anjana Ahuja in Naturally Selected: The Evolutionary Science of Leadership present evidence of leadership in nonhuman animals, from ants and bees to baboons and chimpanzees. They suggest that leadership has a long evolutionary history and that the same mechanisms underpinning leadership in humans can be found in other social species, too.[59] Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson, in Demonic Males: Apes and the Origins of Human Violence, present evidence that only humans and chimpanzees, among all the animals living on Earth, share a similar tendency for a cluster of behaviors: violence, territoriality, and competition for uniting behind the one chief male of the land.[60] This position is contentious. Many animals beyond apes are territorial, compete, exhibit violence, and have a social structure controlled by a dominant male (lions, wolves, etc.), suggesting Wrangham and Peterson's evidence is not empirical. However, we must examine other species as well, including elephants (which are matriarchal and follow an alpha female), meerkats (who are likewise matriarchal), and many others. It would be beneficial to examine that most accounts of leadership over the past few millennia (since the creation of Christian religions) are through the perspective of a patriarchal society, founded on Christian literature. If one looks before these times, it is noticed that Pagan and Earth-based tribes in fact had female leaders. It is important also to

Leadership note that the peculiarities of one tribe cannot necessarily be ascribed to another, as even our modern-day customs differ. The current day patrilineal custom is only a recent invention in human history and our original method of familial practices were matrilineal. The fundamental assumption that has been built into most of the world's countries is that patriarchy is the natural biological predisposition of homo sapiens. Unfortunately, this belief has led to the widespread oppression of women in all of those countries, in varying degrees. The Iroquoian First Nations tribes are an example of a matrilineal tribe, along with Mayan tribes, and also the society of Meghalaya, India. By comparison, bonobos, the second-closest species-relatives of humans, do not unite behind the chief male of the land. The bonobos show deference to an alpha or top-ranking female that, with the support of her coalition of other females, can prove as strong as the strongest male. Thus, if leadership amounts to getting the greatest number of followers, then among the bonobos, a female almost always exerts the strongest and most effective leadership. However, not all scientists agree on the allegedly peaceful nature of the bonobo or its reputation as a "hippie chimp".[61]

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Historical views
Sanskrit literature identifies ten types of leaders. Defining characteristics of the ten types of leaders are explained with examples from history and mythology.[62] Aristocratic thinkers have postulated that leadership depends on one's "blue blood" or genes. Monarchy takes an extreme view of the same idea, and may prop up its assertions against the claims of mere aristocrats by invoking divine sanction (see the divine right of kings). Contrariwise, more democratically-inclined theorists have pointed to examples of meritocratic leaders, such as the Napoleonic marshals profiting from careers open to talent. In the autocratic/paternalistic strain of thought, traditionalists recall the role of leadership of the Roman pater familias. Feminist thinking, on the other hand, may object to such models as patriarchal and posit against them emotionally-attuned, responsive, and consensual empathetic guidance, which is sometimes associated with matriarchies. Comparable to the Roman tradition, the views of Confucianism on "right living" relate very much to the ideal of the (male) scholar-leader and his benevolent rule, buttressed by a tradition of filial piety. Leadership is a matter of intelligence, trustworthiness, humaneness, courage, and discipline . . . Reliance on intelligence alone results in rebelliousness. Exercise of humaneness alone results in weakness. Fixation on trust results in folly. Dependence on the strength of courage results in violence. Excessive discipline and sternness in command result in cruelty. When one has all five virtues together, each appropriate to its function, then one can be a leader. Sun Tzu[63] In the 19th century, the elaboration of anarchist thought called the whole concept of leadership into question. (Note that the Oxford English Dictionary traces the word "leadership" in English only as far back as the 19th century.) One response to this denial of litism came with Leninism, which demanded an lite group of disciplined cadres to act as the vanguard of a socialist revolution, bringing into existence the dictatorship of the proletariat. Other historical views of leadership have addressed the seeming contrasts between secular and religious leadership. The doctrines of Caesaro-papism have recurred and had their detractors over several centuries. Christian thinking on leadership has often emphasized stewardship of divinely-provided resourceshuman and materialand their deployment in accordance with a Divine plan. Compare servant leadership. For a more general take on leadership in politics, compare the concept of the statesperson.

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Leadership Myths
Leadership, although largely talked about, has been described as one of the least understood concepts across all cultures and civilizations. Over the years, many researchers have stressed the prevalence of this misunderstanding, stating that the existence of several flawed assumptions, or myths, concerning leadership often interferes with individuals conception of what leadership is all about (Gardner, 1965; Bennis, 1975).[64] [65]

Myth 1 Leadership is innate

According to some, leadership is determined by distinctive dispositional characteristics present at birth (e.g., extraversion; intelligence; ingenuity). However, it is important to note that leadership also develops through hard work and careful observation. [66] Thus, effective leadership can result from nature (i.e., innate talents) as well as nurture (i.e., acquired skills).

Myth 2 Leadership is possessing power over others

Although leadership is certainly a form of power, it is not demarcated by power over people rather, it is a power with people that exists as a reciprocal relationship between a leader and his/her followers (Forsyth, 2009). [66] Despite popular belief, the use of manipulation, coercion, and domination to influence others is not a requirement for leadership. In actuality, individuals who seek group consent and strive to act in the best interests of others can also become effective leaders (e.g., class president; court judge).

Myth 3 Leaders are positively influential

The validity of the assertion that groups flourish when guided by effective leaders can be illustrated using several examples. For instance, according to Baumeister et al. (1988), the bystander effect (failure to respond or offer assistance) that tends to develop within groups faced with an emergency is significantly reduced in groups guided by a leader. [67] Moreover, it has been documented that group performance,[68] creativity,[69] and efficiency [70] all tend to climb in businesses with designated managers or CEOs. However, the difference leaders make is not always positive in nature. Leaders sometimes focus on fulfilling their own agendas at the expense of others, including his/her own followers (e.g., Pol Pot; Josef Stalin). Leaders who focus on personal gain by employing stringent and manipulative leadership styles often make a difference, but usually do so through negative means.[71]

Myth 4 Leaders entirely control group outcomes

In Western cultures it is generally assumed that group leaders make all the difference when it comes to group influence and overall goal-attainment. Although common, this romanticized view of leadership (i.e., the tendency to overestimate the degree of control leaders have over their groups and their groups outcomes) ignores the existence of many other factors that influence group dynamics. [72] For example, group cohesion, communication patterns among members, individual personality traits, group context, the nature or orientation of the work, as well as behavioral norms and established standards influence group functionality in varying capacities. For this reason, it is unwarranted to assume that all leaders are in complete control of their groups' achievements.

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Myth 5 All groups have a designated leader

Despite preconceived notions, not all groups need have a designated leader. Groups that are primarily composed of women,[73] [74] are limited in size, are free from stressful decision-making,[75] or only exist for a short period of time (e.g., student work groups; pub quiz/trivia teams) often undergo a diffusion of responsibility, where leadership tasks and roles are shared amongst members (Schmid Mast, 2002; Berdahl & Anderson, 2007; Guastello, 2007).

Myth 6 Group members resist leaders

Although research has indicated that group members dependence on group leaders can lead to reduced self-reliance and overall group strength, [66] most people actually prefer to be led than to be without a leader (Berkowitz, 1953).[76] This "need for a leader" becomes especially strong in troubled groups that are experiencing some sort of conflict. Group members tend to be more contented and productive when they have a leader to guide them. Although individuals filling leadership roles can be a direct source of resentment for followers, most people appreciate the contributions that leaders make to their groups and consequently welcome the guidance of a leader (Stewart & Manz, 1995). [77]

Action-oriented environments
One approach to team leadership examines action-oriented environments, where effective functional leadership is required to achieve critical or reactive tasks by small teams deployed into the field. In other words, there is leadership of small groups often created to respond to a situation or critical incident. In most cases these teams are tasked to operate in remote and changeable environments with limited support or backup (action environments). Leadership of people in these environments requires a different set of skills to that of front line management. These leaders must effectively operate remotely and negotiate the needs of the individual, team, and task within a changeable environment. This has been termed action oriented leadership. Some examples of demonstrations of action oriented leadership include extinguishing a rural fire, locating a missing person, leading a team on an outdoor expedition, or rescuing a person from a potentially hazardous environment.

Titles emphasizing authority

At certain stages in their development, the hierarchies of social ranks implied different degrees or ranks of leadership in society. Thus a knight led fewer men in general than did a duke; a baronet might in theory control less land than an earl. See peerage for a systematization of this hierarchy, and order of precedence for links to various systems. In the course of the 18th to 20th centuries, several political operators took non-traditional paths to become dominant in their societies. They or their systems often expressed a belief in strong individual leadership, but existing titles and labels ("King", "Emperor", "President", and so on) often seemed inappropriate, insufficient, or downright inaccurate in some circumstances. The formal or informal titles or descriptions they or their subordinates employ express and foster a general veneration for leadership of the inspired and autocratic variety. The definite article when used as part of the title (in languages that use definite articles) emphasizes the existence of a sole "true" leader.

Critical thought
Noam Chomsky[78] and others[79] have brought critical thinking to the very concept of leadership and have provided an analysis that asserts that people abrogate their responsibility to think and will actions for themselves. While the conventional view of leadership is rather satisfying to people who "want to be told what to do", these critics say that one should question why they are being subjected to a will or intellect other than their own if the leader is not a Subject Matter Expert (SME).

Leadership The fundamentally anti-democratic nature of the leadership principle is challenged by the introduction of concepts such as autogestion, employeeship, common civic virtue, etc., which stress individual responsibility and/or group authority in the work place and elsewhere by focusing on the skills and attitudes that a person needs in general rather than separating out leadership as the basis of a special class of individuals. Similarly, various historical calamities are attributed to a misplaced reliance on the principle of leadership.

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Varieties of individual power

According to Patrick J. Montana and Bruce H. Charnov, the ability to attain these unique powers is what enables leadership to influence subordinates and peers by controlling organizational resources. The successful leader effectively uses these powers to influence employees, and it is important for leaders to understand the uses of power to strengthen their leadership. The authors distinguish the following types of organizational power: Legitimate Power refers to the different types of professional positions within an organization structure that inherit such power (e.g. Manager, Vice President, Director, Supervisor, etc.). These levels of power correspond to the hierarchical executive levels within the organization itself. The higher positions, such as president of the company, have higher power than the rest of the professional positions in the hierarchical executive levels. Reward Power is the power given to managers that attain administrative power over a range of rewards (such as raises and promotions). Employees who work for managers desire the reward from the manager and will be influenced by receiving it as a result of work performance. Coercive Power is the manager's ability to punish an employee. Punishment can be mild, such as a suspension, or serious, such as termination. Expert Power is attained by the manager due to his or her own talents such as skills, knowledge, abilities, or previous experience. A manager who has this power within the organization may be a very valuable and important manager in the company. Charisma Power: a manager who has charisma will have a positive influence on workers, and create the opportunity for interpersonal influence. Referent Power is a power that is gained by association. A person who has power by association is often referred to as an assistant or deputy. Information Power is gained by a person who has possession of important information at an important time when such information is needed to organizational functioning.[80]

References
Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] Chemers M. (1997) An integrative theory of leadership. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. ISBN 9780805826791 Locke et al. 1991 (Richards & Engle, 1986, p.206) http:/ / qualities-of-a-leader. com/ trait-approach/ Zaccaro, S. J. (2007). Trait-based perspectives of leadership. American Psychologist, 62, 6-16. Bass, B.M. & Bass, R. (2008). The Bass handbook of leadership: Theory, research, and managerial applications (4th ed.). New York: Free Press. [7] Bird, C. (1940). Social Psychology. New York: Appleton-Century. [8] Stogdill, R.M. (1948). Personal factors associated with leadership: A survey of the literature. Journal of Psychology, 25, 35-71. [9] Mann, R.D. (1959). A review of the relationship between personality and performance in small groups. Psychological Bulletin, 56, 241-270. [10] Kenny, D.A. & Zaccaro, S.J. (1983). An estimate of variance due to traits in leadership. Journal of Applied Psychology, 68, 678-685. [11] Lord, R.G., De Vader, C.L., & Alliger, G.M. (1986). A meta-analysis of the relation between personality traits and leader perceptions: An application of validity generalization procedures. Journal of Applied Psychology, 71, 402-410.

Leadership
[12] Arvey, R.D., Rotundo, M., Johnson, W., Zhang, Z., & McGue, M. (2006). The determinants of leadership role occupancy: Genetic and personality factors. The Leadership Quarterly, 17, 1-20. [13] Judge, T.A., Bono, J.E., Ilies, R., & Gerhardt, M.W. (2002). Personality and leadership: A qualitative and quantitative review. Journal of Applied Psychology, 87, 765-780. [14] Tagger, S., Hackett, R., Saha, S. (1999). Leadership emergence in autonomous work teams: Antecedents and outcomes. Personnel Psychology, 52, 899-926. [15] Kickul, J., & Neuman, G. (2000). Emergence leadership behaviors: The function of personality and cognitive ability in determining teamwork performance and KSAs. Journal of Business and Psychology, 15, 27-51. [16] Smith, J.A., & Foti, R.J. (1998). A pattern approach to the study of leader emergence. The Leadership Quarterly, 9, 147-160. [17] Foti, R.J., & Hauenstein, N.M.A. (2007). Pattern and variable approaches in leadership emergence and effectiveness. Journal of Applied Psychology, 92, 347-355. [18] Zaccaro, S. J., Gulick, L.M.V. & Khare, V.P. (2008). Personality and leadership. In C. J. Hoyt, G. R. Goethals & D. R. Forsyth (Eds.), Leadership at the crossroads (Vol 1) (pp. 13-29). Westport, CT: Praeger. [19] Gershenoff, A. G., & Foti, R. J. (2003). Leader emergence and gender roles in all-female groups: A contextual examination. Small Group Research, 34, 170-196. [20] Mumford, M. D., Zaccaro, S. J., Harding, F. D., Jacobs, T. O., & Fleishman, E. A. (2000). Leadership skills for a changing world solving complex social problems. The Leadership Quarterly, 11, 11-35. [21] Smith, J.A., & Foti R.J. (1998). A pattern approach to the study of leader emergence, Leadership Quarterly, 9, 147-160. [22] Magnusson, D. (1995). Holistic interactionism: A perspective for research on personality development. In L. A. Pervin & O. P. John (Eds.), Handbook of personality: Theory and research (pp. 219-247). New York: Guilford Press. [23] Spillane (2004) [24] Horton, Thomas. New York The CEO Paradox (1992) [25] Lewin et al. (1939) [26] Blake et al. (1964) [27] Miltenberger, R.G., (2004). Behavior Modification Principles and Procedures (3rd ed). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. [28] Lussier, R.N., & Achua, C.F., (2010). Leadership, Theory, Application, & Skill Development.(4th ed). Mason, OH: South-Western Cengage Learning. [29] Spencer (1884), apud Heifetz (1994), pp. 16 [30] Hemphill (1949) [31] Wormer et al. (2007), pp: 198 [32] Fiedler (1967) [33] Vroom, Yetton (1973) [34] Vroom, Jago (1988) [35] Sternberg, Vroom (2002) [36] Lorsch (1974) [37] House (1971) [38] House (1996) [39] Hersey et al. (2008) [40] The Structure and Dynamics of Organizations and Groups, Eric Berne, ISBN 0-345-28473-9 [41] Burns, J. M. (1978). Leadership. New York: Harper and Row Publishers Inc.. [42] George J.M. 2000. Emotions and leadership: The role of emotional intelligence, Human Relations 53 (2000), pp. 10271055 [43] Sy, T.; Cote, S.; Saavedra, R. (2005). "The contagious leader: Impact of the leader's mood on the mood of group members, group affective tone, and group processes" (http:/ / www. rotman. utoronto. ca/ ~scote/ SyetalJAP. pdf). Journal of Applied Psychology 90 (2): 295305. doi:10.1037/0021-9010.90.2.295. PMID15769239. . [44] Bono J.E. & Ilies R. 2006 Charisma, positive emotions and mood contagion. The Leadership Quarterly 17(4): pp. 317-334 [45] George J.M. 2006. Leader Positive Mood and Group Performance: The Case of Customer Service. Journal of Applied Social Psychology :25(9) pp. 778 - 794 [46] Dasborough M.T. 2006.Cognitive asymmetry in employee emotional reactions to leadership behaviors. The Leadership Quarterly 17(2):pp. 163-178 [47] Robert Hariman, Political Style, U of Chicago Press, 1995 [48] Philippe-Joseph Salazar, L'Hyperpolitique. Technologies politiques De La Domination, Paris, 2009 [49] Lewin, K.; Lippitt, R.; White, R.K. (1939). "Patterns of aggressive behavior in experimentally created social climates". Journal of Social Psychology 10: 271301. [50] Forthcoming in "The Handbook for Teaching Leadership," by Werner Erhard, Michael, C. Jensen, & Kari Granger; Scott Snook, Nitin Nohria, Rakesh Khurana (Editors) http:/ / ssrn. com/ abstract=1681682 [51] Cecil A Gibb (1970). Leadership (Handbook of Social Psychology). Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. pp.88489. ISBN0140805176 9780140805178. OCLC174777513. [52] Henry P. Knowles; Borje O. Saxberg (1971). Personality and Leadership Behavior. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. pp.88489. ISBN0140805176 9780140805178. OCLC118832.

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Leadership
[53] Van Vugt, M., Hogan, R., & Kaiser, R. (2008). Leadership, followership, and evolution: Some lessons from the past. American Psychologist, 63, 182-196. (http:/ / www. professormarkvanvugt. com/ files/ LeadershipFollowershipandEvolution-AmericanPsychologist-2008. pdf) [54] Hoyle, John R. Leadership and Futuring: Making Visions Happen. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press, Inc., 1995. [55] The Top 10 Leadership Qualities - HR World (http:/ / www. hrworld. com/ features/ top-10-leadership-qualities-031908/ . ) [56] Ingrid Bens (2006). Facilitating to Lead. Jossey-Bass. ISBN0787977314. [57] Dr. Bart Barthelemy (1997). The Sky Is Not The Limit - Breakthrough Leadership. St. Lucie Press. [58] National School Boards Association [59] van Vugt, M., & Ahuja, A.(2010). Naturally Selected: the Evolutionary Science of Leadrship. Harper Collins. [60] Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson (1996). Demonic Males. Apes and the Origins of Human Violence (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-srv/ style/ longterm/ books/ chap1/ demonicmales. htm). Mariner Books [61] http:/ / www. newyorker. com/ reporting/ 2007/ 07/ 30/ 070730fa_fact_parker [62] KSEEB. Sanskrit Text Book -9th Grade. Government of Karnataka, India. [63] THE 100 GREATEST LEADERSHIP PRINCIPLES OF ALL TIME, EDITED BY LESLIE POCKELL WITH ADRIENNE AVILA, 2007, Warner Books [64] Gardner, J.W. (1965). Self-Renewal: The Individual and the Innovative Society. New York: Harper and Row. [65] Bennis, W. G. (1975). Where have all the leaders gone? Washington, DC: Federal Executive Institute. [66] Forsyth, D. R. (2009). Group dynamics (5th ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. [67] Baumeister, R. F., Senders, P. S., Chesner, S. C., & Tice, D. M. (1988). Whos in charge here? Group leaders do lend help in emergencies. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 14, 17-22. [68] Jung, D., Wu, A., & Chow, C.W. (2008). Towards understanding the direct and indirect effects of CEOs transformational leadership on firm innovation. The Leadership Quarterly, 19, 582-594. [69] Zaccaro, S.J., & Banks, D.J. (2001). Leadership, vision, and organizational effectiveness. In S. J. Zaccaro and R. J. Klimoski (Editors), The Nature of Organizational Leadership: Understanding the Performance Imperatives Confronting Todays Leaders. Sand Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. [70] Larson, J. R., Jr., Christensen, C., Abbot, A. S., & Franz, T. M. (1996). Diagnosing groups: Charting the flow of information in medical decision-making teams. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71, 315330. [71] Lipman-Blumen, J. (2005) The Allure of Toxic Leaders. New York: Oxford. University Press Inc. [72] Meindl, J.R., Ehrlich, S.B., & Dukerich, J.M. (1985). The romance of leadership. Administrative Science Quarterly, 30, 78-102 [73] Schmid Mast, M. (2002). Female dominance hierarchies: Are they any different from males'? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 29-39. [74] Berdahl, J. L., & Anderson, C. (2005). Men, women, and leadership centralization in groups over time. Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 9, 45-57. [75] Guastello, S. J. (2007). Nonlinear dynamics and leadership emergence. Leadership Quarterly, 18, 357369. [76] Berkowitz, L. (1953). Sharing leadership in small, decision-making groups. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 48, 231-238. [77] Stewart, G. L., & Manz, C. C. (1995). Leadership for self-managing work teams: A typology and integrative model. Human Relations, 48, 747 770. [78] Profit over People: neoliberalism and global order, N. Chomsky, 1999 Ch. Consent without Consent, p. 53 [79] The Relationship between Servant Leadership, Follower Trust, Team Commitment and Unit Effectiveness (http:/ / etd. sun. ac. za/ jspui/ bitstream/ 10019/ 375/ 1/ Dannhauser. pdf), Zani Dannhauser, Doctoral Thesis, Stellenbosch University 2007 [80] Management, P. J. Montana and B. H. Charnov, 2008 Ch. "Leadership: Theory and Practice", p. 253

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Books Blake, R.; Mouton, J. (1964). The Managerial Grid: The Key to Leadership Excellence. Houston: Gulf Publishing Co.. Carlyle, Thomas (1841). On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic History. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN140694419X. Fiedler, Fred E. (1967). A theory of leadership effectiveness. McGraw-Hill: Harper and Row Publishers Inc.. Heifetz, Ronald (1994). Leadership without Easy Answers. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN0-674-51858-6. Hemphill, John K. (1949). Situational Factors in Leadership. Columbus: Ohio State University Bureau of Educational Research. Hersey, Paul; Blanchard, Ken; Johnson, D. (2008). Management of Organizational Behavior: Leading Human Resources (9th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education. ISBN0130175986. Miner, J. B. (2005). Organizational Behavior: Behavior 1: Essential Theories of Motivation and Leadership. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe.

Leadership Spencer, Herbert (1841). The Study of Sociology. New York: D. A. Appleton. ISBN0314711171. Tittemore, James A. (2003). Leadership at all Levels. Canada: Boskwa Publishing. ISBN0973291400. Vroom, Victor H.; Yetton, Phillip W. (1973). Leadership and Decision-Making. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN0822932660. Vroom, Victor H.; Jago, Arthur G. (1988). The New Leadership: Managing Participation in Organizations. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. ISBN0136150306. Van Wormer, Katherine S.; Besthorn, Fred H.; Keefe, Thomas (2007). Human Behavior and the Social Environment: Macro Level: Groups, Communities, and Organizations. US: Oxford University Press. ISBN0195187547. Montana, Patrick J.; Bruce H. (2008). Management. Hauppauge, New York: Barron's Educational Series, Inc. ISBN0944740049. Journal articles House, Robert J. (1971). "A path-goal theory of leader effectiveness". Administrative Science Quarterly (Johnson Graduate School of Management, Cornell University) 16 (3): 321339. doi:10.2307/2391905. JSTOR2391905. House, Robert J. (1996). "Path-goal theory of leadership: Lessons, legacy, and a reformulated theory". Leadership Quarterly 7 (3): 323352. doi:10.1016/S1048-9843(96)90024-7. Lewin, Kurt; Lippitt, Ronald; White, Ralph (1939). "Patterns of aggressive behavior in experimentally created social climates". Journal of Social Psychology: 271301. http://sbuweb.tcu.edu/jmathis/Org_Mgmt_Materials/Leadership%20-%20Do%20Traits%20Matgter.pdf "Leadership: Do traits matter?". Academy of Management Executive 5 (2). 1991. Lorsch, Jay W. (Spring 1974). "Review of Leadership and Decision Making". Sloan Management Review. Spillane, James P.; et al., Richard; Diamond, John (2004). "Towards a theory of leadership practice". Journal of Curriculum Studies 36 (1): 334. doi:10.1080/0022027032000106726. Vroom, Victor; Sternberg, Robert J. (2002). "Theoretical Letters: The person versus the situation in leadership". The Leadership Quarterly 13 (3): 301323. doi:10.1016/S1048-9843(02)00101-7.

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Further reading
Argyris, C. (1976) Increasing Leadership Effectiveness, Wiley, New York, 1976 (even though published in 1976, this still remains a "standard" reference text) Avolio, B. J., Sosik, J. J., Jung, D. I., & Berson, Y. (2003). Leadership models, methods, and applications. In W. C. Borman, D. R. Ilgen & R. J. *Klimoski (Eds.), Handbook of psychology: Industrial and organizational psychology, Vol. 12. (pp.277307): John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Avolio, B. J., Walumbwa, F., & Weber, T. J. (in press). Leadership: Current theories, research, and future directions. Annual Review of Psychology. Bass, B.M. & Avolio, B.J. (1995). MLQ Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire for Research: Permission Set. Redwood City, CA: Mindgarden. Bass, B. M. (1990). Bass & Stogdill's handbook of leadership: Theory, research, and managerial applications (3rd ed.). New York, NY, US: Free Press. Bennis, W. (1989) On Becoming a Leader, Addison Wesley, New York, 1989 Borman, W. C., & Brush, D. H. (1993). More progress toward a taxonomy of managerial performance requirements. Human Performance, 6(1), 1-21. Bray, D. W., Campbell, R. J., & Grant, D. L. (1974). Formative years in business: a long-term AT&T study of managerial lives: Wiley, New York. Campbell, J. (1990). An overview of the Army selection and classification project. Personnel Psychology, 43, 231-240.

Leadership Campbell, J., McCloy, R., Oppler, S., & Sager, C. (1993). A theory of performance. In N. Schmitt & W. Borman (Eds.), Personnel Selection in organizations (pp.3571). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Crawford, C. J. (2005). Corporate rise the X principles of extreme personal leadership. Santa Clara, CA: XCEO. ISBN 0-976-90190-0 ISBN 9780976901907 Day, D. V., & Lord, R. G. (1988). Executive leadership and organizational performance: suggestions for a new theory and methodology. Journal of Management, 14(3), 453-464. Den Hartog, D. N., & Koopman, P. L. (2002). Leadership in organizations. In N. Anderson, D. S. Ones, H. K. Sinangil & C. Viswesvaran (Eds.), Handbook of industrial, work and organizational psychology, Volume 2: Organizational psychology. (pp.166187): Sage Publications, Inc. Fleishman, E. A. (1953). The description of supervisory behavior. Journal of Applied Psychology, 37(1), 1-6. Fleishman, E. A., Mumford, M. D., Zaccaro, S. J., Levin, K. Y., Korotkin, A. L., & Hein, M. B. (1991). Taxonomic efforts in the description of leader behavior: A synthesis and functional interpretation. Leadership Quarterly, 2(4), 245-287. Frey, M., Kern, R., Snow, J., & Curlette, W. (2009). Lifestyle and Transformational Leadership Style. Journal of Individual Psychology, 65(3), 212-240. Greiner, K. (2002). The inaugural speech. ERIC Accession Number ED468083 (http://www.eric.ed.gov/). Hackman, J. R., & Wageman, R. (2005). A Theory of Team Coaching. Academy of Management Review, 30(2), 269-287. Hackman, J. R., & Walton, R. E. (1986). Leading groups in organizations. In P. S. Goodman (Ed.), Designing effective work groups (pp.72119). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Hersey, P. and Blanchard, K. H. (1972). Management of Organizational Behavior: Utilizing Human Resources (2nd ed.) New Jersey/Prentice Hall Hogan, R., Curphy, C. J., & Hogan, J. (1994). What we know about leadership: effectiveness and personality. American Psychologist, 49(6), 493-504. House, R. J. (2004) Culture, Leadership, and Organizations: The GLOBE Study of 62 Societies, SAGE Publications, Thousand Oaks, 2004 Howard, A., & Bray, D. W. (1988). Managerial lives in transition: advancing age and changing times: New York: Guilford Press. Jacobs, T. O., & Jaques, E. (1987). Leadership in Complex Systems In Praeger (Ed.), Human Productivity Enhancement (Vol. 2, pp.765). New York. Jacobs, T. O., & Jaques, E. (1990). Military executive leadership. Measures of leadership, 281-295. Judge, T. A., Bono, J. E., Ilies, R., & Gerhardt, M. W. (2002). Personality and leadership: A qualitative and quantitative review. Journal of Applied Psychology, 87(4), 765-780. Kaiser, R. B., Hogan, R., & Craig, S. B. (2008). Leadership and the Fate of Organizations. American Psychologist, 63(2), 96. Klein, K. J., Ziegert, J. C., Knight, A. P., & Xiao, Y. (2006). Dynamic delegation: Shared, hierarchical, and deindividualized leadership in extreme action teams. Administrative Science Quarterly, 51(4), 590-621. Kouzes, J. M. and Posner, B. Z. (2002). The leadership challenge. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Kozlowski, S. W. J., Gully, S. M., Salas, E., Cannon-Bowers, J. A., Beyerlein, M. M., Johnson, D. A., et al. (1996). Team leadership and development: *Theory, principles, and guidelines for training leaders and teams. In Advances in interdisciplinary studies of work teams: Team leadership, Vol. 3. (pp.253291): Elsevier Science/JAI Press. Laubach, R. (2005) Leadership is Influence Lord, R. G., De Vader, C. L., & Alliger, G. M. (1986). A meta-analysis of the relation between personality traits and leadership perceptions: An application of validity generlization procedures. Journal of Applied Psychology, 71(3), 402-410. Machiavelli, Niccolo (1530) The Prince

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Leadership Maxwell, J. C. & Dornan, J. (2003) Becoming a Person of Influence McGovern, George S., Donald C. Simmons, Jr. and Daniel Gaken (2008) Leadership and Service: An Introduction, Kendall/Hunt Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7575-5109-3. McGrath, J. E. (1962). Leadership behavior: Some requirements for leadership training. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Civil Service Commission. Meindl, J. R., & Ehrlich, S. B. (1987). The romance of leadership and the evaluation of organizational performance. Academy of Management Journal, 30(1), 91-109. Morgeson, F. P. (2005). The External Leadership of Self-Managing Teams: Intervening in the Context of Novel and Disruptive Events. Journal of Applied Psychology, 90(3), 497-508. Motowidlo, S. J. (2003). Job performance. Borman, Walter C (Ed); Ilgen, Daniel R (Ed); et al., (2003). Handbook of psychology: Industrial and organizational psychology, NY, US: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Mumford, M. D. (1986). Leadership in the organizational context: Conceptual approach and its application. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 16(6), 508-531. Mumford, M. D., Zaccaro, S. J., Harding, F. D., Jacobs, T. O., & Fleishman, E. A. (2000). Leadership skills for a changing world solving complex social problems. The Leadership Quarterly, 11(1), 11-35. Nanus, Burt (1995) The visionary leadership Ogbonnia, SKC. (2007). Political Parties and Effective Leadership: A contingency Approach Pitcher, P. (1994 French) Artists, Craftsmen, and Technocrats: The dreams realities and illusions of leadership, Stoddart Publishing, Toronto, 2nd English edition, 1997. ISBN 0-7737-5854-2 Renesch, John (1994) Leadership in a New Era: Visionary Approaches to the Biggest Crisis of Our Time, San Francisco, New Leaders Press (paperback) 2002, New York, Paraview Publishing Roberts, W. (1987) Leadership Secrets of Attila the Hun Stacey, R. (1992) Managing Chaos, Kogan-Page, London, 1992 Stogdill, R. M. (1974). Handbook of leadership: A survey of the literature. New York: Free Press Stogdill, R.M. (1950) 'Leadership, membership and organization', Psychological Bulletin, 47: 1-14 Terry, G. (1960) The Principles of Management, Richard Irwin Inc, Homewood Ill, pg 5. Torbert, W. (2004) Action Inquiry: the Secret of Timely and Transforming Leadership, San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler Publishers. Yukl, G. A. (2006). Leadership in Organizations. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Zaccaro, S. J. (2001). The nature of executive leadership: A conceptual and empirical analysis of success. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Zaccaro, S. J., & Klimoski, R. J. (2001). The nature of organizational leadership: An introduction. In S. J. Zaccaro & R. J. Klimoski (Eds.), The nature of organizational leadership: Understanding the performance imperatives confronting today's leaders (pp.341). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Zaccaro, S. J., Rittman, A. L., & Marks, M. A. (2001). Team leadership. Leadership Quarterly, 12(4), 451-483. Zaccaro, S. J. (2007). Trait-based perspective. American Psychology , 62 (1), 7-16. Zaleznik, A. (1977) "Managers and Leaders: Is there a difference?", Harvard Business Review, MayJune, 1977 Montana Patrick J. and Charnov Bruce H. (2008) Managerment: Leadership and Theory, Barron's Educational Series, Inc., Hauppauge, New York, 4th English edition, 2008. ISBN 0-7641-3931-2

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External links
Leadership (http://www.dmoz.org/Business/Management/Leadership//) at the Open Directory Project

Collaborative leadership

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Collaborative leadership
The term Collaborative Leadership describes an emerging body of theory and management practice which is focused on the leadership skills and attributes needed to deliver results across organizational boundaries. The term started to appear in the mid-1990s in response to the twin trends of the growth in strategic alliances between private corporations and the formation of long term public private partnership contracts to rebuild public infrastructure.

Defining Collaborative Leadership

In her 1994 Harvard Business Review article Collaborative Advantage, Rosabeth Moss Kanter talks about leaders who recognise that there are critical business relationships that cannot be controlled by formal systems but require (a) dense web of interpersonal connections[1] . And in a book published in that same year Chrislip and Larson looked at the attributes of great civic leaders in communities across the US and found some similar attributes. Collaboration needs a different kind of leadership; it needs leaders who can safeguard the process, facilitate interaction and patiently deal with high levels of frustration[2] Hank Rubin author and President of the Institute of Collaborative Leadership has written A collaboration is a purposeful relationship in which all parties strategically choose to cooperate in order to accomplish a shared outcome. In his book "Collaborative Leadership: Developing Effective Partnerships for Communities and Schools" Rubin asks "Who is a collaborative leader?" and answers "You are a collaborative leader once you have accepted responsibility for building - or helping to ensure the success of - a heterogeneous team to accomplish a shared purpose . Your tools are (1) the purposeful exercise of your behavior, communication, and organizational resources in order to affect the perspective, beliefs, and behaviors of another person (generally a collaborative partner) to influence that person's relationship with you and your collaborative enterprise and (2) the structure and climate of an environment that supports the collaborative relationship."[3] David Archer and Alex Cameron in their book Collaborative Leadership: How to succeed in an interconnected world, identify the basic task of the collaborative leader as the delivery of results across boundaries between different organisations. They say Getting value from difference is at the heart of the collaborative leaders task they have to learn to share control, and to trust a partner to deliver, even though that partner may operate very differently from themselves.[4]

Key lessons for leaders

There have been a number of research projects and reviews of key lessons for Collaborative leaders but they all come down to some similar themes. Madeleine Carter, writing for the Center for Effective Public Policy as part of research project funded by the United States Department of Justice and State Justice Institute, defines five qualities of a collaborative leader: Willingness to take risks Eager listeners Passion for the cause Optimistic about the future Able to share knowledge, power and credit

In a similar way, Archer and Cameron list ten key lessons for a successful collaborative leader:[4] Find the personal motive for collaborating Find ways of simplifying complex situations for your people Prepare for how you are going to handle conflict well in advance Recognise that there are some people or organisations you just cant partner with Have the courage to act for the long term

Collaborative leadership Actively manage the tension between focusing on delivery and on building relationships Invest in strong personal relationships at all levels Inject energy, passion and drive into your leadership style Have the confidence to share the credit generously Continually develop your interpersonal skills, in particular: empathy, patience, tenacity, holding difficult conversations, and coalition building.

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Rod Newing writing in a Financial Times supplement special report says If a collaboration is to be effective, each party must recognise and respect the different culture of the other. And traditional development paths dont prepare leaders well for this traditional management development, is based on giving potential managers a team of people and a set of resources to control - and success is rewarded with more people and more resources to control. By contrast, collaboration requires managers to achieve success through people and resources outside their control and for this they have had no preparation.

Applications of collaborative leadership

The need for collaborative leadership is being recognised in more and more areas; 1. Public Private Partnerships 2. 3. 4. 5. Global Supply Chains Civic collaboration to solve complex community problems On-line collaboration Linux, Wikipedia etc. Political collaboration to tackle global issues such as the credit crunch, climate change and terrorism

An Ipsos MORI research report published in 2007 found that relationship management and collaborative leadership were the top two qualities or capabilities that Directors of organisations involved in large business partnerships would have liked to have had more access to when setting up or running a partnership [5] .

References
[1] [2] [3] [4] Kanter, Rosabeth Moss (2003). Rosabeth Moss Kanter on the Frontiers of Management. Harvard Business School Press. ISBN159139323X. Chrislip, David (2002). The Collaborative Leadership Fieldbook - A guide for citizens and civic leaders. Josey Bass. ISBN0787957194. Rubin, Hank (2009). Collaborative Leadership: Developing Effective Partnerships for Communities and Schools. Corwin Press. Archer, David; Cameron, Alex (2008). Collaborative leadership how to succeed in and interconnected world. Butterworth Heinemann. ISBN978-0-75-068705-8. [5] "Business Partnerships Survey" (http:/ / www. socia. co. uk/ knowledge/ Research. aspx). Ipsos MORI. 2007. . Retrieved 2008-12-01.

Further reading
Middleton, Julia (2007). Beyond Authority Leadership in a changing world. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN0230500013. Tapscott, Don; Williams, Anthony D (2006). Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything. Atlantic Books. ISBN1591841933.

Tribal Leadership

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Tribal Leadership
Tribal Leadership
Front Cover Author(s) Country Language Subject(s) Publisher Publication date Media type Pages ISBN OCLC Number Dewey Decimal Dave Logan, John King, Halee Fischer-Wright United States English Management, Leadership, Organizational Behavior, Organizational Development, Coaching Harper Collins January 22, 2008 Hardcover 320 0-061-25130-5 144226689 [1]

658.4/092 22

LC Classification HD57.7 .L643 2008

Tribal Leadership: Leveraging Natural Groups to Build a Thriving Organization is a book by Dave Logan, John King, and Halee Fischer-Wright that describes the results of a ten-year, 24,000 person, organizational research study.[2] The authors understand that the study found that corporate leaders could use the groups within their companies (i.e., the various tribes) to maximize corporate productivity and profit. The book suggests that learning how those tribes communicate is the key to understanding how the company operates. The book is illustrated by case studies from corporations including IDEO and Amgen.

Reviews
Schachter, Harvey (2008-03-12). "What tribe are you from?" [3]. Toronto: The Globe and Mail. Archived from the original [4] on 2008-04-11. Retrieved 2008-04-11. "Potency Of Shared Values" [5]. Investor's Business Daily. March 13, 2008. Retrieved 2008-04-11. Johnson, Cecil (February 2, 2008). "'Tribal Leadership' seeks to enhance performance" [6]. Savannah Morning News (Savannah, Georgia, U.S.A.). Retrieved 2008-04-10. Turnbull, Steve (January 25, 2008). "Business Book Review. Tribal Leadership. Book beats the drums for group work" [7]. Business Lexington. Retrieved 2008-04-10.

Tribal Leadership

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References
[1] [2] [3] [4] http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 144226689 Culture Sync website (http:/ / www. culturesync. net/ about. php) http:/ / business. queensu. ca/ enewsletter/ displayArchivedBook. php?articleKey=444 http:/ / www. theglobeandmail. com/ servlet/ Page/ document/ v5/ content/ subscribe?user_URL=http:/ / www. theglobeandmail. com%2Fservlet%2Fstory%2FLAC. 20080312. CABOOKS12%2FTPStory%2FBusiness& ord=56420653& brand=theglobeandmail& force_login=true [5] http:/ / biz. yahoo. com/ ibd/ 080306/ lands01. html [6] http:/ / www. savannahnow. com/ node/ 441534 [7] http:/ / www. lexweekly. com/ Articles-c-2008-01-24-72562. 113117_Tribal_Leadership. html

Logan, Dave; John King and Halee Fischer-Wright (March 17, 2008). "Recession Proof Your Business" (http:// www.industryweek.com/ReadArticle.aspx?ArticleID=15970&SectionID=1). Industry Week. Retrieved 2008-04-11.

External links
Main Merchandising Website (http://www.triballeadership.net) Mixergy interview with co-author John King (http://blog.mixergy.com/tribal-leadership/) - Tribal Leadership audio book (http://www.culturesync.net/tribal-leadership-audio-book)

Band society
A band society is the simplest form of human society. A band generally consists of a small kin group, no larger than an extended family or clan; it has been defined as consisting of no more than 30 to 50 individuals.[1] Bands have a loose organization. Their power structure is often egalitarian and has informal leadership; the older members of the band generally are looked to for guidance and advice, and decisions are often made on a consensus basis,[2] but there are no written laws and none of the specialised coercive roles (e.g., police) typically seen in more complex societies. Bands' customs are almost always transmitted orally. Formal social institutions are few or non-existent. Religion is generally based on family tradition, individual experience, or counsel from a shaman. All known band societies hunt and gather to obtain their subsistence. In his 1972 study, The Notion of the Tribe, Morton Fried defined bands as small, mobile, and fluid social formations with weak leadership that do not generate surpluses, pay taxes or support a standing army. Bands are distinguished from tribes in that tribes are generally larger, consisting of many families. Tribes have more social institutions, such as a chief, big man, or elders. Tribes are also more permanent than bands; a band can cease to exist if only a small group walks out. Many tribes are sub-divided into bands. Historically, some tribes were formed from bands that came together from time to time for religious ceremonies, hunting, or warfare.[3] Among the Native Americans of the United States and the First Nations of Canada, some tribes are made up of official bands that live in specific locations, such as the various bands of the Ojibwa tribe. Band societies historically were found throughout the world, in a variety of climates, but generally in sparsely populated areas.[3] With the spread of the modern nation-state around the globe, there are few true band societies left. Some historic examples include the Shoshone of the Great Basin in the United States, the Bushmen of southern Africa, the pygmies (Mbuti) of the Ituri Rainforest in Africa, and some groups of indigenous Australians.

Band society

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References
[1] Band (1973). Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th Ed., Vol. I. London: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. 780. [2] Erdal, D. & Whiten, A. (1996) "Egalitarianism and Machiavellian Intelligence in Human Evolution" in Mellars, P. & Gibson, K. (eds) Modelling the Early Human Mind. Cambridge Macdonald Monograph Series [3] Britannica.

Clan
A clan is a group of people united by actual or perceived kinship and descent. Even if lineage details are unknown, clan members may be organized around a founding member or apical ancestor. The kinship-based bonds may be symbolical, whereby the clan shares a "stipulated" common ancestor that is a symbol of the clan's unity. When this ancestor is not human, it is referred to as an animalian totem. Clans can be most easily described as tribes or sub-groups of tribes. The word clan is derived from 'clann' meaning 'family' in the Irish and Scottish Gaelic languages. The word was taken into English about 1425 as a label for the tribal nature of Irish and Scottish Gaelic society.[1] The Gaelic term for clan is fine Scottish Gaelic pronunciation:[fin]. Clans preceded more centralized forms of community organization and government; they are located in every country. Members may identify with a coat of arms or other symbol to show they are an independent clan. In different cultures and situations, a clan may mean the same thing as other kin-based groups, such as tribes and bands. Often, the distinguishing factor is that a clan is a smaller part of a larger society such as a tribe, a chiefdom, or a state. Examples include Scottish, Irish, Chinese, Japanese clans, Rajput clans, Nair Clan or Malayala Kshatriya Clan in India and Pakistan, which exist as kin groups within their respective nations. Note, however, that tribes and bands can also be components of larger societies. However, the early Norse clans, the tter, can not be translated with tribe or band, and consequently they are often translated as house or line. The 12 Biblical tribes of Israel composed one people. Arab clans are small groups within Arab society. Ojibwa bands are smaller parts of the Ojibwa tribe or people in North America, as one example of the many Native American peoples distinguished by language and culture, most having clans and bands as the basic kinship organizations. In some cases more than one tribe recognized each other's clans; for instance, both the Chickasaw and Choctaw tribes had fox and bear clans whose membership could supersede the tribe. Apart from these different historical traditions of kinship, conceptual confusion arises from colloquial usages of the term. In post-Soviet countries, for example, it is quite common to speak of "clans" in reference to informal networks within the economic and political sphere. This usage reflects the assumption that their members act towards each other in a particularly close and mutually supportive way approximating the solidarity among kinsmen. Polish clans differ from most others as they are a collection of families who bear the same coat of arms, as opposed to claiming a common descent. This is discussed under the topic of Polish Heraldry. Clans in indigenous societies are likely to be exogamous, meaning that their members cannot marry one another. In some societies, clans may have an official leader such as a chieftain or patriarch; in others, leadership positions may have to be achieved, or people may say that 'elders' make decisions. There are multiple closely related clans in the Indian sub-continent, especially south India.

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Clans by country
Arab Tribes Armenian clans Burundian clans Chechen clans Chinese clan, family name and consort clans Chinese (Hong Kong) five Great Han Chinese Punti clans: Tang, Hau, Pang, Man, Liu Germanic clans Indian subcontinent: Bhuiyar clans Gakhar clans Gujjar clans Jat clans List of Khatri clans|Khatri clans Maratha clans Meenas clan Mukkulathor clan

Vellalar clan Rajput clans Tarkhan clans Yadav clan Nair Clan Malayala Kshatriya Iranian clans Irish clans and septs (also: Chiefs of the Name)[2] Israelites Japanese clans Korean clans and names Manchu clans and names Mongolian clans and tribes Norse clans Polish clans Rwandan clans Scottish clans Armigerous clan Scottish clan chief Serb clans Somali clans Tanzanian clans Turkish clans Ugandan clans

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References
[1] "Clan" (http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ search?q=clan), Online Etymology Dictionary [2] "Irish Families" Edward Mac Lysaght, Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1985

Kinship
Kinship is a relationship between any entities that share a genealogical origin, through either biological, cultural, or historical descent. And descent groups, lineages, etc. are treated in their own subsections. In anthropology the kinship system includes people related both by descent and marriage, while usage in biology includes descent and mating. Human kinship relations through marriage are commonly called "affinity" in contrast to "descent" (also called "consanguinity"), although the two may overlap in marriages among those of common descent. Family relations as sociocultural genealogy lead back to gods[1] (see mythology, religion), animals that were in the area or natural phenomena (as in origin stories). Kinship is one of the most basic principles for organizing individuals into social groups, roles, categories, and genealogy. Family relations can be represented concretely (mother, brother, grandfather) or abstractly after degrees of relationship. A relationship may have relative purchase (e.g., father is one regarding a child), or reflect an absolute (e.g., status difference between a mother and a childless woman). Degrees of relationship are not identical to heirship or legal succession. Many codes of ethics consider the bond of kinship as creating obligations between the related persons stronger than those between strangers, as in Confucian filial piety.

History of kinship studies

One of the founders of the anthropological relationship research was Lewis Henry Morgan, in his Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family (1871). Members of a society may use kinship terms without all being biologically related, a fact already evident in Morgan's use of the term affinity within his concept of the "system of kinship". The most lasting of Morgan's contributions was A broad comparison of (left, top-to-bottom) Hawaiian, Sudanese, Eskimo, (right, his discovery of the difference between top-to-bottom) Iroquois, Crow and Omaha kinship systems. descriptive and classificatory kinship, which situates broad kinship classes on the basis of imputing abstract social patterns of relationships having little or no overall relation to genetic closeness but do reflect cognition about kinship, social distinctions as they affect linguistic usages in kinship terminology, and strongly relate, if only by approximation, to patterns of marriage.[2] The major patterns of kinship systems which Lewis Henry Morgan identified through kinship terminology in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family are: Iroquois kinship (also known as "bifurcate merging") Crow kinship (an expansion of bifurcate merging) Omaha kinship (also an expansion of bifurcate merging)

Kinship Dravidian kinship (the classical type of classificatory kinship, with bifurcate merging but totally distinct from Iroquois). Most Australian Aboriginal kinship is also classificatory. Eskimo kinship (also referred to as "lineal kinship") Hawaiian kinship (also referred to as the "generational system") Sudanese kinship (also referred to as the "descriptive system"). The six types (Crow, Eskimo, Hawaiian, Iroquois, Omaha, Sudanese) that are not fully classificatory (Dravidian, Australian) are those identified by Murdock (1949) prior to Lounsbury's (1964) rediscovery of the linguistic principles of classificatory kin terms.

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"Kinship system" as systemic pattern

The concept of system of kinship tended to dominate anthropological studies of kinship in the early 20th century. Kinship systems as defined in anthropological texts and ethnographies were seen as constituted by patterns of behavior and attitudes in relation to the differences in terminology, listed above, for referring to relationships as well as for addressing others. Many anthropologists went so far as to see, in these patterns of kinship, strong relations between kinship categories and patterns of marriage, including forms of marriage, restrictions on marriage, and cultural concepts of the boundaries of incest. A great deal of inference was necessarily involved in such constructions as to systems of kinship, and attempts to construct systemic patterns and reconstruct kinship evolutionary histories on these bases were largely invalidated in later work. However, anthropologist Dwight Read later argued that the way in which kinship categories are defined by individual researchers are substantially inconsistent.[3] This occurs when working within a systemic cultural model that can be elicited in fieldwork, but also allowing considerable individual variability in details, such as when they are recorded through relative products.[4]

Conflicting theories of the mid 20th century[5]

In trying to resolve the problems of dubious inferences about kinship "systems", George P. Murdock (1949, Social Structure) compiled kinship data to test a theory about universals in human kinship in the way that terminologies were influenced by the behavioral similarities or social differences among pairs of kin, proceeding on the view that the psychological ordering of kinship systems radiates out from ego and the nuclear family to different forms of extended family. Lvi-Strauss (1949, Les Structures Elementaires), on the other hand, also looked for global patterns to kinship, but viewed the elementary forms of kinship as lying in the ways that families were connected by marriage in different fundamental forms resembling those of modes of exchange: symmetric and direct, reciprocal delay, or generalized exchange.

Kinship networks and social process[6]

A more flexible view of kinship was formulated in British social anthropology. Among the attempts to break out of universalizing assumptions and theories about kinship, Radcliffe-Brown (1922, The Andaman Islands; 1930, The social organization of Australian tribes) was the first to assert that kinship relations are best thought of as concrete networks of relationships among individuals. He then described these relationships, however, as typified by interlocking interpersonal roles. Malinowski (1922, Argonauts of the Western Pacific) described patterns of events with concrete individuals as participants stressing the relative stability of institutions and communities, but without insisting on abstract systems or models of kinship. Gluckman (1955, The judicial process among the Barotse of Northern Rhodesia) balanced the emphasis on stability of institutions against processes of change and conflict, inferred through detailed analysis of instances of social interaction to infer rules and assumptions. John Barnes, Victor Turner, and others, affiliated with Gluckmans Manchester school of anthropology, described patterns of actual network relations in communities and fluid situations in urban or migratory context, as with the work of J. Clyde Mitchell (1965, Social Networks in Urban Situations). Yet, all these approaches clung to a view of stable functionalism, with kinship as one of the central stable institutions.

Kinship

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Recognition of fluidity in kinship meanings and relations[2]

Building on Lvi-Strausss (1949) notions of kinship as caught up with the fluid languages of exchange, Edmund Leach (1961, Pul Eliya) argued that kinship was a flexible idiom that had something of the grammar of a language, both in the uses of terms for kin but also in the fluidities of language, meaning, and networks. His field studies criticized the ideas of structural-functional stability of kinship groups as corporations with charters that lasted long beyond the lifetimes of individuals, which had been the orthodoxy of British Social Anthropology. This sparked debates over whether kinship could be resolved into specific organized sets of rules and components of meaning, or whether kinship meanings were more fluid, symbolic, and independent of grounding in supposedly determinate relations among individuals or groups, such as those of descent or prescriptions for marriage. Work on symbolic kinship by David M. Schneider in his (1984, A Critique of The Study of Kinship) reinforced this view. In response to Schneider's 1984 work on Symbolic Kinship, Janet Carsten re-developed the idea of "relatedness" from her initial ideas, looking at what was socialized and biological, from her studies with the Malays (1995, The substance of kinship and the heat of the hearth; feeding, personhood and relatedness among the Malays in Pulau Langkawi, American Ethnologist). She uses the idea of relatedness to move away from a pre-constructed analytic opposition which exists in anthropological thought between the biological and the social. Carsten argued that relatedness should be described in terms of indigenous statements and practices, some of which fall outside what anthropologists have conventionally understood as kinship (Cultures of Relatedness, 2000). This kind of approach recognizing relatedness in its concrete and variable cultural forms exemplifies the ways that anthropologists have grappled with the fundamental importance of kinship in human society without imprisoning the fluidity in behavior, beliefs, and meanings in assumptions about fixed patterns and systems.

Biological relationships
Ideas about kinship do not necessarily assume any biological relationship between individuals, rather just close associations. Malinowski, in his ethnographic study of sexual behaviour on the Trobriand Islands noted that the Trobrianders did not believe pregnancy to be the result of sexual intercourse between the man and the woman, and they denied that there was any physiological relationship between father and child.[7] Nevertheless, while paternity was unknown in the "full biological sense", for a woman to have a child without having a husband was considered socially undesirable. Fatherhood was therefore recognised as a social role; the woman's husband is the "man whose role and duty it is to take the child in his arms and to help her in nursing and bringing it up";[8] "Thus, though the natives are ignorant of any physiological need for a male in the constitution of the family, they regard him as indispensable socially".[9] As social and biological concepts of parenthood are not necessarily coterminous, the terms "pater" and "genitor" have been used in anthropology to distinguish between the man who is socially recognised as father (pater) and the man who is believed to be the physiological parent (genitor); similarly the terms "mater" and "genitrix" have been used to distinguish between the woman socially recognised as mother (mater) and the woman believed to be the physiological parent (genitrix).[10] Such a distinction is useful when the individual who is considered the legal parent of the child is not the individual who is believed to be the child's biological parent. For example, in his ethnography of the Nuer, Evans-Pritchard notes that if a widow, following the death of her husband, chooses to live with a lover outside of her deceased husband's kin group, that lover is only considered genitor of any subsequent children the widow has, and her deceased husband continues to be considered the pater. As a result, the lover has no legal control over the children, who may be taken away from him by the kin of the pater when they choose.[11] The terms "pater" and "genitor" have also been used to help describe the relationship between children and their parents in the context of divorce in Britain. Following the divorce and remarriage of their parents, children find themselves using the term "mother" or "father" in relation to more than one individual, and the pater or mater who is legally responsible for the child's care, and whose family name the child uses, may not be the genitor or genitrix of the child, with whom a separate parent-child relationship may be maintained through arrangements such as visitation rights or joint

Kinship custody.[12] It is important to note that the terms "genitor" or "genetrix" do not necessarily imply actual biological relationships based on consanguinity, but rather refer to the socially held belief that the individual is physically related to the child, derived from culturally held ideas about how biology works. So, for example, the Ifugao may believe that an illegitimate child might have more than one physical father, and so nominate more than one genitor.[13] J.A. Barnes therefore argued that it was necessary to make a further distinction between genitor and genitrix (the supposed biological mother and father of the child), and the actual genetic father and mother of the child.

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Descent and the family

Descent, like family systems, is one of the major concepts of anthropology. Cultures worldwide possess a wide range of systems of tracing kinship and descent. Anthropologists break these down into simple concepts about what is thought to be common among many different cultures.

Descent groups
A descent group is a social group whose members claim common ancestry. A unilineal society is one in which the descent of an individual is reckoned either from the mother's or the father's line of descent. With matrilineal descent individuals belong to their mother's descent group. Matrilineal descent includes the mother's brother, who in some societies may pass along inheritance to the sister's children or succession to a sister's son. With patrilineal descent, individuals belong to their father's descent group. Societies with the Iroquois kinship system, are typically uniliineal, while the Iroquois proper are specifically matrilineal. In a society which reckons descent bilaterally (bilineal), descent is reckoned through both father and mother, without unilineal descent groups. Societies with the Eskimo kinship system, like the Eskimo proper, are typically bilateral. The egocentrid kindred group is also typical of bilateral societies. Some societies reckon descent patrilineally for some purposes, and matrilineally for others. This arrangement is sometimes called double descent. For instance, certain property and titles may be inherited through the male line, and others through the female line. Societies can also consider descent to be ambilineal (such as Hawaiian kinship) where offspring determine their lineage through the matrilineal line or the patrilineal line.

Lineages, clans, phratries, moieties, and matrimonial sides

A lineage is a descent group that can demonstrate their common descent from a known apical ancestor. Unilineal lineages can be matrilineal or patrilineal, depending on whether they are traced through mothers or fathers, respectively. Whether matrilineal or patrilineal descent is considered most significant differs from culture to culture. A clan is a descent group that claims common descent from an apical ancestor (but often cannot demonstrate it, or "stipulated descent"). If a clan's apical ancestor is nonhuman, it is called a totem. Examples of clans are found in the Chechen, Chinese, Irish, Japanese, Polish, Scottish, Tlingit, and Somali societies. In the case of the Polish clan, any notion of common ancestry was lost long ago. A phratry is a descent group containing at least two clans which have a supposed common ancestor. If a society is divided into exactly two descent groups, each is called a moiety, after the French word for half. If the two halves are each obliged to marry out, and into the other, these are called matrimonial moieties. Houseman and White (1998b, bibliography) have discovered numerous societies where kinship network analysis shows that two halves marry one another, similar to matrimonial moieties, except that the two halveswhich they call matrimonial sides[14] are neither named nor descent groups, although the egocentric kinship terms may be consistent with the pattern of sidedness, whereas the sidedness is culturally evident but imperfect.[2]

Kinship The word deme is used to describe an endogamous local population that does not have unilineal descent.[15] Thus, a deme is a local endogamous community without internal segmentation into clans.

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Nuclear family
The Western model of a nuclear family consists of a couple and its children. The nuclear family is ego-centered and impermanent, while descent groups are permanent (lasting beyond the lifespans of individual constituents) and reckoned according to a single ancestor. Kinship calculation is any systemic method for reckoning kin relations. Kinship terminologies are native taxonomies, not developed by anthropologists. Beanpole family is a term used to describe expansions of the number of living generations within a family unit, but each generation has relatively few members in it.

Legal ramifications
Kinship and descent have a number of legal ramifications, which vary widely between legal and social structures. Next of Kin traditionally and in common usage refers to the person closest related to you by blood, such as a parent or your children. In legal terms, for example in intestacy, it has come to mean the person closest to you, which is generally the spouse if married, followed by the natural children of the deceased. Whilst someone is alive they may nominate any person close to them to be their next of kin. The next of kin is usually asked for as a contact in case of accident, emergency or sudden death. It does not involve completing any forms or registration in the UK, and may be a friend or carer unrelated to you by blood or marriage. Most human groups share a taboo against incest; relatives are forbidden from marriage but the rules tend to vary widely when one moves beyond the nuclear family. At common law, the prohibitions are typically phrased in terms of "degrees of consanguinity." More importantly, kinship and descent enters the legal system by virtue of intestacy, the laws that at common law determine who inherits the estates of the dead in the absence of a will. In civil law countries, the doctrine of legitime plays a similar role, and makes the lineal descendants of the dead person forced heirs. Rules of kinship and descent have important public aspects, especially under monarchies, where they determine the order of succession, the heir apparent and the heir presumptive.

Evolutionary approaches
Sociobiology and evolutionary psychology have approached human kinship with the assumption that inclusive fitness and kin selection theory predict that kinship relations in humans are indeed expected to depend on genetic relatedness. This position provoked criticism from ethnographers including notably, Marshall Sahlins who criticized the approach through reviews of ethnographies in his 1976 The Use and Abuse of Biology. Such counter evidence and critiques by detractors did not dissuade the program, and fundamental and heated disagreements between the two sides continued. One of the key figures in sociobiology, E.O. Wilson, famously had a pitcher of water poured over his head at an AAAS meeting in 1978. These early disagreements over the nature of human kinship and cooperative behaviour have formed an important core of the continuing controversies related to evolutionary psychology and sociobiology ever since. Evolutionary psychologists currently do not argue that humans automatically know the genetic relationships between people or that culture does not affect how kinship is perceived. One current view is that humans have an inborn but culturally affected system for detecting certain forms of genetic relatedness. One important factor for sibling

Kinship detection, especially relevant for older siblings, is that if an infant and one's mother are seen to care for the infant, then the infant and oneself are assumed to be related. Another factor, especially important for younger siblings who cannot use the first method, is that persons who grew up together see one another as related. Yet another may be detection based on the major histocompatibility complex (See Major Histocompatibility Complex and Sexual Selection). This kinship detection system in turn affects other genetic predispositions such as the incest taboo and a tendency for altruism towards relatives.[16] Holland in a 2004 thesis argued that some approaches in sociobiology and evolutionary psychology have repeated earlier anthropological mistakes regarding putting too much emphasis on genetic relatedness regarding kinship. For example, inclusive fitness theory does not require that genetic relatedness must be detected by individuals. In the ancestral environment, human bonding behavior may have increased inclusive fitness without there necessarily being an awareness of true genetic relationships. This leaves much room for social explanations regarding how kinship is perceived, especially in environments different from the ancestral. Inclusive fitness in this view only a ultimate causation rather than a proximate causation (See Tinbergen's four questions). Holland argues that thus properly understood, anthropological findings regarding widely different perceptions of kinship and evolutionary theory are compatible.[17] Holland also argued that the work of Janet Carsten (outlined above) represents one productive strand of the re-casting of the relationship between kinship and biology. A similar approach, that has been called 'nurture kinship'[17] [18] emphasizes that social relationships, and the cooperation that accompanies them, are commonly built upon emotional bonds and attachments. This perspective re-unites current ethnographic findings both with the work of earlier anthropologists such as Audrey Richards, and also with John Bowlby and colleagues' foundational work on emotional attachment theory. In this sense inclusive fitness theory is indeed compatible with ethnographic data on human kinship, though its explanatory scope is much narrower than sociobiology and evolutionary psychology had typically assumed. Its application is limited to theorizing the ultimate causes of the (non-deterministic) proximate mechanisms of cooperation such as emotional attachments. Bowlby himself emphasized the compatibility of his own work with inclusive fitness theory.[19] For a full account of actual kinship patterns in any particular human society, ethnography, including the analysis of e.g. symbolic, economic and other systems, remains central.

37

References
[1] On Kinship and Gods in Ancient Egypt: An Interview with Marcelo Campagno (http:/ / www. uca. edu. ar/ esp/ sec-ffilosofia/ esp/ docs-institutos/ s-cehao/ boletin/ damqatum2_eng07. pdf) Damqatum 2 (2007) [2] Houseman and White 1998a (Bibliography) [3] Read 2001 [4] Wallace and Atkins 1960 [5] White and Johansen, 2005, Chapter 4. (Bibliography) [6] White and Johansen, 2005, Chapters 3 and 4 (Bibliography) [7] Malinowski 1929, pp.179186 [8] Malinowski 1929, p.195 [9] Malinowski 1929, p.202 [10] Fox 1977, p.34 [11] Evans-Pritchard 1951, p.116 [12] Simpson 1994, pp.831851 [13] Barnes 1961, pp.296299 [14] Houseman and White 1998b [15] Murphy, Michael Dean. "Kinship Glossary" (http:/ / www. as. ua. edu/ ant/ Faculty/ murphy/ 436/ kinship. htm). . Retrieved 2009-03-13. [16] Lieberman, D.; Tooby, J.; Cosmides, L. (2007). "The architecture of human kin detection". Nature 445 (7129): 727731. doi:10.1038/nature05510. PMID17301784. [17] Holland, Maximilian (2004). Social Bonding and Nurture Kinship: Compatibility Between Cultural and Biological Approaches. London School of Economics (British Library Electronic Thesis http:/ / ethos. bl. uk/ OrderDetails. do?did=1& uin=uk. bl. ethos. 411642). [18] Watson, J.B. 1983. Tairora Culture: Contingency and Pragmatism. Seattle: University of Washington Press. [19] Bowlby 1982, pp.57

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Bibliography
Barnes, J.A. (1961). "Physical and Social Kinship". Philosophy of Science 28 (3): 296299. doi:10.1086/287811. Boon, James A.; Schneider, David M. (October 1974). "Kinship vis-a-vis Myth Contrasts in Levi-Strauss' Approaches to Cross-Cultural Comparison" (http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/122492108/ abstract). American Anthropologist 76 (4): 799817. doi:10.1525/aa.1974.76.4.02a00050. Bowlby, John (1982). Attachment. 1 (2nd ed.). London: Hogarth. Evans-Pritchard, E.E. (1951). Kinship and Marriage among the Nuer. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Fox, Robin (1977). Kinship and Marriage: An Anthropological Perspective. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Holland, Maximilian (2004). Social Bonding and Nurture Kinship: Compatibility Between Cultural and Biological Approaches (http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1791365). London School of Economics (British Library Electronic Thesis http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos. 411642). Houseman, Michael; White, Douglas R. (1998a). "Network mediation of exchange structures: Ambilateral sidedness and property flows in Pul Eliya" (http://eclectic.ss.uci.edu/~drwhite/pub/PUL-CAMB1a.pdf). In Thomas Schweizer and Douglas R. White. Kinship, Networks and Exchange. Cambridge University Press. pp.5989. Houseman, Michael; White, Douglas R. (1998b). "Taking Sides: Marriage Networks and Dravidian Kinship in Lowland South America" (http://eclectic.ss.uci.edu/~drwhite/pub/SIDES5.pdf). In Maurice Godelier, Thomas Trautmann and F.Tjon Sie Fat.. Transformations of Kinship. Smithsonian Institution Press. pp.214243. Malinowski, Bronislaw (1929). The Sexual Life of Savages in North Western Melanesia. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Read, Dwight W. (2001). Anthropological Theory "Formal analysis of kinship terminologies and its relationship to what constitutes kinship" (http://ant.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/1/2/239). Anthropological Theory 1 (2): 239267. doi:10.1177/14634990122228719. Simpson, Bob (1994). "Bringing the 'Unclear' Family Into Focus: Divorce and Re-Marriage in Contemporary Britain". Man (Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland) 29 (4): 831851. doi:10.2307/3033971. JSTOR3033971. Trautmann, Thomas R. (2008). Lewis Henry Morgan and the Invention of Kinship, New Edition. ISBN-13: 978-0520064577. Wallace, Anthony F.; Atkins, John (1960). "The Meaning of Kinship Terms" (http://www3.interscience.wiley. com/journal/122378164/abstract). American Anthropologist 62 (1): 5880. doi:10.1525/aa.1960.62.1.02a00040. White, Douglas R.; Ulla C. Johansen (2005). Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems: Process Models of a Turkish Nomad Clan (http://intersci.ss.uci.edu/wiki/index.php/ Network_Analysis_and_Ethnographic_Problems). New York: Rowman and Littlefield. ISBN-13:978-0-7391-1892-4.

External links
Wiktionary:Kinship Introduction into the study of kinship (http://www.ausanthrop.net/research/kinship/) AusAnthrop: research, resources and documentation The Nature of Kinship: An Introduction to Descent Systems and Family Organization (http://anthro.palomar. edu/kinship/) Dennis O'Neil, Palomar College, San Marcos, CA. Kinship and Social Organization: An Interactive Tutorial (http://www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/arts/ anthropology/kintitle.html) Brian Schwimmer, University of Manitoba. Degrees of Kinship According to Anglo-Saxon Civil Law - Useful Chart (Kurt R. Nilson, Esq. : MyStateWill.com) (http://mystatewill.com/degrees_of_kinship.htm)

Kinship Catholic Encyclopedia "Duties of Relatives" (http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12731c.htm)

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Tribe
A tribe, viewed historically or developmentally, consists of a social group existing before the development of, or outside of, states. Many anthropologists use the term tribal society to refer to societies organized largely on the basis of kinship, especially corporate descent groups (see clan and kinship). Some theorists hold that tribes represent a stage in social evolution intermediate between bands and states. Other theorists argue that tribes developed after, and must be understood in terms of their relationship to, states.

Etymology
The English word tribe occurs in 12th-century Middle English literature as referring to one of the Twelve Tribes of Israel. The word is from Old French tribu, in turn from Latin tribus, referring to the original tripartite ethnic division of the Roman state: Ramnes (Ramnenses), Tities (Titienses), and Luceres, corresponding, according to Varro, to the Latins, Sabines, and Etruscans respectively. The Ramnes were named after Romulus, leader of the Latins, Tities after Tatius, leader of the Sabines, and Luceres after Lucumo, leader of an Etruscan army that had assisted the Latins. According to Livy, the three tribes were in fact squadrons of knights, rather than ethnic divisions. The term's ultimate etymology is uncertain, perhaps from the Proto-Indo-European roots *tri- ("three") and *bhew- ("to be").[1] In 242240 BC, the Tribal Assembly (comitia tributa) in the Roman Republic was organized in 35 Tribes (four "Urban Tribes" and 31 "Rural Tribes"). The Latin word as used in the Bible translates as Greek phyle "race, tribe, clan" and ultimately the Hebrew ( Hebrew pronunciation:[evt]) or "sceptre". In the historical sense, "tribe," "race" and "clan" can be used interchangeably. The term's origin might be found with the Latin word for three, tres. The dative and ablative case forms of this word are both tribus. The word tribus could therefore mean "from the three" or "for the three."

Evolution
Considerable debate takes place over how best to characterize tribes. This partly stems from perceived differences between pre-state tribes and contemporary tribes; some reflects more general controversy over cultural evolution and colonialism. In the popular imagination, tribes reflect a way of life that predates, and is more "natural", than that in modern states. Tribes also privilege primordial social ties, are clearly bounded, homogeneous, parochial, and stable. Thus, many believed that tribes organize links between families (including clans and lineages), and provide them with a social and ideological basis for solidarity that is in some way more limited than that of an "ethnic group" or of a "nation". Anthropological and ethnohistorical research has challenged all of these notions. Anthropologist Elman Service presented a system of classification for societies in all human cultures based on the evolution of social inequality and the role of the state. This system of classification contains four categories: 1. 2. 3. 4. Gatherer-hunter bands, which are generally egalitarian. Tribal societies in which there are some limited instances of social rank and prestige (see Chiefdom). Stratified tribal societies led by chieftains. Civilizations, with complex social hierarchies and organized, institutional governments.

In his 1972 study, The Notion of the Tribe, anthropologist Morton H. Fried provided numerous examples of tribes the members of which spoke different languages and practised different rituals, or that shared languages and rituals with members of other tribes. Similarly, he provided examples of tribes where people followed different political leaders, or followed the same leaders as members of other tribes. He concluded that tribes in general are characterized by

Tribe fluid boundaries and heterogeneity, are not parochial, and are dynamic. Fried, however, proposed that most contemporary tribes do not have their origin in pre-state tribes, but rather in pre-state bands. Such "secondary" tribes, he suggested, actually came about as modern products of state expansion. Bands comprise small, mobile, and fluid social formations with weak leadership, that do not generate surpluses, pay no taxes and support no standing army. Fried argued that secondary tribes develop in one of two ways. First, states could set them up as means to extend administrative and economic influence in their hinterland, where direct political control costs too much. States would encourage (or require) people on their frontiers to form more clearly bounded and centralized polities, because such polities could begin producing surpluses and taxes, and would have a leadership responsive to the needs of neighboring states (the so-called "scheduled" tribes of the United States or of British India provide good examples of this). Second, bands could form "secondary" tribes as a means to defend themselves against state expansion. Members of bands would form more clearly bounded and centralized polities, because such polities could begin producing surpluses that could support a standing army that could fight against states, and they would have a leadership that could co-ordinate economic production and military activities. In some countries, such as the United States of America and India, tribes are polities that have been granted legal recognition and limited autonomy by the state. Archeologists continue to explore the development of pre-state tribes. Current research suggests that tribal structures constituted one type of adaptation to situations providing plentiful yet unpredictable resources. Such structures proved flexible enough to coordinate production and distribution of food in times of scarcity, without limiting or constraining people during times of surplus.

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References
[1] cf. Gregory Nagy, Greek Mythology and Poetics, Chapter 12, p.276 and on. On p.278, he says, citing the linguist mile Benveniste in his Origines de la formation des noms en indo-europen, that the Umbrian "trifu" (tribus) is apparently derived from a combination of *tri- and *bhu- where the second element is cognate with the 'phu-' of Greek 'phule', and that this was subdividing the Greek polis into three phulai.

Benveniste, mile Indo-European Language and Society, translated by Elizabeth Palmer. London: Faber and Faber 1973. ISBN 0-87024-250-4. Origines de la formation des noms en indo-europen, 1935. Fried, Morton H. The Notion of Tribe. Cummings Publishing Company, 1975. ISBN 0-8465-1548-2 Helm, June, ed, 1968. Essays on the Problem of Tribe, Proceedings, American Ethnological Society, 1967 (Seattle: University of Washington Press). Nagy, Gregory, Greek Mythology and Poetics, Cornell University Press, 1990. In chapter 12, beginning on p.276, Professor Nagy explores the meaning of the word origin and social context of a tribe in ancient Greece and beyond. Sutton,Imre, Indian Land Tenure: Bibliographical Essays and a Guide to the Literature (NY: Clearwater, 1975): tribepp.10102,180-82, 186-87, 191-93.

External links
Chiefdom: Precursor of the Tribe? (http://www.scribd.com/doc/17138659/ Korotayev-Chiefdom-Precursor-of-the-Tribe) Oldest organization in Asia protecting tribal culture (http://www.akhathai.org) Moroccan Tribes (http://moroccan.tribes.free.fr/)

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Nomad
Nomadic people (Greek: , nomdes, "those who let pasture herds"), commonly known as itinerants in modern-day contexts, are communities of people who move from one place to another, rather than settling permanently in one location. There are an estimated 30-40 million nomads in the world.[2] Many cultures have traditionally been nomadic, but traditional nomadic behavior is increasingly rare in industrialized countries. Nomadic cultures are discussed in three categories according to economic specialization: hunter-gatherers, pastoral nomads, and "peripatetic nomads". Nomadic hunting and gathering, following seasonally available wild plants and game, is by far the oldest human subsistence method. Pastoralists raise herds, driving them or moving with them, in patterns that normally avoid depleting pastures beyond their ability to recover. Peripatetic nomads, who offer the skills of a craft or trade to those with whom they travel, are most common in industrialized nations. Many groups of 'nomadic' hunter-gatherers (also known as foragers) moved from campsite to campsite, following game and wild fruits and vegetables. Known examples include: Some Adivasi tribal people of India, Banjara people in North India. Most Indigenous Australians prior to Western contact Various groups of Pygmies, such as the Mbuti of the Ituri Rain forest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo The Bushmen of Southern Africa Many Native Americans, such as the Nukak-Mak, Comanches and many other Plains Indians, the Yahi of California, indigenous inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego, or early people of Montana located at Barton Gulch
Nomad camp above Tsurphu Monastery, Tibet. 1993. Smoke is from juniper being burnt as an offering at a ceremony.

Pastoral nomads camping near Namtso in 2005. In Tibet, nomads [1] constitute about 40% of ethnic Tibetan population.

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Pastoralism
See also nomadic pastoralism Pastoral nomads are nomads moving between pastures. Nomadic pastoralism is thought to have developed in three stages that accompanied population growth and an increase in the complexity of social organization. Karim Sadr has proposed the following stages: Pastoralism: This is a mixed economy with a symbiosis within the family. Agropastoralism: This is when symbiosis is between segments or clans within an ethnic group. True Nomadism: This is when symbiosis is at the regional level, generally between specialized nomadic and agricultural populations. The pastoralists are sedentary to a certain area, as they move between the permanent spring, summer, autumn and winter (or dry and wet season) pastures for their livestock. The nomads moved depending on the availability of resources.[4]
An 1848 Lithograph showing nomads in Afghanistan.

Origin
Nomadic pastoralism seems to have developed as a part of the secondary products revolution proposed by Andrew Sherratt, in which early pre-pottery Neolithic cultures that had used animals as live meat ("on the hoof") also began using animals for their secondary products, for example, milk and its associated dairy products, wool and other animal hair, hides and consequently leather, manure for fuel and fertilizer, and traction.
A yurt in front of the Gurvan Saikhan Mountains. Approximately 30% of the Mongolia's 3 million people are nomadic or semi-nomadic.

The first nomadic pastoral society developed in the period from 8500-6500 BC in the area of the southern Levant. There, during a period of increasing aridity, PPNB cultures in the Sinai were replaced by a nomadic, pastoral pottery-using culture, which seems to have been a cultural fusion between a newly arrived Mesolithic people from Egypt (the Harifian culture), adopting their nomadic hunting lifestyle A Sami (Lapp) family in Norway around 1900. to the raising of stock. This lifestyle quickly developed into what Jaris Reindeer have been herded for centuries by Yurins has called the circum-Arabian nomadic pastoral several Arctic and Subarctic people including the [3] techno-complex and is possibly associated with the appearance of Sami and the Nenets. Semitic languages in the region of the Ancient Near East. The rapid spread of such nomadic pastoralism was typical of such later developments as of the Yamnaya culture of the horse and cattle nomads of the Eurasian steppe, or of the Greko-Mongol spread of the later Middle Ages.[5]

Increase in the former Soviet Union

One of the results of the break-up of the Soviet Union and the subsequent political independence and economic collapse of its Central Asian republics has been the resurgence of pastoral nomadism.[6] Taking the Kyrgyz people as a representative example nomadism was the centre of their economy prior to Russian colonization at the turn of the C19/C20, when they were settled into agricultural villages. The population became increasingly urbanized after World War II, but some people continued to take their herds of horses and cows to the high pasture (jailoo) every

Nomad summer, i.e. a pattern of transhumance. Since the 1990s, as the cash economy shrank, unemployed relatives were absorbed back on the family farm, and the importance of this form of nomadism has increased. The symbols of nomadism, specifically the crown of the grey felt tent known as the yurt, appears on the national flag, emphasizing the centrality of their nomadic history and past in the creation of the modern nation of Kyrgyzstan.

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Sedentarization
By 1920; nomadic pastoral tribes represented over a quarter of Iran's population.[7] Tribal pastures were nationalized during the 1960s. The National Commission of UNESCO registered the population of Iran at 21 million in 1963, of whom two million (9.5%) were nomads.[8] Although the nomadic population of Iran has dramatically decreased in the 20th century, Iran still has one of the largest nomadic populations in the world, an estimated 1.5 million in a country of about 70 million.[9] In Kazakhstan where the major agricultural activity was nomadic herding,[10] forced collectivization under Joseph Stalins rule met with massive resistance and major losses and confiscation of livestock.[11] Livestock in Kazakhstan fell from 7 million cattle to 1.6 million and from 22 million sheep to 1.7 million. The resulting famine of 1931-1934 caused some 1.5 million deaths: this represents more than 40% of the total Kazakh population at that time.[12] In the 1950s as well as the 1960s, large numbers of Bedouin throughout the Middle East started to leave the traditional, nomadic life to settle in the cities of the Middle East, especially as home ranges have shrunk and population levels have grown. Government policies in Kyrgyz nomads in the steppes of the Russian Empire, Uzbeckestan, by pioneer color Egypt and Israel, oil production in Libya and the Persian Gulf, as well photographer Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky, ca. 1910 as a desire for improved standards of living, effectively led most Bedouin to become settled citizens of various nations, rather than stateless nomadic herders. A century ago nomadic Bedouin still made up some 10% of the total Arab population. Today they account for some 1% of the total.[13] At independence in 1960, Mauritania was essentially a nomadic society. The great Sahel droughts of the early 1970s caused massive problems in a country where 85% of its inhabitants were nomadic herders. Today only 15% remain nomads.[14] As many as 2 million nomadic Kuchis wandered over Afghanistan in the years before the Soviet invasion, and most experts agreed that by 2000 the number had fallen dramatically, perhaps by half. The severe drought had destroyed 80% of the livestock in some areas.[15] Niger experienced a serious food crisis in 2005 following erratic rainfall and desert locust invasions. Nomads such as the Tuareg and Fulani, who make up about 20% of Niger's 12.9 million population, had been so badly hit by the Niger food crisis that their already fragile way of life is at risk.[16] Nomads in Mali were also affected.[17] In the great lakes region, a growing number of teenagers are taking on "nomadic" lifestyles. It differs from homelessness by the "nomads moving in groups of about 12 or 15 to a different house each night. One of the more famous nomads is Seirra Rhyno, who has become a sort of spokesperson for the lifestyle.

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List

A Scythian horseman from the general area of the Ili river, Pazyryk, c.300 BCE.

A young Bedouin lighting a camp fire in Wadi Rum, Jordan

Ababdeh Afars Bedouin Arabs (include the people of Sudan, Levant) Beja Berbers Borana Oromo Chukchi Fulanis Gabra Hmong Indo-Aryans (certain groups) Gujars (Ger) Dhangars

Magyars (ancient, early medieval age) Moken Mongols/Dzungars Mrazig of Tunisia Nenetses Nuer Nukak Pokot Rendille Sahrawis Samburu

Mitanni Germanic peoples (ancient, early medieval age) Slavic peoples (ancient, early medieval age) Serbian people (to late medieval period) Iranians (all in antiquity, except for Bakhtiaris) Alans Dahae Bakhtiari of Iran Hephthalites Hunas Kuchis (Kochai) Parni Parthians Sarmatians Scythians

Sarakatsani Somalis Tibetans (primarily the Changpa at present) Toubou Tuaregs

Kalmyks

Turkana

Nomad
Karamojong Turkic (ancient, medieval age) Kuchis Avars Bulgars (briefly, between the conquest of the hypothetical Kingdom of Balhara and the formation of Great Bulgaria) Crimean Tatars (certain groups) Cumans (up until the formation of the country Wallachia/Basarabia) Huns (in antiquity) Kipchaks Khazars Pechenegs Seljuks Wu Hu

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Turkic (present) Kazakhs Kyrgyz Nogais Qashqai Turkmens Yrk

Kurumbar Maasai (originally, now settled or semi-nomadic)

Trekboers Some reindeer-herding Sami communities

Peripatetic minorities
"Peripatetic minorities" are mobile populations moving among settled populations offering a craft or trade.

Europe
Further information: Nomadic peoples of Europe Romani people (Gypsies) Roma Sinti Manush Romanichal Romanisl Iberian Kale (Gitanos) Finnish Kale Welsh Kale English Travellers Scottish Travellers New Age travellers Irish Travellers or Pavees Indigenous Norwegian Travellers Yeniche Quinqui

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North America
Carnys (carnival people) Irish Travelers Military brats[18] Romani people[19]

Asia
In Turkey: Abdal Arabci [20] Bosha ingene Gwndi Ghorbati Qerai Susmani Tahtac

Tsigan In Pakistan: Dom In Iran: Bakhtiari Orak Asheq fungiui Changi Chareshmal (Krishmal) Dumi Feuj Ghajar Ghorbati (Ghorbat, Gurbat, Qurbati) Gurani Haddad (Ahangar, Hasanpur) Howihar Juki Karachi Kenchli Kowli (Kuli) Luri Luti Mehtar Ojuli Qarbalband

Sazandeh Suzmani Tat

Nomad Toshmal In Afghanistan: Badyanesin Balatumani Baluch Chalu Changar Chighalbf Ghalbelbaf Ghorbat (Qurbat) Herati Jalali Jat (Ja) Jat-Baluch Jogi Jola Kouli Kuaa Lawani Luli Mogat Maskurahi Musalli Nausar Pikraj Qawal Sabzaki Andrew Shadibaz (Shadiwan) Noristani Siyahpayak Vangawala (Bangiwal/Churifrosh) Mesopotamia

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Most or all of these ethnonyms probably do not correspond to one community; many are locally or regionally used (sometimes as occupational names), others are used only by group members, and still others are used pejoratively only by outsiders. For example, in Afghanistan, "Jat" is a pejorative term used generically by nonperipatetics to designate peripatetics belonging to at least six different communities. In Iran and Turkey, the terms "Ghorbati" and "ingene" appear to be used in a similar fashion. Some of these ethnonyms are also encountered in other neighboring areas of the Middle East, the Balkans, or South Asia. Each existing community is primarily endogamous, and subsists traditionally on a variety of commercial and/or service activities. Formerly, all or a majority of their members were itinerant, and this largely holds true today. Migration generally takes place within the political boundaries of a single state these days. Each of the peripatetic communities is multilingual; it speaks one or more of the languages spoken by the local sedentary populations, and, additionally, within each group, a separate dialect or language is spoken. The latter are either of Indic or Iranian origin, and many are structured somewhat like an argot or secret language, with vocabularies drawn from various languages. There are indications that in northern Iran at least one community

Nomad speaks Romani language, and some groups in Turkey also speak Romani. In Afghanistan, the Nausar worked as tinkers and animal dealers. Ghorbat men mainly made sieves, drums, and bird cages, and the women peddled these as well as other items of household and personal use; they also worked as moneylenders to rural women. Peddling and the sale of various goods was also practiced by men and women of various groups, such as the Jalali, the Pikraj, the Shadibaz, the Noristani, and the Vangawala. The latter and the Pikraj also worked as animal dealers. Some men among the Shadibaz and the Vangawala entertained as monkey or bear handlers and snake charmers; men and women among the Baluch were musicians and dancers, and Baluch women also practiced prostitution. Jogi men and women had diverse subsistence activities, such as dealing in horses, harvesting, fortune-telling, bloodletting, and begging. In Iran the Asheq of Azerbaijan, the Challi of Baluchistan, the Luti of Kurdistan, Kermnshh, lm, and Lorestn, the Mehtar in the Mamasani district, the Sazandeh of Band-i Amir and Marv-dasht, and the Toshmal among the Bakhtyari pastoral groups worked as professional musicians. The men among the Kowli worked as tinkers, smiths, musicians, and monkey and bear handlers; they also made baskets, sieves, and brooms and dealt in donkeys. Their women made a living from peddling, begging, and fortune-telling. The Ghorbat among the Basseri were smiths and tinkers, traded in pack animals, and made sieves, reed mats, and small wooden implements. In the Frs region, the Qarbalband, the Kuli, and Luli were reported to work as smiths and to make baskets and sieves; they also dealt in pack animals, and their women peddled various goods among pastoral nomads. In the same region, the Changi and Luti were musicians and balladeers, and their children learned these professions from the age of 7 or 8 years. The nomadic groups in Turkey make and sell cradles, deal in animals, and play music. The men of the sedentary groups work in towns as scavengers and hangmen; elsewhere they are fishermen, smiths, basket makers, and singers; their women dance at feasts and tell fortunes. Abdal men played music and made sieves, brooms, and wooden spoons for a living. The Tahtac traditionally worked as lumberers; with increased sedentarization, however, they have taken to agriculture and horticulture. Little is known for certain about the past of these communities; the history of each is almost entirely contained in their oral traditions. Although some groupssuch as the Vangawalaare of Indian origin, somelike the Noristaniare most probably of local origin; still others probably migrated from adjoining areas. The Ghorbat and the Shadibaz claim to have originally come from Iran and Multan, respectively, and Tahtac traditional accounts mention either Baghdad or Khorsn as their original home. The Baluch say they were attached as a service community to the Jamshedi, after they fled Baluchistan because of feuds.[21] [22]

48

References
[1] In pictures: Tibetan nomads (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ shared/ spl/ hi/ picture_gallery/ 06/ asia_pac_tibetan_nomads/ html/ 1. stm) BBC News [2] NOMADS - The FACTS (http:/ / www. newint. org/ issue266/ facts. htm) [3] BBC NEWS | In Pictures | Nenets, reindeer herders in the Siberian arctic (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ in_pictures/ 7631678. stm) [4] Nomads of the Middle East (http:/ / www. angelfire. com/ az/ rescon/ MEHBKNMD. html), David Zeidan, OM-IRC, 1995 [5] Patterns of Subsistence: Pastoralism (http:/ / anthro. palomar. edu/ subsistence/ sub_3. htm) [6] Pastoral Livestock Development in Central Asia (http:/ / www. fao. org/ sd/ rodirect/ ROan0009. htm), FAO Rural Development Division [7] Persian & Iranian Nomads at Best (http:/ / www. bestirantravel. com/ culture/ history/ nomads. html) [8] Censuses of Pastoral Nomads and Some General Remarks about the Census of Nomadic Tribes of Iran in 1998 (http:/ / www. questia. com/ googleScholar. qst;jsessionid=JXpBbgXD5ZxNb5Fj1JZd31nN7NnP1zLbP1vRphLSV9YbLJbhTNTG!878188508?docId=5006751803) [9] Iran's nomads going extinct (http:/ / articles. latimes. com/ 2008/ feb/ 18/ business/ ft-irannomads18), Los Angeles Times, February 18, 2008 [10] Kazakhstan Overview (http:/ / worldmusic. nationalgeographic. com/ worldmusic/ view/ page. basic/ country/ content. country/ kazakhstan_672) [11] The Silent Steppe. The Story of a Kazakh nomad under Stalin. (http:/ / www. kazsociety. org. uk/ events/ 2006/ 06/ 51. htm) [12] The Development of Kazakhstan during the Soviet period (http:/ / www. unesco. kz/ heritagenet/ kz/ hn-english/ history_en. htm) [13] The Middle East People Groups and Their Distribution (http:/ / www. angelfire. com/ az/ rescon/ MEHBKPPL. html), DAVID ZEIDAN, OM-IRC, 1995 [14] Mauritania - POLITICAL POWER IN THE MID-1980s (http:/ / countrystudies. us/ mauritania/ 60. htm), U.S. Library of Congress

Nomad
[15] Severe Drought Driving Nomads From Desert (http:/ / articles. latimes. com/ 2000/ jun/ 30/ news/ mn-46357), Los Angeles Times, June 30, 2000 [16] Niger way of life 'under threat' (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ africa/ 4153804. stm), BBC News, August 16, 2005 [17] Mali's nomads face famine (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ africa/ 4132326. stm) BBC News, August 9, 2005 [18] Ender, Morton. Military Brats and Other Global Nomads. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002. ISBN 9780275972660 [19] Sutherland, Ann. Gypsies: The Hidden Americans. Waveland Press, 1986. ISBN 0881332356 [20] faesi [21] Peripatetics of Afghanistan, Iran, and Turkey (http:/ / www. encyclopedia. com/ doc/ 1G2-3458001551. html) [22] Customary strangers: new perspectives on peripatetic peoples in the Middle East, Africa and Asia Edited by Joseph C. Berland and Aparna Rao (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=8CAv53wlHfoC& pg=PA28& lpg=PA28& dq=nomads+ customary+ "peripatetic+ minorities"& source=bl& ots=v-mSo8ybRo& sig=rJ6DGC0kDqyROnw0o1fActKlpDk& hl=en& ei=H_YDS6zNBtT4_AajsZzhDQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=5& ved=0CBEQ6AEwBA#v=onepage& q=nomads customary "peripatetic minorities"& f=false)

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Further reading
Oberfalzerova, Alena. (2006): Metaphors and Nomads, Triton , Prague. ISBN 8072548492 Sadr, Karim. The Development of Nomadism in Ancient Northeast Africa, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991. ISBN 0-8122-3066-3 Cowan, Gregory. "Nomadology in Architecture: Ephemerality, Movement and Collaboration" University of Adelaide 2002 (available: http://hdl.handle.net/2440/37830 (http://thesis.library.adelaide.edu.au/public/ adt-SUA20060904.161630/)) Chatty, Dawn. Articles on Nomadic life (http://www.nomadsinoman.com/nomadic-life/articles) (1983-2009) Chatwin, Bruce. The Songlines (1987) Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus (1980) Melvyn Goldstein: The Impact of China's Reform Policy on the Nomads of Western Tibet (http://www.cwru. edu/affil/tibet/booksAndPapers/Impact_China_Reform_Policy.html) The Remote World of Tibet's Nomads (http://www.cwru.edu/affil/tibet/booksAndPapers/Remote World of Tibet's Nomads.html) Grousset, Ren. L'Empire des Steppes (1939) (French) Michael Haerdter Remarks on modernity, mobility, nomadism and the arts (http://www.neme.org/137/ nomadism) Kradin, Nikolay. Nomadic Empires in Evolutionary Perspective. In Alternatives of Social Evolution. Ed. by N.N. Kradin, A.V. Korotayev, Dmitri Bondarenko, V. de Munck, and P.K. Wason (p.274-288). Vladivostok: Far Eastern Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences; reprinted in: The Early State, its Alternatives and Analogues. Ed. by Leonid Grinin et al. (. 501-524). Volgograd: Uchitel', 2004. Kradin, Nikolay N. 2002. Nomadism, Evolution, and World-Systems: Pastoral Societies in Theories of Historical Development. Journal of World-System Research 8: 368-388 (http://jwsr.ucr.edu/archive/vol8/number3/pdf/ jwsr-v8n3-kradin.pdf). Kradin, Nikolay N. 2003. Nomadic Empires: Origins, Rise, Decline. In Nomadic Pathways in Social Evolution. Ed. by N.N. Kradin, Dmitri Bondarenko, and T. Barfield (p.73-87). Moscow: Center for Civilizational Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. Kradin, Nikolay N. 2006. Cultural Complexity of Pastoral Nomads. World Cultures 15: 171-189 (http://eclectic. ss.uci.edu/SF/Complex_lat-1.doc). Beall, Cynthia and Goldstein, Melvyn: Past becoming future gor Mongolian nomads National Geographic Magazine May 1993 Vigo, Julian. 'Nomadic Sexualities and Nationalities: Postcolonial Performative Words and Visual Texts'. Inscriptions in the Sand Famagusta: Eastern Mediterranean University Press, 2005.

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Chapter 3: The monetary value of nature

Eco-communalism
Eco-communalism (a portmanteau word combining ecology and communalism) is an environmental philosophy based on ideals of simple living, self-sufficiency, sustainability, and local economies. Eco-communalists envision a future in which the economic system of capitalism is replaced with a global web of economically interdependent and interconnected small local communities. Decentralized government, a focus on agriculture, biodiversity, ethnic diversity and green economics are all tenets of eco-communalism.

History
Eco-communalism finds its roots in a diverse set of ideologies. These include the pastoral reaction to industrialization of William Morris and the nineteenth-century social utopians (Thompson, 1993); the Small Is Beautiful philosophy of E.F. Schumacher (1972); and the traditionalism of Gandhi (1993)[1] :18 The term eco-communalism was first coined by the Global Scenario Group (GSG), which was convened in 1995 by Paul Raskin, president of the Tellus Institute. The GSG set out to describe and analyze scenarios for the future of the earth as it entered a Planetary Phase of Civilization. The GSG's scenario analysis resulted in a series of reports.[2] Eco-communalism took shape in 2002 as one of six possible future scenarios put forth in the GSGs 99-page essay entitled "Great Transition: The Promise and Lure of the Times Ahead." This founding document describes eco-communalism as a vision of a better life which turns to non-material dimensions of fulfillment the quality of life, the quality of human solidarity and the quality of the earth.[1] :42

Alternative scenarios
The eco-communalist vision is only part of GSCs scenario analysis in the Great Transition essay which is organized into three categories. The first, Conventional Worlds, sees capitalist values maintained and only market forces and incremental policy reform trying to curb environmental degradation. The second, Barbarization, is one in which environmental collapse leads to an overall societal collapse. The third, Great Transition, is a pathway that includes the social revolution of eco-communalism (October 2005 Monthly Review John Bellamy Foster) which finds humanity changing its relationship with the environment. Eco-communalists would be actors in a broader global citizens movement.

Philosophy
At its core, eco-communalism holds a mindfulness for sustainable development, a belief in human goodness, which often manifests itself through conflict resolution or multiculturalism. Also apparent is a longing for society to advance past reckless industrialism towards a more localized, environmentally palatable system. Eco-communalism is often associated with eco-socialism, which emphasizes a movement away from capitalism and toward a less materialistic society. The word communalism itself is a term that describes social movements and theories which emphasize the centrality of the community, and eco-communalism ultimately sees the community as the catalyst to help propel the move away from greed and corporate irresponsibility. In 1983, E.F. Schumacher published Small Is Beautiful, a collection of essays in which he expressed the unsustainability of the modern worlds consumption behavior and the need for a new outlook to prevent otherwise inevitable environmental collapse: "Ever bigger machines, entailing ever bigger concentrations of economic power and exerting ever greater violence against

Eco-communalism the environment, do not represent progress: they are a denial of wisdom. Wisdom demands a new orientation of science and technology towards the organic, the gentle, the non-violent, the elegant and beautiful." These are the ideas espoused in the philosophy of eco-communalism rather than a world of capitalist states and their often exploited workers driven by their own greed, eco-communalism envisions a world in which government is decentralized, settlements are integrated with larger cities, local farming is the primary source of produce, and ecological thinking and interconnectedness are the new human values (44-45). As John Bellamy Foster describes in Organizing Ecological Revolution, eco-communalism will be the achievement through revolutionary struggle of a more egalitarian society. It will be one in which a vigilant civil society would foster more responsible corporate behavior and new values would change consumption and production patterns. (19) The GSG gives eco-taxes, social subsidies, and green accounting as examples of how eco-communalism could be practically applied (61).

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Real-world application
Eco-communalism has taken root all over the globe on different levels. Towns such as Auroville, Nimbin, and the Federation of Damanhur attempt to provide an environmentally low impact way of life. Larger groups such as the Findhorn Foundation provide education to help new communities form. In addition, all of these groups and more are collaborators in the Global Ecovillage Network; which strives to support eco-communalism worldwide.

References
[1] ""Great Transition: The Promise and Lure of the Times Ahead."" (http:/ / www. gtinitiative. org/ resources/ gtessay. html). Gtinitiative.org. . Retrieved 2011-01-28. [2] "Global Scenario Group: Publications and reports on alternative visions of globalization" (http:/ / www. gsg. org/ gsgpub. html). Gsg.org. . Retrieved 2011-01-28.

Green economy
A green economy is one that results in improved human well-being and social equity, while significantly reducing environmental risks and ecological scarcities - United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) (2010). A green economy is an economy or economic development model based on sustainable development and a knowledge of ecological economics. Its most distinguishing feature from prior economic regimes is direct valuation of natural capital and ecological services as having economics value (see The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity and Bank of Natural Capital) and a full cost accounting regime in which costs externalized onto society via ecosystems are reliably traced back to, and accounted for as liabilities of, the entity that does the harm or neglects an asset. For an overview of the developments in international environment policy that led up to the UNEP Green Economy Report, see Runnals (2011).[1]

"Green" economists and economics

"Green economics" is loosely defined as any theory of economics by which an economy is considered to be component of the ecosystem in which it resides (after Lynn Margulis). A holistic approach to the subject is typical, such that economic ideas are commingled with any number of other subjects, depending on the particular theorist. Proponents of feminism, postmodernism, the ecology movement, peace movement, Green politics, green anarchism and anti-globalization movement have used the term to describe very different ideas, all external to some equally ill-defined "mainstream" economics. The use of the term is further ambiguated by the political distinction of Green parties which are formally organized and claim the capital-G "Green" term as a unique and distinguishing mark. It is thus preferable to refer to a loose

Green economy school of "'green economists"' who generally advocate shifts towards a green economy, biomimicry and a fuller accounting for biodiversity. (see The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity especially for current authoritative international work towards these goals and Bank of Natural Capital for a layperson's presentation of these.) Some economists view green economics as a branch or subfield of more established schools. For instance, as classical economics where the traditional land is generalized to natural capital and has some attributes in common with labor and physical capital (since natural capital assets like rivers directly substitute for man-made ones such as canals). Or, as Marxist economics with nature represented as a form of lumpen proletariat, an exploited base of non-human workers providing surplus value to the human economy. Or as a branch of neoclassical economics in which the price of life for developing vs. developed nations is held steady at a ratio reflecting a balance of power and that of non-human life is very low. An increasing consensus around the ideas of natural capital and full cost accounting could blur distinctions between the schools and redefine them all as variations of "green economics". As of 2010 the Bretton Woods institutions (notably the World Bank[2] and International Monetary Fund (via its "Green Fund" initiative) responsible for global monetary policy have stated a clear intention to move towards biodiversity valuation and a more official and universal biodiversity finance. Taking these into account targeting not less but radically zero emission and waste is what is promoted by the Zero Emissions Research and Initiatives.

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Definition of a green economy

Karl Burkart defines a green economy as based on six main sectors:[3] Renewable energy (solar, wind, geothermal, marine including wave, biogas, and fuel cell) Green buildings (green retrofits for energy and water efficiency, residential and commercial assessment; green products and materials, and LEED construction) Clean transportation (alternative fuels, public transit, hybrid and electric vehicles, carsharing and carpooling programs) Water management (Water reclamation, greywater and rainwater systems, low-water landscaping, water purification, stormwater management) Waste management (recycling, municipal solid waste salvage, brownfield land remediation, Superfund cleanup, sustainable packaging) Land management (organic agriculture, habitat conservation and restoration; urban forestry and parks, reforestation and afforestation and soil stabilization)

Green economy

53

The Global Citizens Center, led by Kevin Danaher, defines green economy in terms of a "triple bottom line," an economy concerned with being:[4] 1. Environmentally sustainable, based on the belief that our biosphere is a closed system with finite resources and a limited capacity for self-regulation and self-renewal. We depend on the earths natural resources, and therefore we must create an economic system that respects the integrity of ecosystems and ensures the resilience of life supporting systems.

The three pillars of sustainability.

2. Socially just, based on the belief that culture and human dignity are precious resources that, like our natural resources, require responsible stewardship to avoid their depletion. We must create a vibrant economic system that ensures all people have access to a decent standard of living and full opportunities for personal and social development. 3. Locally rooted, based on the belief that an authentic connection to place is the essential pre-condition to sustainability and justice. The Green Economy is a global aggregate of individual communities meeting the needs of its citizens through the responsible, local production and exchange of goods and services. The Global Green Economy Index[5] , published annually by consultancy Dual Citizen Inc., measures and ranks the perception and performance of 27 national green economies. This index looks at 4 primary dimensions defining a national green economy as follows: 1. Leadership and the extent to which national leaders are champions for green issues on the local and international stage 2. Domestic policies and the success of policy frameworks to successfully promote renewable energy use in home market 3. Cleantech Investment and the perceived opportunities and cleantech investment climate in each country 4. Green tourism and the level of commitment to promoting sustainable tourism through government You can take part in a student project to define the Green Economy in the run-up to the Rio+20 [6] conference on the Green Economist website [7].

Other issues
Green economy includes green energy generation based on renewable energy to substitute for fossil fuels and energy conservation for efficient energy use. Because the market failure related to environmental and climate protection as a result of external costs, high future commercial rates and associated high initial costs for research, development, and marketing of green energy sources and green products prevents firms from being voluntarily interested in reducing environment-unfriendly activities (Reinhardt, 1999; King and Lenox, 2002; Wagner, 203; Wagner, et al., 2005), the green economy may need government subsidies as market incentives to motivate firms to invest and produce green products and services. The German Renewable Energy Act, legislations of many other EU countries and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, all provide such market incentives.

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Notes
[1] Runnals, D. (2011) Environment and economy: joined at the hip or just strange bedfellows?. S.A.P.I.EN.S. 4 (1) (http:/ / sapiens. revues. org/ 1150) [2] BBC.co.uk (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ news/ science-environment-11642538) [3] http:/ / www. mnn. com/ green-tech/ research-innovations/ blogs/ how-do-you-define-the-green-economy [4] http:/ / www. globalcitizencenter. org/ content/ view/ 2/ 1/ [5] http:/ / www. dualcitizeninc. com/ ggei2011. pdf [6] http:/ / www. uncsd2012. org/ rio20/ [7] http:/ / wiki. greeneconomist. org/ index. php?title=Main_Page

References
Cato, M. S. (2009), Green Economics: An Introduction to Theory, Policy and Practice. London: Earthscan. Common, M. and Stagl, S. 2005. Ecological Economics: An Introduction. New York: Cambridge University Press. Daly, H. and Townsend, K. (eds.) 1993. Valuing The Earth: Economics, Ecology, Ethics. Cambridge, Mass.; London, England: MIT Press. Georgescu-Roegen, N. 1975. Energy and economic myths. Southern Economic Journal 41: 347-381. Hahnel, R. (2010), Green Economics: Confronting the Ecological Crisis. New York: M. E. Sharpe. Kennet M., and Heinemann V, (2006) Green Economics, Setting the Scene. in International Journal of Green Economics, Vol 1 issue 1/2 (2006) Inderscience.Geneva Kennet M., (2009) Emerging Pedogogy in an Emerging Discipline, Green Economics in Reardon J., (2009) Pluralist education, Routledge. Kennet M., (2008) Introduction to Green Economics, in Harvard School Economics Review. King, Andrew; Lenox, Michael, 2002. Does it really pay to be green? Journal of Industrial Ecology 5, 105-117. Krishnan R, Harris JM, Goodwin NR. (1995). A Survey of Ecological Economics. Island Press. ISBN 1559634111, 9781559634113. Martinez-Alier, J. (1990) Ecological Economics: Energy, Environment and Society. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell. Martinez-Alier, J., Ropke, I. eds.(2008), Recent Developments in Ecological Economics, 2 vols., E. Elgar, Cheltenham, UK. Rpke, I. (2004) The early history of modern ecological economics. Ecological Economics 50(3-4): 293-314. Rpke, I. (2005) Trends in the development of ecological economics from the late 1980s to the early 2000s. Ecological Economics 55(2): 262-290. Reinhardt, F. (1999) Market failure and the environmental policies of firms: economic rationales for beyond compliance behavior. Journal of Industrial Ecology 3(1), 9-21. Spash, C. L. (1999) The development of environmental thinking in economics. Environmental Values 8(4): 413-435. Vatn, A. (2005) Institutions and the Environment. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar United Nations Environment Programme (2010), Green Economy Report: A Preview. http://www.unep.org/ GreenEconomy/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=JvDFtjopXsA%3d&tabid=1350&language=en-US United Nations Environment Programme (2010), Developing Countries Success Stories. http://www.unep.org/ pdf/GreenEconomy_SuccessStories.pdf United Nations Environment Programme (2010), A Brief for Policymakers on the Green Economy and Millennium Development Goals. http://www.unep.org/greeneconomy/Portals/30/docs/ policymakers_brief_GEI&MDG.pdf

Green economy United Nations Environment Programme (2010), Driving a Green Economy Through Public Finance and Fiscal Policy Reform. http://www.unep.org/greeneconomy/Portals/30/docs/DrivingGreenEconomy.pdf United Nations Environment Programme (2009), Global Green New Deal Update, http://www.unep.org/ greeneconomy/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=ciH9RD7XHwc%3d&tabid=1394&language=en-US United Nations Environment Programme (2009), Global Green New Deal, Policy brief, http://www.unep.org/ pdf/A_Global_Green_New_Deal_Policy_Brief.pdf United Nations Environment Programme (2008), Green Jobs: Towards Decent Work in a Sustainable, Low-Carbon World (Policy messages and main findings for decision makers), http://www.unep.org/ greeneconomy/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=hR62Ck7RTX4%3d&tabid=1377&language=en-US United Nations Environment Programme (2008), Global green new deal - environmentally-focused investment historic opportunity for 21st century prosperity and job generation. London/Nairobi, October 22. Wagner, Ma. (2003) "Does it pay to be eco-efficient in the European energy supply industry?" Zeitschrift fr Energiewirtschaft 27(4), 309-318. Wagner, M. et al. (2002) "The relationship between environmental and economic performance of firms: what does the theory propose and what does the empirical evidence tell us?" Greener Management International 34, 95-108.

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External links
The Green Economy Coalition http://www.greeneconomycoalition.org http://www.2tix.net/zone/edit_page2.php The Green Economist UNEP The Green Economy Initiative, http://www.unep.org/greeneconomy The 2012 Earth Summit http://www.earthsummit2012.org/ The Green Economics Institute - http://greeneconomics.org.uk/ The Green Economics Institute Global Campaigning Forum - http://greeneconomicsinstitute.wordpress.com/ The International Society for Ecological Economics (ISEE) - http://www.ecoeco.org/ Green Recovery - http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2008/09/green_recovery.html The International Journal of Green Economics, http://www.inderscience.com/ijge Eco-Economy Indicators: http://www.earth-policy.org/Indicators/index.htm EarthTrends World Resources Institute - http://earthtrends.wri.org/index.php The Inspired Economist (http://inspiredeconomist.com/). Ecological Economics Encyclopedia - http://www.ecoeco.org/education_encyclopedia.php The academic journal, Ecological Economics - http://www.elsevier.com/locate/ecolecon The US Society of Ecological Economics - http://www.ussee.org/ The Beijer International Institute for Ecological Economics - http://www.beijer.kva.se/ Green Economist website: http://www.greeneconomist.org/ Sustainable Prosperity - http://sustainableprosperity.ca/ World Resources Forum - http://www.worldresourcesforum.org The Gund Institute of Ecological Economics - http://www.uvm.edu/giee Ecological Economics at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute - http://www.economics.rpi.edu/ecological.html An ecological economics article about reconciling economics and its supporting ecosystem - http://www.fs.fed. us/eco/s21pre.htm "Economics in a Full World", by Herman E. Daly - http://sef.umd.edu/files/ScientificAmerican_Daly_05.pdf Steve Charnovitz, "Living in an Ecolonomy: Environmental Cooperation and the GATT," Kennedy School of Government, April 1994. NOAA Economics of Ecosystems Data & Products http://www.economics.noaa.gov/?goal=ecosystems

Ecotourism

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Ecotourism
Ecotourism is a form of tourism visiting fragile, pristine, and usually protected areas, intended as a low impact and often small scale alternative to standard commercial tourism. Its purpose may be to educate the traveler, to provide funds for ecological conservation, to directly benefit the economic development and political empowerment of local communities, or to foster respect for different cultures and for human rights. Since the 1980s ecotourism has been considered a critical endeavor by environmentalists, so that future generations may experience destinations relatively untouched by human intervention.[1] Several university programs use this description as the working definition of ecotourism.[2] Generally, ecotourism focuses on volunteering, or "voluntourism", personal growth and environmental sustainability. Ecotourism typically involves travel to destinations where flora, fauna, and cultural heritage are the primary attractions. One of the goals of ecotourism is to offer tourists insight into the impact of human beings on the environment, and to foster a greater appreciation of our natural habitats. Responsible ecotourism includes programs that minimize the negative aspects of conventional tourism on the environment and enhance the cultural integrity of local people. Therefore, in addition to evaluating environmental and cultural factors, an integral part of ecotourism is the promotion of recycling, energy efficiency, water conservation, and creation of economic opportunities for local communities.[3] For these reasons, ecotourism often appeals to environmental and social responsibility advocates.

Llano del Muerto waterfall in El Salvador

The Cedars in Lebanon

Criteria
Ecotourism is a form of tourism that involves visiting natural areasin the remote wilderness or urban environments. According to the definition and principles of ecotourism established by The International Ecotourism Society (TIES) in 1990, ecotourism is "Responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment and improves the well-being of local people." (TIES, 1990). Martha Honey, expands on the TIES definition by describing the seven characteristics of ecotourism, which are: Involves travel to natural destinations Minimizes impact Builds environmental awareness Provides direct financial benefits for conservation Provides financial benefits and empowerment for local people Respects local culture Supports human rights and democratic movements[4]

Lacandon Jungle in Mexico

Ecotourism
[5] [6]

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such as:

conservation of biological diversity and cultural diversity through ecosystem protection promotion of sustainable use of biodiversity, by providing jobs to local populations sharing of socio-economic benefits with local communities and indigenous peoples by having their informed consent and participation in the management of ecotourism enterprises tourism to unspoiled natural resources, with minimal impact on the environment being a primary concern. minimization of tourism's own environmental impact affordability and lack of waste in the form of luxury local culture, flora and fauna being the main attractions local people benefit from this form of tourism economically, often more than mass tourism Ecotourism Society Pakistan (ESP) explains "Ecotourism is a travel activity that ensures direct financial support to local people where tourism activities are being generated and enjoyed. It teaches travellers to respect local cultures of destinations where travellers are visiting. It supports small stakeholders to ensure that money must not go out from the local economies. It discourage mass tourism, mass constructions of hotels, tourism resorts and mass activities in fragile areas". For many countries, ecotourism is not simply a marginal activity to finance protection of the environment, but is a major industry of the national economy. For example, in Costa Rica, Ecuador, Nepal, Kenya, Madagascar and territories such as Antarctica, ecotourism represents a significant portion of the gross domestic product and economic activity.[5] [7]
Fernando de Noronha in Brazil

Gnus and zebras in the Masai Mara park reserve in Kenya.

Ecotourism is often misinterpreted as any form of tourism that involves nature Jungle tourism. In reality, many ecotourism activities often Wolin National Park, Poland consist of placing a hotel in a splendid landscape, to the detriment of the ecosystem. According to them, ecotourism must above all sensitize people to the beauty and the fragility of nature. They condemn some operators as greenwashing their operations: using the labels of "green" and "eco-friendly, while behaving in environmentally irresponsible ways. Although academics disagree about who can be classified as an ecotourist and there is little statistical data, some estimate that more than five million ecotourists - the majority of the ecotourist population - come from the United States, with many others from Western Europe, Canada and Australia.[5] Currently, there are various moves to create national and international ecotourism accreditation programs, although the process is also controversial.[8] National ecotourism certification programs have been put in place in countries such as Costa Rica, Australia, Kenya and Sweden.

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History
Hector Ceballos-Lascurain popularized (and he would say coined) the term 'ecotourism' in July 1983, when he was performing the dual role of Director General of Standards and Technology of SEDUE (the Mexican Ministry of Urban Development and Ecology) and founding president of PRONATURA (an influential Mexican conservationist NGO). PRONATURA was lobbying for the conservation of the wetlands in northern Yucatn as breeding and feeding habitats of the American Flamingo.[9] [10] Others claim the term was in use earlier: Claus-Dieter (Nick) Hetzer, an academic and adventurer from Forum International in Berkeley, CA, coined the term in 1965 and ran the first ecotours in the Yucatn during the early 1970s.[11] Ecotourism, responsible tourism, jungle tourism, and sustainable An elephant safari through the Jaldapara Wildlife Sanctuary in West Bengal, India development have become prevalent concepts since the mid 1980s, and ecotourism has experienced arguably the fastest growth of all sub-sectors in the tourism industry. The popularity represents a change in tourist perceptions, increased environmental awareness, and a desire to explore natural environments.[3] At times, such changes become as much a statement affirming one's social identity, educational sophistication, and disposable income as it has about preserving the Amazon rainforest or the Caribbean reef for posterity.[5] However, in the continuum of tourism activities that stretch from conventional tourism to ecotourism proper, there has been a lot of contention to the limit at which biodiversity preservation, local social-economic benefits, and environmental impact can be considered "ecotourism". For this reason, environmentalists, special interest groups, and governments define ecotourism differently. Environmental organizations have generally insisted that ecotourism is nature-based, sustainably managed, conservation supporting, and environmentally educated.[5] [12] The tourist industry and governments, however, focus more on the product aspect, treating ecotourism as equivalent to any sort of tourism based in nature.[5] As a further complication, many terms are used under the rubric of ecotourism.[5] Nature tourism, low impact tourism, green tourism, bio-tourism, ecologically responsible tourism, and others have been used in literature and marketing, although they are not necessary synonymous with ecotourism.[5] The problems associated with defining ecotourism have led to confusion among tourists and academics . Definitional problems are also subject of considerable public controversy and concern because of green washing, a trend towards the commercialization of tourism schemes disguised as sustainable, nature based, and environmentally friendly ecotourism.[5] According to McLaren,[5] these schemes are environmentally destructive, economically exploitative, and culturally insensitive at its worst. They are also morally disconcerting because they mislead tourists and manipulate their concerns for the environment.[13] The development and success of such large scale, energy intensive, and ecologically unsustainable schemes are a testament to the tremendous profits associated with being labeled as ecotourism.

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Improving sustainability
Regulation and accreditation
Because the regulation of ecotourism is poorly implemented or nonexistent, ecologically destructive green washed operations like underwater hotels, helicopter tours, and wildlife theme parks are categorized as ecotourism along with canoeing, camping, photography, and wildlife observation. The failure to acknowledge responsible, low impact ecotourism puts these companies at a competitive disadvantage. Many environmentalists have argued for a global standard of accreditation, differentiating ecotourism companies based on their level of environmental commitment. A national or international regulatory board would enforce accreditation procedures, with representation from various groups including governments, hotels, tour operators, travel agents, guides, airlines, local authorities, conservation organizations, and non-governmental organizations.[14] The decisions of the board would be sanctioned by governments, so that non-compliant companies would be legally required to disassociate themselves from the use of the ecotourism brand. Crinion suggests a Green Stars System, based on criteria including a management plan, benefit for the local community, small group interaction, education value and staff training.[8] Ecotourists who consider their choices would be confident of a genuine ecotourism experience when they see the higher star rating. In addition, environmental impact assessments could be used as a form of accreditation. Feasibility is evaluated from a scientific basis, and recommendations could be made to optimally plan infrastructure, set tourist capacity, and manage the ecology. This form of accreditation is more sensitive to site specific conditions.

Guidelines and education

An environmental protection strategy must address the issue of ecotourists removed from the cause-and-effect of their actions on the environment. More initiatives should be carried out to improve their awareness, sensitize them to environmental issues, and care about the places they visit.[5] Tour guides are an obvious and direct medium to communicate awareness. With the confidence of ecotourists and intimate knowledge of the environment, they can actively discuss conservation issues. A tour guide training program in Costa Rica's Tortuguero National Park has helped mitigate negative environmental impacts by providing information and regulating tourists on the parks' beaches used by nesting endangered sea turtles.[15]

Small scale, slow growth and local control

The underdevelopment theory of tourism describes a new form of imperialism by multinational corporations that control ecotourism resources. These corporations finance and profit from the development of large scale ecotourism that causes excessive environmental degradation, loss of traditional culture and way of life, and exploitation of local labor. In Zimbabwe and Nepal's Annapurna region, where underdevelopment is taking place, more than 90 percent of ecotourism revenues are expatriated to the parent countries, and less than 5 percent go into local communities.[16] The lack of sustainability highlights the need for small scale, slow growth, and locally based ecotourism. Local peoples have a vested interest in the well being of their community, and are therefore more accountable to environmental protection than multinational corporations. The lack of control, westernization, adverse impacts to the environment, loss of culture and traditions outweigh the benefits of establishing large scale ecotourism. The increased contributions of communities to locally managed ecotourism create viable economic opportunities, including high level management positions, and reduce environmental issues associated with poverty and unemployment. Because the ecotourism experience is marketed to a different lifestyle from large scale ecotourism, the development of facilities and infrastructure does not need to conform to corporate Western tourism standards, and can be much simpler and less expensive. There is a greater multiplier effect on the economy, because local products, materials, and labor are used. Profits accrue locally and import leakages are reduced.[17] However, even this form of tourism may require foreign investment for promotion or start up. When such investments are required,

Ecotourism it is crucial for communities for find a company or non-governmental organization that reflects the philosophy of ecotourism; sensitive to their concerns and willing to cooperate at the expense of profit. The basic assumption of the multiplier effect is that the economy starts off with unused resources, for example, that many workers are cyclically unemployed and much of industrial capacity is sitting idle or incompletely utilized. By increasing demand in the economy it is then possible to boost production. If the economy was already at full employment, with only structural, frictional, or other supply-side types of unemployment, any attempt to boost demand would only lead to inflation. For various laissez-faire schools of economics which embrace Say's Law and deny the possibility of Keynesian inefficiency and under-employment of resources, therefore, the multiplier concept is irrelevant or wrong-headed. As an example, consider the government increasing its expenditure on roads by $1 million, without a corresponding increase in taxation. This sum would go to the road builders, who would hire more workers and distribute the money as wages and profits. The households receiving these incomes will save part of the money and spend the rest on consumer goods. These expenditures in turn will generate more jobs, wages, and profits, and so on with the income and spending circulating around the economy. The multiplier effect arises because of the induced increases in consumer spending which occur due to the increased incomes and because of the feedback into increasing business revenues, jobs, and income again. This process does not lead to an economic explosion not only because of the supply-side barriers at potential output (full employment) but because at each "round", the increase in consumer spending is less than the increase in consumer incomes. That is, the marginal propensity to consume (mpc) is less than one, so that each round some extra income goes into saving, leaking out of the cumulative process. Each increase in spending is thus smaller than that of the previous round, preventing an explosion.Ecotourism has to be implemented with care.

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Natural resource management

Natural resource management can be utilized as a specialized tool for the development of eco-tourism. There are several places throughout the world where the amount of natural resources are abundant. But, with human encroachment and habitats these resources are depleting. Without knowing the proper utilization of certain resources they are destroyed and floral and faunal species are becoming extinct. Ecotourism programmes can be introduced for the conservation of these resources. Several plans and proper management programmes can be introduced so that these resources remain untouched. Several organizations, NGO's, scientists are working on this field. Natural resources of hill areas like Kurseong in West Bengal are plenty in number with various flora and fauna, but tourism for business purpose poised the situation. Researcher from Jadavpur University presently working in this area for the develeopment of eco-tourism which can be utilized as a tool for natural resource management. In South-East Asia government and Non-Government Organisations are working together with academics and industry operators to spread the economic benefits of tourism into the kampungs and villages of the region. A recently formed alliance, the South-East Asian Tourism Organisation - SEATO is bringing together these diverse players to allay resource management concerns.

Criticism
Negative impact of tourism
Ecotourism has become one of the fastest-growing sectors of the tourism industry, growing annually by 10-15% worldwide (Miller, 2007). One definition of ecotourism is "the practice of low-impact, educational, ecologically and culturally sensitive travel that benefits local communities and host countries" (Honey, 1999). Many of the ecotourism projects are not meeting these standards. Even if some of the guidelines are being executed, the local communities are still facing other negative impacts. South Africa is one of the countries that are reaping significant economic benefits from ecotourism, but negative effects - including forcing people to leave their homes, gross violations of fundamental rights, and environmental hazards - far outweigh the medium-term economic benefits (Miller, 2007). A

Ecotourism tremendous amount of money is being spent and human resources continue to be used for ecotourism despite unsuccessful outcomes, and even more money is put into public relation campaigns to dilute the effects of criticism. Ecotourism channels resources away from other projects that could contribute more sustainable and realistic solutions to pressing social and environmental problems. "The money tourism can generate often ties parks and managements to eco-tourism" (Walpole et al. 2001). But there is a tension in this relationship because eco-tourism often causes conflict and changes in land-use rights, fails to deliver promises of community-level benefits, damages environments, and has plenty of other social impacts. Indeed many argue repeatedly that eco-tourism is neither ecologically nor socially beneficial, yet it persists as a strategy for conservation and development (West, 2006). While several studies are being done on ways to improve the ecotourism structure, some argue that these examples provide rationale for stopping it altogether. The ecotourism system exercises tremendous financial and political influence. The evidence above shows that a strong case exists for restraining such activities in certain locations. Funding could be used for field studies aimed at finding alternative solutions to tourism and the diverse problems Africa faces in result of urbanization, industrialization, and the over exploitation of agriculture (Kamuaro, 2007). At the local level, ecotourism has become a source of conflict over control of land, resources, and tourism profits. In this case, ecotourism has harmed the environment and local people, and has led to conflicts over profit distribution. In a perfect world more efforts would be made towards educating tourists of the environmental and social effects of their travels. Very few regulations or laws stand in place as boundaries for the investors in ecotourism. These should be implemented to prohibit the promotion of unsustainable ecotourism projects and materials which project false images of destinations, demeaning local and indigenous cultures.

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Direct environmental impacts

Ecotourism operations occasionally fail to live up to conservation ideals. It is sometimes overlooked that ecotourism is a highly consumer-centered activity, and that environmental conservation is a means to further economic growth.[18] Although ecotourism is intended for small groups, even a modest increase in population, however temporary, puts extra pressure on the local environment and necessitates the development of additional infrastructure and amenities. The construction of water treatment plants, sanitation facilities, and lodges come with the exploitation of non-renewable energy sources and the utilization of already limited local resources.[19] The conversion of natural land to such tourist infrastructure is implicated in deforestation and habitat deterioration of butterflies in Mexico and squirrel monkeys in Costa Rica.[20] In other cases, the environment suffers because local communities are unable to meet the infrastructure demands of ecotourism. The lack of adequate sanitation facilities in many East African parks results in the disposal of campsite sewage in rivers, contaminating the wildlife, livestock, and people who draw drinking water from it.[5] Aside from environmental degradation with tourist infrastructure, population pressures from ecotourism also leaves behind garbage and pollution associated with the Western lifestyle.[21] Although ecotourists claim to be educationally sophisticated and environmentally concerned, they rarely understand the ecological consequences of their visits and how their day-to-day activities append physical impacts on the environment. As one scientist observes, they "rarely acknowledge how the meals they eat, the toilets they flush, the water they drink, and so on, are all part of broader regional economic and ecological systems they are helping to reconfigure with their very activities."[5] Nor do ecotourists recognize the great consumption of non-renewable energy required to arrive at their destination, which is typically more remote than conventional tourism destinations. For instance, an exotic journey to a place 10,000 kilometers away consumes about 700 liters of fuel per person.[22] Ecotourism activities are, in of itself, issues in environmental impact because they disturb fauna and flora. Ecotourists believe that because they are only taking pictures and leaving footprints, they keep ecotourism sites pristine, but even harmless sounding activities such as a nature hike can be ecologically destructive. In the Annapurna Circuit in Nepal, ecotourists have worn down the marked trails and created alternate routes, contributing to soil impaction, erosion, and plant damage.[5] Where the ecotourism activity involves wildlife viewing, it can scare away animals, disrupt their feeding and nesting sites,[5] or acclimate them to the presence of people.[5] In Kenya,

Ecotourism wildlife-observer disruption drives cheetahs off their reserves, increasing the risk of inbreeding and further endangering the species.[5]

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Environmental hazards
The industrialization, urbanization, and unsustainable agriculture practices of human society are considered to be having a serious effect on the environment. Ecotourism is now also considered to be playing a role in this depletion. While the term ecotourism may sound relatively benign, one of its most serious impacts is its consumption of virgin territories (Kamuaro, 2007). These invasions often include deforestation, disruption of ecological life systems and various forms of pollution, all of which contribute to environmental degradation. The number of motor vehicles crossing the park increases as tour drivers search for rare species. The number of roads has disrupted the grass cover which has serious effects on plant and animal species. These areas also have a higher rate of disturbances and invasive species because of all the traffic moving off the beaten path into new undiscovered areas (Kamuaro, 2007). Ecotourism also has an effect on species through the value placed on them. "Certain species have gone from being little known or valued by local people to being highly valued commodities. The commodification of plants may erase their social value and lead to overproduction within protected areas. Local people and their images can also be turned into commodities" (West, 2006). Kamuaro brings up a relatively obvious contradiction, any commercial venture into unspoiled, pristine land with or without the "eco" prefix as a contradiction in terms. To generate revenue you have to have a high number of traffic, tourists, which inevitably means a higher pressure on the environment.

Local people
Most forms of ecotourism are owned by foreign investors and corporations that provide few benefits to local communities. An overwhelming majority of profits are put into the pockets of investors instead of reinvestment into the local economy or environmental protection. The limited numbers of local people who are employed in the economy enter at its lowest level, and are unable to live in tourist areas because of meager wages and a two market system.[5] In some cases, the resentment by local people results in environmental degradation. As a highly publicized case, the Maasai nomads in Kenya killed wildlife in national parks to show aversion to unfair compensation terms and displacement from traditional lands.[17] The lack of economic opportunities for local people also constrains them to degrade the environment as a means of sustenance.[5] The presence of affluent ecotourists encourage the development of destructive markets in wildlife souvenirs, such as the sale of coral trinkets on tropical islands and animal products in Asia, contributing to illegal harvesting and poaching from the environment. In Suriname, sea turtle reserves use a very large portion of their budget to guard against these destructive activities.

Displacement of people
One of the most powerful examples of communities being moved in order to create a park is the story of the Maasai. About 70% of national parks and game reserves in East Africa are on Maasai land (Kamuaro, 2007). The first undesirable impact of tourism was that of the extent of land lost from the Maasai culture. Local and national governments took advantage of the Maasais ignorance on the situation and robbed them of huge chunks of grazing land, putting to risk their only socio-economic livelihood. In Kenya the Maasai also have not gained any economic benefits. Despite the loss of their land, employment favours better educated workers. Furthermore the investors in this area are not local and have not put profits back into local economy. In some cases game reserves can be created without informing or consulting local people, who come to find out about the situation when an eviction notice is delivered (Kamuaro, 2007). Another source of resentment is the manipulation of the local people by their government. "Eco-tourism works to create simplistic images of local people and their uses and understandings of their surroundings. Through the lens of these simplified images, officials direct policies and projects towards the local people and the local people are blamed if the projects fail" (West, 2006). Clearly tourism as a trade is not

Ecotourism empowering the local people who make it rich and satisfying. Instead ecotourism exploits and depletes, particularly in African Maasai tribes. It has to be reoriented if it is to be useful to local communities and to become sustainable (Kamuaro, 2007).

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Threats to indigenous cultures

Ecotourism often claims that it preserves and "enhances" local cultures. However, evidence shows that with the establishment of protected areas local people have illegally lost their homes, and most often with no compensation (Kamuaro, 2007). Pushing people onto marginal lands with harsh climates, poor soils, lack of water, and infested with livestock and disease does little to enhance livelihoods even when a proportion of ecotourism profits are directed back into the community. The establishment of parks can create harsh survival realities and deprive the people of their traditional use of land and natural resources. Ethnic groups are increasingly being seen as a "backdrop" to the scenery and wildlife. The local people struggle for cultural survival and freedom of cultural expression while being "observed" by tourists. Local indigenous people also have strong resentment towards the change, "Tourism has been allowed to develop with virtually no controls. Too many lodges have been built, too much firewood is being used and no limits are being placed on tourism vehicles. They regularly drive off-track and harass the wildlife. Their vehicle tracks cris-cross the entire Masai Mara. Inevitably the bush is becoming eroded and degraded" (Kamuaro, 2007).

Mismanagement
While governments are typically entrusted with the administration and enforcement of environmental protection, they often lack the commitment or capability to manage ecotourism sites effectively. The regulations for environmental protection may be vaguely defined, costly to implement, hard to enforce, and uncertain in effectiveness.[23] Government regulatory agencies, as political bodies, are susceptible to making decisions that spend budget on politically beneficial but environmentally unproductive projects. Because of prestige and conspicuousness, the construction of an attractive visitor's center at an ecotourism site may take precedence over more pressing environmental concerns like acquiring habitat, protecting endemic species, and removing invasive ones.[5] Finally, influential groups can pressure and sway the interests of the government to their favor. The government and its regulators can become vested in the benefits of the ecotourism industry which they are supposed to regulate, causing restrictive environmental regulations and enforcement to become more lenient. Management of ecotourism sites by private ecotourism companies offers an alternative to the cost of regulation and deficiency of government agencies. It is believed that these companies have a self interest in limited environmental degradation, because tourists will pay more for pristine environments, which translates to higher profit. However, theory indicates that this practice is not economically feasible and will fail to manage the environment. The model of monopolistic competition states that distinctiveness will entail profits, but profits will promote imitation. A company that protects its ecotourism sites is able to charge a premium for the novel experience and pristine environment. But when other companies view the success of this approach, they also enter the market with similar practices, increasing competition and reducing demand. Eventually, the demand will be reduced until the economic profit is zero. A cost-benefit analysis shows that the company bears the cost of environmental protection without receiving the gains. Without economic incentive, the whole premise of self interest through environmental protection is quashed; instead, ecotourism companies will minimize environment related expenses and maximize tourism demand.[5] The tragedy of the commons offers another model for economic unsustainability from environmental protection, in ecotourism sites utilized by many companies.[24] Although there is a communal incentive to protect the environment, maximizing the benefits in the long run, a company will conclude that it is in their best interest to utilize the ecotourism site beyond its sustainable level. By increasing the number of ecotourists, for instance, a company gains all the economic benefit while paying only a part of the environmental cost. In the same way, a company recognizes

Ecotourism that there is no incentive to actively protect the environment; they bear all the costs, while the benefits are shared by all other companies. The result, again, is mismanagement. Taken together, the mobility of foreign investment and lack of economic incentive for environmental protection means that ecotourism companies are disposed to establishing themselves in new sites once their existing one is sufficiently degraded.

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References
[1] Honey ,Martha (2008). Ecotourism and Sustainable Development: Who Owns Paradise? (Second ed.). Washington, DC: Island Press. p.33. ISBN 1597261254 ISBN 978-1597261258. [2] Untamed Path Defining Ecotourism (http:/ / www. untamedpath. com/ Ecotourism/ defining. html). Retrieved on 2009-03-24. [3] Randall, A. (1987). Resource economics, Second Edition. New York, USA: John Wiley and Sons. [4] also to do with social sustainability

Honey, Martha (2008). Ecotourism and Sustainable Development: Who Owns Paradise? (Second ed.). Washington, DC: Island Press. pp.2931. ISBN 1597261254 ISBN 978-1597261258.
[5] Tuohino, A., and A. Hynonen (2001). Ecotourism - imagery and reality. Reflections on concepts and practices in Finnish rural tourism. Nordia Geographical Publications. pp.30(4):2134. [6] Wight, P.A. (1993). Ecotourism: Ethics or Eco-sell. Journal of Travel Research. pp.31(3):39. [7] Eadington, W.R., and V.L. Smith (1992). The emergence of alternative forms of tourism, in Tourism Alternatives: Potentials and Problems in the Development of Tourism. Pennsylvania, USA: University of Pennsylvania Press. [8] Crinion, D. (1998). South Australian tourism strategy and the role of ecotourism. Adelaide, Australia: Down to Earth planning for an out-of-the-ordinary industry, presented at the South Australian Ecotourism Forum. [9] "Hector Ceballos-Lascurain" (http:/ / www. planeta. com/ ecotravel/ weaving/ hectorceballos. html). Planeta. . Retrieved 2010-12-09. [10] . "Conversation with Hector Ceballos-Lascurain" (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=WOwV4LD_Amc). YouTube. . Retrieved 2010-12-09. [11] The Encyclopedia of Ecotourism, Cabi Publishing [12] Buckley, R. (1994). Research Note, a framework for ecotourism. Annals of Tourism Research. pp.21(3):661669. [13] Bar kin, D. (2002). Eco tourism for sustainable regional development. Current Issues in Tourism. pp.5(34):245253. [14] Elper-Wood, M. (1998). Ecotourism at a Crossroads: charting the way forward. Nairobi, Kenya: The final report from the Conference of Ecotourism at the Crossroads. [15] Jacobson, S.K., and R. Robles (1998). Ecotourism, sustainable development, and conservation education: development of a tour guide training program in Tortuguero, Costa Rica. Environmental Management. pp.16(6):701713. [16] Ziffer, K. (1989). Ecotourism: the uneasy alliance. Conservation International/Ernst and Young. [17] Cater, E. (1994). Cater, E., and G. Lowman. ed. Ecotourism in the third world - problems and prospects for sustainability, in Ecotourism: a sustainable option?. United Kingdom: John Wiley and Sons. [18] Kamauro, O. (1996). Ecotourism: Suicide or Development? Voices from Africa #6: Sustainable Development, UN Non-Governmental Liaison Service. United Nations News Service. [19] Vivanco, L. (2002). Ecotourism, Paradise lost - A Thai case study. The Ecologist. pp.32(2):2830. [20] Isaacs, J.C. (2000). The limited potential of ecotourism to contribute to wildlife conservation. The Ecologist. pp.28(1):6169. [21] McLaren, D. (1998). Rethinking tourism and ecotravel: the paving of paradise and what you can do to stop it. West Hartford, Connecticut, USA: Kamarian Press. [22] Mellgren, Doug (2007-05-16). "Travel Experts See Worrisome Downside to Ecotourism" (http:/ / www. enn. com/ today. html?id=12778). Associated Press. . Retrieved 2007-05-21. [23] Baumol, W.J., and W.E. Oates (1977). Economics, environmental policy, and quality of life. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, USA: Prentice Hall. [24] Hardin, G. (1968). The tragedy of the commons. Science. pp.162:12431248.

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Further reading
Burger, J. 2000. Landscapes, tourism, and conservation. Science of the Total Environment. 249 (1-3): 39-49. Ceballos-Lascurain, H. 1996. Tourism, Ecotourism, and Protected Areas. IUCN. The International Union for the Conservation of Nature. 301 pp. Ceballos-Lascurain, H. 1998. Ecoturismo. Naturaleza y Desarrollo Sostenible. Editorial Diana. 185 pp. Duffy, R. 2000. Shadow players: ecotourism development, corruption and state politics in Belize. Third world quarterly, 21(3): 549-565. Gutzwiller, K. J. y S. H. Anderson, 1999. Spatial extent of human-intrusion effects on subalpine bird distributions. Condor 101 (2): 378-389. Nowaczek, A. "Ecotourism: Principles and Practices" Annals of Tourism Research 37.1 (2010):270-271. Orams, M. B. 2000, Tourist getting close to whales, is it what whale watching is all about? Tourist Management, 21(6): 562-569. Reguero Oxinalde, M. del. 1995. Ecoturismo. Nuevas formas de turismo en el espacio rural. Ed. Bosch Turismo Scheyvens, R., 1999, Ecotourism and the empowerment of local communities. Tourism management, 20: 245-249. Weaver, D. B. 1998. Ecotourism in the less developed world. C.A.B. Int. Pbl. 288 pp. [ISBN]

External links
Ecotourism travel guide from Wikitravel Ecotourism (http://www.dmoz.org/Recreation/Travel/Specialty_Travel/Ecotourism/) at the Open Directory Project

Organic farming
Organic farming is the form of agriculture that relies on techniques such as crop rotation, green manure, compost and biological pest control to maintain soil productivity and control pests on a farm. Organic farming uses fertilizers and pesticides but excludes or strictly limits the use of manufactured(synthetic) fertilizers, pesticides (which include herbicides, insecticides and fungicides), plant growth regulators such as hormones, livestock antibiotics, food additives, and genetically modified organisms.[1] Organic agricultural methods are internationally regulated and legally enforced by many nations, based in large part on the standards set by the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM), an international umbrella organization for organic farming organizations established in 1972.[2] IFOAM defines the overarching goal of organic farming as: "Organic agriculture is a production system that sustains the health of soils, ecosystems and people. It relies on ecological processes, biodiversity and cycles adapted to local conditions, rather than the use of inputs with adverse effects. Organic agriculture combines tradition, innovation and science to benefit the shared environment and promote fair relationships and a good quality of life for all involved.." International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements[3] Since 1990, the market for organic products has grown from nothing, reaching $55 billion in 2009 according to Organic Monitor (www.organicmonitor.com). This demand has driven a similar increase in organically managed farmland. Approximately unknown operator: u',' hectares (unknown operator: u'strong' acres) worldwide are now farmed organically, representing approximately 0.9 percent of total world farmland (2009) (see Willer/Kilcher 2011).

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History
Organic farming (of many particular kinds) was the original type of agriculture, and has been practiced for thousands of years. After the industrial revolution had introduced inorganic methods, some of which were not well developed and had serious side effects, an organic movement began in the mid-1920s in Central Europe through the work of Rudolf Steiner,[4] who created biodynamic agriculture, an early version of organic agriculture.[5] [6] [7] Organic agriculture was independently developed in the 1940s England through the work of Albert Howard as a reaction to agriculture's growing reliance on synthetic fertilizers.[8] Artificial fertilizers had been created during the 18th century, initially with superphosphates and then ammonia-based fertilizers mass-produced using the Haber-Bosch process developed during World War I. These early fertilizers were cheap, powerful, and easy to transport in bulk. Similar advances occurred in chemical pesticides in the 1940s, leading to the decade being referred to as the 'pesticide era'.[9] Although organic farming is prehistoric in the widest sense, Sir Albert Howard is widely considered to be the "father of organic farming" in the sense that he was a key founder of the post-industrial-revolution organic movement.[10] Further work was done by J.I. Rodale in the United States, Lady Eve Balfour in the United Kingdom, and many others across the world. The first lectures and publications on organic agriculture stem from Rudolf Steiner, however, whose Lectures on Agriculture were published in 1925.[8] [11] The modern organic movement is a revival movement in the sense that it seeks to restore balance that was lost when technology grew rapidly in the 19th and 20th centuries. Modern organic farming has made up only a fraction of total agricultural output from its beginning until today. Increasing environmental awareness in the general population has transformed the originally supply-driven movement to a demand-driven one. Premium prices and some government subsidies attracted farmers. In the developing world, many producers farm according to traditional methods which are comparable to organic farming but are not certified. In other cases, farmers in the developing world have converted for economic reasons.[12]

Methods
"An organic farm, properly speaking, is not one that uses certain methods and substances and avoids others; it is a farm whose structure is formed in imitation of the structure of a natural system that has the integrity, the independence and the benign dependence of an organism" Wendell Berry, "The Gift of Good Land"

Soil management
Plants need nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium, as well as micronutrients and Organic cultivation of mixed vegetables in Capay, California. Note the hedgerow symbiotic relationships with fungi and other in the background. organisms to flourish, but getting enough nitrogen, and particularly synchronization so that plants get enough nitrogen at the right time (when plants need it most), is likely the greatest challenge for organic farmers.[13] Crop rotation and green manure ("cover crops") help to provide nitrogen through legumes (more precisely, the Fabaceae family) which fix nitrogen from the atmosphere through symbiosis with rhizobial bacteria. Intercropping, which is sometimes used for insect and disease control, can

Organic farming also increase soil nutrients, but the competition between the legume and the crop can be problematic and wider spacing between crop rows is required. Crop residues can be ploughed back into the soil, and different plants leave different amounts of nitrogen, potentially aiding synchronization.[13] Organic farmers also use animal manure, certain processed fertilizers such as seed meal and various mineral powders such as rock phosphate and greensand, a naturally occurring form of potash which provides potassium. Together these methods help to control erosion. In some cases pH may need to be amended. Natural pH amendments include lime and sulfur, but in the U.S. some compounds such as iron sulfate, aluminum sulfate, magnesium sulfate, and soluble boron products are allowed in organic farming.[14] :43 Mixed farms with both livestock and crops can operate as ley farms, whereby the land gathers fertility through growing nitrogen-fixing forage grasses such as white clover or alfalfa and grows cash crops or cereals when fertility is established. Farms without livestock ("stockless") may find it more difficult to maintain fertility, and may rely more on external inputs such as imported manure as well as grain legumes and green manures, although grain legumes may fix limited nitrogen because they are harvested. Horticultural farms growing fruits and vegetables which operate in protected conditions are often even more reliant upon external inputs.[13] Biological research on soil and soil organisms has proven beneficial to organic farming. Varieties of bacteria and fungi break down chemicals, plant matter and animal waste into productive soil nutrients. In turn, they produce benefits of healthier yields and more productive soil for future crops.[15] Fields with less or no manure display significantly lower yields, due to decreased soil microbe community, providing a healthier, more arable soil system.[16]

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Weed management
Organic weed management promotes weed suppression, rather than weed elimination, by enhancing crop competition and phytotoxic effects on weeds.[17] Organic farmers integrate cultural, biological, mechanical, physical and chemical tactics to manage weeds without synthetic herbicides. Organic standards require rotation of annual crops,[18] meaning that a single crop cannot be grown in the same location without a different, intervening crop. Organic crop rotations frequently include weed-suppressive cover crops and crops with dissimilar life cycles to discourage weeds associated with a particular crop.[17] Organic farmers strive to increase soil organic matter content, which can support microorganisms that destroy common weed seeds.[19] Other cultural practices used to enhance crop competitiveness and reduce weed pressure include selection of competitive crop varieties, high-density planting, tight row spacing, and late planting into warm soil to encourage rapid crop germination.[17] Mechanical and physical weed control practices used on organic farms can be broadly grouped as:[20] Tillage - Turning the soil between crops to incorporate crop residues and soil amendments; remove existing weed growth and prepare a seedbed for planting; Cultivation - Disturbing the soil after seeding; Mowing and cutting - Removing top growth of weeds; Flame weeding and thermal weeding - Using heat to kill weeds; and Mulching - Blocking weed emergence with organic materials, plastic films, or landscape fabric.[21] Some naturally sourced chemicals are allowed for herbicidal use. These include certain formulations of acetic acid (concentrated vinegar), corn gluten meal, and essential oils. A few selective bioherbicides based on fungal pathogens have also been developed. At this time, however, organic herbicides and bioherbicides play a minor role in the organic weed control toolbox.[20] Weeds can be controlled by grazing. For example, geese have been used successfully to weed a range of organic crops including cotton, strawberries, tobacco, and corn,[22] reviving the practice of keeping cotton patch geese,

Organic farming common in the southern U.S. before the 1950s. Similarly, some rice farmers introduce ducks and fish to wet paddy fields to eat both weeds and insects.[23]

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Controlling other organisms

Organisms aside from weeds that cause problems on organic farms include arthropods (e.g., insects, mites), nematodes, fungi and bacteria. Organic farmers use a wide range of Integrated Pest Management practices to prevent pests and diseases. These include, but are not limited to, crop rotation and nutrient management; sanitation to remove pest habitat; provision of habitat for beneficial organisms; selection of pest-resistant crops and animals; crop protection using physical barriers, such as row covers; and crop diversification through companion planting or establishment of polycultures. Organic farmers often depend on biological pest control, the use of beneficial organisms to reduce pest populations. Examples of beneficial insects include minute pirate bugs, big-eyed bugs, and to a lesser extent ladybugs (which tend to fly away), all of which eat a wide range of pests. Lacewings are also effective, but tend to fly away. Praying mantis tend to move more slowly and eat less heavily. Parasitoid wasps tend to be effective for their selected prey, but like all small insects can be less effective outdoors because the wind controls their movement. Predatory mites are effective for controlling other mites.[14] :66-90 When these practices are insufficient to prevent or control pests an organic farmer may apply a pesticide. With some exceptions, naturally occurring pesticides are allowed for use on organic farms, and synthetic substances are prohibited. Pesticides with different modes of action should be rotated to minimize development of pesticide resistance. Naturally derived insecticides allowed for use on organic farms use include Bacillus thuringiensis (a bacterial toxin), pyrethrum (a chrysanthemum extract), spinosad (a bacterial metabolite), neem (a tree extract) and rotenone (a legume root extract). These are sometimes called green pesticides because they are generally, but not necessarily, safer and more environmentally friendly than synthetic pesticides.[14] :92 Rotenone and pyrethrum are particularly controversial because they work by attacking the nervous system, like most conventional insecticides. Fewer than 10% of organic farmers use these pesticides regularly; one survey found that only 5.3% of vegetable growers in California use rotenone while 1.7% use pyrethrum (Lotter 2003:26). Naturally derived fungicides allowed for use on organic farms include the bacteria Bacillus subtilis and Bacillus pumilus; and the fungus Trichoderma harzianum. These are mainly effective for diseases affecting roots. Agricultural Research Service scientists have found that caprylic acid, a naturally occurring fatty acid in milk and coconuts, as well as other natural plant extracts have antimicrobial characteristics that can help.[24] Compost tea contains a mix of beneficial microbes, which may attack or out-compete certain plant pathogens,[25] but variability among formulations and preparation methods may contribute to inconsistent results or even dangerous growth of toxic microbes in compost teas.[26] Some naturally derived pesticides are not allowed for use on organic farms. These include nicotine sulfate, arsenic, and strychnine.[27] Synthetic pesticides allowed for use on organic farms include insecticidal soaps and horticultural oils for insect management; and Bordeaux mixture, copper hydroxide and sodium bicarbonate for managing fungi.[27]

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Genetic modification
A key characteristic of organic farming is the rejection of genetically engineered plants and animals. On October 19, 1998, participants at IFOAM's 12th Scientific Conference issued the Mar del Plata Declaration, where more than 600 delegates from over 60 countries voted unanimously to exclude the use of genetically modified organisms in food production and agriculture. Although opposition to the use of any transgenic technologies in organic farming is strong, agricultural researchers Luis Herrera-Estrella and Ariel Alvarez-Morales continue to advocate integration of transgenic technologies into organic farming as the optimal means to sustainable agriculture, particularly in the developing world.[28] Similarly, some organic farmers question the rationale behind the ban on the use of genetically engineered seed because they view this kind of biotechnology consistent with organic principles.[29] Although GMOs are excluded from organic farming, there is concern that the pollen from genetically modified crops is increasingly penetrating organic and heirloom seed stocks, making it difficult, if not impossible, to keep these genomes from entering the organic food supply. International trade restrictions limit the availability GMOs to certain countries. The hazards that genetic modification could pose to the environment are hotly contested.[30]

Standards
Standards regulate production methods and in some cases final output for organic agriculture. Standards may be voluntary or legislated. As early as the 1970s private associations certified organic producers. In the 1980s, governments began to produce organic production guidelines. In the 1990s, a trend toward legislated standards began, most notably with the 1991 EU-Eco-regulation developed for European Union,[31] which set standards for 12 countries, and a 1993 UK program. The EU's program was followed by a Japanese program in 2001, and in 2002 the U.S. created the National Organic Program (NOP).[32] As of 2007 over 60 countries regulate organic farming (IFOAM 2007:11). In 2005 IFOAM created the Principles of Organic Agriculture, an international guideline for certification criteria.[33] Typically the agencies accredit certification groups rather than individual farms. Organic production materials used in and foods are tested independently by the Organic Materials Review Institute.[34]

Composting
Under USDA organic standards, manure must be subjected to proper thermophilic composting and allowed to reach a sterilizing temperature. If raw animal manure is used, 120 days must pass before the crop is harvested if the final product comes into direct contact with the soil. For products which do not come into direct contact with soil, 90 days must pass prior to harvest.[35]

Economics
The economics of organic farming, a subfield of agricultural economics, encompasses the entire process and effects of organic farming in terms of human society, including social costs, opportunity costs, unintended consequences, information asymmetries, and economies of scale. Although the scope of economics is broad, agricultural economics tends to focus on maximizing yields and efficiency at the farm level. Economics takes an anthropocentric approach to the value of the natural world: biodiversity, for example, is considered beneficial only to the extent that it is valued by people and increases profits. Some entities such as the European Union subsidize organic farming, in large part because these countries want to account for the externalities of reduced water use, reduced water contamination, reduced soil erosion, reduced carbon emissions, increased biodiversity, and assorted other benefits that result from organic farming.

Organic farming Traditional organic farming is labor and knowledge-intensive whereas conventional farming is capital-intensive, requiring more energy and manufactured inputs.[36] Organic farmers in California have cited marketing as their greatest obstacle.[37]

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Geographic producer distribution

The markets for organic products are strongest in North America and Europe, which as of 2001 are estimated to have $6 and $8 billion respectively of the $20 billion global market (Lotter 2003:6). As of 2007 Australasia has 39% of the total organic farmland, including Australia's unknown operator: u',' hectares (unknown operator: u'strong' acres) but 97 percent of this land is sprawling rangeland (2007:35). US sales are 20x as much. (2003:7). Europe farms 23 percent of global organic farmland (6.9 million hectares), followed by Latin America with 19 percent (5.8 million hectares). Asia has 9.5 percent while North America has 7.2 percent. Africa has 3 percent.[38] Besides Australia, the countries with the most organic farmland are Argentina (3.1 million hectares), China (2.3 million hectares), and the United States (1.6 million hectares). Much of Argentina's organic farmland is pasture, like that of Australia (2007:42). Italy, Spain, Germany, Brazil (the world's largest agricultural exporter), Uruguay, and the UK follow the United States in the amount of organic land (2007:26).

Growth
As of 2001, the estimated market value of certified organic products was estimated to be $20 billion. By 2002 this was $23 billion and by 2007 more than $46 billion.[39] In recent years both Europe (2007: 7.8 million hectares, European Union: 7.2 million hectares) and North America (2007: 2.2 million hectares) have experienced strong growth in organic farmland. In the EU it grew by 21% in the period 2005 to 2008.[40] However, this growth has occurred under different conditions. While the European Union has shifted agricultural subsidies to organic farmers due to perceived environmental benefits, the United States has not,[41] continuing to subsidize some but not all traditional Organic farmland by world region (2000-2008) commercial crops, such as corn and sugar. As a result of this policy difference, as of 2008 4.1% percent of European Union farmland was organically managed compared to the 0.6 percent in the U.S.[39] IFOAM's most recent edition of The World of Organic Agriculture: Statistics and Emerging Trends 2009 lists the countries which had the most hectares in 2007. The country with the most organic land is Australia with more than 12 million hectares, followed by Argentina, Brazil and the US. In total 32.2 million hectares were under organic management in 2007. For 1999 11 million hectares of organically managed land are reported.[39] As organic farming becomes a major commercial force in agriculture, it is likely to gain increasing impact on national agricultural policies and confront some of the scaling challenges faced by conventional agriculture.[42]

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Productivity and profitability

Various studies find that versus conventional agriculture, organic crops yielded 91%,[43] or 95-100%,[44] along with 50% lower expenditure on fertilizer and energy, and 97% less pesticides,[45] or 100% for corn and soybean, consuming less energy and zero pesticides. The results were attributed to lower yields in average and good years but higher yields during drought years.[46] A 2007 study[47] compiling research from 293 different comparisons into a single study to assess the overall efficiency of the two agricultural systems has concluded that ...organic methods could produce enough food on a global per capita basis to sustain the current human population, and potentially an even larger population, without increasing the agricultural land base. (from the abstract) Converted organic farms have lower pre-harvest yields than their conventional counterparts in developed countries (92%) but higher than their low-intensity counterparts in developing countries (132%). This is due to relatively lower adoption of fertilizers and pesticides in the developing world compared to the intensive farming of the developed world.[48] Organic farms withstand severe weather conditions better than conventional farms, sometimes yielding 70-90% more than conventional farms during droughts.[49] Organic farms are more profitable in the drier states of the United States, likely due to their superior drought performance.[50] Organic farms survive hurricane damage much better, retaining 20 to 40% more topsoil and smaller economic losses at highly significant levels than their neighbors.[51] Contrary to widespread belief, organic farming can build up soil organic matter better than conventional no-till farming, which suggests long-term yield benefits from organic farming.[52] An 18-year study of organic methods on nutrient-depleted soil, concluded that conventional methods were superior for soil fertility and yield in a cold-temperate climate, arguing that much of the benefits from organic farming are derived from imported materials which could not be regarded as "self-sustaining".[53] Profitability The decreased cost of synthetic fertilizer and pesticide inputs, along with the higher prices that consumers pay for organic produce, contribute to increased profits. Organic farms have been consistently found to be as or more profitable than conventional farms. Without the price premium, profitability is mixed.[54] Organic production was more profitable in Wisconsin, given price premiums.[55] Sustainability (African case) In 2008 the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) stated that "organic agriculture can be more conducive to food security in Africa than most conventional production systems, and that it is more likely to be sustainable in the long-term"[56] and that "yields had more than doubled where organic, or near-organic practices had been used" and that soil fertility and drought resistance improved.[57]

Employment impact
Organic methods often require more labor than traditional farming, therefore it provides rural jobs.[58]

Externalities
Agriculture imposes negative externalities (uncompensated costs) upon society through land and other resource use, biodiversity loss, erosion, pesticides, nutrient runoff, water usage, subsidy payments and assorted other problems. Positive externalities include self-reliance, entrepreneurship, respect for nature, and air quality. Organic methods reduce some of these costs.[59] In 2000 uncompensated costs for 1996 reached 2,343 million British pounds or 208

Organic farming pounds per hectare.[60] In 2005 in the USA concluded that cropland costs the economy approximately 5 to 16 billion dollars ($30 to $96 per hectare), while livestock production costs 714 million dollars.[61] Both studies recommended reducing externalities. The 2000 review included reported pesticide poisonings but did not include speculative chronic health effects of pesticides, and the 2004 review relied on a 1992 estimate of the total impact of pesticides. It has been proposed that organic agriculture can reduce the level of some negative externalities from (conventional) agriculture. Whether the benefits are private or public depends upon the division of property rights.[62]

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Pesticides
Most organic farms largely avoid pesticides as opposed to conventional farms.[63] Some pesticides damage the environment or with direct exposure, human health. Children exposed to pesticides are of special concern. According to the National Academy of Sciences: "A fundamental maxim of pediatric medicine is that children are not little adults. Profound differences exist between children and adults. Infants and children are growing and developing. Their metabolic rates are more rapid than those of adults. There are differences in their ability to activate, detoxify, and excrete xenobiotic compounds. All these A sign outside of an organic apple orchard in Pateros, Washington reminding differences can affect the toxicity of orchardists not to spray pesticides on these trees. pesticides in infants and children, and for these reasons the toxicity of pesticides is frequently different in children and adults.[64] The five main pesticides used in organic farming are Bt (a bacterial toxin), pyrethrum, rotenone,[65] copper and sulphur.[66] Fewer than 10% of organic vegetable farmers acknowledge using these pesticides regularly; 5.3% of vegetable growers will admit rotenone use; while 1.7% admit pyrethrum use (Lotter 2003:26). Reduction and elimination of chemical pesticide use is technically challenging.[67] Organic pesticides often complement other pest control strategies. Ecological concerns primarily focus around pesticide use, as 16% of the world's pesticides are used in the production of cotton.[68] Runoff is one of the most damaging effects of pesticide use. The USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service tracks the environmental effects of water contamination and concluded, "the Nation's pesticide policies during the last twenty six years have succeeded in reducing overall environmental risk, in spite of slight increases in area planted and weight of pesticides applied. Nevertheless, there are still areas of the country where there is no evidence of progress, and areas where risk levels for protection of drinking water, fish, algae and crustaceans remain high".[69]
[70]

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Food quality and safety

Many studies have examined the relative quality and safety benefits of organic and conventional agricultural techniques. The results are diverse. Some find no significant differences. Others disagree. An example of the "no differences" school stated: No evidence of a difference in content of nutrients and other substances between organically and conventionally produced crops and livestock products was detected for the majority of nutrients assessed in this review suggesting that organically and conventionally produced crops and livestock products are broadly comparable in their nutrient content... There is no good evidence that increased dietary intake, of the nutrients identified in this review to be present in larger amounts in organically than in conventionally produced crops and livestock products, would be of benefit to individuals consuming a normal varied diet, and it is therefore unlikely that these differences in nutrient content are relevant to consumer health.[71] However, they also found that statistically significant differences between the composition of organic and conventional food were present for a few substances. "Organic products stand out as having higher levels of secondary plant compounds and vitamin C".[72] Organic kiwifruit had more antioxidants.[73] A review of potential health effects analysed eleven articles, concluding, "because of the limited and highly variable data available, and concerns over the reliability of some reported findings, there is currently no evidence of a health benefit from consuming organic compared to conventionally produced foodstuffs. It should be noted that this conclusion relates to the evidence base currently available on the nutrient content of foodstuffs, which contains limitations in the design and in the comparability of studies."[74] Individual studies have considered a variety of possible impacts, including pesticide residues.[75] Pesticide residues present a second channel for health effects.[76] [77] Comments include, "Organic fruits and vegetables can be expected to contain fewer agrochemical residues than conventionally grown alternatives; yet, "the significance of this difference is questionable"[75] and "It is intuitive to assume that children whose diets consist of organic food items would have a lower probability of neurologic health risks", and pesticide exposure brought an increased risk for ADHD in one study. Nitrate concentrations may be less, but the health impact of nitrates is debated. Lack of data has limited research on the health effects of natural plant pesticides and bacterial pathogens.[75] Consumption of organic milk was associated with a decrease in risk for eczema, although no comparable benefit was found for organic fruits, vegetables, or meat.[78] The higher cost of organic food (ranging from 45 to 200%) could inhibit consumption of the recommended 5 servings per day of vegetables and fruits, which improve health and reduce cancer regardless of their source.[75]

Clothing quality and safety

Recently, organic clothing has become widely available.

Soil conservation
In Dirt: The Erosion of Civilizations, geomorphologist David Montgomery outlines a coming crisis from soil erosion. Agriculture relies on roughly one meter of topsoil, and that is being depleted ten times faster than it is being replaced.[79] No-till farming, which some claim depends upon pesticides, is one way to minimize erosion. However, a recent study by the USDA's Agricultural Research Service has found that manure applications in tilled organic farming are better at building up the soil than no-till.[80] [81] [82]

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74

Climate change
Organic agriculture emphasizes closed nutrient cycles, biodiversity, and effective soil management providing the capacity to mitigate and even reverse the effects of climate change.[83] Organic agriculture can decrease fossil fuel emissions and, like any well managed agricultural system, sequesters carbon in the soil. The elimination of synthetic nitrogen in organic systems decreases fossil fuel consumption by 33 percent and carbon sequestration takes CO2 out of the atmosphere by putting it in the soil in the form of organic matter which is often lost in conventionally managed soils. Carbon sequestration occurs at especially high levels in organic no-till managed soil.[81] Agriculture has been undervalued and underestimated as a means to combat global climate change. Soil carbon data show that regenerative organic agricultural practices are among the most effective strategies for mitigating CO2emissions.[81]

Nutrient leaching
Excess nutrients in lakes, rivers, and groundwater can cause algal blooms, eutrophication, and subsequent dead zones. In addition, nitrates are harmful to aquatic organisms by themselves. The main contributor to this pollution is nitrate fertilizers whose use is expected to "double or almost triple by 2050".[84] Organically fertilizing fields "significantly [reduces] harmful nitrate leaching" over conventionally fertilized fields: "annual nitrate leaching was 4.4-5.6 times higher in conventional plots than organic plots".[85] The large dead zone in the Gulf of Mexico is caused in large part by agricultural runoff: a combination of fertilizer and livestock manure. Over half of the nitrogen released into the Gulf comes from agriculture. This increases costs for fishermen, as they must travel far from the coast to find fish.[86] Nitrogen leaching into the Danube River was substantially lower among organic farms. The resulting externalities could be neutralized by charging 1 euro per kg of released nitrogen.[87] Agricultural runoff and algae blooms are strongly linked in California.[88]

Biodiversity
A wide range of organisms benefit from organic farming, but it is unclear whether organic methods confer greater benefits than conventional integrated agri-environmental programs.[89] Nearly all non-crop, naturally occurring species observed in comparative farm land practice studies show a preference for organic farming both by abundance and diversity.[89] [90] An average of 30% more species inhabit organic farms.[91] Birds, butterflies, soil microbes, beetles, earthworms,[92] spiders, vegetation, and mammals are particularly affected. Lack of herbicides and pesticides improve biodiversity fitness and population density.[90] Many weed species attract beneficial insects that improve soil qualities and forage on weed pests.[93] Soil-bound organisms often benefit because of increased bacteria populations due to natural fertilizer such as manure, while experiencing reduced intake of herbicides and pesticides.[89] Increased biodiversity, especially from beneficial soil microbes and mycorrhizae have been proposed as an explanation for the high yields experienced by some organic plots, especially in light of the differences seen in a 21-year comparison of organic and control fields.[16] Biodiversity from organic farming provides capital to humans. Species found in organic farms enhance sustainability by reducing human input (e.g., fertilizers, pesticides).[94] Farmers that produce with organic methods reduce risk of poor yields by promoting biodiversity. Common game birds such as the ring-necked pheasant and the northern bobwhite often reside in agriculture landscapes, and benefit recreational hunters.

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75

Sales and marketing

Most sales are concentrated in developed nations. These products are what economists call credence goods in that they rely on uncertain certification. Interest in organic products dropped between 2006 and 2008, and 42% of Americans polled don't trust organic produce.[95] 69% of Americans claim to occasionally buy organic products, down from 73% in 2005. One theory was that consumers were substituting "local" produce for "organic" produce.[96]

Distributors
In the United States, 75% of organic farms are smaller than 2.5 hectares. In California 2% of the farms account for over half of sales.(Lotter 2003:4) Small farms join together in cooperatives such as Organic Valley, Inc. to market their goods more effectively. Most small cooperative distributors have merged or were acquired by large multinationals such as General Mills, Heinz, ConAgra, Kellogg, and others. In 1982 there were 28 consumer cooperative distributors, but as of 2007 only 3 remained.[97] This consolidation has raised concerns among consumers and journalists of potential fraud and degradation in standards. Most sell their organic products through subsidiaries, under other labels.[98] Organic foods also can be a niche in developing nations. It would provide more money and a better opportunity to compete internationally with the huge distributors. Organic prices are much more stable than conventional foods, and the small farms can still compete and have similar prices with the much larger farms that usually take all of the profits.[99]

Farmers' markets
Price premiums are important for the profitability of small organic farmers. Farmers selling directly to consumers at farmers' markets have continued to achieve these higher returns. In the United States the number of farmers' markets tripled from 1,755 in 1994 to 5,274 in 2009.[100]

Capacity building
Organic agriculture can contribute to ecologically sustainable, socio-economic development, especially in poorer countries.[101] The application of organic principles enables employment of local resources (e.g., local seed varieties, manure, etc.) and therefore cost-effectiveness. Local and international markets for organic products show tremendous growth prospects and offer creative producers and exporters excellent opportunities to improve their income and living conditions. Organic agriculture is knowledge intensive. Globally, capacity building efforts are underway, including localized training material, to limited effect. As of 2007, the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements hosted more than 170 free manuals and 75 training opportunities online.

Controversy
Norman Borlaug (father of the "Green Revolution" and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate), Prof A. Trewavas and other critics contested the notion that organic agricultural systems are more friendly to the environment and more sustainable than conventional farming systems. Borlaug asserts that organic farming practices can at most feed 4 billion people, after expanding cropland dramatically and destroying ecosystems in the process.[102] [103] [104] The Danish Environmental Protection Agency estimated that phasing out all pesticides would result in an overall yield reduction of about 25%. Environmental and health effects were assumed but hard to assess.[105] In contrast, the UN Environmental Programme concluded that organic methods greatly increase yields in Africa.[56] A review of over two hundred crop comparisons argued that organic farming could produce enough food to sustain the current human population and that the difference in yields between organic and non-organic methods were small,

Organic farming with non-organic methods yielding slightly more in developed areas and organic methods yielding slightly more in developing areas.[48] That analysis has been criticised by Alex Avery of the Hudson Institute, who contends that the review claimed many non-organic studies to be organic, misreported organic yields, made false comparisons between yields of organic and non-organic studies which were not comparable, counted high organic yields several times by citing different papers which referenced the same data, and gave equal weight to studies from sources which were not impartial.[106] The Center for Disease Control repudiated a claim by Avery's father, Dennis Avery (also at Hudson) that the risk of E. coli infection was eight times higher when eating organic food. (Avery had cited CDC as a source.) Avery had included problems stemming from non-organic unpasteurized juice in his calculations.[107] [108] [109] Epidemiologists traced the 2011 E. coli O104:H4 outbreak - which caused over 3,900 cases and 52 deaths - to an organic farm in Bienenbttel in Germany.[110] [111] Urs Niggli, director of the FiBL Institute, contends that a global campaign against organic farming[112] derives mostly from Alex Avery's book The truth about organic farming.[107]

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Notes
[1] Directorate General for Agriculture and Rural Development of the European Commission What is organic farming (http:/ / ec. europa. eu/ agriculture/ organic/ organic-farming/ what-organic_en) [2] Paull, John "From France to the World: The International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM)" (http:/ / www. jsrp. ro/ content/ JSRP-Nr2_PAULL), Journal of Social Research & Policy, 2010, 1(2):93-102. [3] "Definition of Organic Agriculture" (http:/ / www. ifoam. org/ growing_organic/ definitions/ doa/ index. html). IFOAM. . Retrieved 2008-09-30. [4] Holger Kirchmann; Gudni Thorvaldsson, Lars Bergstrm, Martin Gerzabek, Olof Andrn, Lars-Olov Eriksson and Mikael Winninge (2008). Holger Kirchmann and Lars Bergstrm. ed. Organic Crop Production Ambitions and Limitations. Berlin: Springer. pp.13-37. "Organic agriculture can be traced back to the early 20th century, initiated by the Austrian spiritual philosopher Rudolf Steiner." [5] Lotter, D.W. (2003). "Organic agriculture". Journal of Sustainable Agriculture 21 (4). [6] Biodynamics is listed as a "modern organic agriculture" system in: Minou Yussefi and Helga Willer (Eds.), The World of Organic Agriculture: Statistics and Future Prospects, 2003, p. 57 [7] Biodynamic agriculture is "a type of organic system". Charles Francis and J. van Wart (2009), "History of Organic Farming and Certification", in Organic farming: the ecological system. American Society of Agronomy. pp. 3-18 [8] Paull, John (2006). "The Farm as Organism: The Foundational Idea of Organic Agriculture". Elementals ~ Journal of Bio-Dynamics Tasmania (83): 14-18. [9] Horne, Paul Anthony (2008). Integrated pest management for crops and pastures (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=dhO4HAQbNU8C& pg=PA2& dq=pesticide+ era+ 1950s#v=onepage& q=pesticide era 1950s& f=false). CSIRO Publishing. pp.2. ISBN978-0643092570. . [10] http:/ / www. westonaprice. org/ farming/ history-organic-farming. html [11] Paull, John (2011). "Attending the First Organic Agriculture Course: Rudolf Steiners Agriculture Course at Koberwitz, 1924". European Journal of Social Sciences 21 (1): 64-70. [12] Paull, John "China's Organic Revolution" (http:/ / orgprints. org/ 10949/ 01/ 10949. pdf), Journal of Organic Systems (2007) 2 (1): 1-11. [13] Watson CA, Atkinson D, Gosling P, Jackson LR, Rayns FW. (2002). "Managing soil fertility in organic farming systems" (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ journal/ 119192119/ abstract). Soil Use and Management 18: 239247. doi:10.1111/j.1475-2743.2002.tb00265.x. . Retrieved 2009-05-29. Preprint with free full-text (http:/ / orgprints. org/ 8060/ ). [14] Gillman J. (2008). The Truth About Organic Gardening: Benefits, Drawbacks, and the Bottom Line. Timber Press. [15] Ingram 2007 [16] Fliebach et al. 2006 [17] Kathleen Delate and Robert Hartzler. 2003. Weed Management for Organic Farmers. Iowa State University Extension Bulletin 1883. http:/ / www. extension. iastate. edu/ Publications/ PM1883. pdf [18] United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Organic Standards. http:/ / 193. 194. 138. 42/ en/ Sustainability-Claims-Portal/ Discussion-Forum/ Organic-Standards/ [19] Robert J. Kremer and Jianmei Li. 2003. Developing weed-suppressive soils through improved soil quality management. Soil & Tillage Research 72: 193-202. http:/ / ddr. nal. usda. gov/ bitstream/ 10113/ 11123/ 1/ IND44027040. pdf [20] Mark Schonbeck. An Organic Weed Control Toolbox. US Cooperative Extension. http:/ / www. extension. org/ article/ 18532 [21] Szykitka, Walter (2004). The Big Book of Self-Reliant Living: Advice and Information on Just About Everything You Need to Know to Live on Planet Earth (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=E0bb14gPCZsC& pg=PA343). Globe-Pequot. p.343. ISBN9781592280438. . [22] Glenn Geiger and Harold Biellier. 1993. Weeding With Geese. University of Missouri Extension Bulletin G8922. http:/ / extension. missouri. edu/ publications/ DisplayPub. aspx?P=G8922

Organic farming
[23] How to feed the world (http:/ / www. csmonitor. com/ 2003/ 0220/ p11s01-sten. html?s=widep) By Laurent Belsie (February 20, 2003 edition) The Christian Science Monitor [24] (http:/ / www. ars. usda. gov/ is/ pr/ 2010/ 100512. html) [25] Scheuerell SJ, Mahaffee WF (2004). "Compost tea as a container medium drench for suppressing seedling damping-off caused by Pythium". Phytopathology 94 (11): 11561163. doi:10.1094/PHYTO.2004.94.11.1156. PMID18944450. [26] Brinton W et al. (2004). "Compost teas: Microbial hygiene and quality in relation to method of preparation" (http:/ / www. woodsend. org/ pdf-files/ compost-tea-BD04R. pdf). Biodynamics: 3645. . Retrieved 2009-04-15. [27] USDA National Organic Program, Subpart G. The National List of Allowed and Prohibited Substances. http:/ / ecfr. gpoaccess. gov/ cgi/ t/ text/ text-idx?c=ecfr;sid=7f0273852439530d013eb36c05531494;rgn=div7;view=text;node=7:3. 1. 1. 9. 32. 7. 354;idno=7;cc=ecfr [28] Luis Herrera-Estrella, Ariel Alvarez-Morales (April 2001). "Genetically modified crops: hope for developing countries?" (http:/ / www. nature. com/ embor/ journal/ v2/ n4/ full/ embor436. html). EMBO Reports (The EMBO journal) 2 (4): 256258. doi:10.1093/embo-reports/kve075. PMC1083872. PMID11306538. . [29] Pamela Ronald, Raoul Admachak (April 2008). Tomorrow's Table: Organic Farming, Genetics and the Future of Food. (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ dp/ 0195301757). Oxford University Press. . [30] GM food controversy. [31] Control Union World Group. EEC Regulation No. 2092/91 (http:/ / www. controlunion. com/ certification/ program/ subprogram/ Subprogram. aspx?Subprogram_ID=1& Program_ID=1) [32] USDA NOP Program Standards (http:/ / www. ams. usda. gov/ nop/ NOP/ standards. html). Retrieved April 2, 2008. [33] IFOAM. (2005). The IFOAM Norms (http:/ / www. ifoam. org/ about_ifoam/ standards/ norms. html) [34] Organic Materials Review Institute (http:/ / www. omri. org/ ) [35] National Organic Program Regulations (http:/ / ecfr. gpoaccess. gov/ cgi/ t/ text/ text-idx?c=ecfr;sid=11fd57b422b6314d866dc4b02f1a101d;rgn=div5;view=text;node=7:3. 1. 1. 9. 30;idno=7;cc=ecfr) [36] Halberg, Niels (2006). Global development of organic agriculture: challenges and prospects (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=ij-6DO4kk8gC& pg=PA298& dq=organic+ farming+ knowledge+ intensive#v=onepage& q=organic farming knowledge intensive& f=false). CABI. pp.297. ISBN978-1845930783. . [37] Strochlic, R.; Sierra, L. (2007). Conventional, Mixed, and Deregistered Organic Farmers: Entry Barriers and Reasons for Exiting Organic Production in California (http:/ / www. cirsinc. org/ Documents/ Pub0207. 1. PDF). California Institute for Rural Studies. [38] Organic farming by country [39] Willer & Kilcher 2009 [40] http:/ / epp. eurostat. ec. europa. eu/ cache/ ITY_PUBLIC/ 5-01032010-BP/ EN/ 5-01032010-BP-EN. PDF [41] Dimitri, C.; Oberholtzer, L. (2006) EU and US Organic Markets Face Strong Demand Under Different Policies (http:/ / ers. usda. gov/ AmberWaves/ February06/ Features/ feature1. htm) [42] Duram 183. Duram, Leslie. Good Growing. Santa Cruz: Bison Books, 2005. [43] Stanhill, G. (1990). The comparative productivity of organic agriculture. Agriculture, Ecosystems, and Environment. 30(1-2):1-26 [44] The Information Bulletin of the Organic Farming Research Foundation (http:/ / www. ofrf. org/ publications/ news/ IB10. pdf) accessdate=2005-12-18 Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ 20051214044645/ http:/ / www. ofrf. org/ publications/ news/ IB10. pdf) December 14, 2005 at the Wayback Machine [45] Maeder, P. et al. (2002). Soil Fertility and Biodiversity in Organic Farming (http:/ / www. mindfully. org/ Farm/ Organic-Farming-Fertility-Biodiversity31may02. htm). Science v296, , 1694-1697. Retrieved April 2, 2008. [46] A 22-year farm trial study by Cornell University: Lang, S. (2005). Organic farming produces same corn and soybeans yields, but consumes less energy and no pesticides, study finds (http:/ / www. news. cornell. edu/ stories/ July05/ organic. farm. vs. other. ssl. html) Cornell University News Service. Retrieved April 2, 2008. [47] Perfecto et al., in Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems (2007), 22: 86108 Cambridge University Press: cited in New Scientist 13:46 12 July 2007 [48] Badgley, C. et al.'. (2006). Organic agriculture and the global food supply (http:/ / journals. cambridge. org/ action/ displayAbstract?fromPage=online& aid=1091304), (http:/ / groups. google. com/ group/ farmshed/ attach/ 5c7ca9cbde31ac19/ organic_ag_perfecto. pdf?part=4description) [49] Lotter 2003:10 [50] Welsh (1999) The Economics of Organic Grain and Soybean Production in the Midwestern United States (http:/ / www. winrock. org/ wallace/ wallacecenter/ documents/ pspr13. pdf). [51] A study of 1,804 organic farms in Central America hit by Hurricane Mitch: Holt-Gimenez, E. (2000) Hurricane Mitch Reveals Benefits of Sustainable Farming Techniques (http:/ / www. panna. org/ legacy/ gpc/ gpc_200012. 10. 3. 02. dv. html). PANNA. [52] ARS (2007) Organic Farming Beats No-Till? (http:/ / www. ars. usda. gov/ is/ pr/ 2007/ 070710. htm) [53] Kirchmann H et al. (2007). "Comparison of Long-Term Organic and Conventional Crop-Livestock Systems on a Previously Nutrient-Depleted Soil in Sweden". Agronomy Journal 99: 960972. doi:10.2134/agronj2006.0061. [54] Lotter 2003:11 [55] Chavas JP et al. (2009). "Organic and Conventional Production Systems in the Wisconsin Integrated Cropping Systems Trial: II." (http:/ / agron. scijournals. org/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 101/ 2/ 288). Agronomy Journal 101 (2): 288. doi:10.2134/agronj2008.0055x. . Retrieved 2009-04-07.

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Organic farming
[56] UNEP-UNCTAD. (2008). Organic Agriculture and Food Security in Africa. United Nations. Free full-text (http:/ / www. unctad. org/ en/ docs/ ditcted200715_en. pdf). [57] Howden D. Organic farming 'could feed Africa' (http:/ / www. independent. co. uk/ news/ world/ africa/ organic-farming-could-feed-africa-968641. html). The Independent. [58] Morison, James. (2005). Survey and analysis of labor on organic farms in the UK and Republic of Ireland (http:/ / www. essex. ac. uk/ BS/ staff/ pretty/ Organic Jobs IJAS (Morison et al 2005). pdf). [International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability](3):24-43 [59] Marshall, G. (1991). Review of Marketing and Agricultural Economics 59 (3): 283296. http:/ / ageconsearch. umn. edu/ bitstream/ 12390/ 1/ 59030283. pdf. [60] Pretty et al., J (2000). "An assessment of the total external costs of UK agriculture" (http:/ / www. essex. ac. uk/ bs/ staff/ pretty/ AgSyst pdf. pdf). Agricultural Systems 65 (2): 113136. doi:10.1016/S0308-521X(00)00031-7. . [61] Tegtmeier, E.M.; Duffy, M. (2005). "External Costs of Agricultural Production in the United States" (http:/ / www. organicvalley. coop/ fileadmin/ pdf/ ag_costs_IJAS2004. pdf). The Earthscan Reader in Sustainable Agriculture. . [62] New Zealand's Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry. "A Review of the Environmental/Public Good Costs and Benefits of Organic Farming and an Assessment of How Far These Can be Incorporated into Marketable Benefits" (http:/ / www. maf. govt. nz/ mafnet/ rural-nz/ sustainable-resource-use/ organic-production/ organic-farming-in-nz/ org10005. htm). . Retrieved 2008-04-20. [63] Hester, Ronald (2007). Biodiversity under threat (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=8vCJeqi0nFgC& pg=PA15& dq=organic+ farms+ use+ fewer+ pesticides+ than+ conventional+ farms#v=onepage& q& f=false). Royal Society of Chemistry. pp.16. ISBN978-0854042517. . [64] http:/ / www. nap. edu/ openbook. php?record_id=2126& page=3 [65] Multiresidue Analytical Procedure for Insecticides Used by Organic Farmers. (http:/ / pubs. acs. org/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1021/ jf980332b) Journal of Agricultural and Food Chemistry. 1998. [66] Beckerman, Janna. "Using Organic Fungicides" (http:/ / www. planetnatural. com/ site/ xdpy/ kb/ organic-fungicides. html). Planet Natural. . Retrieved 2009-02-05. [67] Pesticides, agriculture and the environment (http:/ / www. international. inra. fr/ research/ some_examples/ pesticides_agriculture_and_the_environment)(12 December 2005) Written by: Collective Scientific Expertise Unit, Communications Department / Unit: Collective Scientific Expertise Unit / Date of creation: 19 January 2006 / Date of last update: 18 February 2009 [68] EJF. (2007). The deadly chemicals in cotton. Environmental Justice Foundation in collaboration with Pesticide Action Network UK: London, UK. ISBN No. 1-904523-10-2. [69] "Trends in the Potential for Environmental Risk from Pesticide Loss from Farm Fields" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070712033848/ http:/ / www. nrcs. usda. gov/ technical/ land/ pubs/ pesttrend. html). USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. nrcs. usda. gov/ technical/ land/ pubs/ pesttrend. html) on 2007-07-12. . Retrieved 2007-09-29. [70] Kemper, Katherine (2010). Addressing Add Naturally (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=zCzJn-xGis8C& pg=PT8& dq=are+ known+ to+ worsen+ symptoms+ of+ ADHD,+ and+ exposure+ to+ certain+ pesticides+ is+ also+ associated+ with+ an+ increased+ risk#v=onepage& q=are known to worsen symptoms of ADHD, and exposure to certain pesticides is also associated with an increased risk& f=false). Xlibris, Corp.. pp.i. ISBN978-1453560525. . [71] [[Food Standards Agency (http:/ / www. food. gov. uk/ multimedia/ pdfs/ organicreviewappendices. pdf)]] These studies reviewed all of the relevant research published in peer-reviewed journals between 1 January 1958 and 29 February 2008 (excluding articles that did not have an English abstract) . One was a 'comparison of composition (nutrients and other substances) of organically and conventionally produced foodstuffs'. [72] FiBL Institute in Switzerland is exploring quality differences at over 200 farms. [73] Amodio, Maria L.; Colelli, G; Hasey, J. K.; Kader, A. A. (2007). A comparative study of composition and postharvest performance of organically and conventionally grown kiwifruits (http:/ / onlinelibrary. wiley. com/ doi/ 10. 1002/ jsfa. 2820/ abstract). 87. pp. 12281236. doi:10.1002/jsfa.2820. . [74] Comparison of putative health effects of organically and conventionally produced foodstuffs (http:/ / www. food. gov. uk/ multimedia/ pdfs/ organicreviewreport. pdf) [75] Magkos F; Arvaniti, F; Zampelas, A (2006). "Organic Food: Buying More Safety or Just Peace of Mind? A Critical Review of the Literature". Critical reviews in food science and nutrition 46 (1): 2356. doi:10.1080/10408690490911846. PMID16403682. [76] Curl, C. L. et al. (March 2003). study "Organophosphorous Pesticide Exposure of Urban and Suburban Preschool Children with Organic and Conventional Diets" (http:/ / ehp. niehs. nih. gov/ members/ 2003/ 5754/ 5754. pdf). Environmental Health Perspectives, 111(3). study. Retrieved 2007-11-03. [77] Lu, Chensheng et al. (February 2006). "Organic Diets Significantly Lower Children's Exposure to Organophosphorus Pesticides" (http:/ / www. ehponline. org/ members/ 2005/ 8418/ 8418. pdf) (PDF). Environmental Health Perspectives 114(2). . Retrieved 2007-11-04. [78] Kummeling et al., "Consumption of organic foods and risk of atopic disease during the first 2 years of life in the Netherlands", British Journal of Nutrition (2007) [79] Seattle PI (2008). The lowdown on topsoil: it's disappearing (http:/ / www. seattlepi. com/ national/ 348200_dirt22. html?source=mypi) [80] "No Shortcuts in Checking Soil Health" (http:/ / www. ars. usda. gov/ is/ AR/ archive/ jul07/ soil0707. htm). USDA ARS. . Retrieved 2007-10-02. [81] LaSalle, T. and P. Hepperly (2008). Regenerative Organic Farming: A Solution to Global Warming (http:/ / www. rodaleinstitute. org/ files/ Rodale_Research_Paper-07_30_08. pdf). Rodale Institute. The Rodale Institute has been comparing organic agricultural systems and conventional systems since 1981.

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Organic farming
[82] Hepperly, Paul, Jeff Moyer, and Dave Wilson. Developments in Organic No-till Agriculture. Acres USA: The Voice of Eco-agriculture September 2008: 16-19. And Roberts, Paul. The End of Food: Investigating a Global Crisis. Interview with Acres USA. Acres USA: The Voice of Eco-Agriculture October 2008: 56-63. [83] Meleca (2008). The Organic Answer to Climate Change (http:/ / www. organicguide. com/ community/ education/ the-organic-answer-to-climate-change/ ). [84] Tilman, D; Fargione, J; Wolff, B; D'antonio, C; Dobson, A; Howarth, R; Schindler, D; Schlesinger, WH et al. (2006-03-21). "Forecasting Agriculturally Driven Global Climate Change" (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 292/ 5515/ 281?ijkey=bbb4cf6e526430899ecae63af4bbd319d226922e& keytype2=tf_ipsecsha). Science 292 (5515): 2814. Bibcode2001Sci...292..281T. doi:10.1126/science.1057544. PMID11303102. . Retrieved 2007-09-30. [85] Kramer, SB; Reganold, JP; Glover, JD; Bohannan, BJ; Mooney, HA (2006-03-21). "Reduced nitrate leaching and enhanced dentrifier activity and efficiency in organically fertilized soils" (http:/ / www. pnas. org/ cgi/ content/ full/ 103/ 12/ 4522#B2). Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (United States National Academy of Sciences) 103 (12): 45227. Bibcode2006PNAS..103.4522K. doi:10.1073/pnas.0600359103. PMC1450204. PMID16537377. . Retrieved 2007-09-30. [86] Yoon, Carol Kaesuk (January 20, 1998). "A "Dead Zone" Grows in the Gulf of Mexico" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9B04E1DD1338F933A15752C0A96E958260& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=2). New York Times. . Retrieved 2007-11-04. [87] Alfldi, Thomas; Lockeretz, William; Niggli, Urs; Movements, International Federation of Organic Agriculture (2000). Environmental impact and macro-economic feasibility of organic agriculture in the Danube River Basin (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=2hdlIfMhR8UC& pg=PA160& lpg=PA160& dq=znaor+ kieft+ "environmental+ impact+ and+ macro+ economic+ feasibility+ of+ organic+ agriculture"). Proceedings of the 13th International IFOAM Conference, p. 160-163. ISBN9783728127549. . Retrieved 2007-11-04. [88] Beman, M. (March 2005). "Agricultural runoff fuels large phytoplankton blooms in vulnerable areas of the ocean" (http:/ / yaquivalley. stanford. edu/ pdf/ NATURE_3_10_05. pdf) (PDF). Nature 25(2). . Retrieved 2007-11-04. [89] Hole et al. Grice [90] Gabriel and Tscharntke 2006 Gabriel D, Roschewitz I, Tscharntke T & Thies C (2006). Beta diversity at different spatial scales: plant communities in organic and conventional agriculture. Ecological Applications 2011-2021. [91] Bengtsston, Ahnstrom & Weibull 2005 [92] Blakemore, 2000 <http://bio-eco.eis.ynu.ac.jp/eng/database/earthworm/Haughley%5CHaughley.pdf> [93] (van Elsen 2000) [94] Perrings et al. 2006 [95] WSL Survey (http:/ / www. wslstrategicretail. com/ productDetailAction. do?product_id=363) [96] CNN. Consumer surveys show slipping interest in organic products (http:/ / money. cnn. com/ 2008/ 04/ 23/ news/ companies/ organics_backlash/ index. htm?postversion=2008042308) The Hartman Group Organic Marketplace Reports (http:/ / www. hartman-group. com/ publications/ reports/ organic-marketplace/ ). [97] Howard, Phil. (2007) Organic Industry Graphics (http:/ / www. msu. edu/ ~howardp/ organicindustry. html) [98] Corp Watch. (2004). Clouds on the Organic Horizon (http:/ / www. corpwatch. org/ article. php?id=11712) [99] http:/ / www. inwent. org/ ez/ articles/ 190968/ index. en. shtml [100] Farmers' Market Growth 1994-2009 (http:/ / www. ams. usda. gov/ AMSv1. 0/ ams. fetchTemplateData. do?template=TemplateS& navID=WholesaleandFarmersMarkets& leftNav=WholesaleandFarmersMarkets& page=WFMFarmersMarketGrowth& description=Farmers Market Growth& acct=frmrdirmkt) [101] "ICapacity Building Study 3: Organic Agriculture and Food Security in East Africa" (http:/ / www. unep-unctad. org/ cbtf/ events/ dsalaam2/ Organic Agriculture and Food Security in East Africa FINAL May07. pdf) (PDF). University of Essex. . [102] Andrew Leonard. "Save the rain forest boycott organic?" (http:/ / www. salon. com/ tech/ htww/ 2006/ 12/ 11/ borlaug/ ). How The World Works. . Retrieved 2007-10-10. [103] Anthony Trewavas (March 2001). "Urban myths of organic farming" (http:/ / www. nature. com/ nature/ journal/ v410/ n6827/ full/ 410409a0. html). Nature 410: 409-410. . [104] Exchange between Trewavas and Lord P. Melchett summarizes the debate: major supermarket (http:/ / www. waitrose. com/ food/ celebritiesandarticles/ foodissues/ 0210056. aspx) [105] Assessment of the overall consequences of phasing out the total or partial use of pesticides. They looked at farming, market gardening, fruit growing, and forestry, and the effects of pesticides on health and the environment. The Bichel Committee (http:/ / www. mst. dk/ udgiv/ Publications/ 1998/ 87-7909-445-7/ html/ kap08_eng. htm#8. 7. 1). [106] Avery, Alex (2007). "'Organic abundance' report: fatally flawed Commentary" (http:/ / journals. cambridge. org/ action/ displayJournal?jid=RAF). Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) 22 (4): 321323. . [107] "Wer hat die laengste Biochionase" (http:/ / www. bioaktuell. ch/ fileadmin/ documents/ ba/ zeitschrift/ aktuelle_artikel/ bioaktuell-2007-09-s8. pdf) (PDF). Bio-aktuell. . [108] "Organic Produce Production and Food Safety" (http:/ / ucce. ucdavis. edu/ files/ datastore/ 234-208. pdf). UC Davis Cooperative Extension. . [109] Marian Burros (1999-02-17). "EATING WELL; Anti-Organic, And Flawed" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9503EFD8103AF934A25751C0A96F958260). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2007-12-14. [110] WHO News Outbreaks of E. coli O104:H4 infection: update 29, 07-07-2011. (http:/ / www. euro. who. int/ en/ what-we-do/ health-topics/ emergencies/ international-health-regulations/ news/ news/ 2011/ 06/ ehec-outbreak-update-29)

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[111] Cowell, Alan. Germany Says Bean Sprouts Likely E. Coli Source. (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2011/ 06/ 11/ world/ europe/ 11ecoli. html) New York Times, June 10, 2011 [112] Bob Goldberg. "The Hypocrisy of Organic Farmers" (http:/ / www. agbioworld. org/ biotech-info/ articles/ biotech-art/ hypocrisy. html). AgBioWorld. . Retrieved 2007-10-10.

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References
Beecher N.A. et al. (2002). "Agroecology of Birds in Organic and Nonorganic Farmland". Conservation Biology 6: 16211630. Bengtsston, J.; Ahnstrom, J.; Weibull, A. (2005). "The effects of organic agriculture on biodiversity and abundance: a meta-analysis.". Journal of Applied Ecology 42 (2): 261269. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2664.2005.01005.x. Brown, R.W. (1999b). "Margin/field interfaces and small mammals". Aspects of Applied Biology 54: 203210. Emsley, John (April 2001). "Going One Better Than Nature". Nature 410 (6829): 633634. doi:10.1038/35070632. Fliebach, A.; Oberholzer, H.; Gunst, L.; Mder, P. (2006). "Soil organic matter and biological soil quality indicators after 21 years of organic and conventional farming.". Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 118: 273284. Gabriel, D., and Tscharntke, T. (2007) Insect pollinated plants benefit from organic farming. Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 118: 43-48 Hole, D.G.; Perkins, A.J.; Wilson, J.D.; Alexander, I.H.; Grice, P.V.; Evans, A.D. (2005). "Does organic farming benefit biodiversity?" (http://www.botanischergarten.ch/Organic/Hole-Organic-biodiversity-2004.pdf). Biological Conservation 122 (1): 113130. doi:10.1016/j.biocon.2004.07.018. Ingram, M. (2007). "Biology and Beyond: The Science of Back to Nature Farming in the United States.". Annals of the Association of American Geographers 97 (2): 298312. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.2007.00537.x. Kuepper, George and Gegner, Lance. "Organic Crop Production Overview" (http://attra.ncat.org/attra-pub/ organiccrop.html), ATTRA National Sustainable Agriculture Information Service: August 2004. Lotter, D. (2003). "Organic Agriculture" (http://donlotter.net/lotter_organicag.pdf) (PDF). Journal of Sustainable Agriculture 21 (4). Paull, John (2006). "The Farm as Organism: The Foundational Idea of Organic Agriculture" (http://orgprints. org/10138). Journal of Bio-Dynamics Tasmania 83: 1418. Perrings et al., C; Jackson, L; Bawa, K; Brussaard, L; Brush, S; Gavin, T; Pascual, U; De Ruiter, P et al. (2006). "Biodiversity in Agricultural Landscapes: Saving Natural Capital without Losing Interest". Conservation Biology 20 (2): 263264. doi:10.1111/j.1523-1739.2006.00390.x. PMID16903084. Smil, Vaclav (2001). Enriching the Earth: Fritz Haber, Carl Bosch, and the Transformation of World Food. MIT Press. ISBN026219449X. van Elsen, T. (2000). "Species diversity as a task for organic agriculture in Europe". Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 77 (1-2): 101109. doi:10.1016/S0167-8809(99)00096-1. Wheeler, S.A. (2008). "What influences agricultural professionals' views towards organic agriculture?". Ecological Economics 65: 145154. doi:10.1016/j.ecolecon.2007.05.014. Wickramasinghe L.P., Harris S., Jones G., Vaughan N. (2003). "Bat activity and species richness on organic and conventional farms: impact of agricultural intensification". Journal of Applied Ecology 40: 984993. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2664.2003.00856.x. Willer, Helga; Kilcher, Lukas (2011). the organic world homepage "The World of Organic Agriculture. Statistics and Emerging Trends" (http://www.organic-world.net). Bonn; FiBL, Frick: IFOAM.

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Further reading
Ableman, Michael (April 1993). From the Good Earth: A Celebration of Growing Food Around the World. HNA Books. ISBN0810925176. Avery A. (2006) The Truth About Organic Foods (Volume 1, Series 1) Henderson Communications, L.L.C. ISBN 0-9788952-0-7 Committee on the Role of Alternative Farming Methods in Modern Production Agriculture, National Research Council. 1989. Alternative Agriculture (http://www.nap.edu/catalog.php?record_id=1208). National Academies Press. Gettelman, Elizabeth (2006-08-11). "Farmworkers to Farmers" (http://www.motherjones.com/news/update/ 2006/08/alba.html). Mother Jones. Retrieved 2007-08-07.-An innovative program in California trains mostly immigrant workers how to succeed as organic farmers. Guthman J. 2004, Agrarian Dreams: The Parodox of Organic Farming in California, Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0-520-24094-0 Lampkin & Padel. 1994. The Economics of Organic Farming: An International Perspective. Guildford: CAB International. ISBN 0-85198-911-X OECD. (2003). Organic Agriculture: Sustainability, Markets, and Policies. CABI International. Free full-text (http://books.google.com/books?id=-TSkC7m07zoC).

External links
Organic Farming (http://www.dmoz.org/Science/Agriculture/Sustainable_Agriculture//) at the Open Directory Project Organic Eprints (http://www.orgprints.org/) Database of organic agriculture research papers Organic Farming - European Commission (http://ec.europa.eu/agriculture/organic/home_en) Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations' Organic Agriculture Program (http://www.fao.org/ organicag/) Organic Production and Organic Food: Information Access Tools. (http://www.nal.usda.gov/afsic/pubs/ofp/ ofp.shtml) Identifies sources to research on organic agriculture topics from the Alternative Farming Systems Information Center, National Agricultural Library. Organic Agriculture Information from the eOrganic Community of Practice with eXtension (http://www. extension.org/organic production) - Information from America's Land Grant University System and Partners List of Organic Farming related Organizations on WiserEarth (http://www.wiserearth.org/organization/ limitToMasterid/192/limitToType/aof) Importance of Organic Farming in Terms of Food Safety (http://agricultureguide.org/ importance-of-organic-farming-in-terms-of-food-safety-featured-article-by-agriculture-guide/) A featured article on Agriculture Guide Organic farming can feed the world, U-M study shows (http://www.ns.umich.edu/htdocs/releases/story. php?id=5936), University of Michigan, 2007

Hunter-gatherer

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Hunter-gatherer
A hunter-gatherer or forage[1] society is one in which most or all food is obtained from wild plants and animals, in contrast to agricultural societies which rely mainly on domesticated species. Hunting and gathering was the ancestral subsistence mode of Homo, and all modern humans were hunter-gatherers until around 10,000 years ago. Following the invention of agriculture hunter-gatherers have been displaced by farming or pastoralist groups in most parts of the world. Only a few contemporary societies are classified as hunter-gatherers, and many supplement, sometimes extensively, their foraging activity with farming and/or keeping animals.

Two Hadza men return from a hunt. The Hadza are one of the few contemporary African societies that live primarily by foraging.

History
The earliest humans probably lived primarily on scavenging, not actual hunting. Early humans in the Lower Paleolithic lived in mixed habitats which allowed them to collect seafood, eggs, nuts, and fruits besides scavenging. Rather than killing large animals themselves for meat, they used carcasses of large animals killed by other predators or carcasses from animals that died by natural causes.[2] Hunting and gathering was presumably the subsistence strategy employed by human societies beginning some 1.8 million years ago, by Homo erectus, and from its appearance some 0.2 million years ago by Homo sapiens. It remained the only mode of subsistence until the end of the Mesolithic period some 10,000 years ago, and after this was replaced only gradually with the spread of the Neolithic Revolution. Starting at the transition between the Middle to Upper Paleolithic period, some 80,000 to 70,000 years ago, some hunter-gatherers bands began to specialize, concentrating on hunting a smaller selection of (often larger than had previously been hunted) game and gathering a smaller selection of food. This specialization of work also involved creating specialized tools like fishing nets and hooks and bone harpoons.[3] The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture originated and spread in several different areas including the Middle East, Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes beginning as early as 10,000 years ago. Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have perpetually declined partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in arid regions and tropical forests in the developing world. Areas which formerly were available to hunter-gatherers wereand continue to beencroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition, Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods, particularly animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large mammal species had gone extinct by the end of the Pleistocene, according to Diamond, because of overexploitation by humans,[4] although the overkill hypothesis he advocates is strongly contested. As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to the development of complex forms of government in agricultural centers such as the Fertile Crescent, Ancient India, Ancient China, Olmec, Sub-Saharan Africa and Norte Chico. As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures usually live in areas unsuitable for agricultural use.

Hunter-gatherer

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Americas
See also: Paleo-Indians period (Canada) and History of Mesoamerica (Paleo-Indian) Evidence suggests big-game hunter gatherers crossed the Bering Strait from Asia (Eurasia) into North America over a land bridge (Beringia), that existed between 47,00014,000 years ago.[5] Around 18,50015,500 years ago, these hunter-gatherers are believed to have followed herds of now-extinct pleistocene megafauna along ice-free corridors that stretched between the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets.[6] Another route proposed is that, either on foot or using primitive boats, they migrated down the Pacific coast to South America.[7] [8] Hunter-gatherers would eventually flourish all over the Americas, primarily based in the Great Plains of the United States and Canada, with offshoots as far east as the Gasp Peninsula on the Atlantic coast, and as far south as Chile, Monte Verde.[9] American hunter-gatherers were spread over a wide geographical area, thus there were regional variations in lifestyles. However, all the individual groups shared a common style of stone tool production, making knapping styles and progress identifiable. This early Paleo-Indian period lithic reduction tool adaptations have been found across the Americas, utilized by highly mobile bands consisting of approximately 20 up to 60 members of an extended family.[10] The Archaic period in the Americas saw a changing environment featuring a warmer more arid climate and the disappearance of the last megafauna.[11] The majority of population groups at this time were still highly mobile hunter-gatherers; but now individual groups started to focus on resources available to them locally, thus with the passage of time there is a pattern of increasing regional generalization like, the Southwest, Arctic, Poverty, Dalton and Plano traditions. This regional adaptations would become the norm, with reliance less on hunting and gathering, with a more mixed economy of small game, fish, seasonally wild vegetables and harvested plant foods.[12] [13]

Common characteristics
Further information: cultural universal

Habitat and population

Hunter-gatherer societies tend to be relatively mobile, given their reliance upon the ability of a given natural environment to provide sufficient resources in order to sustain their population and the variable availability of these resources owing to local climatic and seasonal conditions. Individual band societies tend to be small in number (10-30 individuals), but these may gather together seasonally to temporarily form a larger group (100 or more) when resources are abundant. In a few places where the environment is especially productive, such as that of the Pacific Northwest coast or Jomon-era Japan, hunter-gatherers are able to settle permanently. Hunter-gatherer settlements may be either permanent, temporary, or some combination of the two, depending upon the mobility of the community. Mobile communities typically construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available.

A San man from Namibia. Fewer than 10,000 San live in the traditional way, as hunter-gatherers. Since the mid-1990s the central government of Botswana has been trying to move San out of their [14] lands.

Social and economic structure

Hunter-gatherer Hunter-gatherer societies also tend to have relatively non-hierarchical, egalitarian social structures. This might have been more pronounced in the more mobile societies. Full-time leaders, bureaucrats, or artisans are rarely supported by these societies.[15] [16] [17] In addition to social and economic equality in hunter-gatherer societies there is often, though not always, sexual parity as well.[15] [18] Hunter-gatherers are often grouped together based on kinship and band (or tribe) membership.[18] In a few groups, such as the Haida of present-day British Columbia, lived in such a rich environment that they could remain sedentary ort semi-nomadic, like many other Native Americans of the Pacific Northwest coast. These groups demonstrate more hierarchical social organization. Violence in hunter-gatherer societies is usually rare, caused by grudges and vendettas. ref name=Kiefer/> Warefare over land was common, but with few fatalities as tribes could easily move to unoccupied or easily invaded areas. The land was seen as belonging to all and owned by none. A vast amount of ethnographic and archaeological evidence demonstrates that the sexual division of labor in which men hunt and women gather wild fruits and vegetables is an uncommon phenomenon among hunter-gatherers worldwide. Although most of the gathering is usually done by women, a society in which men completely abstained from gathering easily available plants has yet to be found. Generally women hunt the majority of the small game while men hunt the majority of the large and dangerous game, but there are a few documented exceptions to this general pattern. A study done on the Aeta people of the Philippines states: "About 85% of Philippine Aeta women hunt, and they hunt the same quarry as men. Aeta women hunt in groups and with dogs, and have a 31% success rate as opposed to 17% for men. Their rates are even better when they combine forces with men: mixed hunting groups have a full 41% success rate among the Aeta."[16] It was also found among the Ju'/hoansi people of Namibia that women helped the men during hunting by helping them track down quarry.[19] Moreover, recent archaeological research done by the anthropologist and archaeologist Steven Kuhn from the University of Arizona suggests that the sexual division of labor did not exist prior to the Upper Paleolithic and developed relatively recently in human history. The sexual division of labor may have arisen to allow humans to acquire food and other resources more efficiently.[20] It would, therefore, be an over-generalization to say that men always hunt and women always gather. It is more of a relatively recent human "invention" that by increasing efficiency was beneficial to both sexes. At the 1966 "Man the Hunter" conference, anthropologists Richard Borshay Lee and Irven DeVore suggested that egalitarianism was one of several central characteristics of nomadic hunting and gathering societies because mobility requires minimization of material possessions throughout a population; therefore, there was no surplus of resources to be accumulated by any single member. Other characteristics Lee and DeVore proposed were flux in territorial boundaries as well as in demographic composition.

84

A 19th century engraving of an Indigenous Australian encampment.

At the same conference, Marshall Sahlins presented a paper entitled, "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers living lives "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short," as Thomas Hobbes had put it in 1651. According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer hours and enjoyed more leisure than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they are satisfied with very little in the material sense. This, he said, constituted a Zen economy.[21] These people met the same requirments as their sedentary neighbors through much less complex means.

Hunter-gatherer Mutual exchange and sharing of resources (i.e., meat gained from hunting) are important in the economic systems of hunter-gatherer societies.[18]

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Variability
Hunter-gatherer societies manifest significant variability, depending on climate zone/life zone, available technology and societal structure. One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems. James Woodburn uses the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarian and "delayed return" for nonegalitarian. Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after they procure it. Delayed return foragers store the surplus food (Kelly,[22] 31). Hunting-gathering was the common human mode of subsistence throughout the Paleolithic, but the observation of current-day hunters and gatherers does not necessarily reflect Paleolithic societies; the hunter-gatherer cultures examined today have had much contact with modern civilization and do not represent "pristine" conditions found in uncontacted peoples.[23] The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one way process. It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an adaptive strategy which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food stress for agriculturalists.[24] In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years. This anthropological view has remained unchanged since the 1960s.

Modern context
In the early 1980s, a small but vocal segment of anthropologists and archaeologists attempted to demonstrate that contemporary groups usually identified as hunter-gatherers do not, in most cases, have a continuous history of hunting and gathering, and that in many cases their ancestors were agriculturalists and/or pastoralists who were pushed into marginal areas as a result of migrations, economic exploitation, and/or violent conflict. The result of their effort has been the general acknowledgement that there has been complex interaction between hunter-gatherers and non-hunter-gatherers for millennia.

Shoshoni tipis, circa 1900.

Some of the theorists who advocate this "revisionist" critique imply that, because the "pure hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after colonial (or even agricultural) contact began, nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of modern ones (Kelly,[25] 24-29; see Wilmsen[26] ) Lee and Guenther have rejected most of the arguments put forward by Wilmsen.[27] [28] Many hunter-gatherers consciously manipulate the landscape through cutting or burning undesirable plants while encouraging desirable ones, some even going to the extent of slash-and-burn to create habitat for game animals. These activities are on an entirely different scale than those associated with agriculture, but they are nevertheless domestication on some level. Today, almost all hunter-gatherers depend to some extent upon domesticated food sources either produced part-time or traded for products acquired in the wild.

Hunter-gatherer Some agriculturalists also regularly hunt and gather (e.g. farming during the frost-free season and hunting during the winter). Still others in developed countries go hunting, primarily for leisure. In the Brazilian rainforest, groups which recently did or continue to rely on hunting and gathering techniques seem to have adopted this lifestyle, abandoning most agriculture, as a way to escape colonial control and as a result of the introduction of European diseases reducing their populations to levels where agriculture became difficult. There are nevertheless a number of contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies, continue their ways of life with very little external influence. One such group is the Pila Nguru or the Spinifex People of Western Australia, whose habitat in the Great Victoria Desert has proved unsuitable for European agriculture (and even pastoralism). Another are the Sentinelese of the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean, who live on North Sentinel Island and to date have maintained their independent existence, repelling attempts to engage with and contact them.
Three Indigenous Australians on Bathurst Island in 1939. According to Peterson (1998), the island was a population isolated for 6,000 years until the eighteenth century. In 1929, three quarters of the [29] population supported themselves off the bush.

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References
[1] Marlowe, F. W. (2005). "Hunter-gatherers and human evolution". Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 14 (2): 5467. doi:10.1002/evan.20046.

[2] The Last Rain Forests: A World Conservation Atlas by David Attenborough, Mark Collins [3] Fagan, B: People of the Earth, pages 169-181. Scott, Foresman, 1989. [4] Diamond, Jared. (1998). Guns, Germs and Steel. London: Vintage. ISBN0-09-930278-0. [5] "Atlas of the Human Journey-The Genographic Project" (https:/ / genographic. nationalgeographic. com/ genographic/ atlas. html?era=e003). National Geographic Society.. 1996-2008. . Retrieved 2009-10-06. [6] "The peopling of the Americas: Genetic ancestry influences health" (http:/ / www. physorg. com/ news169474130. html). Scientific American. . Retrieved 2009-11-17. [7] "Alternate Migration Corridors for Early Man in North America". American Antiquity, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Jan., 1979), p2. JSTOR279189. [8] ""Mitochondrial DNA Studies of Native Americans: Conceptions and Misconceptions of the Population Prehistory of the Americas", Evolutionary Anthropology" (https:/ / netfiles. uiuc. edu/ malhi/ www/ MalhiLab/ downloads/ Eshleman et al 2003. pdf) (pdf). University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. 2003. p. 12:718. . Retrieved 2009-11-17. [9] Jacobs, James Q. (2001). "The Paleoamericans: Issues and Evidence Relating to the Peopling of the New World" (http:/ / www. jqjacobs. net/ anthro/ paleoamericans. html). Anthropology and Archaeology Pages. jqjacobs.net. . Retrieved 2009-11-17. [10] Broster, John (2002). "Paleoindians in Tennessee" (http:/ / tennesseeencyclopedia. net/ imagegallery. php?EntryID=P002). Tennessee Department of Environment and Conservation. Tennessee Historical Society. Online Edition provided by:The University of Tennessee Press. . Retrieved 2009-11-21. [11] "Blame North America Megafauna Extinction On Climate Change, Not Human Ancestors" (http:/ / www. sciencedaily. com/ releases/ 2001/ 10/ 011025072315. htm). ScienceDaily. 2001. . Retrieved 2010-04-10. [12] Fiedel, Stuart J (1992) (Digitised online by Google books). Prehistory of the Americas (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=Yrhp8H0_l6MC& lpg=PA151& dq=Paleo-Indians tradition& pg=PR5#v=onepage& q=Paleo-Indians tradition). Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521425445. . Retrieved 2009-11-18. [13] Stuart B. Schwartz, Frank Salomon (1999-12-28) (Digitised online by Google books). The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=PqEQWch7woQC& lpg=PA256& dq=Formative stage in the americas& pg=PA256#v=onepage& q=). Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521630757. . Retrieved 2009-11-17. [14] African Bushmen Tour U.S. to Fund Fight for Land (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2004/ 09/ 0914_040914_labushmen_2. html) [15] John Gowdy (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A reader on Hunter-Gatherer Economics and the Environment. St Louis: Island Press. pp.342. ISBN155963555X. [16] Dahlberg, Frances. (1975). Woman the Gatherer (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=eTPULzP1MZAC& pg=PA120& dq=Gathering+ and+ Hominid+ Adaptation). London: Yale university press. ISBN0-30-02989-6. .

Hunter-gatherer
[17] Erdal, D. & Whiten, A. (1996) "Egalitarianism and Machiavellian Intelligence in Human Evolution" in Mellars, P. & Gibson, K. (eds) Modelling the Early Human Mind. Cambridge MacDonald Monograph Series [18] Thomas M. Kiefer (Spring 2002). "Anthropology E-20" (http:/ / www. suluarchipelago. com/ E20Website2002/ default. htm). Lecture 8 Subsistence, Ecology and Food production. Harvard University. . Retrieved 2008-03-11. [19] Biesele, Megan; Barclay, Steve (March 2001). "Ju/'Hoan Women's Tracking Knowledge And Its Contribution To Their Husbands' Hunting Success". African Study Monographs Suppl.26: 6784 [20] Stefan Lovgren. "Sex-Based Roles Gave Modern Humans an Edge, Study Says" (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2006/ 12/ 061207-sex-humans. html). National Geographic News. . Retrieved 2008-02-03. [21] Sahlins, M. (1968). "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", Man the Hunter. R.B. Lee and I. DeVore (New York: Aldine Publishing Company) pp.85-89. ISBN 020233032X [22] Kelly, Robert L. (1995). The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer Life ways. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. ISBN1-56098-465-1. [23] Portera, Claire C.; Marlowe, Frank W. (January 2007). "How marginal are forager habitats?" (http:/ / www. anthro. fsu. edu/ people/ faculty/ marlowe_pubs/ how marginal are forager habitats. pdf) (PDF). Journal of Archaeological Science 34 (1): 5968. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2006.03.014. . [24] Lee, Richard B. & Daly, Richard, eds., ed (1999). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers. Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-60919-4. [25] Kelly, Raymond (October 2005). "The evolution of lethal intergroup violence". PNAS 102 (43): 1529415298. doi:10.1073/pnas.0505955102. PMC1266108. PMID16129826. [26] Wilmsen, Edwin (1989). Land Filled With Flies: A Political Economy of the Kalahari. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN0-226-90015-0. [27] Lee, Richard B.; Guenther, Mathias (1995). "Errors Corrected or Compounded? A Reply to Wilmsen". Current Anthropology (36): 298305. [28] Lee, Richard B. (1992). "Art, Science, or Politics? The Crisis in Hunter-Gatherer Studies". American Anthropologist (94): 3154. [29] Nicolas Peterson; John Taylor (1998). "Demographic transition in a hunter-gatherer population: the Tiwi case, 1929-1996" (http:/ / www. accessmylibrary. com/ article-1G1-21167358/ demographic-transition-hunter-gatherer. html). Australian Aboriginal Studies (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies) 1998. .

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Further reading
Barnard, A. J., ed. (2004). Hunter-gatherers in history, archaeology and anthropology (http://books.google.ca/ books?id=SU-tuR9t5KoC&lpg=PP1&dq=Hunter-gatherers in history, archaeology and anthropology& pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=true). Berg. ISBN1-85973-825-7. Bettinger, R. L. (1991). Hunter-gatherers: archaeological and evolutionary theory (http://books.google.ca/ books?id=5F-bmYoOr6cC&lpg=PP1&dq=Hunter-gatherers: archaeological and evolutionary theory.& pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=true). Plenum Press. ISBN0-306-43650-7. Bowles, S. and Gintis, H. (2011). A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution (http://www. themontrealreview.com/2009/ A-cooperative-species-human-reciprocity-and-its-evolution-by-Bowles-and-Gintis.php). Princeton University Press. ISBN0-691-15125-3. (Reviewed in The Montreal Review (http://www.themontrealreview.com/2009/ A-cooperative-species-human-reciprocity-and-its-evolution-by-Bowles-and-Gintis.php)) Brody, Hugh (2001). The Other Side Of Eden: hunter-gatherers, farmers and the shaping of the world. North Point Press. ISBN0-571-20502-X. Lee, Richard B. and Irven DeVore, eds. (1968). Man the hunter (http://books.google.ca/ books?id=8onGWvNpw18C&lpg=PP1&dq=Man the hunter&pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=true). Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN0-202-33032-X. Meltzer, David J (2009). First peoples in a new world: colonizing ice age America (http://books.google.ca/ books?id=jWgZPz6oXSwC&lpg=PP1&dq=First peoples in a new world: colonizing ice age America By David J.Meltzer&pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=true). University of California, Berkeley. ISBN0-5202-5052-4. Morrison, K. D. and L. L. Junker, eds. (2002). Forager-traders in South and Southeast Asia: long term histories (http://books.google.ca/books?id=6IAUKE7xv_cC&lpg=PP1&dq=Forager-traders in South and Southeast Asia: long term histories&pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=true). Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-01636-3. Panter-Brick, C., R. H. Layton and P. Rowley-Conwy, eds. (2001). Hunter-gatherers: an interdisciplinary perspective (http://books.google.ca/books?id=7yCpBRAY22UC&lpg=PP1&dq=Hunter-gatherers: an

Hunter-gatherer interdisciplinary perspective&pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=true). Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-77672-4. Turnbull, Colin (1987). The Forest People. Touchstone. ISBN978-0671640996.

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External links
Nature's Secret Larder - Wild Foods & Hunting Tools. (http://www.naturessecretlarder.co.uk) A wiki dedicated to the scientific study of the diversity of foraging societies without recreating myths (http:// foragers.wikidot.com/start) Balmer, Yves (20032009). "Ethnological videos clips. Living or recently extinct traditional tribal groups and their origins" (http://www.andaman-video.org). Andaman Association.

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Chapter 4: The tribal loyality

Social group
In the social sciences a social group has been defined as two or more humans who interact with one another, share similar characteristics and collectively have a sense of unity,[1] although the best way to define social group is a matter of conjecture. Regardless, a society can be viewed as a large group, though most social groups are considerably smaller.

Defining social group

Individuals in groups are connected to each other by social relationships

The social cohesion approach

A true social group exhibits some degree of social cohesion and is more than a simple collection or aggregate of individuals, such as people waiting at a bus stop, or people waiting in a line. Characteristics shared by members of a group may include interests, values, representations, ethnic or social background, and kinship ties. Paul Hare regards the defining characteristic of a group as social interaction.[2] The members of the groups contact each other which Ackeema Johnson calls a "regular interaction." This group also should have, a common identity, rules, structure, etc. Muzafer Sherif (19161982) formulated a technical definition with the following elements: A social unit consisting of a number of individuals interacting with each other with respect to: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Common motives and goals An accepted division of labor, i.e. roles Established status (social rank, dominance) relationships Accepted norms and values with reference to matters relevant to the group Development of accepted sanctions (praise and punishment) if and when norms were respected or violated[3]

Though a group can have any number of members, Sherif held that the optimal size is three persons. A group of three persons can achieve better problem solving abilities than the best three or more individuals can accomplish individually. Group behaviours have a beneficial effect thus in augmenting the group's abilities and at the same time it has a detrimental or negative effect also. This is because members at a wrong stimuli can launch into destructive endeavours, since their wrong doings will not be found out as individual wrong doings or of a single person, they have the cover of the group. An example being individuals forming a violent mob burning buses and destroying other public properties. This definition is long and complex, but it is also precise. It succeeds at providing the researcher with the tools required to answer three important questions: 1. "How is a group formed?" 2. "How does a group function?" 3. "How does one describe those social interactions that occur on the way to forming a group?"

Social group Significance of that definition The attention of those who use, participate in, or study groups has focused on functioning groups, on larger organizations, or on the decisions made in these organizations.[4] Much less attention has been paid to the more ubiquitous and universal social behaviors that do not clearly demonstrate one or more of the five necessary elements described by Sherif. Some of the earliest efforts to understand these social units have been the extensive descriptions of urban street gangs in the 1920s and 1930s, continuing through the 1950s, which understood them to be largely reactions to the established authority.[5] The primary goal of gang members was to defend gang territory, and to define and maintain the dominance structure within the gang. There remains in the popular media and urban law enforcement agencies an avid interest in gangs, reflected in daily headlines which emphasize the criminal aspects of gang behavior. However, these studies and the continued interest have not improved the capacity to influence gang behavior or to reduce gang related violence. The relevant literature on animal social behaviors, such as work on territory and dominance, has been available since the 1950s. also, they have been largely neglected by policy makers, sociologists and anthropologists. Indeed, vast literature on organization, property, law enforcement, ownership, religion, warfare, values, conflict resolution, authority, rights, and families have grown and evolved without any reference to any analogous social behaviors in animals. This disconnect may be the result of the belief that social behavior in humankind is radically different from the social behavior in animals because of the human capacity for language use and rationality. Of course, while this is true, it is equally likely that the study of the social (group) behaviors of other animals might shed light on the evolutionary roots of social behavior in people. Territorial and dominance behaviors in humans are so universal and commonplace that they are simply taken for granted (though sometimes admired, as in home ownership, or deplored, as in violence). But these social behaviors and interactions between human individuals play a special role in the study of groups: they are necessarily prior to the formation of groups. The psychological internalization of territorial and dominance experiences in conscious and unconscious memory are established through the formation of social identity, personal identity, body concept, or self concept. An adequately functioning individual identity is necessary before an individual can function in a division of labor (role), and hence, within a cohesive group. Coming to understand territorial and dominance behaviors may thus help to clarify the development, functioning, and productivity of groups.

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The social identification approach

Explicitly contrasted against a social cohesion based definition for social groups is the social identity perspective, which draws on insights made in social identity theory.[6] Here, rather than defining a social group based on expressions of cohesive social relationships between individuals, the social identity model assumes that psychological group membership has primarily a perceptual or cognitive basis.[7] It posits that the necessary and sufficient condition for individuals to act as group members is awareness of a common category membership and that a social group can be "usefully conceptualized as a number of individuals who have internalized the same social category membership as a component of their self concept".[7] Stated otherwise, while the social cohesion approach expects group members to ask who am I attracted to?, the social identity perspective expects group members to simply ask who am I?. Empirical support for the social identity perspective on groups is largely drawn from work using the minimal group paradigm. For example, it is has been shown that the mere act of allocating individuals to explicitly random categories is sufficient to lead individuals to act in an ingroup favouring fashion (even where no individual self-interest is possible).[8] Also problematic for the social cohesion account is recent research showing that seemingly meaningless categorization can be an antecedent of perceptions of interdependence with fellow category members.[9]

Social group While the roots of this approach to social groups had its foundations in social identity theory, more concerted exploration of these ideas occurred later in the form of self-categorization theory.[10]

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Types of groups
Primary groups are small groups with intimate, kinship-based relationships: families, for example. They commonly last for many years or even generations. They are small and display face-to-face interaction. Secondary groups, in contrast to primary groups, are large groups involving formal and institutional relationships. They may last for years or may disband after a short time. The formation of primary groups happens within secondary groups. Primary groups can be present in secondary settings. For example, attending a university exemplifies membership of a secondary group, while the friendships that are made there would be considered a primary group that you belong to. Likewise, some businesses care deeply about the well being of one another, while some immediate families have hostile relations within it. Individuals almost universally have a bond toward what sociologists call reference groups. These are groups to which the individual conceptually relates him/herself, and from which he/she adopts goals and values as a part of his/her self identity. Some examples of types of groups include the following: Peer group A peer group is a group with members of approximately the same age, social status, and interests. Generally, people are relatively equal in terms of power when they interact with peers. Clique A group of people that have many of the same interests & commonly found in a High School/College setting; most of the time they have a name & rules for themselves. Club A club is a group, which usually requires one to apply to become a member. Such clubs may be dedicated to particular activities: sporting clubs, for example. Household All individuals who live in the same home. anglophone culture may include various models of household, including the family, blended families, share housing, and group homes. Community A community is a group of people with a commonality or sometimes a complex net of overlapping commonalities, oftenbut not alwaysin proximity with one another with some degree of continuity over time. Franchise An organization which runs several instances of a business in many locations. Gang A gang is usually an urban group that gathers in a particular area. It is a group of people that often hang around each other. They can be like some clubs, but much less formal.They are usually known in many countries to cause social unrest and also have negative influence on the members and may be a target for the law enforcers in case of any social vices Mob A mob is usually a group of people that has taken the law into their own hands. Mobs are usually groups which gather temporarily for a particular reason.

Social group Posse A posse was originally found in English common law. It is generally obsolete, and survives only in America, where it is the law enforcement equivalent of summoning the militia for military purposes. However, it can also refer to a street group. Squad This is usually a small group, of around 3 to 15 people, who work as a team to accomplish their goals. Team similar to a squad, though a team may contain many more members. A team works in a similar way to a squad. Ingroup A group to which we do belong. It is a group that an individual identifies in positive direction. Out group A group to which we do not belong It is a group that an individual identifies in negative direction. Groups can also be categorized according to the number of people present within the group. This makes sense if the size of the group has consequences for the way group members relate with each other. In a small group, for example, "each member receives some impression ... of each other member distinct enough so that he or she ... can give some reaction to each of the others as an individual person."[11] This personal interaction is not possible in larger groups.

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Recruitment
Social groups acquire and renew their members via recruitment.[12] [13] Compare proselytism. Unless in the initial stages of expansion, the groups usually do not accept every applicant. One of the ways to build a reasonably closed group is to accept new members after one or more existing members propose and recommend them. Such group expands along the lines of other existing social networks. Other approach is to use existing members to evaluate the applicant, like in Microsoft interview. Member evaluation can also be delegated to some team that is not part of the group itself (like in High IQ societies). Some groups may choose to easily accept a lot of people but only leave the most efficient new members after probation (discarding others).

Development of a group
If one brings a small collection of strangers together in a restricted space and environment, provides a common goal and maybe a few ground rules, then a highly probable course of events will follow. Interaction between individuals is the basic requirement. At first, individuals will differentially interact in sets of twos or threes while seeking to interact with those with whom they share something in common: i.e., interests, skills, and cultural background. Relationships will develop some stability in these small sets, in that individuals may temporarily change from one set to another, but will return to the same pairs or trios rather consistently and resist change. Particular twosomes and threesomes will stake out their special spots within the overall space. Again depending on the common goal, eventually twosomes and threesomes will integrate into larger sets of six or eight, with corresponding revisions of territory, dominance-ranking, and further differentiation of roles. All of this seldom takes place without some conflict or disagreement: for example, fighting over the distribution of resources, the choices of means and different subgoals, the development of what are appropriate norms, rewards and punishments. Some of these conflicts will be territorial in nature: i.e., jealousy over roles, or locations, or favored relationships. But most will be involved with struggles for status, ranging from mild protests to serious verbal

Social group conflicts and even dangerous violence. By analogy to animal behavior, sociologists may term these behaviors territorial behaviors and dominance behaviors. Depending on the pressure of the common goal and on the various skills of individuals, differentiations of leadership, dominance, or authority will develop. Once these relationships solidify, with their defined roles, norms, and sanctions, a productive group will have been established.[14] [15] [16] Aggression is the mark of unsettled dominance order. Productive group cooperation requires that both dominance order and territorial arrangements (identity, self concept) be settled with respect to the common goal and with respect to the particular group. Often some individuals will withdraw from interaction or be excluded from the developing group. Depending on the number of individuals in the original collection of strangers, and the number of hangers-on that are tolerated, one or more competing groups of ten or less may form, and the competition for territory and dominance will then also be manifested in the intergroup transactions.

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Dispersal and transformation of groups

Two or more people in interacting situations will over time develop stable territorial relationships. As described above, these may or may not develop into groups. But stable groups can also break up in to several sets of territorial relationships. There are numerous reasons for stable groups to "malfunction" or to disperse, but essentially this is because of loss of compliance with one or more elements of the definition of group provided by Sherif. The two most common causes of a malfunctioning group are the addition of too many individuals, and the failure of the leader to enforce a common purpose, though malfunctions may occur due to a failure of any of the other elements (i.e., confusions status or of norms). In a society, there is an obvious need for more people to participate in cooperative endeavors than can be accommodated by a few separate groups. The military has been the best example as to how this is done in its hierarchical array of squads, platoons, companies, battalions, regiments, and divisions. Private companies, corporations, government agencies, clubs, and so on have all developed comparable (if less formal and standardized) systems when the number of members or employees exceeds the number that can be accommodated in an effective group. Not all larger social structures require the cohesion that may be found in the small group. Consider the neighborhood, the country club, or the megachurch, which are basically territorial organizations who support large social purposes. Any such large organizations may need only islands of cohesive leadership. For a functioning group to attempt to add new members in a casual way is a certain prescription for failure, loss of efficiency, or disorganization. The number of functioning members in a group can be reasonably flexible between five and ten, and a long-standing cohesive group may be able to tolerate a few hangers on. The key concept is that the value and success of a group is obtained by each member maintaining a distinct, functioning identity in the minds of each of the members. The cognitive limit to this span of attention in individuals is often set at seven. Rapid shifting of attention can push the limit to about ten. After ten, subgroups will inevitably start to form with the attendant loss of purpose, dominance-order, and individuality, with confusion of roles and rules. The standard classroom with twenty to forty pupils and one teacher offers a rueful example of one supposed leader juggling a number of subgroups. Weakening of the common purpose once a group is well established can be attributed to: adding new members; unsettled conflicts of identities (i.e., territorial problems in individuals); weakening of a settled dominance-order; and weakening or failure of the leader to tend to the group. The actual loss of a leader is frequently fatal to a group, unless there was lengthy preparation for the transition. The loss of the leader tends to dissolve all dominance relationships, as well as weakening dedication to common purpose, differentiation of roles, and maintenance of norms. The most common symptoms of a troubled group are loss of efficiency, diminished participation, or weakening of purpose, as well as an increase in verbal aggression. Often, if a strong common purpose is still present, a simple reorganization with a new leader and a few new members will be sufficient to re-establish the group, which is somewhat easier than forming an entirely new group.this is the most common factor

Social group

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Territory and dominance

History
There were no concepts of territory and dominance to inform the theory of sociology in its formative stages. Great bodies of literature have developed on social relations, family, property, law enforcement, aggression, and others with only slight mention of territory or dominance. It was not until the 1950s that scientists in human psychology, human socialization, and animal social behavior began to meet together to try to integrate their perspectives. But the professional disciplines traditions, basic concepts, and research methodologies were difficult to reconcile. Psychoanalysis, with its focus on introspection, and subjective data, had become the accepted theory for many psychologists and sociologists. However, the Macy Foundation did sponsor five annual scientific conferences, and published the proceedings in five volumes entitled Group Processes between 1954 and 1958.[17] Territory and dominance are basic, primitive, and well studied social behaviors in many animals, including humans and other primates. These two well-differentiated categories of social behavior can be considered as evolutionary and developmental twins in that they are profoundly connected. It is difficult to make observations about one without commenting on the other, yet they are clearly differentiated. Obviously, for example, territories can be invaded, captured, or destroyed by more dominant individuals. However, an individual occupying his/her own territory does have an advantage in the struggle for possession of that territory, and is able to exert increased strengths when defending his own.

Recognition of territorial behavior

Territory was initially identified as a physical space which may be staked out by individuals singly or as mating pairs. "Owners" subsequently defend their space, sometimes quite vigorously, and when left by the owner there is the strong tendency to return to it. Territories may also be claimed by various aggregates of individuals such as families, tribes, or nations. Each species has well defined patterns of when, and how territory is defined and defended. Nesting behavior in birds, hunting territory in wolves, or home ownership in humans are easy phenomena to identify. However, this initial definition was elaborated to include not only other human objects such as friends, spouses, children, but domestic animals, pets of all kinds, and physical objects such as toys, jewelry, automobiles, and golf clubs. It can also mean, in a much broader sense, anything that has been claimed for a person or group. This includes intangible things like areas of business, market share, areas of research, social scenes, contacts and how a person or groups presents itself. Territories are strongly defended. When they are lost, sold, stolen, intruded on or captured, there may be in humans an intense sense of loss, very much akin to depression, and a sense of anger. Animals also have analogous reactions, but are naturally devoid of the expressions of emotion in language. Territory is functionally related to the survival behaviors of seeking food, shelter, sex, and reproduction, but there is no effort here to establish the survival value of territory or dominance. The universal presence of these principles in a wide variety of species would seem to argue for survival value, but there is, as yet, no scientific methodology to establish either validity or falsification of survival value. Over the long period of evolutionary time, humankind has developed a most complicated array of territorial behaviors that range from personal social relationships, to possession of land, property, and physical objects. Through the intermediation of spoken and written language, territory can be extended to abstract and symbolic objects and ideas such as religion, school, value systems, and jobs. The most obvious human territorial behaviors are the establishment of a home base, and home ownership. This extends to the ownership of many objects considered as property such as furniture, car, clothes, golf clubs, and club fungi and so on. The use of the possessive pronouns (mine, yours, his, hers, ours, theirs) is a valid signal of territorial behavior recognized in self and others.

Social group

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Recognition of dominance behavior

Dominance behavior was first scientifically identified as the pecking-order in chickens. But, of course, authority, differences in strength, intellect, and social rank in humans have been identified in literature and history as far back as there are records. The simplest marker for dominance is that one individual is allowed to do something that others are not allowed to do. This may be anything from deciding a tied vote to kicking a person out of the group, or worse. Aggression and fighting are markers of the absence of an established dominance order in many cases (this includes politics). However, in small groups, there can exist a system where there is NO dominance, if the group is composed of people who will not abide by one trying to gain dominance over the others. Peaceful coexistence is the marker of the existence of a stable dominance order. Human beings have creatively defined, rationalized, and institutionalized many markers of dominance and authority, ranging from uniforms, titles, insignia of rank, to tone of language, mode of address, the corner office suite, size of bank account, make of car, and so on, to the next new word, symbol, or innovative marker.

Family territory and dominance

The family is an available, familiar, and informative social structure to use as an exemplar of the interactions of territory and dominance. This section will explore some of the ways that families exhibit territory- and dominance-behaviors. For the purpose of exposition, it will leave aside an unresolved variety of opinions about some of the issues discussed, i.e., revised definitions of the family. In Western heterosexual nuclear families, there is usually a preexisting bond and history of interaction (courtship or dating) between a man and a woman before a family is considered formed. Other research in social psychology has provided information on the great variations in the mating selection process; however, none of these variations contradict the basic necessity of a bonding interaction between a man and a woman for the purpose of species maintenance. Most often there is an implied intention to reproduce. Indeed, sexual intercourse is a specific, required type of interaction for reproduction which undoubtedly can contribute strength of purpose to the pair's bond. Additional strength is usually contributed by the lengthy pregnancy and birth of a child. This is not to deny that pair territorial bonds may be weakened, or disrupted by other factors before, during, and after the pregnancy and delivery. The birth of a baby creates the strongest of territorial bondsthe mother-child relationshipand is famous for affecting (for good or bad) the husband-wife bond. The birth of the child into a family provides a clear and uncontroversial example of how many of the early and stronger territorial bonds of an individual are provided without personal selection or choice by the individual. The child immediately has many potential territories: a mother and a father, often siblings and other relatives, an important spacial relationship to the arms of the mother, perhaps the breast of the mother, a blanket, and a cuddle toy, and a geographical home. Likewise over time the child involuntarily acquires numerous attitudes: to life, religion, social relationships, sex, aggression, learning, and so on through the complicated life from zero to six years of age. Gradually the child has some choice and preference in the selection of some objects, such as toys, and some types of food. There are, of course, examples of some young babies rejecting their nurses. Whatever the theoretical and technical flaws of Freudian psychoanalysis and psychotherapy, the thousands of hours of observation and verbalizations by subjects in these procedures provides innumerable examples of the importance of these involuntary, but long durational territorial relationships, as well as the conflicts between them. History, biography, and fiction provides the public with multiple examples of the variations in patterns over time, culture, and even next door neighbors. But the basic patterns of family territorial bonding remain unchallenged, including homosexual families with or without formal marriage. Body (self) image, and personal identity are two of the most important dynamic territories derived over the early and late interactions and territorial bonding that occur within the family structure. Dominance relationships within marriage and family are as familiar and as inevitable as the territorial relationships. Aristotle described the man as being the master and manager of his household: to include wife, children, slaves, the

Social group ox and plough, and property.[18] Roman law specified this to include the power of life and death over children. This is no longer the accepted pattern today (unless you count a fetus as a child, in which case it depends on the laws of the local area), but not even the most unobservant can deny the existence of a dominance order within every family. Many of the subtleties of territorial or dominance behavior may be taken as "just the way things are". Dominance patterns are universal, but not rigidly determined. Learning, culture, circumstances, as well as individual intentional efforts are continuously molding the patterns. Many women may be the overall dominant individual in the family. Some men may be subordinate in earning income, but take the leading child-care role. Most modern families will have a unique pattern of shared responsibilities and dominance, but some form of dominance is inevitable, or the family would be totally dysfunctional. The rule that a stable dominance order is required for a properly functioning group is equally pertinent to the family. Most families do not function as groups, and they are not considered as such, despite the suggestion of such in the introduction to this article. Likewise, it is perhaps the rare family that doesn't manifest some conflict within itself: conflict between the mother and father and assorted relatives; sibling conflict; conflict between children and parents; conflict over money and distribution of time and other resources; and adolescents are famous for their rebelliousness. Most conflict is over who can do what to whom, or who has what kind of access to some resource or privilege. Conflict does not necessarily weaken territorial bonds, even though some conflicts last for years, or forever. Every social worker who has responsibility for children is well aware that an abused child will often vigorously resist being removed from an abusing mother, and will return to the mother if allowed. The same territorial principle helps to explain why some abused wives return again and again to an abusive husband.

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Intensity, modification, and change of a territory

Human territorial bonds are formed by the dynamic interaction of individuals with objects whether other individuals, physical objects, abstract ideas, religions, schools, or football teams. Territorial bonds vary in intensity and duration depending on the frequency of interaction, the intensity of the interaction, and the duration of the interaction. It is unlikely that a child with a reasonable normal childhood will ever forget his or her mother, but the territorial child/mother bond can be attenuated by separation in adulthood, by infrequency of face to face interaction, failures to visit or communicate, and so on. But most people remain alert to their maternal bonding for their lifetimes. Similarly the mating and marriage bond can undergo severe dilution by divorces, deaths, and remarriages, and lack of interaction. But it is the rare man or woman who cannot cite chapter and verse about a series of marriages, or intense relationships if motivated to do so. It is important to realize that there is nothing imperative about territory. The tendency to act in a territorial manner is deeply inborn in humans, but it is also quite modifiable by culture, learning, custom, habit, time, and most of all by replacement territories. The average individual has weak territorial feelings, and a few active memories about primary school, stronger ones about high school, even stronger about college, and perhaps still stronger about professional schools such as law, and medicine. The latter schools' territorial bonding may be somewhat weaker as the individual transfers much of the territorial bonding to the profession that he or she actually practices, and interacts with on a daily basis. The territorial feeling about the practice of law or medicine can be quite strong and the territory vigorously defended. But one does not have to be a member of a profession to have a territorial bond to one's job. Many people from mechanics to secretaries and wallpaper hangers take pride in their jobs and their job skills.

Organization
Another clearly defined function of territoriality and dominance is portrayed as the span of supervision and authority, as well as the normal flow of decision-making and -implementation up and down the tables of organization for all types of organizations, military, religious, or corporate with special reference to decisions under the designations of authority and identification.[19] Perhaps it is not too late to consider territory and dominance as the unifying concepts that the early sociologists searched for so avidly and unsuccessfully in their comparative studies of different societies

Social group from primitive to the most complex.[20]

97

References
[1] "Social Groups." (http:/ / www. cliffsnotes. com/ study_guide/ Social-Groups. topicArticleId-26957,articleId-26868. html) Cliffsnotes.com (http:/ / www. cliffsnotes. com). Accessed June 2011. [2] Hare, A. P. (1962). Handbook of small group research. New York: Macmillan Publishers. [3] Sherif, Muzafer and Sherif, Carolyn W., An Outline of Social Psychology rev.ed. Harper & Brothers: New York pp. 143180. [4] Simon, Herbert A. Administrative Behavior 3rd rd ed. Free Press 1976 p.123-153 [5] Sherif, op. cit. p. 149. [6] Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 3347). Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole [7] Turner, J. C. (1982). Tajfel, H.. ed. "Towards a cognitive redefinition of the social group". Social identity and intergroup relations (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press): 15-40. [8] Tajfel, H., Billig, M., Bundy, R. P. & Flament, C. (1971). Social categorization and intergroup behaviour. European Journal of Social Psychology, 2, 149-178, [9] Platow, M. J.; Grace, D. M.; Smithson, M. J. (2011). "Examining the Preconditions for Psychological Group Membership: Perceived Social Interdependence as the Outcome of Self-Categorization". Social Psychological and Personality Science 3 (1). [10] Turner, J. C.; Reynolds, K. H. (2001). Brown, S. L.; Gaertner. eds. "The Social Identity Perspective in Intergroup Relations: Theories, Themes, and Controversies". Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology 3 (1). [11] Bales, R. F. (1950). Interaction Process Analysis: A Method for the Study of Small Groups. MA: Addison-Wesley. p. 33 [12] Reading, Hugo F. (1996). Dictionary Of The Social Sciences (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=EfdqVtOk7rMC). Atlantic Publishers & Distributors. p.171. ISBN9788171566051. . Retrieved 2010-03-06. "recruitment[:] obtaining membership on the part of a group." [13] Holy, Ladislav (1996). "Group". In Kuper, Adam; Kuper, Jessica. The social science encyclopedia (2 ed.). London: Routledge. p.351. ISBN0415108292. "Group [...] commonly refers to a plurality of individuals bonded by some principle of recruitment and by the set of membership rights and obligations. Everyone fulfilling the recruitment criteria is a member of the group and occupies a specific status in the group [...]." [14] Sherif, op. cit. pp. 181279 [15] Scott, John Paul. Animal Behavior, The University of Chicago Press, 1959, 281pp. [16] Halloway, Ralph L., Primate Aggression, Territoriality, and Xenophobia, Academic Press: New York, and London 1974. 496 pp. [17] Schaffner, Bertram, ed. Group Processes Transactions of conferences 1954, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958 in Vol. I through V. The Josiah Macy Foundation: New York, NY. [18] Aristotle. Politics Book I , ch. 2,3,4 in Great Books Of The Western World ed. By Richard M. Hutchins, and Mortimer Adler vol.9 Encyclopdia Britannica: University of Chicago.1952 [19] # Simon op. cit. pp. 198219 [20] Becker, Howard and Barnes, Harry Elmer.Social Thought From Lore To Science 3rd ed. Dover Publications, Inc : New York, 1962 pp. 743790.

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Group dynamics
Group dynamics refers to a system of behaviors and psychological processes occuring within a social group (intragroup dynamics), or between social groups (intergroup dynamics). The study of group dynamics can be useful in understanding decision-making behavior, tracking the spread of diseases in society, creating effective therapy techniques, and following the emergence and popularity of new ideas and technologies.[1] Group dynamics are at the core of understanding racism, sexism, and other forms of social prejudice and discrimination. These applications of the field are studied in psychology, sociology, anthropology, political science, epidemiology, education, social work, business, and communication studies.

History of group dynamics as a field of research

The history of group dynamics (or group processes[2] ) has a consistent, underlying premise: 'the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.' A group is an entity, which has qualities that cannot be understood just by studying the individuals that make up the group. In 1924, Gestalt psychologist, Max Wertheimer identified this fact, stating There are entities where the behavior of the whole cannot be derived from its individual elements nor from the way these elements fit together; rather the opposite is true: the properties of any of the parts are determined by the intrinsic structural laws of the whole (Wertheimer 1924, p. 7.[3] ) As a field of study, group dynamics has roots in both psychology and sociology. Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1920), credited as the founder of experimental psychology, had a particular interest in the the psychology of communities, which he believed possessed phenomena (human language, customs, and religion) that could not be described through a study of the individual[2] . On the sociological side, mile Durkheim (1858-1917), who was influenced by Wundt, also recognized collective phenomena, such as public knowledge. Other key theorists include Gustave Le Bon (1841-1931) who believed that crowds possessed a 'racial unconscious' with primitive, aggressive, and antisocial instincts, and William McDougall (psychologist), who believed in a 'group mind,' which had a distinct existence born from the interaction of individuals[2] . Ultimately, it was social psychologist Kurt Lewin (1890-1947) who coined the term group dynamics to describe the positive and negative forces within groups of people.[4] In 1945, he established The Group Dynamics Research Center at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the first institute devoted explicitly to the study of group dynamics.[5] Throughout his career, Lewin was focused on how the study of group dynamics could be applied to real-world, social issues.

Key theorists
Gustave Le Bon
Gustave Le Bon was a French social psychologist whose seminal study, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1896) led to the development of group psychology.

William McDougall
The British psychologist William McDougall in his work The Group Mind (1920) researched the dynamics of groups of various sizes and degrees of organization.

Sigmund Freud
Sigmund Freud's Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, (1922) based on a critique of Le Bon's work, led to further development in theories of group behavior in the latter half of the twentieth century. Theodor Adorno reprised Freud's essay in 1951 with his Freudian Theory and the Pattern of Fascist Propaganda, and said that "It is

Group dynamics no an overstatement if we say that Freud, though he was hardly interested in the political phase of the problem, clearly foresaw the rise and nature of fascist mass movements in purely psychological categories."[6]

99

Jacob L. Moreno
Jacob L. Moreno was a psychiatrist, dramatist, philosopher and theoretician who coined the term "group psychotherapy" in the early 1930s and was highly influential at the time.

Kurt Lewin
Kurt Lewin (1943, 1948, 1951) is commonly identified as the founder of the movement to study groups scientifically. He coined the term group dynamics to describe the way groups and individuals act and react to changing circumstances. Group dynamics can be defined as a field of enquiry dedicated to the advancing knowledge about the nature of groups, the laws of their development and their interrelations with individuals, other groups and larger institutions. Based on the feelings and emotions members of a group form a common perception. The interactive psychological relationship in which members of a group form this common perception is actually "Group Dynamics". The phrase "Group Dynamics" contains two words- (i) Group- a social unit of two or more individuals who have in common a set of believes and values, follow the same norms and works for an establishable aim common. The members of the group share a set of common purpose, task or goals. (ii) Dynamics- the flow of, coherent activities which as envisaged, will, in toto, lead the group towards the establishment of its set goals.

William Schutz
William Schutz (1958, 1966) looked at interpersonal relations from the perspective of three dimensions: inclusion, control, and affection. This became the basis for a theory of group behavior that sees groups as resolving issues in each of these stages in order to be able to develop to the next stage. Conversely, a group may also devolve to an earlier stage if unable to resolve outstanding issues in a particular stage.

Wilfred Bion
Wilfred Bion (1961) studied group dynamics from a psychoanalytic perspective, and stated that he was much influenced by Wilfred Trotter for whom he worked at University College Hospital London, as did another key figure in the Psychoanalytic movement, Ernest Jones. He discovered several mass group processes which involved the group as a whole adopting an orientation which, in his opinion, interfered with the ability of a group to accomplish the work it was nominally engaged in.[7] His experiences are reported in his published books, especially Experiences in Groups. The Tavistock Institute has further developed and applied the theory and practices developed by Bion.

Bruce Tuckman
Bruce Tuckman (1965) proposed the four-stage model called Tuckman's Stages for a group. Tuckman's model states that the ideal group decision-making process should occur in four stages: Forming (pretending to get on or get along with others) Storming (letting down the politeness barrier and trying to get down to the issues even if tempers flare up) Norming (getting used to each other and developing trust and productivity) Performing (working in a group to a common goal on a highly efficient and cooperative basis)

Tuckman later added a fifth stage for the dissolution of a group called adjourning. (Adjourning may also be referred to as mourning, i.e. mourning the adjournment of the group). This model refers to the overall pattern of the group, but of course individuals within a group work in different ways. If distrust persists, a group may never even get to the norming stage.

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M. Scott Peck
M. Scott Peck developed stages for larger-scale groups (i.e., communities) which are similar to Tuckman's stages of group development.[8] Peck describes the stages of a community as: Pseudo-community Chaos Emptiness True Community

Communities may be distinguished from other types of groups, in Peck's view, by the need for members to eliminate barriers to communication in order to be able to form true community. Examples of common barriers are: expectations and preconceptions; prejudices; ideology, counterproductive norms, theology and solutions; the need to heal, convert, fix or solve and the need to control. A community is born when its members reach a stage of "emptiness" or peace.

Richard Hackman
Richard Hackman [9] (2002 [10]) developed a synthetic, research-based model for designing and managing work groups. Hackman suggested that groups are successful when they satisfy internal and external clients, develop capabilities to perform in the future, and when members find meaning and satisfaction in the group. Hackman proposed five conditions that increase the chance that groups will be successful. These include: 1. Being a real team: which results from having a shared task, clear boundaries which clarify who is inside or outside of the group, and stability in group membership. 2. Compelling direction: which results from a clear, challenging, and consequential goal. 3. Enabling structure: which results from having tasks which have variety, a group size that is not too large, talented group members who have at least moderate social skill, and strong norms that specify appropriate behavior. 4. Supportive context: that occurs in groups nested in larger groups (e.g. companies). In companies, supportive contexts involves a) reward systems that reward performance and cooperation (e.g. group based rewards linked to group performance), b) an educational system that develops member skills, c) an information and materials system that provides the needed information and raw materials (e.g. computers). 5. Expert coaching: which occurs on the rare occasions when group members feels they need help with task or interpersonal issues. Hackman emphasizes that many team leaders are overbearing and undermine group effectiveness.

Intragroup dynamics
Intragroup dynamics (also referred to as ingroup-, within-group, or commonly just group dynamics) are the underlying processes that give rise to a set of norms, roles, relations, and common goals that characterize a particular social group. Examples of groups include religious, political, military, and environmental groups, sports teams, work groups, and therapy groups. Amongst the members of a group, there is a state of interdependence, through which the behaviors, attitudes, opinions, and experiences of each member are collectively influenced by the other group members.[11] In many fields of research, there is an interest in understanding how group dynamics influence individual behavior, attitudes, and opinions. The dynamics of a particular group depend on how one defines the boundaries of the group. Often, there are distinct subgroups within a more broadly defined group. For example, one could define U.S. residents (Americans) as a group, but could also define a more specific set of U.S. residents (for example, 'Americans in the South'). For each of these groups, there are distinct dynamics that can be discussed. Notably, on this very broad level, the study of group dynamics is similar to the study of culture. For example, there are group dynamics in the U.S. South that sustain a

Group dynamics culture of honor, which is associated with norms of toughness, honor-related violence, and self-defense.[12] [13]

101

Group formation
Group formation starts with a psychological bond between individuals. The social cohesion approach suggests that group formation comes out of bonds of interpersonal attraction.[2] In contrast, the social identity approach (rooted in Social Identity Theory and Self-categorization Theory) suggests that a group starts when a collection of individuals perceive that they share some social category (smokers, nurses, students, hockey players), and that interpersonal attraction only secondarily enhances the connection between individuals.[2] Additionally, from the social identity approach, group formation involves both identifying with some individuals and explicitly not identifying with others. So to say, a level of psychological distinctiveness is necessary for group formation. Through interaction, individuals begin to develop group norms, roles, and attitudes which define the group, and are internalized to influence behavior.[14] Emergent groups arise from a relatively spontaneous process of group formation. For example, in response to a natural disaster, an emergent response group may form. These groups are characterized as having no preexisting structure (e.g. group membership, allocated roles) or prior experience working together.[15] Yet, these groups still express high levels of interdependence and coordinate knowledge, resources, and tasks[15] The minimal group paradigm[16] is perhaps the simplest process required for group formation to occur. Commonly used in social psychological research, an individual can be brought into a laboratory and told that she will be assigned to a group based on trivial and inconsequential criteria. For example, the result of flipping a coin, or on her preference for one of two relatively abstract paintings[17] (commonly, one by Klee and the other by Kandinsky). In this case, individuals are not actually grouped based on their painting preference, but are instead randomly assigned to one of two groups. Individuals have no interaction with other group members, and have no interaction with members of the other group.[18] However, on a decision-making task in which rewards are to be distributed either to an individuals own group or to the other group, individuals will frequently show ingroup bias; allocating rewards in a way that favors their own group; expressing more positive attitudes towards members of their own group; and believing that members of their group have more pleasant personalities, and produce better work than members of the other group.[17] These behavioral responses suggest that a group has been psychologically formed within the individual.

Group membership and social identity

The social group is a critical source of information about individual identity.[19] An individuals identity (or self-concept) has two components: personal identity and social identity (or collective self). Ones personal identity is defined by more idiosyncratic, individual qualities and attributes[2] . In contrast, ones social identity is defined by his or her group membership, and the general characteristics (or prototypes) that define the group and differentiate it from others.[2] We naturally make comparisons between our own group and other groups, but we do not necessarily make objective comparisons. Instead, we make evaluations that are self-enhancing, emphasizing the positive qualities of our own group (see ingroup bias).[2] In this way, these comparisons give us a distinct and valued social identity that benefits our self-esteem. Our social identity and group membership also satisfies a need to belong.[20] Of course, individuals belong to multiple groups. Therefore, ones social identity can have several, qualitatively distinct parts (for example, ones ethnic identity, religious identity, and political identity).[21] Optimal distinctiveness theory suggests that individuals have a desire to be similar to others, but also a desire to differentiate themselves, ultimately seeking some balance of these two desires (to obtain optimal distinctiveness).[22] For example, one might imagine a young teenager in the United States who tries to balance these desires, not wanting to be just like everyone else, but also wanting to fit it and be similar to others. Ones collective self may offer a balance between these two desires.[2] That is, to be similar to others (those who you share group membership with), but also to be different from others (those who are outside of your group).

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Group cohesion
In the social sciences, group cohesion refers to the processes that keep members of a social group connected[4] . Terms such as attraction, solidarity, and morale are often used to describe group cohesion[4] . It is thought to be one of the most important characteristics of a group, and has been linked to group performance,[23] intergroup conflict[24] and therapeutic change.[25] Group cohesion, as a scientifically studied property of groups, is commonly associated with Kurt Lewin and his student, Leon Festinger. Lewin defined group cohesion as the willingness of individuals to stick together, and believed that without cohesiveness a group could not exist[4] . As an extension of Lewins work, Festinger (along with Stanley Schachter and Kurt Back) described cohesion as, the total field of forces which act on members to remain in the group (Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1950, p. 37[4] ). Later, this definition was modified to describe the forces acting on individual members to remain in the group, termed attraction to the group[4] . Since then, several models for understanding the concept of group cohesion have been developed, including Albert Carrons hierarchical model[26] and several bi-dimensional models (vertical v. horizontal cohesion, task v. social cohesion, belongingness and morale, and personal v. social attraction). Before Lewin and Festinger, there were, of course, descriptions of a very similar group property. For example, Emile Durkheim described two forms of solidarity (mechanical and organic), which created a sense of collective conscious and an emotion-based sense of community.[27]

Group influence on individual behavior

Individual behavior is influenced by the presence of others[19] . For example, studies have found that individuals work harder and faster when others are present (see social facilitation), and that an individuals performance is reduced when others in the situation create distraction or conflict[19] . Groups also influence individuals decision-making processes. These include decisions related to ingroup bias, persuasion (see Asch conformity experiments), obedience (see Milgram Experiment), and groupthink. There are both positive and negative implications of group influence on individual behavior. This type of influence is often useful in the context of work settings, team sports, and political activism. However, the influence of groups on the individual can also generate extremely negative behaviors, evident in Nazi Germany, the My Lai Massacre,and in the Abu Ghraib prison (also see Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse)[17] .

Intergroup dynamics
Intergroup dynamics refers to the behavioral and psychological relationship between two or more groups. This includes perceptions, attitudes, opinions, and behaviors towards ones own group, as well as those towards another group. In some cases, intergroup dynamics is prosocial, positive, and beneficial (for example, when multiple research teams work together to accomplish a task or goal). In other cases, intergroup dynamics can create conflict. For example, underlying the Columbine High School shooting in Littleton, Colorado, United States (1999), intergroup dynamics played a significant role in Eric Harris and Dylan Klebolds decision to kill a teacher and 14 students (including themselves)[17] .

Group dynamics

103

Intergroup conflict
According to Social Identity Theory, intergroup conflict starts with a process of comparison between individuals in one group (the ingroup) to those of another group (the outgroup).[28] This comparison process is not unbiased and objective. Instead, it is a mechanism for enhancing ones self-esteem[2] . In the process of such comparisons, an individual tends to: favor the ingroup over the outgroup exaggerate and overgeneralize the differences between the ingroup and the outgroup (to enhance group distinctiveness) minimize the perception of differences between ingroup members evaluate the ingroup more favorably remember more detailed and positive information about the ingroup, and more negative information about the outgroup[29] Even without any intergroup interaction (as in the minimal group paradigm), individuals begin to show favoritism towards their own group, and negative reactions towards the outgroup[29] . This conflict can result in prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination. Intergroup conflict can be highly competitive, especially for social groups with a long history of conflict (for example, the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, rooted in group conflict between the ethnic Hutu and Tutsi)[2] . In contrast, intergroup competition can sometimes be relatively harmless, particularly in situations where there is little history of conflict (for example, between students of different universities) leading to relatively harmless generalizations and mild competitive behaviors[2] . Intergroup conflict is commonly recognized amidst racial, ethnic, religious, and political groups. The formation of intergroup conflict was investigated in a popular series of studies by Muzafer Sherif and colleagues in 1961, called the Robbers Cave Experiment.[30] The Robbers Cave Experiment was later used to support Realistic conflict theory.[31] Other prominent theories relating to intergroup conflict include Social Dominance Theory, and social-/Self-categorization Theory.

Intergroup conflict reduction

There have been several strategies developed for reducing the tension, bias, prejudice, and conflict between social groups. These include the contact hypothesis, the jigsaw classroom, and several categorization-based strategies. Contact hypothesis (intergroup contact theory) In 1954, Gordon Allport suggested that by promoting contact between groups, prejudice can be reduced.[32] Further, he suggested four optimal conditions for contact: equal status between the groups in the situation; common goals; intergroup cooperation; and the support of authorities, law, or customs.[33] Since then, over 500 studies have been done on prejudice reduction under variations of the contact hypothesis, and a meta-analytic review suggests overall support for its efficacy.[33] In some cases, even without the four optimal conditions outlined by Allport, prejudice between groups can be reduced.[33] Superordinate identities Under the contact hypothesis, several models have been developed. A number of these models utilize a superordinate identity to reduce prejudice. That is, a more broadly defined, umbrella group/identity that includes the groups that are in conflict. By emphasizing this superordinate identity, individuals in both subgroups can share a common social identity.[34] For example, if there is conflict between White, Black, and Latino students in a high school, one might try to emphasize the high school group/identity that students share to reduce conflict between the groups. Models utilizing superordinate identities include the ingroup projection model, the mutual intergroup differentiation model, and the ingroup identity model.[34]

Group dynamics Interdependence There are also techniques for reducing prejudice that utilize interdependence between two or more groups. That is, members across groups have to rely on one another to accomplish some goal or task. In the Robbers Cave Experiment, Sherif used this strategy to reduce conflict between groups[29] . Elliot Aronsons Jigsaw Classroom also uses this strategy of interdependence.[35] In 1971, thick racial tensions were abounding in Austin, Texas. Aronson was brought in to examine the nature of this tension within schools, and to devise a strategy for reducing it (so to improve the process of school integration, mandated under Brown v. Board of Education in 1954). Despite strong evidence for the effectiveness of the jigsaw classroom, the strategy was not widely used (arguably because of strong attitudes existing outside of the schools, which still resisted the notion that racial and ethnic minority groups are equal to Whites and, similarly, should be integrated into schools).

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Selected academic journals

Group Processes & Intergroup Relations Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice Small Group Research Group Analysis International Journal of Group Psychotherapy

The Journal for Specialists in Group Work Social Work With Groups International Journal on Minority and Group Rights

References
[1] Backstrom, L.; Huttenlocher, D.; Kleinberg, J.; Lan, X. (2006). "Group formation in large social networks". Proceedings of the 12th ACM SIGKDD international conference on Knowledge discovery and data mining - KDD '06. pp. 44. doi:10.1145/1150402.1150412. ISBN1595933395. [2] Hogg, M. A.; Williams, K. D. (2000). "From I to we: Social identity and the collective self". Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice 4: 81. doi:10.1037/1089-2699.4.1.81. [3] Westheimer, G. (1999). "Gestalt theory reconfigured: Max Wertheimer's anticipation of recent developments in visual neuroscience". Perception 28 (1): 515. doi:10.1068/p2883. PMID10627849. [4] Dion, K. L. (2000). "Group cohesion: From "field of forces" to multidimensional construct". Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice 4: 72. doi:10.1037//1089-2699.4.1.7. [5] Lewin, K. (1945). "The Research Center for Group Dynamics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology". Sociometry 8 (2): 126136. doi:10.2307/2785233. [6] Hammer, Espen Adorno and the political (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=X3L5R3kiOh4C& pg=PA58), pp.58-9 [7] Page 194 to 196, Irvin D. Yalom, The Theory and Practice of Group Psychotherapy, third edition, Basic Books (1985), hardback, ISBN 0-465-08447-8 [8] Peck, M. S. (1987) The Different Drum: Community-Making and Peace.p. 95-103. [9] http:/ / www. people. fas. harvard. edu/ ~hackman/ [10] http:/ / www. people. fas. harvard. edu/ ~hackman/ teams. html [11] Wageman, R. (1995). "Interdependence and Group Effectiveness". Administrative Science Quarterly 40 (1): 145180. doi:10.2307/2393703. [12] Cohen, D.; Nisbett, R. E.; Bowdle, B. F.; Schwarz, N. (1996). "Insult, aggression, and the southern culture of honor: An "experimental ethnography."". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 70 (5): 945959. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.70.5.945. PMID8656339. [13] Cohen, D. (1998). "Culture, social organization, and patterns of violence". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 75 (2): 408419. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.75.2.408. PMID9731316. [14] Sherif, M. (1936). The psychology of social norms. New York: Harper. [15] Majchrzak, A.; Jarvenpaa, S. L.; Hollingshead, A. B. (2007). "Coordinating Expertise Among Emergent Groups Responding to Disasters". Organization Science 18: 147. doi:10.1287/orsc.1060.0228. [16] Billig, M.; Tajfel, H. (1973). "Social categorization and similarity in intergroup behaviour". European Journal of Social Psychology 3: 27. doi:10.1002/ejsp.2420030103. [17] Aronson, Elliot (2008). The social animal. New York: Worth Publishers. ISBN1429203161. [18] Hogg, M. A.; Turner, J. C. (1985). "Interpersonal attraction, social identification and psychological group formation". European Journal of Social Psychology 15: 51. doi:10.1002/ejsp.2420150105.

Group dynamics
[19] Crano, W. D. (2000). "Milestones in the psychological analysis of social influence". Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice 4: 6861. doi:10.1037/1089-2699.4.1.68. [20] Spears, R.; Ellemers, N.; Doosje, B. (2005). "Let me count the ways in which I respect thee: Does competence compensate or compromise lack of liking from the group?". European Journal of Social Psychology 35 (2): 263. doi:10.1002/ejsp.248. [21] Deaux, K.; Reid, A.; Mizrahi, K.; Ethier, K. A. (1995). "Parameters of social identity". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 68 (2): 280. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.68.2.280. [22] Brewer, M. B. (1991). "The Social Self: On Being the Same and Different at the Same Time". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 17 (5): 475. doi:10.1177/0146167291175001. [23] Gully, S. M.; Devine, D. J.; Whitney, D. J. (1995). "A Meta-Analysis of Cohesion and Performance: Effects of Level of Analysis and Task Interdependence". Small Group Research 26 (4): 497. doi:10.1177/1046496495264003. [24] Stein, A. A. (1976). "Conflict and Cohesion: A Review of the Literature". Journal of Conflict Resolution 20: 143. doi:10.1177/002200277602000106. [25] Yalom, Irvin (1995). The theory and practice of group psychotherapy. New York: Basic Books. ISBN9780465084487. [26] Carron, A. V.; Brawley, L. R. (2000). "Cohesion: Conceptual and Measurement Issues". Small Group Research 31: 89. doi:10.1177/104649640003100105. [27] Driedger, Leo (1996). Multi-ethnic Canada : identities and inequalities. Toronto New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN0195411617. [28] Turner, J. C. (1975). "Social comparison and social identity: Some prospects for intergroup behaviour". European Journal of Social Psychology 5: 1. doi:10.1002/ejsp.2420050102. [29] Gaertner, S. L.; Dovidio, J. F.; Banker, B. S.; Houlette, M.; Johnson, K. M.; McGlynn, E. A. (2000). "Reducing intergroup conflict: From superordinate goals to decategorization, recategorization, and mutual differentiation". Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice 4: 98. doi:10.1037/1089-2699.4.1.98. [30] Sherif, Muzafer (1988). The Robbers Cave Experiment. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press. ISBN0819561940. [31] Levine, Robert (1971). Ethnocentrism: Theories of Conflict, Ethnic Attitudes, and Group Behavior. New York: Wiley. ISBN0471531170. [32] Allport, Gordon (1979). The Nature of Prejudice. Reading: Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. ISBN0201001799. [33] Pettigrew, T. F.; Tropp, L. R. (2006). "A Meta-Analytic Test of Intergroup Contact Theory". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 90 (5): 751783. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.90.5.751. PMID16737372. [34] Hornsey, M. J.; Hogg, M. A. (2000). "Subgroup Relations: A Comparison of Mutual Intergroup Differentiation and Common Ingroup Identity Models of Prejudice Reduction". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 26 (2): 242. doi:10.1177/0146167200264010. [35] Aronson, Elliot (1997). The Jigsaw Classroom. New York: Longman. ISBN9780673993830.

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Social psychology
Social psychology is the scientific study of how people's thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of others.[1] By this definition, scientific refers to the empirical method of investigation. The terms thoughts, feelings, and behaviors include all of the psychological variables that are measurable in a human being. The statement that others may be imagined or implied suggests that we are prone to social influence even when no other people are present, such as when watching television, or following internalized cultural norms. Social psychologists typically explain human behavior as a result of the interaction of mental states and immediate social situations. In Kurt Lewin's conceptual formula, behavior can be viewed as a function of the person in the environment, B = f(P, E).[2] In general, social psychologists have a preference for laboratory based, empirical findings. Social psychology theories tend to be specific and focused, rather than global and general. Social psychology is an interdisciplinary domain that bridges the gap between psychology and sociology. During the years immediately following World War II, there was frequent collaboration between psychologists and sociologists.[3] However, the two disciplines have become increasingly specialized and isolated from each other in recent years, with sociologists focusing on "macro variables" (e.g. social structure) to a much greater extent. Nevertheless, sociological approaches to social psychology remain an important counterpart to psychological research in this area. In addition to the split between psychology and sociology, there has been a somewhat less pronounced difference in emphasis between American social psychologists and European social psychologists. As a broad generalization, American researchers traditionally have focused more on the individual, whereas Europeans have paid more attention to group level phenomena.[4] See Group dynamics.

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History
The discipline of social psychology began in the United States at the dawn of the 20th century. The first published study in this area was an experiment in 1898 by Norman Triplett on the phenomenon of social facilitation.[5] During the 1930s, many Gestalt psychologists, most notably Kurt Lewin, fled to the United States from Nazi Germany. They were instrumental in developing the field as something separate from the behavioral and psychoanalytic schools that were dominant during that time, and social psychology has always maintained the legacy of their interests in perception and cognition. Attitudes and small group phenomena were the most commonly studied topics in this era. During WWII, social psychologists studied persuasion and propaganda for the U.S. military. After the war, researchers became interested in a variety of social problems, including gender issues and racial prejudice. Most notable, revealing, and contentious of them all were the Stanley Milgram shock experiments on obedience to authority. In the sixties, there was growing interest in new topics, Michael Anthony Marcelo, the such as cognitive dissonance, bystander intervention, and aggression. By the "father of social psychology." 1970s, however, social psychology in America had reached a crisis. There was heated debate over the ethics of laboratory experimentation, whether or not attitudes really predicted behavior, and how much science could be done in a cultural context (see Gergen, 1973).[6] This was also the time when a radical situationist approach challenged the relevance of self and personality in psychology. Social psychology reached maturity in both theory and method during the 1980s and 1990s. Careful ethical standards now regulate research, and greater pluralism and multiculturalism perspectives have emerged. Modern researchers are interested in a many phenomena, but attribution, social cognition, and the self-concept are perhaps the greatest areas of growth in recent years. Social psychologists have also maintained their applied interests with contributions in health and environmental psychology, as well as the psychology of the legal system.

Intrapersonal phenomena
Attitudes
In social psychology, attitudes are defined as learned, global evaluations of a person, object, place, or issue that influence thought and action.[7] Put more simply, attitudes are basic expressions of approval or disapproval, favorability or unfavorability, or as Bem put it, likes and dislikes.[8] Examples would include liking chocolate ice cream, being against abortion, or endorsing the values of a particular political party. Social psychologists have studied attitude formation, the structure of attitudes, attitude change, the function of attitudes, and the relationship between attitudes and behavior. Because people are influenced by the situation, general attitudes are not always good predictors of specific behavior. For a variety of reasons, a person may value the environment and not recycle a can on a particular day. Attitudes that are well remembered and central to our self-concept, however, are more likely to lead to behavior, and measures of general attitudes do predict patterns of behavior over time. Large amount of recent research on attitudes is on the distinction between traditional, self-report attitude measures and "implicit" or unconscious attitudes. For example, experiments using the Implicit Association Test have found that people often demonstrate bias against other races, even when their questionnaire responses reveal equal mindedness. One study found that explicit attitudes correlate with verbal behavior in interracial interactions, whereas implicit attitudes correlate with nonverbal behavior.[9]

Social psychology One hypothesis on how attitudes are formed, first advanced by Abraham Tesser (1983), is that strong likes and dislikes are rooted in our genetic make-up. Tesser speculates that individuals are disposed to hold certain strong attitudes as a result of inborn physical, sensory, and cognitive skills, temperament, and personality traits. Whatever disposition nature elects to give us, our most treasured attitudes are often formed as a result of exposure to attitude objects; our history of rewards and punishments; the attitude that our parents, friends, and enemies express; the social and cultural context in which we live; and other types of experiences we have. Obviously, attitudes are formed through the basic process of learning. Numerous studies have shown that people can form strong positive and negative attitudes toward neutral objects that are in some way linked to emotionally charged stimuli.[10] Attitudes are also involved in several other areas of the discipline, such as the following; conformity, interpersonal attraction, social perception, and prejudice.

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Persuasion
The topic of persuasion has received a great deal of attention in recent years. Persuasion is an active method of influence that attempts to guide people toward the adoption of an attitude, idea, or behavior by rational or emotive means. Persuasion relies on "appeals" rather than strong pressure or coercion. Numerous variables have been found to influence the persuasion process, and these are normally presented in five major categories: who said what to whom and how. 1. The Communicator, including credibility, expertise, trustworthiness, and attractiveness. 2. The Message, including varying degrees of reason, emotion (such as fear), one-sided or two sided arguments, and other types of informational content. 3. The Audience, including a variety of demographics, personality traits, and preferences. 4. The Channel, including the printed word, radio, television, the internet, or face-to-face interactions. 5. The Context, including the environment, group dynamics, pre-amble to the message Dual process theories of persuasion (such as the elaboration likelihood model) maintain that the persuasive process is mediated by two separate routes. Persuasion can be accomplished by either superficial aspects of the communication or the internal logic and evidence of the message. Whether someone is persuaded by a popular celebrity or factual arguments is largely determined by the ability and motivation of the audience. Persuasion attempts that rely on the mass media frequently result in failure. This is because people's attitudes and behaviors are often established habits that tend to be resistant to change. Communication campaigns are most likely to succeed when they use entertaining characters and messages, tailor the message to fit the audience, and repeat messages across relevant media channels.[] An example of a highly effective mass media campaign is the Got Milk campaign.

Social cognition
Social cognition is a growing area of social psychology that studies how people perceive, think about, and remember information about others. Much of the research rests on the assertion that people think about people differently from non-social targets.[11] This assertion is widely supported by the existence of social cognitive deficits exhibited by people with Williams syndrome and autism.[12] Person perception is the study of how people form impressions of others. The study of how people form beliefs about each other while interacting is known as interpersonal perception. A major research topic in social cognition is attribution.[13] Attributions are the explanations we make for people's behavior, either our own behavior or the behavior of others. We can ascribe the locus of a behavior to either internal or external factors. An internal, or dispositional, locus of causality involves factors within the person, such as ability or personality. An external, or situational, locus involves outside factors, such as the weather. A second element of attribution ascribes the cause of behavior to either stable or unstable factors. Finally, we also attribute causes of behavior to either controllable or uncontrollable factors.

Social psychology Numerous biases in the attribution process have been discovered. The fundamental attribution error is the tendency to make dispositional attributions for behavior. The actor-observer effect is a refinement of this bias, the tendency to make dispositional attributions for other people's behavior and situational attributions for our own. The just-world phenomenon is the tendency to blame victims (a dispositional attribution) for their suffering. This is believed to be motivated by people's anxiety that good people, including themselves, could be victimized in an unjust world. Finally, the self-serving bias is the tendency to take credit for successes, and blame others for failure. Researchers have found that depressed individuals often lack this bias and actually have more realistic perceptions of reality. Heuristics are cognitive short cuts. Instead of weighing all the evidence when making a decision, people rely on heuristics to save time and energy. The availability heuristic occurs when people estimate the probability of an outcome based on how easy that outcome is to imagine. As such, vivid or highly memorable possibilities will be perceived as more likely than those that are harder to picture or are difficult to understand, resulting in a corresponding cognitive bias. Numerous other biases have been found by social cognition researchers. The hindsight bias is a false memory of having predicted events, or an exaggeration of actual predictions, after becoming aware of the outcome. The confirmation bias is a type of bias leading to the tendency to search for, or interpret information in a way that confirms one's preconceptions. Another key concept in social cognition is the assumption that reality is too complex to easily discern. As a result, we tend to see the world according to simplified schemas or images of reality. Schemas are generalized mental representations that organize knowledge and guide information processing. Schemas often operate automatically and unintentionally, and can lead to biases in perception and memory. Expectations from schemas may lead us to see something that is not there. One experiment found that people are more likely to misperceive a weapon in the hands of a black man than a white man.[14] This type of schema is actually a stereotype, a generalized set of beliefs about a particular group of people (Ultimate attribution error). Stereotypes are often related to negative or preferential attitudes (prejudice) and behavior (discrimination). Schemas for types of events (e.g. going to a restaurant, doing laundry) are known as scripts.

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Self-concept
Self-concept is a term referring to the whole sum of beliefs that people have about themselves. However, what specifically does self-concept consist of? According to Hazel Markus (1977), the self-concept is made up of cognitive molecules called self-schema; which is a belief that people have about themselves which guides the processing of self reliant information. Self-schemas are to an individuals total selfconcept as a hypothesis is to a theory, or a book is to a library. A good example to use is body weight self-schema; people who regard themselves as over or underweight, or for those whom body image is a conspicuous aspect of the self-concept, are considered schematics with respect to weight. For these people a range of otherwise mundane events grocery shopping, new clothes, eating out, or going to the beach can trigger thoughts about the self. In contrast, people who do not regard their weight as an important part of their lives are a-schematic on that attribute.[15] It is rather clear that the self is a special object of our attention. Whether you are mentally focused on a memory, a conversation, a foul smell, the song that is stuck in your head, or this sentence, conscious is like a spotlight. This spotlight can shine on only one object at a time, but it can switch rapidly from one object to another and process the information out of awareness. In this spotlight the self is front and center. The ABCs of the self are: affect, behavior, and cognition. A cognitive question: How do individuals become themselves, build a self-concept, and uphold a stable sense of identity? An affective (or emotional) question: How do people evaluate themselves, enhance their self image, and maintain a secure sense of identity? A behavioral question: How do people regulate their own actions and present themselves to others according to interpersonal demands?[16] Affective forecasting is the process of prediction of how one would feel in response to future emotional events. Studies done by Timothy Wilson and Daniel Gilbert (2003), have shown that people overestimate the strength or reaction, to positive and negative life events, than they actually felt when the event did occur.[17]

Social psychology There are many theories on the perception of our own behavior. Daryl Bems (1972) self perception theory claims that when internal cues are difficult to interpret, people gain self-insight by observing their own behavior.[18] Leon Festinger's (1954), social comparison theory is that people evaluate their own abilities and opinions by comparing themselves to others when they are uncertain of their own ability or opinions.[19] There is also the facial feedback hypothesis; that changes in facial expression can lead to corresponding changes in emotion.[20] The fields of social psychology and personality have merged over the years, and social psychologists have developed an interest in self-related phenomena. In contrast with traditional personality theory, however, social psychologists place a greater emphasis on cognitions than on traits. Much research focuses on the self-concept, which is a person's understanding of his or her self. The self-concept is often divided into a cognitive component, known as the self-schema, and an evaluative component, the self-esteem. The need to maintain a healthy self-esteem is recognized as a central human motivation in the field of social psychology. Self-efficacy beliefs are cognitions that are associated with the self-schema. These are expectations that performance on some task will be effective and successful. Social psychologists also study such self-related processes as self-control and self-presentation. People develop their self-concepts by varied means, including introspection, feedback from others, self-perception, and social comparison. By comparison to relevant others, people gain information about themselves, and they make inferences that are relevant to self-esteem. Social comparisons can be either "upward" or "downward," that is, comparisons to people who are either higher in status or ability, or lower in status or ability. Downward comparisons are often made in order to elevate self-esteem. Self-perception is a specialized form of attribution that involves making inferences about oneself after observing one's own behavior. Psychologists have found that too many extrinsic rewards (e.g. money) tend to reduce intrinsic motivation through the self-perception process, a phenomenon known as overjustification. People's attention is directed to the reward and they lose interest in the task when the reward is no longer offered.[21] This is an important exception to reinforcement theory.

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Cognitive dissonance
Cognitive dissonance is a feeling of unpleasant arousal caused by noticing an inconsistency among one's cognition.[22] These contradictory cognitions may be attitudes, beliefs, or one's awareness of his or her behavior. The theory of cognitive dissonance proposes that people have a motivational drive to reduce dissonance by changing their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, or by justifying or rationalizing their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors.[22] Cognitive dissonance theory is one of the most influential and extensively studied theories in social psychology. Cognitive dissonance theory was originally developed as a theory of attitude change, but it is now considered to be a theory of the self-concept by many social psychologists. Dissonance is strongest when a discrepancy has been noticed between one's self-concept and one's behavior, e.g. doing something that makes one ashamed. This can result in self-justification as the individual attempts to deal with the threat. Cognitive dissonance typically leads to a change in attitude, a change in behavior, a self-affirmation, or a rationalization of the behavior. An example of cognitive dissonance is smoking. Smoking cigarettes increases the risk of cancer, which is threatening to the self-concept of the individual who smokes. Most of us believe ourselves to be intelligent and rational, and the idea of doing something foolish and self-destructive causes dissonance. To reduce this uncomfortable tension, smokers tend to make excuses for themselves, such as "I'm going to die anyway, so it doesn't matter."

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Interpersonal phenomena
Social influence
Social influence refers to the way people affect the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of others. Like the study of attitudes, it is a traditional, core topic in social psychology. In fact, research on social influence overlaps considerably with research on attitudes and persuasion. Social influence is also closely related to the study of group dynamics, as most of the principles of influence are strongest when they take place in social groups. Conformity is the most common and pervasive form of social influence. It is generally defined as the tendency to act or think like other members of a group. Group size, unanimity, cohesion, status, and prior commitment all help to determine the level of conformity in an individual. Conformity is usually viewed as a negative tendency in American culture, but a certain amount of conformity is not only necessary and normal, but probably essential for a community to function. The two major motives in conformity are normative influence, the tendency to conform in order to gain social acceptance, and avoid social rejection or conflict, as in peer pressure; and informational influence, which is based on the desire to obtain useful information through conformity, and thereby achieve a correct or appropriate result. Minority influence is the degree to which a smaller faction within the group influences the group during decision making. Note that this refers to a minority position on some issue, not an ethnic minority. Their influence is primarily informational and depends on consistent adherence to a position, degree of defection from the majority, and the status and self-confidence of the minority members. Reactance is a tendency to assert oneself by doing the opposite of what is expected. This phenomenon is also known as anticonformity and it appears to be more common in men than in women.

Which line matches the first line, A, B, or C? In the Asch conformity experiments, people frequently followed the majority judgment, even when the majority was wrong.

There are two other major areas of social influence research. Compliance refers to any change in behavior that is due to a request or suggestion from another person. The Foot-in-the-door technique is a compliance method in which the persuader requests a small favor and then follows up with a larger favor, e.g. asking for the time, and then asking for ten dollars. A related trick is the Bait and switch.[23] The third major form of social influence is obedience. This is a change in behavior that is the result of a direct order or command from another person. A different kind of social influence is the self-fulfilling prophecy. This is a prediction that, in being made, actually causes itself to become true. For example, in the stock market, if it is widely believed that a crash is imminent, investors may lose confidence, sell most of their stock, and actually cause the crash. Likewise, people may expect hostility in others and actually induce this hostility by their own behavior.

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Group dynamics
A group can be defined as two or more individuals that are connected to each another by social relationships.[24] Groups tend to interact, influence each other, and share a common identity. They have a number of emergent qualities that distinguish them from aggregates: Norms - implicit rules and expectations for group members to follow, e.g. saying thank you, shaking hands. Roles - implicit rules and expectations for specific members within the group, e.g. the oldest sibling, who may have additional responsibilities in the family. Relations - patterns of liking within the group, and also differences in prestige or status, e.g. leaders, popular people. Temporary groups and aggregates share few or none of these features, and do not qualify as true social groups. People waiting in line to get on a bus, for example, do not constitute a group. Groups are important not only because they offer social support, resources, and a feeling of belonging, but because they supplement an individual's self-concept. To a large extent, humans define themselves by the group memberships which form their social identity. The shared social identity of individuals within a group influences intergroup behavior, the way in which groups behave towards and perceive each other. These perceptions and behaviors in turn define the social identity of individuals within the interacting groups. The tendency to define oneself by membership of a group leads to intergroup discrimination, which involves favorable perceptions and behaviors directed towards the in-group, but negative perceptions and behaviors directed towards the out-group.[25] Intergroup discrimination leads to prejudice and stereotyping, while the processes of social facilitation and group polarization encourage extreme behaviors towards the out-group. Groups often moderate and improve decision making, and are frequently relied upon for these benefits, such as committees and juries. A number of group biases, however, can interfere with effective decision making. For example, group polarization, formerly known as the "risky shift," occurs when people polarize their views in a more extreme direction after group discussion. More problematic is the phenomenon of groupthink. This is a collective thinking defect that is characterized by a premature consensus or an incorrect assumption of consensus, caused by members of a group failing to promote views which are not consistent with the views of other members. Groupthink occurs in a variety of situations, including isolation of a group and the presence of a highly directive leader. Janis offered the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion as a historical case of groupthink.[26] Groups also affect performance and productivity. Social facilitation, for example, is a tendency to work harder and faster in the presence of others. Social facilitation increases the likelihood of the dominant response, which tends to improve performance on simple tasks and reduce it on complex tasks. In contrast, social loafing is the tendency of individuals to slack when working in a group. Social loafing is common when the task is considered unimportant and individual contributions are not easy to see.[27] Social psychologists study group-related (collective) phenomena such as the behavior of crowds. An important concept in this area is deindividuation, a reduced state of self-awareness that can be caused by feelings of anonymity. Deindividuation is associated with uninhibited and sometimes dangerous behavior. It is common in crowds and mobs, but it can also be caused by a disguise, a uniform, alcohol, dark environments, or online anonymity.

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Relations with others

Social psychologists are interested in the question of why people sometimes act in a prosocial way (helping, liking, or loving others), but at other times act in an antisocial way (hostility, aggression, or prejudice against others). Aggression can be defined as any behavior that is intended to harm another human being. Hostile aggression is accompanied by strong emotions, particularly anger. Harming the other person is the goal. Instrumental aggression is only a means to an end. Harming the person is used to obtain some other goal, such as money. Research indicates that there are many causes of aggression, including biological factors like testosterone and environmental factors, such as social learning. Immediate situational factors such as frustration are also important in triggering an aggressive response. Although violence is a fact of life, people are also capable of helping each other, even complete strangers in emergencies. Research indicates that altruism occurs when a person feels empathy for another individual, even in the absence of other motives.[28] However, according to the bystander effect, the probability of receiving help in an emergency situation drops as the number of bystanders increases. This is due to both conformity and diffusion of responsibility, the tendency for people to feel less personally responsible when other people are around.[29]

Interpersonal attraction
A major area in the study of people's relations to each other is interpersonal attraction. This refers to all of the forces that lead people to like each other, establish relationships, and in some cases, fall in love. Several general principles of attraction have been discovered by social psychologists, but many still continue to experiment and do research to find out more. One of the most important factors in interpersonal attraction is how similar two particular people are. The more similar two people are in general attitudes, backgrounds, environments, views of the world and other traits, the more probable an attraction is possible.[30] Contrary to popular opinion, opposites do not usually attract. Physical attractiveness is an important element of romantic relationships, particularly in the early stages characterized by high levels of passion. Later on, similarity and other compatibility factors become more important, and the type of love people experience shifts from passionate to companionate. Robert Sternberg has suggested that there are actually three components of love: intimacy, passion, and commitment.[31] When two people experience all three, they are said to be in a state of consummate love. According to social exchange theory, relationships are based on rational choice and cost-benefit analysis. If one partner's costs begin to outweigh his or her benefits, that person may leave the relationship, especially if there are good alternatives available. This theory is similar to the minimax principle proposed by mathematicians and economists. With time, long term relationships tend to become communal rather than simply based on exchange.

Social psychologists study interactions within groups, and between both groups and individuals.

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Research
Methods
Social psychology is an empirical science that attempts to answer questions about human behavior by testing hypotheses, both in the laboratory and in the field. Careful attention to sampling, research design, and statistical analysis is important, and results are published in peer reviewed journals such as the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin and the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Social psychology studies also appear in general science journals such as Psychological Science and Science. Experimental methods involve the researcher altering a variable in the environment and measuring the effect on another variable. An example would be allowing two groups of children to play violent or nonviolent videogames, and then observing their subsequent level of aggression during free-play period. A valid experiment is controlled and uses random assignment. Correlational methods examine the statistical association between two naturally occurring variables. For example, one could correlate the amount of violent television children watch at home with the number of violent incidents the children participate in at school. Note that this study would not prove that violent TV causes aggression in children. It's quite possible that aggressive children choose to watch more violent TV. Observational methods are purely descriptive and include naturalistic observation, "contrived" observation, participant observation, and archival analysis. These are less common in social psychology but are sometimes used when first investigating a phenomenon. An example would be to unobtrusively observe children on a playground (with a videocamera, perhaps) and record the number and types of aggressive actions displayed. Whenever possible, social psychologists rely on controlled experimentation. Controlled experiments require the manipulation of one or more independent variables in order to examine the effect on a dependent variable. Experiments are useful in social psychology because they are high in internal validity, meaning that they are free from the influence of confounding or extraneous variables, and so are more likely to accurately indicate a causal relationship. However, the small samples used in controlled experiments are typically low in external validity, or the degree to which the results can be generalized the larger population. There is usually a trade-off between experimental control (internal validity) and being able to generalize to the population (external validity). Because it is usually impossible to test everyone, research tends to be conducted on a sample of persons from the wider population. Social psychologists frequently use survey research when they are interested in results that are high in external validity. Surveys use various forms of random sampling to obtain a sample of respondents that are representative of a population. This type of research is usually descriptive or correlational because there is no experimental control over variables. However, new statistical methods like structural equation modeling are being used to test for potential causal relationships in this type of data. Regardless of which method is used, it is important to evaluate the research hypothesis in light of the results, either confirming or rejecting the original prediction. Social psychologists use statistics and probability testing to judge their results, which define a significant finding as less than 5% likely to be due to chance. Replications are important, to ensure that the result is valid and not due to chance, or some feature of a particular sample.

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Ethics
The goal of social psychology is to understand cognition and behavior as they naturally occur in a social context, but the very act of observing people can influence and alter their behavior. For this reason, many social psychology experiments utilize deception to conceal or distort certain aspects of the study. Deception may include false cover stories, false participants (known as confederates or stooges), false feedback given to the participants, and so on. The practice of deception has been challenged by some psychologists who maintain that deception under any circumstances is unethical, and that other research strategies (e.g. roleplaying) should be used instead. Unfortunately, research has shown that role-playing studies do not produce the same results as deception studies and this has cast doubt on their validity. In addition to deception, experimenters have at times put people into potentially uncomfortable or embarrassing situations (e.g. the Milgram experiment, Stanford prison experiment), and this has also been criticized for ethical reasons. To protect the rights and well-being of research participants, and at the same time discover meaningful results and insights into human behavior, virtually all social psychology research must pass an ethical review process. At most colleges and universities, this is conducted by an ethics committee or Institutional Review Board. This group examines the proposed research to make sure that no harm is done to the participants, and that the benefits of the study outweigh any possible risks or discomforts to people taking part in the study. Furthermore, a process of informed consent is often used to make sure that volunteers know what will happen in the experiment and understand that they are allowed to quit the experiment at any time. A debriefing is typically done at the conclusion of the experiment in order to reveal any deceptions used and generally make sure that the participants are unharmed by the procedures. Today, most research in social psychology involves no more risk of harm than can be expected from routine psychological testing or normal daily activities.

Famous experiments
The Asch conformity experiments demonstrated the power of conformity in small groups with a line estimation task that was designed to be extremely easy.[32] On over a third of the trials, participants conformed to the majority, even though the majority judgment was clearly wrong. Seventy-five percent of the participants conformed at least once during the experiment. Muzafer Sherif's Robbers' Cave Experiment divided boys into two competing groups to explore how much hostility and aggression would emerge. Sherif's explanation of the results became known as realistic group conflict theory, because the intergroup conflict was induced through competition over resources.[33] Inducing cooperation and [superordinate goals] later reversed this effect. In Leon Festinger's cognitive dissonance experiment, participants were asked to perform a boring task. They were divided into 2 groups and given two different pay scales. At the end of the study, some participants were paid $1 to say that they enjoyed the task and another group of participants was paid $20 to say the same lie. The first group ($1) later reported liking the task better than the second group ($20). Festinger's explanation was that people justified their lies by changing their previously unfavorable attitudes about the task.[34]

The Milgram experiment: The experimenter (E) persuades the participant (T) to give what the participant believes are painful electric shocks to another participant (L), who is actually an actor. Many participants continued to give shocks despite pleas for mercy from the actor.

Social psychology One of the most infamous experiments in social psychology was the Milgram experiment, which studied how far people would go to obey an authority figure. Following the events of The Holocaust in World War II, the experiment showed that normal American citizens were capable of following orders from an authority even when they believed they were causing an innocent person to suffer.[35] Albert Bandura's Bobo doll experiment demonstrated how aggression is learned by imitation.[36] This was one of the first studies in a long line of research showing how exposure to media violence leads to aggressive behavior in the observers. In the Stanford prison study, by Philip Zimbardo, a simulated exercise between student prisoners and guards showed how far people would follow an adopted role. In just a few days, the "guards" became brutal and cruel, and the prisoners became miserable and compliant. This was initially argued to be an important demonstration of the power of the immediate social situation, and its capacity to overwhelm normal personality traits.[37] However, to this day, it remains a matter of contention as to what conclusions may be drawn from this study. For example, it has been pointed out that participant self-selection may have affected the behaviour of the participants, and that the personality of the participants influenced their reactions in a variety of ways, including how long they chose to remain in the study. One of the most concerted empirical revisitations of the themes raised by Zimbardo came in the form of the 2002 BBC prison study.[38]

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Academic journals
Asian Journal of Social Psychology Basic and Applied Social Psychology British Journal of Social Psychology European Journal of Social Psychology Journal of Applied Social Psychology Journal of Experimental Social Psychology Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Journal of Social Psychology Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin Personality and Social Psychology Review Social Psychology

References
[1] Allport, G. W. (1985). The historical background of social psychology. In G. Lindzey & E. Aronson (Eds.), The handbook of social psychology. New York: McGraw Hill. [2] Lewin, K. (1951). Field theory in social science: Selected theoretical papers. D. Cartwright (Ed.). New York: Harper & Row. [3] Sewell, W. H. (1989). Some reflections on the golden age of interdisciplinary social psychology. Annual Review of Sociology. Vol. 15. [4] Moscovici, S. & Markova, I. (2006). The making of modern social psychology. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. [5] Triplett, N. (1898). The dynamogenic factors in pacemaking and competition. American Journal of Psychology. 9, 507-533. [6] Gergen, K. J. (1973). Social psychology as history. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 26, 309-320. [7] Sison, Erick Louie. A. (2008). The dynamics of persuasion. New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. [8] Bem, D. (1970). Beliefs, attitudes, and human affairs. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole. [9] Heider, J. D., & Skowronski, J. J. (2007). Improving the predictive validity of the Implicit Association Test. North American Journal of Psychology, 9, 53-76. [10] Kassin, Saul; Steven Fein, Hazel Rose Markus (2008). "4". Social Psychology (7th ed.). Boston, NY: Houghton Mifflin Company. pp.185186. ISBN0-618-86846-1. [11] Moskowitz (2005). Social Cognition. [12] Dobbs, Davis (2007). "The Gregarious Brain". [13] Reisenzein, Rainer; Rudolph, Udo (2008). "50 Years of Attribution Research". Social Psychology 39 (3): 123124. doi:10.1027/1864-9335.39.3.123. ISSN1864-9335. [14] Correll, Joshua; Park, Bernadette; Judd, Charles M.; Wittenbrink, Bernd (2002), "The police officer's dilemma: Using ethnicity to disambiguate potentially threatening individuals.", Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 83 (6): 13141329,

Social psychology
doi:10.1037/0022-3514.83.6.1314, ISSN0022-3514 [15] Markus, H. (1977). "Self-schemeta and processing information". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (35): 6378. [16] Kassin, Saul; Steven Fein, Hazel Rose Markus (2008). "3". Social Psychology (7 ed.). Boston, NY: Houghton Mifflin Company. pp.53. [17] Wilson, T.D; D.T Gilbert (2003). "Affective Forecasting". Advances in Experimental Psychology (35): 345411. [18] Bem, D.J. (1972). "Self Perception Theory". Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 6: 162. [19] Festinger, L. (1954). "a theory of social comparison process". Human Relations 7: 117140. [20] Kassin, Sual; Steven Fein, Hazel Rose Markus (2008). "3". Social Psychology (7 ed.). Boston, NY: Houghton Mifflin Company. pp.56. [21] Deci, E. L., Koestner, R., & Ryan, R. M. (2001). Extrinsic rewards and intrinsic motivation in education: Reconsidered once again. Review of Educational Research, 71, 1-27. [22] Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. [23] Cialdini, R. B. (2000). Influence: Science and practice. Allyn and Bacon. [24] Forsyth, D. R. (2006). Group dynamics. Belmont, CA: Thomson-Wadworth. [25] Tajfel, H. & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In S. Worchel & W. G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations. Chicago, IL: Nelson-Hall. [26] Janis, I. L. (1972). Victims of groupthink. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. [27] PsyBlog (http:/ / www. spring. org. uk/ 2009/ 05/ social-loafing-when-groups-are-bad-for-productivity. php), "Social Loafing: when groups are bad for productivity," 19 May 2009. [28] Batson, C. D. (1998). Altruism and prosocial behavior. In D. T. Gilbert, S. T. Fiske, & G. Lindzey, (Eds.),The handbook of social psychology. New York: McGraw Hill. [29] Latane, B. (1981). The psychology of social impact. American Psychologist, 36, 343-356. [30] Byrne, D. (1961). Thus Interpersonal attraction and attitude similarity have a direct correlation. More so than those with dissimilar attitudes and views, who tend to not be as successful in the attraction department. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 62, 713-715. [31] Sternberg, R. J. (1986) A triangular theory of love. Psychological Review, 93, 119-135. [32] Asch, S. E. (1955). Opinions and social pressure. Scientific American, pp. 31-35. [33] Sherif, M. (1954). Experiments in group conflict. Scientific American, 195, 54-58. [34] Festinger, L. & Carlsmith, J. M. (1959). Cognitive consequences of forced compliance. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 58, 203-211. [35] Milgram, S. (1975). Obedience to authority. Harper and Bros. [36] Bandura, A., Ross, D. & Ross, S. A. (1961). Transmission of aggression through imitation of aggressive models. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63, 575-582. [37] Haney, C., Banks, W.C. & Zimbardo, P.G. (1973). Interpersonal dynamics in a simulated prison. International Journal of Criminology and Penology, 1, 69-97. [38] Reicher, S.; Haslam, S.A. (2006). "Rethinking the psychology of tyranny: The BBC prison study". British Journal of Social Psychology 45 (1): 140.

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Further reading
Bradley, Ben (1993), "Questioning the Researcher's Existence" From Deconstruction to Practice" (http://books. google.com.au/books?id=qsGWaToccxkC&pg=PA153&lpg=PA153&dq="questioning+the+researcher's+ existence"#v=onepage&q="questioning the researcher's existence"&f=false), in J.J. Stam, L.P. Mos, W. Thorngate and B. Kaplan, Recent trends in theoretical psychology, Selected proceedings of the Fourth Biennial Conference of the International Society for Theoretical Psychology, June 2428, 1991, Volume III, Springer-Verlag, pp.153161, ISBN0-387-97963-8, retrieved 27 May 2010 Forgas, Joseph P, ed. (1981), Social Cognition: Perspectives on Everyday Understanding, European Monographs in Social Psychology, 26, London & New York: Academic Press, ISBN0-122-63562-0 Greenwood, John D (1991), Relations and Representations: An introduction to the philosophy of social psychological science, London & New York: Routledge, ISBN0-415-05515-6 Levine, Robert, et al. (editors), "Journeys in Social Psychology: Looking Back to Inspire the Future" (http:// books.google.com/books?id=_QSd935Ju-kC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Journeys+in+social+psychology), CRC Press, 2008. ISBN 0-8058-6134-3 Sears, David O (1986), "College Sophomores in the laboratory: Influences of a narrow data base on Social Psychology's view of human nature" (http://www.psych.umn.edu/courses/spring06/borgidae/psy5202/ sears1986.pdf), Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 51 (3): 515530, doi:10.1037/0022-3514.51.3.515, retrieved 25 June 2010

Social psychology Wegner, Daniel M; Vallacher, Robin R (1977), Implicit Psychology: An Introduction to Social Cognition, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN0195022297 Augustine, Brannigan (2004). The Rise and Fall of Social Psychology: The Use and Misuse of the Experimental Method (http://books.google.fi/books?id=rhWW1sn8yKIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=The+Rise+and+Fall+ of+Social+Psychology:+The+Use+and+Misuse+of+the+Experimental+Method#v=onepage&q&f=false). Aldine Transaction. ISBN9780202307428. Funder, David C.; Joachim I. Krueger (June 2004). "Towards a balanced social psychology: Causes, consequences, and cures for the problem-seeking approach to social behavior and cognition" (http://web.mac. com/kstanovich/Site/Research_on_Reasoning_files/SocialBBS04.pdf). Behavioral and Brain Sciences 27: 313376. PMID15736870. Retrieved 3 May 2011.

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External links
Social Psychology Network (http://www.socialpsychology.org) Introduction to Social Psychology (http://www.wilderdom.com/psychology/social/Introduction.html) Social Psychology - basics (http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/socpsy.html)

Collective intelligence
Collective intelligence is a shared or group intelligence that emerges from the collaboration and competition of many individuals and appears in consensus decision making in bacteria, animals, humans and computer networks. The idea emerged from the writings of Douglas Hofstadter (1979), Peter Russell (1983), Tom Atlee (1993), Types of collective intelligence Pierre Lvy (1994), Howard Bloom (1995), Francis Heylighen (1995), Douglas Engelbart, Cliff Joslyn, Ron Dembo, Gottfried Mayer-Kress (2003) and other theorists. Collective intelligence is referred to as Symbiotic intelligence by Norman Lee Johnson.[1] The concept is relevant in sociology, business, computer science and mass communications: it also appears in science fiction, frequently in the form of telepathically-linked species and cyborgs.

History
A precursor of the concept is found in entomologist William Morton Wheeler's observation that seemingly independent individuals can cooperate so closely as to become indistinguishable from a single organism (1911). Wheeler saw this collaborative process at work in ants that acted like the cells of a single beast he called a "superorganism". In 1912 mile Durkheim identified society as the sole source of human logical thought. He argued, in "The Elementary Forms of Religious Life" that society constitutes a higher intelligence because it transcends the individual over space and time.[2] Other antecedents are Vladimir Vernadsky's concept of "noosphere" and H.G. Wells's concept of "world brain" (see also the term "global brain"). Peter Russell, Elisabet Sahtouris, and Barbara Marx Hubbard (originator of the term "conscious evolution" ) are inspired by the visions of a noosphere a

Collective intelligence transcendent, rapidly evolving collective intelligence an informational cortex of the planet. The notion has more recently been examined by the philosopher Pierre Lvy.

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Dimensions
Howard Bloom has discussed mass behavior - collective behavior from the level of quarks to the level of bacterial, plant, animal, and human societies. He stresses the biological adaptations that have turned most of this earth's living beings into components of what he calls "a learning machine". In 1986 Bloom combined the concepts of apoptosis, parallel distributed processing, group selection, and the superorganism to produce a theory of how collective intelligence works.[3] Later he showed how the collective intelligences of competing bacterial colonies and human societies can be explained in terms of computer-generated "complex adaptive systems" and the "genetic algorithms", concepts pioneered by John Holland.[4] Bloom traced the evolution of collective intelligence to our bacterial ancestors 1 billion years ago and demonstrated how a multi-species intelligence has worked since the beginning of life.[4] Ant societies exhibit more intelligence, in terms of technology, than any other animal except for humans and co-operate in keeping livestock, for example aphids for "milking". Leaf cutters care for fungi and carry leaves to feed the fungi. David Skrbina[5] cites the concept of a group mind as being derived from Platos concept of panpsychism (that mind or consciousness is omnipresent and exists in all matter). He develops the concept of a group mind as articulated by Thomas Hobbes in "Leviathan" and Fechners arguments for a collective consciousness of mankind. He cites Durkheim as the most notable advocate of a collective consciousness and Teilhard de Chardin as a thinker who has developed the philosophical implications of the group mind. Tom Atlee focuses primarily on humans and on work to upgrade what Howard Bloom calls the group IQ". Atlee feels that collective intelligence can be encouraged "to overcome 'groupthink' and individual cognitive bias in order to allow a collective to cooperate on one processwhile achieving enhanced intellectual performance. George Pr defined the collective intelligence phenomenon as "the capacity of human communities to evolve towards higher order complexity and harmony, through such innovation mechanisms as differentiation and integration, competition and collaboration."[6] Atlee and Pr state that "collective intelligence also involves achieving a single focus of attention and standard of metrics which provide an appropriate threshold of action". Their approach is rooted in Scientific Community Metaphor. Atlee and Pr suggest that the field of collective intelligence should primarily be seen as a human enterprise in which mind-sets, a willingness to share and an openness to the value of distributed intelligence for the common good are paramount, though group theory and artificial intelligence have something to offer. Individuals who respect collective intelligence are confident of their own abilities and recognize that the whole is indeed greater than the sum of any individual parts. Maximizing collective intelligence relies on the ability of an organization to accept and develop "The Golden Suggestion", which is any potentially useful input from any member. Groupthink often hampers collective intelligence by limiting input to a select few individuals or filtering potential Golden Suggestions without fully developing them to implementation. Robert David Steele Vivas in The New Craft of Intelligence portrayed all citizens as "intelligence minutemen," drawing only on legal and ethical sources of information, able to create a "public intelligence" that keeps public officials and corporate managers honest, turning the concept of "national intelligence" (previously concerned about spies and secrecy) on its head. According to Don Tapscott and Anthony D. Williams, collective intelligence is mass collaboration. In order for this concept to happen, four principles need to exist; Openness Sharing ideas and intellectual property: though these resources provide the edge over competitors more benefits accrue from allowing others to share ideas and gain significant improvement and scrutiny through

Collective intelligence collaboration. Peering Horizontal organization as with the opening up of the Linux program where users are free to modify and develop it provided that they make it available for others. Peering succeeds because it encourages self-organization a style of production that works more effectively than hierarchical management for certain tasks. Sharing Companies have started to share some ideas while maintaining some degree of control over others, like potential and critical patent rights. Limiting all intellectual property shuts out opportunities, while sharing some expands markets and brings out products faster. Acting Globally The advancement in communication technology has prompted the rise of global companies at low overhead costs. The internet is widespread, therefore a globally integrated company has no geographical boundaries and may access new markets, ideas and technology.[7]

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Examples
Political parties mobilize large numbers of people to form policy, select candidates and finance and run election campaigns. Knowledge focusing through various voting methods allows perspectives to converge through the assumption that uninformed voting is to some degree random and can be filtered from the decision process leaving only a residue of informed consensus. Critics point out that often bad ideas, misunderstandings, and misconceptions are widely held, and that structuring of the decision process must favor experts who are presumably less prone to random or misinformed voting in a given context. Military units, trade unions, and corporations satisfy some definitions of CI the most rigorous definition would require a capacity to respond to very arbitrary conditions without orders or guidance from "law" or "customers" to constrain actions. Online advertising companies are using collective intelligence to bypass traditional marketing and creative agencies. In Learner generated context a group of users marshal resources to create an ecology that meets their needs often (but not only) in relation to the co-configuration, co-creation and co-design of a particular learning space that allows learners to create their own context.[8] [9] [10] Learner generated contexts represent an ad hoc community that facilitates coordination of collective action in a network of trust. An example of Learner generated context is found on the Internet when collaborative users pool knowledge in a "shared intelligence space" such as Wikipedia. As the Internet has developed so has the concept of CI as a shared public forum. The global accessibility and availability of the Internet has allowed more people than ever to contribute and access ideas. (Flew 2008) Improvisational actors also experience a type of collective intelligence which they term 'Group Mind'. A further example of collective intelligence is found in idea competitions.[11]

Collective intelligence

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Mathematical techniques
One measure sometimes applied, especially by more artificial intelligence focused theorists, is a "collective intelligence quotient" (or "cooperation quotient")which presumably can be measured like the "individual" intelligence quotient (IQ)thus making it possible to determine the marginal extra intelligence added by each new individual participating in the collective, thus using metrics to avoid the hazards of group think and stupidity. In 2001, Tadeusz (Ted) Szuba from the AGH University in Poland proposed a formal model for the phenomenon of collective intelligence. It is assumed to be an unconscious, random, parallel, and distributed computational process, run in mathematical logic by the social structure.[12] In this model, beings and information are modeled as abstract information molecules carrying expressions of mathematical logic. They are quasi-randomly displacing due to their interaction with their environments with their intended displacements. Their interaction in abstract computational space creates multi-thread inference process which we perceive as collective intelligence. Thus, a non-Turing model of computation is used. This theory allows simple formal definition of collective intelligence as the property of social structure and seems to be working well for a wide spectrum of beings, from bacterial colonies up to human social structures. Collective intelligence considered as a specific computational process is providing a straightforward explanation of several social phenomena. For this model of collective intelligence, the formal definition of IQS (IQ Social) was proposed and was defined as "the probability function over the time and domain of N-element inferences which are reflecting inference activity of the social structure." While IQS seems to be computationally hard, modeling of social structure in terms of a computational process as described above gives a chance for approximation. Prospective applications are optimization of companies through the maximization of their IQS, and the analysis of drug resistance against collective intelligence of bacterial colonies.[12]

Digital media
New media are often associated with the promotion and enhancement of collective intelligence. The ability of new media to easily store and retrieve information, predominantly through databases and the Internet, allows for it to be shared without difficulty. Thus, through interaction with new media, knowledge easily passes between sources (Flew 2008) resulting in a form of collective intelligence. The use of interactive new media, particularly the internet, promotes online interaction and this distribution of knowledge between users. Francis Heylighen, Valerie Turchin, and Gottfried Mayer-Kress are among those who view collective intelligence through the lens of computer science and cybernetics. Collective intelligence can be defined as a form of networking enabled by the internet. The developer of the World Wide Web, Tim Berners-Lee, aimed to promote sharing and publishing of information globally. Later his employer opened up the technology for free use. In the early 90s, the Internets potential was still untapped, until the mid 1990s when critical mass, as termed by the head of the Advanced Research Project Agency (ARPA), Dr. J.C.R. Licklider, demanded more accessibility and utility.[13] The driving force of this form of collective intelligence is the digitization of information and communication. Henry Jenkins, a key theorist of new media and media convergence draws on the theory that collective intelligence can be attributed to media convergence and participatory culture (Flew 2008). Collective intelligence is not merely a quantitative contribution of information from all cultures, it is also qualitative. Levy and de Kerckhove consider CI from a mass communications perspective, focusing on the ability of networked ICTs to enhance the community knowledge pool. They suggest that these communications tools enable humans to interact and to share and collaborate with both ease and speed (Flew 2008). With the development of the Internet and its widespread use, the opportunity to contribute to community-based knowledge forums, such as Wikipedia, is greater than ever before. These computer networks give participating users the opportunity to store and to retrieve knowledge through the collective access to these databases and allow them to harness the hive (Raymond 1998; Herz 2005 in Flew 2008). Researchers[14] at the MIT Center for Collective Intelligence research and explore

Collective intelligence collective intelligence of groups of people and computers. In this context collective intelligence is often confused with shared knowledge. The former is knowledge that is generally available to all members of a community while the latter is information known by all members of a community.[15] Collective intelligence as represented by Web 2.0 has less user engagement than collaborative intelligence. An art project using Web 2.0 platforms is "Shared Galaxy", an experiment developed by an anonymous artist to create a collective identity that shows up as one person on several platforms like MySpace, Facebook, Youtube and Second Life. The password is written in the profiles and the accounts named "Shared Galaxy" are open to be used by anyone. In this way many take part in being one. It has been argued that media, particularly central media, cannot promote intelligence, due to the inherent inability of Central media to adequately deal with complex issues such as the Environmental Crisis. See The IRG Solution hierarchical incompetence and how to overcome it1984, argued, that Central media and government type hierarchical organizations. The book argued that collective intelligence could only emerge from vast informal networks of human interaction, something which Media do not promote. Growth of the Internet and mobile telecom has also produced "swarming" or "rendezvous" events that enable meetings or even dates on demand. The full impact has yet to be felt but the anti-globalization movement, for example, relies heavily on e-mail, cell phones, pagers, SMS and other means of organizing. Atlee discusses the connections between these events and the political views that drive them. The Indymedia organization does this in a more journalistic way. Such resources could combine into a form of collective intelligence accountable only to the current participants yet with some strong moral or linguistic guidance from generations of contributors - or even take on a more obviously democratic form to advance shared goals.

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Social bookmarking
In social bookmarking (also called collaborative tagging), users assign tags to resources shared with other users, which gives rise to a type of information organisation that emerges from this crowdsourcing process. The resulting information structure can be seen as reflecting the collective knowledge (or collective intelligence) of a community of users and is commonly called a "Folksonomy". Recent research using data from the social bookmarking website Del.icio.us, has shown that collaborative tagging systems exhibit a form of complex systems (or self-organizing) dynamics.[16] Although there is no central controlled vocabulary to constrain the actions of individual users, the distributions of tags that describe different resources has been shown to converge over time to a stable power law distributions.[16] Once such stable distributions form, examining the correlations between different tags can be used to construct simple folksonomy graphs, which can be efficiently partitioned to obtained a form of community or shared vocabularies.[17] Such vocabularies can be seen as a form of collective intelligence, emerging from the decentralised actions of a community of users.

Video games
Games such as The Sims Series, and Second Life are designed to be non-linear and to depend on collective intelligence for expansion. This way of sharing is gradually evolving and influencing the mindset of the current and future generations.[13] For them, collective intelligence has become a norm. In Terry Flews discussion of interactivity in the online games environment, the ongoing interactive dialogue between users and game developers,[18] he refers to Pierre Levys concept of Collective Intelligence (Levy 1998) and argues this is active in videogames as clans or guilds in MMORPG constantly work to achieve goals. Henry Jenkins proposes that the participatory cultures emerging between games producers, media companies, and the end-users mark a fundamental shift in the nature of media production and consumption. Jenkins argues that this new participatory culture arises at the intersection of three broad new media trends.[19] Firstly, the development of new media tools/technologies enabling the creation of content. Secondly, the rise of subcultures promoting such creations, and lastly, the growth of value adding media conglomerates, which foster image, idea and narrative flow. Cultural theorist and online

Collective intelligence community developer, John Banks considered the contribution of online fan communities in the creation of the Trainz product. He argued that its commercial success was fundamentally dependant upon the formation and growth of an active and vibrant online fan community that would both actively promote the product and create contentextensions and additions to the game software. The increase in user created content and interactivity gives rise to issues of control over the game itself and ownership of the player-created content. This gives rise to fundamental legal issues, highlighted by Lessig[20] and Bray and Konsynski,[21] such as Intellectual Property and property ownership rights. Gosney extends this issue of Collective Intelligence in videogames one step further in his discussion of Alternate Reality Gaming. This genre, he describes as an across-media game that deliberately blurs the line between the in-game and out-of-game experiences[22] as events that happen outside the game reality reach out into the players lives in order to bring them together. Solving the game requires the collective and collaborative efforts of multiple players; thus the issue of collective and collaborative team play is essential to ARG. Gosney argues that the Alternate Reality genre of gaming dictates an unprecedented level of collaboration and collective intelligence in order to solve the mystery of the game.

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Stock market predictions

Because of the Internet's ability to rapidly convey large amounts of information throughout the world, the use of collective intelligence to predict stock prices and stock price direction has become increasingly viable. Websites aggregate stock market information that is as current as possible so professional or amateur stock analysts can publish their viewpoints, enabling amateur investors to submit their financial opinions and create an aggregate opinion. The opinion of all investor can be weighed equally so that a pivotal premise of the effective application of collective intelligence can beapplied: the masses, including a broad spectrum of stock market expertise, can be utilized to more accurately predict the behavior of financial markets. Collective intelligence underpins the efficient-market hypothesis of Eugene Fama[23] - although the term collective intelligence is not used explicitly in his paper. Fama cites research conducted by Michael Jensen[24] in which 89 out of 115 selected funds underperformed relative to the index during the period from 1955 to 1964. But after removing the loading charge (up-front fee) only 72 underperformed while after removing brokerage costs only 58 underperformed. On the basis of such evidence index funds became popular investment vehicles using the collective intelligence of the market, rather than the judgement of professional fund managers, as an investment strategy.

Views
Tom Atlee reflects that, although humans have an innate ability to gather and analyze data, they are affected by culture, education and social institutions. A single person tends to make decisions motivated by self-preservation. In addition, humans lack a way to make choices that balance innovation and reality. Therefore, without collective intelligence, humans may drive themselves into extinction based on their selfish needs.[25] Phillip Brown and Hugh Lauder quotes Bowles and Gintis (1976) that in order to truly define collective intelligence, it is crucial to separate intelligence from IQism. They go on to argue that intelligence is an achievement and can only be developed if allowed to. For example, earlier on, groups from the lower levels of society are severely restricted from aggregating and pooling their intelligence. This is because the elites fear that the collective intelligence would convince the people to rebel. If there is no such capacity and relations, there would be no infrastructure on which collective intelligence is built (Brown & Lauder 2000, p.230). This reflects how powerful collective intelligence can be if left to develop. Research performed by Tapscott and Williams has provided a few examples of the benefits of collective intelligence to business: Talent Utilization

Collective intelligence At the rate technology is changing, no firm can fully keep up in the innovations needed to compete. Instead, smart firms are drawing on the power of mass collaboration to involve participation of the people they could not employ. Demand Creation Firms can create a new market for complementary goods by engaging in open source community. Costs Reduction Mass collaboration can help to reduce costs dramatically. Firms can release a specific software or product to be evaluated or debugged by online communities. The results will be more personal, robust and error-free products created in a short amount of time and costs.[7] Skeptics, especially those critical of artificial intelligence and more inclined to believe that risk of bodily harm and bodily action are the basis of all unity between people, are more likely to emphasize the capacity of a group to take action and withstand harm as one fluid mass mobilization, shrugging off harms the way a body shrugs off the loss of a few cells. This strain of thought is most obvious in the anti-globalization movement and characterized by the works of John Zerzan, Carol Moore, and Starhawk, who typically shun academics. These theorists are more likely to refer to ecological and collective wisdom and to the role of consensus process in making ontological distinctions than to any form of "intelligence" as such, which they often argue does not exist, or is mere "cleverness". Harsh critics of artificial intelligence on ethical grounds are likely to promote collective wisdom-building methods, such as the new tribalists and the Gaians. Whether these can be said to be collective intelligence systems is an open question. Some, e.g. Bill Joy, simply wish to avoid any form of autonomous artificial intelligence and seem willing to work on rigorous collective intelligence in order to remove any possible niche for AI.

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Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Norman Lee Johnson, Collective Science site (http:/ / CollectiveScience. com) mile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 1912. Howard Bloom, The Lucifer Principle: A Scientific Expedition Into the Forces of History, 1995 Howard Bloom, Global Brain: The Evolution of Mass Mind from the Big Bang to the 21st Century, 2000 Skrbina, D., 2001, Participation, Organization, and Mind: Toward a Participatory Worldview (http:/ / www. bath. ac. uk/ carpp/ publications/ doc_theses_links/ pdf/ dt_ds_chapter8. pdf), ch. 8, Doctoral Thesis, Centre for Action Research in Professional Practice, School of Management, University of Bath: England [6] George Pr, Blog of Collective Intelligence (http:/ / www. community-intelligence. com/ blogs/ public) [7] Tapscott, D., & Williams, A. D. (2008). Wikinomics: How Mass Collaboration Changes Everything, USA: Penguin Group [8] Luckin, R., du Boulay, B., Smith, H., Underwood, J., Fitzpatrick, G., Holmberg, J., Kerawalla, L., Tunley, H., Brewster, D. and Pearce, D. (2005), 'Using Mobile Technology to Create Flexible Learning Contexts '. Journal of Interactive Media in Education, 22. [9] Luckin, R. (2006), Understanding Learning Contexts as Ecologies of Resources: From the Zone of Proximal Development to Learner Generated Contexts. Paper presented at the Proceedings of World Conference on Elearning in Corporate, Government, Healthcare, and Higher Education 2006. [10] Luckin, R., Shurville, S. and Browne, T. (2007), 'Initiating elearning by stealth, participation and consultation in a late majority institution'. Organisational Transformation and Social Change, 3, 4, 317332. [11] Jan Marco Leimeister, Michael Huber, Ulrich Bretschneider, Helmut Krcmar (2009): Leveraging Crowdsourcing: Activation-Supporting Components for IT-Based Ideas Competition. In: Journal of Management Information Systems (2009), Volume: 26, Issue: 1, Publisher: M.E. Sharpe Inc., Pages: 197-224, ISSN: 07421222, DOI: 10.2753/MIS0742-1222260108 (http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=1653890), Winfried Ebner; Jan Marco Leimeister; Helmut Krcmar (2009): Community Engineering for Innovations -The Ideas Competition as a method to nurture a Virtual Community for Innovations. In: R&D Management, 39 (4),pp 342-356 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9310.2009.00564.x (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ search/ allsearch?mode=viewselected& product=journal& ID=122535413& view_selected. x=67& view_selected. y=8) [12] Szuba T., Computational Collective Intelligence, 420 pages, Wiley NY, 2001 [13] Weiss, A. (2005). The Power of Collective Intelligence. Collective Intelligence, pp. 19-23 [14] http:/ / cci. mit. edu/ people/ index. html [15] Jenkins, H. 2006. Fans, Bloggers and Gamers: Exploring Participatory Culture. New York: New York University Press. [16] Harry Halpin, Valentin Robu, Hana Shepherd The Complex Dynamics of Collaborative Tagging (http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=1242572. 1242602), Proceedings 6th International Conference on the World Wide Web (WWW'07), Banff, Canada, pp. 211-220, ACM Press, 2007.

Collective intelligence
[17] Valentin Robu, Harry Halpin, Hana Shepherd Emergence of consensus and shared vocabularies in collaborative tagging systems (http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=1594173. 1594176), ACM Transactions on the Web (TWEB), Vol. 3(4), article 14, ACM Press, September 2009. [18] Flew, Terry and Humphreys, Sal (2005) Games: Technology, Industry, Culture in Terry Flew, New Media: An Introduction (2nd edn), Oxford University Press, South Melbourne 101-114. [19] Henry Jenkins (2002) in Flew, Terry and Humphreys, Sal (2005) Games: Technology, Industry, Culture in Terry Flew, New Media: An Introduction (2nd edn), Oxford University Press, South Melbourne 101-114. [20] L, Lessig,(2006)Code Version 2.0 (2nd ed.). New York: Basic Books. [21] Bray, DA & Konsynski, BR, 2007, Virtual Worlds, Virtual Economies, Virtual Institutions, viewed 10th October 2008, p. 1-27 <http://ssrn.com/abstract=962501> [22] Gosney, J.W, 2005, Beyond Reality: A Guide to Alternate Reality Gaming, Thomson Course Technology, Boston. [23] Fama, E.F., (1970), Efficient Capital Markets: A Review of Theory and Empirical Work, Journal of Finance, Vol. 25 No. 2, pp. 383 417 [24] Jensen, M.C, (1967), The Performance of Mutual Funds in the Period 1945-1964, Journal of Finance, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 389-416, 1967 [25] Atlee, T. (2008). Reflections on the evolution of choice and collective intelligence (http:/ / www. communicationagents. com/ tom_atlee/ 2008/ 05/ 15/ reflections_on_the_evolution_of_choice_and_collective_intelligence. htm), Retrieved August 26, 2008

124

References
Hofstadter, Douglas (1979). Gdel, Escher, Bach: an Eternal Golden Braid. New York: Basic Books. Brown, Philip; Lauder, Hugh (2000). "Collective intelligence". In S. Baron, J. Field & T Schuller. Social Capital: Critical Perspectives. New York: Oxford University Press. Brown, Philip; Lauder, Hugh (2001). "Collective intelligence (chapter 13)". In Brown & Lauder. Capitalism and social progress: the future of society in a global economy. Palgrave. CIA. (2008). The World Factbook (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/xx. html). (accessed 3 September 2008) Flew, Terry (2008). New Media: an introduction. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Leiner, Barry, Cerf, Vinton, Clark, David, Kahn, Robert, Kleinrock, Leonard, Lynch, Daniel, Postel, Jon, Roberts, Larry and Wolff, Stephen. 2003. A Brief History of the Internet (http://www.isoc.org/internet/history/brief. shtml). Version 3.32 (accessed 3 September 2008) Rheingold, Howard (2002). Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Basic Books. Ron, Sun (1979). Cognition and Multi-Agent Interaction. Cambridge University Press. Riedl, Christoph; Blohm, Ivo; Leimeister, Jan Marco; Krcmar, Helmut (2010). RATING SCALES FOR COLLECTIVE INTELLIGENCE IN INNOVATION COMMUNITIES: WHY QUICK AND EASY DECISION MAKING DOES NOT GET IT RIGHT (http://home.in.tum.de/~riedlc/res/RiedlEtAl2010-ICIS.pdf). Leimeister, Jan Marco (2010). Intelligence (http://aisel.aisnet.org/bise/vol2/iss4/6/''Collective). Roy Chowdhury, Soudip; Rodriguez, Carlos; Daniel, Florian; Casati, Fabio (2010). Wisdom-aware computing: on the interactive recommendation of composition knowledge (http://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=1987701). Stephen R. Diasio, Nuria Agell, "The evolution of expertise in decision support technologies: A challenge for organizations," cscwd, pp.692-697, 2009 13th International Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work in Design, 2009. http://www.computer.org/portal/web/csdl/doi/10.1109/CSCWD.2009.4968139

Further reading
Raven, Jean, ed (2008). Uses and Abuses of Intelligence. Unionville (NY): Royal Fireworks Press. ISBN978-0-89824-356-7. Lay summary (http://www.rfwp.com/3567.htm) (6 July 2010). Kaiser, C., Krckel, J., Bodendorf, F. (2010). Swarm Intelligence for Analyzing Opinions in Online Communities (http://www.computer.org/portal/web/csdl/doi/10.1109/HICSS.2010.356). Proceedings of the 43rd Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, pp. 1-9.

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125

External links
MIT Handbook of Collective Intelligence (http://scripts.mit.edu/~cci/wiki/index.php?title=Main_Page) Cultivating Society's Civic Intelligence (http://www.scn.org/commnet/civic-intelligence.html) Doug Schuler. Journal of Society, Information and Communication, vol 4 No. 2. Jennifer H. Watkins (2007). Prediction Markets as an Aggregation Mechanism for Collective Intelligence (http:// www.fusedstockpredictions.com/collective-intelligence) Los Alamos National Laboratory article on Collective Intelligence Hideyasu Sasaki (2010). International Journal of Organizational and Collective Intelligence (IJOCI) (http://sites. google.com/site/hsasakilab/Home/ijoci/ijoci-vol-1-no-1), vol 1 No. 1. Olivier Zara, Managing Collective Intelligence, Toward a New Corporate Governance (http://www.axiopole. com/pdf/Managing_collective_intelligence.pdf), Axiopole editions, 2004

Original affluent society

The "original affluent society" is a theory postulating that hunter-gatherers were the original affluent society. This theory was first articulated by Marshall Sahlins at a symposium entitled "Man the Hunter" held in Chicago in 1966. The significance of the theory stems from its role in shifting anthropological thought away from seeing hunter-gatherer societies as primitive, to seeing them as practitioners of a refined mode of subsistence. At the time of the symposium new research by anthropologists, such as Richard B. Lees work on the !Kung of southern Africa, was challenging popular notions that hunter-gatherer societies were always near the brink of starvation and continuously engaged in a struggle for survival.[1] Sahlins gathered the data from these studies and used it to support a comprehensive argument that states that hunter-gatherers did not suffer from deprivation, but instead lived in a society in which "all the peoples wants are easily satisfied."[2]

Overview
The basis of Sahlins argument is that hunter-gatherer societies are able to achieve affluence by desiring little and meeting those needs/desires with what is available to them. This he calls the "Zen road to affluence, which states that human material wants are finite and few, and technical means unchanging but on the whole adequate" (Sahlins, Original). This he compares to the western way towards affluence, which he terms as the "Galbraithean way" where "mans wants are great, not to say infinite, whereas his means are limited..." and "the gap between means and ends can eventually be narrowed by industrial productivity".[2] Thus Sahlins argues that hunter-gatherer and western societies take separate roads to affluence, the former by desiring little, the latter by producing much. Through this comparison Sahlins also stresses that hunter-gatherer societies cannot be examined through an ethnocentric framework when measuring their affluence. For example, one cannot apply the general principles of economics (principles which reflect western values and emphasize surplus) to hunter-gatherers nor should one believe that the Neolithic Revolution brought unquestioned progress. By stepping away from western notions of affluence, the theory of the original affluent society thus dispels notions about hunter-gatherer societies that were popular at the time of the symposium. Sahlins states that hunter-gatherers have a "marvelously varied diet"[3] based on the abundance of the local flora and fauna. This demonstrates that hunter-gatherers do not exist on a mere subsistence economy but rather live among plenty. Through knowledge of their environment hunter-gatherers are able to change what foreigners may deem as meager and unreliable natural resources into rich subsistence resources. Through this they are able to effectively and efficiently provide for themselves and minimize the amount of time spent procuring food. "[T]he food quest is so successful that half the time the people do not know what to do with themselves".[3] Hunter-gatherers also experience "affluence without abundance"[3] as they simply meet their required ends and do not require surplus nor material possessions (as these

Original affluent society would be a hindrance to their nomadic lifestyle). The lack of surplus also demonstrates that they trust their environment will continuously provide for them. By foraging only for their immediate needs among plentiful resources, hunter-gatherers are able to increase the amount of leisure time available to them. Thus, despite living in what western society deems to be material poverty, hunter-gatherer societies work less than people practicing other modes of subsistence while still providing for all their needs, and therefore increase their amount of leisure time. These are the reasons the original affluent society is that of the hunter-gatherer.[3] Through his thesis on the affluent society, Sahlins deconstructed the then popular notions that hunter-gatherers are primitive and constantly working hard to ward off starvation. However, one must take into consideration that there has been much progress in this field since 1966 and that ideas on the category of hunter-gatherer are always shifting, with new paradigms continuously emerging.[1] One must also acknowledge that one cannot generalize about hunter-gatherer societies. Although they have been pushed to the margins of society, there are still many such societies in the world and they differ greatly from each other.

126

Criticisms
"Work time" and "leisure time"
Sahlins' argument partly relies on studies undertaken by McCarthy and McArthur in Arnhem Land, and by Richard Lee among the !Kung. These studies show that hunter-gatherers need only work about fifteen to twenty hours a week in order to survive and may devote the rest of their time to leisure.[3] Lee did not include food preparation time in his study, arguing that "work" should be defined as the time spent gathering enough food for sustenance.[4] When total time spent on food acquisition, processing, and cooking was added together, the estimate per week was 44.5 hours for men and 40.1 hours for women, but Lee added that this is still less than the total hours spent on work and housework in many modern Western households.[4]

References
[1] Barnard, A. (1983). "Contemporary Hunter-Gatherers: Current Theoretical Issues in Ecology and Social Organization", Annual Review of Anthropology 12 pp.193-214. [2] Sahlins, M. (1968). "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", Man the Hunter. R.B. Lee and I. DeVore (New York: Aldine Publishing Company) pp.85-89.ISBN 020233032X [3] Sahlins, M. (2005). The Original Affluent Society (http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ affluent. html) [Online] in M. Sahlins, Stone Age Economics [4] Kaplan, D. (2000), The Darker Side of the Original Affluent Society, Journal of Anthropological Research 56(3) pp.301-324.

Lee, R. B. (1965). Subsistence Ecology of !Kung Bushmen. PhD Dissertation, * University of California, Berkeley. Lee, R. B. (1979). The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society. (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press). ISBN 0521295610

Article Sources and Contributors

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