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Fame is usually thought to be an ironically self-referential gesture toward Haywoods ill-fame: the scandalous reputation of her own life and work. The oppositional cast of the political wares to be had at Fame suggests an additional layer of symbolic meaning. In the vibrant, intensely visual culture of mid-century England, Fame was a stock allegorical figure who took the form of a robed and winged female bearing a trumpet with which to proclaim the triumph of virtue over corruption.14 A representation of this winged, trumpetbearing womanI reckon it to be a reproduction of the sign that hung outside Haywoods shop in Covent Gardendominates the upper third of the 1745 frontispiece to the first collected edition of Female Spectator. This framed picture of the emblematic figure of Fame floats above the lively scene of female collaborative authorship beneath that has compelled attention in our own feminist moment. The sign of Fame, present but until now unnoticed in this oft-examined frontispiece, stands a fitting reminder how much remains to be learned about this elusive author within her contemporary contexts. KATHRYN R. KING University of Montevallo
doi:10.1093/notesj/gjp251 The Author (2010). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oxfordjournals.org
14 H. M. Atherton, Political Prints in the Age of Hogarth (Oxford, 1974), 28. See, e.g., To the Glory of Walpole (Plate 10) and The Noble Stand (Plate 12).

DYSTOPIA: AN EARLIER EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY USE UNTIL recently it was believed that the earliest appearance of dystopia printed as an
1 Patricia Koster, Dystopia: an Eighteenth-Century Appearance, N&Q, February (1983), 656. For the coinage of dystopia in 1868, apart from Kosters note, see Oxford English Dictionary (2nd edn) on CD-ROM. Version 3.0 (Oxford, 2002). For an update on the origin of the word, indicating its appearance in the late eighteenth century, see dystopia noun The Oxford Dictionary of English (revised edition) ed. Catherine Soanes and Angus Stevenson (Oxford, 2005). Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. Sofia University Library. 11 June 2009 <http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html? subviewMain&entryt140.e23522>.

English word was in 1782, contrary to the general understanding that it was coined by John Stuart Mill in 1868.1 According to Patricia Koster, it was Baptist Noel Turner, a lover of word-play, who coined this concept, and, as she further notices, he may be credited with the words etymology as he prefixed it with Greek letters: ty-topia.2 A recent discovery by Deirdre Ni Chuanachain, noted in Lyman Tower Sargents In Defense of Utopia, however, challenges this assertion.3 The anonymously published Utopia: or Apollos Golden Days of 1747, attributed to Lewis Henry Younge, clearly makes use of the word dystopia, though erroneously spelled, and contrasts it directly to utopia.4 In the attempt to express the opposite notion of utopia, the author of the poem, it would seem, mistakenly rendered the Greek prefix dty (in its meaning of bad or unlucky5) as dus. As a result, the newly coined word appears three times in this work as DUSTOPIA.6 My research into the appearance of the concept, however, led to a new find which proves that the use of dystopia was not an isolated case in 1747; it surprisingly emerged again in print the very next year. Extracts from Utopia, enclosed in a letter to the editor, appeared in The Gentlemans Magazine for September 1748. This time the typographically puzzling rendition of dustopia was corrected to come out as dystopia. Moreover, the excerpted version of the poem includes additional explanatory footnotes, absent in the Dublin edition of 1747, clearly defining dystopia and utopia as opposites. While it may be under dispute who corrected the prefix from dus to dysthe contributor or the editorit may be argued that the 1748 September issue of The Gentlemans Magazine printed perhaps the earliest possible spelling version of dystopia,

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Ibid., 656. Lyman Tower Sargent, In Defense of Utopia, Diogenes, liii, 1 (2006), 1117. 4 Ibid., 15. 5 Oxford English Dictionary (2nd edn) on CD-ROM. Version 3.0 (Oxford, 2002). 6 Lewis Henry Younge, Utopia: or, Apollos Golden Days (Dublin: George Faulkner, 1747), 4, 6, 21.
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known to the present and, very likely, shows its earliest possible definition in print. The poem praises the Earl of Chesterfields administration in Ireland and was designed as an abstract of the most remarkable passages of his excellent government.7 It allegorically envisages Ireland as dystopia before Chesterfields arrival there as lord lieutenant of Ireland: But heavn, of late, was all distraction, And, more than ever, rent in faction; Causd only by a wretched isle, On which we thought no God would smile: Not stord with wealth, nor blest in air: No useful plants would ripen there, Mismanagd by th unskilful hinds, Or nipt by chilling eastern winds: Or if they flourishd for a day, They soon became some insects prey: For many such infest the soil, Devouring th honest labrers toil; So venomous, that some had rather Have, in their stead, the toad or adder. Unhappy isle! scarce known to fame; DYSTOPIA was its slighted name. (399400) A footnote by the contributor gives a definition of dystopia which reads An unhappy country (400). This short annotation adds to a variety of meanings which the coined word may have evoked. A late seventeenth-century dictionary, for example, specifies dys as evil, difficult, or impossible;8 evil, bad, difficult, and ill, on the other hand, are used as qualifiers in dictionary definitions of scientific, predominantly medical, terms starting with this prefix.9 Obviously, dystopia benefited from these adverse notions and was coined to suggest negation in order to put a moral slant on current political affairs. Further in the poem, by the order of Jove, Apollopresumably the Earl of

Chesterfieldis sent on a mission to the unhappy country to help better its condition: Then to Apollo thus began: Haste, my beloved friend to man: Fly to yon barren, dreary shore Thou knowst my willthere needs no more. Again a God forsakes the skies, To make a sinking nation rise: But needs not study to assume A shape, as Maias son for Rome. To mortals, STANHOPE he appears, Come to dry up Dystopias tears. (400) Almost at the end of the poem, dystopia appears as diametrically opposed to utopia. In the next lines, the monarch praises Apollo for his success in inverting the state of dystopia which has finally come in agreement with British royal policy: Dystopia ownd that shaking throne, And made our royal cause her own. We, therefore, mindful of her zeal, For yours and for your monarchs weal, Sent bright APOLLO, for a while, To cheer that loyal, drooping isle! If Gratitude appears on earth, To heavn the Goddess owd her birth: Then, let her not be wholly driven To grosser earth, from purer heaven. Such bliss we never gave before: We ought no lesswe could no more. Thrice happy isle! the boast of fame, Henceforth, UTOPIA be thy name. And now, behold, he upward flies, Once more to grace his native skies. (401) In this excerpt, an explanatory footnote reference to utopia points out a happy or blessed country (401); it makes a clear contrast to the definition of dystopia, given previously on page 400. A comment in prose, intercepting the poem, regrets that the beloved and just now blessd Utopia is bewailing the absence of her tutelaries (401) and sorrowfully concludes, apparently after the Earl of Chesterfields return to England, that misrule may prevail again: Still hapless isle!how shortly blest! (402) Obviously, dystopia was coined to suggest the inverted, negative meaning of utopia in a poem

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7 Utopia, &c., The Gentlemans Magazine, xviii (Sept. 1748), 399. Subsequent references are cited parenthetically in the text. 8 Francis Gouldman, A Copious Dictionary in Three Parts (Cambridge, John Hayes, 1674). 9 Elisha Coles, An English Dictionary (1676; London, 1717). On the scientific notions of dys, see also the OED.

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praising Chesterfields administration in Ireland and warning against imminent socio-political disorder after his departure. While the contrast between dystopia and utopia can be inferred contextually from the 1747 Dublin edition, the excerpted version of Utopia: or Apollos Golden Days in The Gentlemans Magazine illustrates this opposition by means of footnoted definitions. Though it may be uncertain when exactly it was coined, apparently dystopia silently entered the public sphere in Dublin, in 1747, and in London, in 1748. The polarity between the two concepts is very much similar to J. S. Mills construal of dystopia as the opposite of utopia; yet, dystopia was coined, printed in English, and even defined as a concept much earlier than it was believed. V. M. BUDAKOV Sofia University
doi:10.1093/notesj/gjp235 The Author (2010). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oxfordjournals.org

THE MYSTERY OF ISAAC AXFORD AND HANNAH LIGHTFOOT NEITHER Mary Pendered (The Fair Quaker, 1910), nor Justinian Mallett (Princess or Pretender, 1939), nor John Lindsey (The Lovely Quaker, 1939) felt the need to reproduce in their respective books the conclusive evidence surrounding this mysterious affair that had been discovered by the founding editor of Notes & Queries. Mr W. J. Thoms had established that the Isaac Axford, who allegedly married the Fair Quaker, Hannah Lightfoot, was born at Erlestoke, Wilts. in the year 1734 (N&Q, 3rd S (285) vol. 11, 15 June 1867, p. 484); for a reader had also brought to Mr Thomss attention evidence showing that this Isaac Axford was the Isaac Axford of the same parish, described on the marriage bond as a widower, who had gone on, as legend had it, to lawfully marry Mary Bartlett, spinster of Warminster at Holy Saviours Church, Erlestoke on 3 December 1759. The reader had proof not only of the Axford/Bartlett marriage but also the baptismal certificates of both parties (N&Q,

3rd S (278) vol. 11, 1867, pp. 3423). Isaac Axfords personal history was confirmed subsequently in greater detail by Mr Horace Bleackley: the Erlestoke Registers recorded that Isaac Axford, the son of John and Elisabeth Axford, was born on 17 August 1734 (N&Q, 10th S. viii, 21 December 1907, pp. 4834). B. Wood-Holt of St John, New Brunswick, Canada, attempted in the early 1980s to construct the family tree of the Axfords of Earlestoke, Wilts, whilst omitting any mention of John and Elisabeth Axford (N&Q, vol 229, 1984, p. 397401). Sheila Mitchell and W. Ian Axford of Swindon did disprove B. WoodHolts contrasting conclusion that a William and Hester Axford were the parents of the Isaac Axford, who allegedly married Hannah Lightfoot (N&Q, vol 241, 1996, pp. 3045) whilst professing that their own scrutiny of family tradition had led them to believe that a William Axford and his wife, Susannah (Exton) were the parents. Mitchell and Axford neglected similarly the conclusive evidence provided by Messrs. Thoms and Bleackley, as did Matthew Kilburn of the New Dictionary of National Biography. Mitchell and Axfords assertion appears in the ODNB, citing an Isaac Sylvester Axford, a note of whose apprenticeship appears in the registers of the Commissioners of Stamps of Duty received on indentures, 2 June 1747: Isaac, son of William Axford was indentured for 6 years to Master John Barton, Broiderer, from Lady Day 25 March 1747. His adult baptism is assumed to have been registered in the parish of St Martin, Ludgate (Guildhall library MS 10214), 1747, May 24, Isaac Sylvester Axford, an adult person, aged 16 years. It is very apparent that two Isaac Axfords did flourish in Wiltshire and London at this particular time. Isaac Sylvester Axford was born at Xmas (?) in 1730/31 to William and Susannah Axford, and indentured to Master John Barton, Broiderer in the year 1747. Isaac Sylvester Axford had no connection with Hannah Lightfoot whatsoever. The Isaac Axford who allegedly married Hannah Lightfoot at Keiths Chapel, Mayfair on

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