Educational policy By Shazim Husayn (Shazim Ryan Krishingee)

The aim of this paper is to define what educational policy is, then to clarify what the current debate regarding educational policy classification is. Having initially done this, the paper will then continue on to explain and define what the theoretical and conceptual tools of policy analysis are. Then theses tools and definitions will be applied to the government report titled International approaches to Islamic Studies in Higher Education. Then we will draw conclusions from the policy analysis. What is policy? Defining policy is a very difficult and tedious exercise, the reason for this as Ham and Hill has stated is that definition of policy has attracted much attention but little agreement (Ham and Hill, 1984, p.11). Whilst other policy writers such as Hogwood and Gun have written about the various ways that that the term policy has been applied and used both conceptual and theoretically, such as the use of policy as a label or term for an area of activity, that is; foreign policy, social policy or policy as an expression of general purpose or desired state of affairs or even as we will be looking at in this essay educational policy, they have not presented any real definitions of policy(Hogwood and Gunn, 1984, p.12-19). Davis et. al., (Davis, 1993, p.10) suggest that the debate about policy definitions is largely futile. This would suggest that the complexity and dynamic nature of policy is not easily defined. Within this essay the definitions board as they are will refer to educational policy; educational policy refers to the collection of laws or rules that govern the operation of educational systems It seeks to answer questions about the purpose of education, the objectives (societal and personal) that it is designed to attain, the methods for attaining them and the tools for measuring their success or failure (Sanders, 2007). Although there are many definitional difficulties, such scholars as Colebatch (1984), Considine (1994) and Stone (1998) and others argue that there is what is termed a classical view of policy, primarily as a creation or aim. Colebatch (1984) in his opinion claims that this classical view is the authoritative rational choice model of policy. While Considine (1994) summarised the classical view as, A public policy is an action which employs governmental authority to commit resources in support of a preferred value (Considine, 1994, p.3). While Stone (1998) labels the classical view as policy-making in the rationality project. For Stone, the rationality project is the mission of rescuing policy from irrationality of politics and restoring it its rational, analytical and scientific ideal. In this context, she depicts the classical view as follows: The model of policy making in the rationality project is a production model, where policy is created in a fairly ordered sequence of stages, almost as if on an assembly line. Many political scientists, in fact, speak of assembling the elements of policy. An issue is placed on the agenda, and gets defined; it moves through the legislative and executive branches of government where alternative solutions are proposed, analysed, legitimised, elected, and refined; a solution is

implemented by the executive agencies and constantly challenged and revised by interested actors, perhaps using the judicial branch; and finally, if the policy-making process is managerially sophisticated, it provides a means of evaluating and revising implemented solutions (Stone, 1998, p.7). This is not to suggest that those who advocate the classical view have a simple or unsophisticated model of policy. Advocates of the classical definition (Howlett and Ramesh, 1995, Jenkins,1978) readily acknowledge that: policies usually involve a series of inter-related decisions; rather than a single decision-maker, many different people at different levels and scattered throughout government organisations make public policy decisions; policies are shaped by earlier policy decisions, social, economic and environmental factors; policies are mediated through their implementation (Lipsky,1990); policies involve both actions and inactions; policies cannot be analysed apart from the policy-making process; policies have outcomes that may or may not have been foreseen; policies are subjectively defined, and may be defined retrospectively; policies extend beyond the formal records of decisions; and policies need resources and action to be differentiated from political rhetoric (Howlett and Ramesh, 1995, Jenkins,1978, Lipsky,1990). In addition to the classical definitions of policy we need to appreciate that policy can fall into two board categories; public policy and private policy. Public policy is seen normally seen as the decisions and actions of governments and the public sector as opposed to those of other private organisations that have polices internal to their staff and statute but may affect the public via its trading. Such writes as Hogwood and Gun (1984) state that for any policy to be considered a public policy; it must to some degree have been generated or at least processed within the framework of governmental procedures, influences and organizations. Whiles others such as Bridgman and Davis (1998) conclude that public policies can draw upon public resources and the legal and democratic constitutions in a way that other policies cannot, whereas other non-public polices would have only the legal constitution and charter of the particular organisation to drawn upon . The educationalist and writer Dye defined public policy as Anything a government chooses to do or not do (Dye, 1972, p.1). While Howlett and Ramesh purports that Public policy is, at its most simple, a choice made by a government to undertake some course of action (Howlett and Ramesh, 1995, p.5). Whilst another scholar Mascaren has said, Public policy is primarily an output of the political process, the responsibility for which rests with governments (Mascarenhas, 1996, p. 1). Others such as Bridgman and Davis argue that public policy is an authoritative statement by a government about its intentions (Bridgman and Davis, 1998, p.3). While Fenna (1998), also in the classical school of thought, argues that policy is the purposeful connecting of ends with means; it is a set course of action calculated and articulated to achieve a desired purpose and objective. Considine summarised the classical view as, A public policy is an action which employs governmental authority to commit resources in support of a preferred value (Considine, 1984, p.3).

While Colebatch (2006) as added further to the classification debate by classifying policy as authoritative choice: policy consists of choices made by leaders in positions of authority and the implementation of these choices. So health policy consists of the choices made by elected leaders, which are then carried out by the structures of government. Secondly, policy as a structured interaction: policy is a process of interaction between a range of bodies with particular specialised interests, mostly inside government, but often not: the stakeholders. Health policy, then would be understood in terms of the activities of, and the relations between, such bodies as Commonwealth and State government departments, hospitals, health funds, professional groups, researchers, and non-government organisations, as well as ministers and their governments. Thirdly, policy as social construction: policy is the construction of meaning, a particular way of focusing attention, identifying situations as normal or problematic, justifying the involvement of government, validating claims to legitimate expertise, and applying appropriate technologies of governing. So health policy would refer to the processes by which conditions become regarded as health matters (for example, smoking, driver behaviour, or food preferences), the persons who may appropriately deal with them, and the institutional locations or processes through which these health problems may be responded to (Dean 1999, Rose and Miller 1992, OFarrell 2002).

An alternative view In addition to the classical view of policy, Colebatch (1994) argues that there is fundamentally different conception that he labels as the structured interaction model: The structured interaction perspective does not assume a single decision-maker, addressing a clear policy problem: it focuses on the range of participants in the game, the diversity of their understandings of the situation and the problem, the ways in which they interact with one another, and the outcomes of this interaction. It does not assume that this pattern of activity is a collective effort to achieve known and shared goals.(Colebatch, 1994, pp.102-103). The interactional view recognises that policy is an ongoing process with many participants, most of whom do not have a formal or recognised role in policy-making. They include ministers of state, their advisers, politicians, public servants, party members, street level delivery staff, and peak bodies, interested members of the public, media and academics. According to this view, policy is not about the promulgation of formal statements but the processes of negotiation and influence; indeed, much policy work is only distantly connected to authorized statements about goals: it is concerned with relating the activities of different bodies to one another, with stabilizing practice and expectations across organizations, and with responding to challenge, contest and uncertainty (Colebatch, 1994, p.100). Rejecting the classical view of policy as insufficient, Considine has argued that, Policy is the continuing work done by groups of policy actors who use available public institutions to articulate and express the things they value. (Considine, 1984, p.4). It is the interplay of deals, alliances and attempts at finding solutions involving individuals and groups including elected officials, bureaucrats, political parties, the media, interest groups and social movements; each with values, assumptions, categories, stories and languages(Considine, 1984, pp.6-16). In a sense everything in the policy world is really just process, the movement of people and programs around common problems such as education, transport and employment. None of the initiatives

in these fields stays fixed for very long because the problems themselves keep moving and changing. We cannot afford, therefore, to view policy as just a study of decisions or programs. The specific decisions which often interest us are merely important punctuation marks within this flow and not the thing itself (Considine, 1984, pp.3-4).

Stone is another who advocated an interactional view. She said that policy-making is a constant struggle over the criteria for classification, the boundaries of categories, and the definition of ideals that guide the way people behave (Stone, 1998, p.7). Behind every policy issue there is a contest over conflicting though equally plausible conceptions of the same abstract goal. In one amusing example about sharing a cake equitably, Stone identifies nine different definitions of equality - all of which are used in different policy domains. Similarly, behind every policy issue there is also conflict about how the problem should be defined. And completing the picture, policy solutions are little more than temporary resolutions of conflict. Policy is more like an endless game of Monopoly than sewing machine repair. Hence the common complaint those policies never seem to solve anything. The process of choosing and implementing the means of policy is political and contentious. The actions we commonly call new policies are really somebodys next move, and in politics, as in a good game, nobodys move completely determines anybody elses future move. (Stone, 1998, p. 208). Stone contested the government-centric view of public policy, which is part of the classical view. She said, public policy is about communities trying to achieve something as communities (Stone, 1998, p. 14). A combination of the two views Colebatch (1984) argues for a synthesis between the classical and interactional views of policy, seeing them as the vertical and horizontal dimensions of policy. In the vertical dimension the focus is on authorities making decisions in the context of problem identification, identifying and comparing possible solutions, and checking that policies have been implemented correctly and that they are achieving the desired results. In the horizontal dimension the focus is on the range of participants, the diversity of their agendas, and the activities of negotiation, coalition building, and the ratification of agreed outcomes. The essence of Colebatchs synthesis is that the rational model has considerable symbolic importance. Quoting March and Olsen, Colebatch(1984) says, it is hard to imagine a society with modern Western ideology that would not require a wellelaborated and reinforced myth of intentional choice through politics, both to sustain a semblance of social orderliness and meaning and to facilitate change (March and Olsen,1989,p. 52). The role of the rational myth is that it frames the appropriate behaviour of the actors from ministers to bureaucrats, from academics to interest groups and from service providers to service users. In this context, Colebatch explores what people are trying to achieve when they label something as policy. He says, To describe something as policy is to give it special significance (Colebatch, 1984, p.2). Use of the term, policy, implies organised activity that is coherent (all the bits of the action fit together), hierarchical (a course of action that is officially endorsed), and instrumental; a course of action that is deliberately in pursuit of particular purposes, rather than erratic or random, (Colebatch, 1984, pp.3-4). Policy statements imply authority (they have the endorsement of some authorised decision maker, be it Cabinet, the Minister or senior public servants); expertise (they invariably draw on a body of experts - policy requires knowledge); and

order; policy responses create order they define how something should be done, (Colebatch, 1984, pp.90-91). Applying Foucaults analyses and theories of power-knowledge, bio-power and government, Shore and Wright (1997) make similar observations. Although a political phenomena, the classical view of policy disguises this political nature through the language of objectivity, rationality and neutrality. Once disguised, policy can serve other functions. The label of official policy objectifies decision-making and conceals the decision-makers. It legitimises the arguable and irrational; and by aligning them with experts and collective, universalised objectives; for example, family values, democracy, respect for tradition or individual free choice, it makes disagreement impotent. They conclude, Policies work as instruments of governance, as ideological vehicles, and as agents for constructing subjectivities and organising people within systems of power and authority (Shore and Wright, 1997, pp.3-35). The Policy cycle Another aspect of policy that needs to be explored and explained is what is termed the policy cycle. It is a very common theoretical device that appears in the policy literature related to classical model of policy. The notion of a policy cycle has its roots in systems theory and scientific method. According to Colebatch, the policy cycle imagines the policy process as an endless cycle of: policy decisions; implementation; and performance assessment (Colebatch, 1984, p.55). Howlett and Ramesh conceive of a similar cycle but with more steps: agenda setting (problem recognition), policy formulation (proposal of a solution), decision-making (choice of a solution), policy implementation (putting the solution into effect), and policy evaluation (monitoring results) (Howlett and Ramesh, 1995, p.10). Bridgman and Davis (1998) advocate an eight-step Australian Policy Cycle: identify issues; policy analysis; policy instruments; consultation; coordination; decision; implementation; and evaluation. Hogwood and Gun (1994) also envisage a similar cycle: issue search or agenda setting, issue filtration, issue definition, forecasting, setting objectives and priorities, options analysis, policy implementation, evaluation and review, and policy maintenance, succession or termination. Easton (1957, 1965) was the first to use systems theory to explain political processes. Easton argued that, like biological systems, political systems could be understood as open, adaptive systems where inputs; essentially political demands and public support in Eastons schema, are converted to outputs, decisions and actions, through a political process. Further developing on the common use of an inputs-processes-outputs schema to describe the policy process, Sharkansky (1970) added the notion that policy impacts (or outcomes) are distinct from policy outputs. A modern, sympathetic rendition of the systems theory conceptualisation of policy is one where governments direct inputs at specific process in order to produce outputs that will lead to desired outcomes in the client population or in the society as a whole; where each of these terms; inputs, processes, outputs and outcomes, has a specific meaning within this model (Palmer, 1997, p.23). Inputs: includes dollars, staffing, skills, experience, and physical facilities; Processes: are the tasks, activities, strategies, what is done; Outputs; what programs actually produce: goods, products, services; and Outcomes; the differences in a consumers life or the changes to society as the result of outputs. (Palmer, 1997, pp.23-24)

Implicit in this systems approach is a causal model of the policy process, from inputs to outcomes. This causal model can be thought of as a hypothesis (Bridgman and Davis, 1998, pp.5-6). It is the belief that if the policy-maker does a particular thing it should achieve a desired change in the wider population. This hypothesis provides the link from systems theory to scientific method in the policy cycle, through the process of developing and testing hypotheses in order to find the best solution to a problem. Policy-makers develop a hypothesis about the best way to achieve an objective while the causal model from inputs to outcomes as stated above. They then test their hypothesis, they implement their policies and analyse the impacts of their policies. From their analysis, policy-makers can come to a conclusion about how well their policies work and whether they should be continued, improved, implemented in another way or terminated.

It should be noted that proponents of the policy cycle readily accept that this model is idealised and not isomorphic. Howlett and Ramesh, for example, argue that the model does not explain why decisions are made or what drives policy from one stage to the next. The model fails to embrace the complexity of the policy making process and the reality that policy rarely, if ever, proceeds as a linear progression. Stages are often skipped or compressed and the idiosyncrasies, interests and preset ideological dispositions of the people involved often usurp the process (Howlett and Ramesh, 1995, pp.5-6). It is, therefore, tempting to dismiss the policy cycle and also the classical view of policy simply because the model diverges so far from practice. However, such dismissal underestimates the influence of the model. In the pretext of program logic and analysis (Funnell, 1997), the policy cycle has become the main ideological framework for policy evaluation (Canberra, 1994) In the policy literature, the notion of a policy cycle often associated with two cognate discussions. The first is what Colebatch calls the set-piece encounter in policy texts and courses between rational and incremental decision-making (Colebatch, 1994, p.78). The second is about the range of possible solutions such as policy interventions and policy instruments that can be applied to a problem. The ideal of rational decision-making underpinning policy-making, according to Ham and Hill (1984), goes back to Herbert Simons Administrative Behaviour, first published in 1945. In Simons ideal model, a policy-maker establishes clear goals, identifies a complete range of options and then selects the best one following a comprehensive analysis of the alternatives and their consequences. However, this ideal has difficulties in practice, which Simon himself recognised some of which Simon addressed when he proposed his 1957 theory of bounded rationality, in which decision-makers use practical rules-of-thumb to choose satisfactory rather than optimum solutions ,a process he described as satisfying (Ham and Hill, 1984, pp.77-79). In 1959, Charles Lindblom criticised the idea of decision-making as the search for the best solution to a problem. According to Colebatch, Lindblom argued that; In practice means and ends are not separable, analysis is limited rather than comprehensive, policy emerges from a succession of small changed rather than a single clear decision, and the test of a good decision is not so much that it achieves known objectives, but rather that people agree with the process by which it was reached. (Colebatch, 1994, p.78). Subsequently a debate emerged between those who advocated the ideal of comprehensive or bounded rationality and Lindbloms rational form of analysis known as incrementalism or muddling through (Lindblom and Woodhouse, 1993, pp.2730).

Policy Analyst There are multitudes of ways to conduct policy analysis ranging from the extremely complex to the completely simplistic and subjective. To list a few; Seven Criteria of Good Policy, The six Cs of Policy Options, The three Es of Policy Options, Cost-Benefit Analysis, Cost-Effectiveness Analysis, Modeling, Decomposition Analysis, Ideological Analysis, Point of View Analysis. Most of which given the limits of the paper it would not be possible to present in full details. An alternative schema has been substantiated by Leichter for use in analyzing public policy. He has distinguished between situational factors (divided into six complementary sets of factors which extend from economic circles to technological change); structural factors (which include the political structure and the economic structure); cultural factors (distinguishing between political culture and general culture); and finally environmental factors (distinguishing between international political environment, policy diffusion, international agreements and multinational corporations) (Leichter, 1979). The Government Report In France the policy of the government to the increase demand for Islamic education was that the national ministry of education made Arabic Studies a priority subject since 1983 and also created five new academic post, the result was that by 2006-07 there were 151 PhD and 410 undergraduate students enrolled to study Islamic studies. One can argue here that statistics would show that the policy has had a positive effect on the number interested in studying Islamic studies. However it could also be argued that one of the reasons that there has been an increased interested in studying Islamic studies is not because of the policy alone but because the recent ban on hijab has simulated increase interest in Islamic studies as the figures would indicate (See Table 1 and 2). Table 1 Current degree programmes in Islamic Studies and related subjects at French universities Institutions: Institutions: Undergraduate (BA) degrees Postgraduate (MA, PhD) degrees

Degree programme Islamic Studies tudes arabes et civilisations du monde musulman Langues et civilisations: tudes arabes et musulmanes Monde arabe, musulman et semitique tudes arabes, civilisations islamiques et orientales Religious Studies (excluding Catholic/Protestant Theology)

Arab World Studies 1 Histoire: tudes arabes et hebraques Sciences sociales: Villes et territoires monde arabe Institutions: Degree programme Arabic Language, Literature & Culture Langues, littratures et civilisations 12 etrangres arabe Langues etrangres appliques arabe Comparative Law Droit des pays arabes Droit musulman Comparative politics Europe post communiste, asie, monde musulman Amerique latine, europe mditerranene, monde arabe et musulman 3 Undergraduate (BA) degrees 1

Institutions: Postgraduate (MA, PhD) degrees

Table 2

Enrolment on degree programmes in Islamic Studies and related subjects at French universities, 2006-07 B.A. M.A. Ph.D. Degree programme Final year Final year Total

Islamic Studies tudes arabes et civilisations du monde musulman Langues et civilisations: tudes arabes et musulmanes Monde arabe, musulman et semitique tudes arabes, civilisations islamiques et orientales Religious Studies (excluding Catholic/Protestant Theology) 32

45

151

70

23

Arab World Studies Histoire: tudes arabes et hebraques Sciences sociales : Villes et territoires monde arabe Arabic Language, Literature & Culture Langues, littratures et civilisations etrangres arabe Langues etrangres appliques arabe Comparative Law Droit des pays arabes Droit musulman Comparative politics Europe post communiste, asie, monde musulman Amerique latine, europe mditerranene, monde arabe et musulman 410 10

43

42

35

131

While in America, since September 11, 2001 and its aftermath, there has been a surge in the demand for studying Islamic education and this has lead to increased provisions at universities, however research would suggest that as the direct result of student demand that extra provisions were made and that the federal government funding has not increase simultaneously but rather gifts from outside the US has accounted for the increase finances. The policy of the federal government suggest that historical centres such as the Title VI National Resource Centres has received all major funding. Unclear as the policy is, statics would show that between 1995-2006, there has been an 88% increase in BAs, 58% increase in MAs and 78% in PhDs. This would indicate that the policy of the government has had a positive impact on the discipline (See Table 3).

Table 3 Year 2002-03

Degrees granted in Islamic Studies and related disciplines at US four-year colleges and universities, 2002-03 to 2005-06 Degree programme B.A. M.A. Ph.D. Islamic Studies Religious Studies Near and Middle Eastern Studies Arabic Language/Literature 0 3753 123 13 1 1 634 82 3 2 2 256 30 0 0

2003-04

Islamic Studies

Religious Studies Near and Middle Eastern Studies Arabic Language/Literature 2004-05 Islamic Studies Religious Studies Near and Middle Eastern Studies Arabic Language/Literature 2005-06 Islamic Studies Religious Studies Near and Middle Eastern Studies Arabic Language/Literature

3967 140 13 1 3971 178 21 2 4041 158 26

560 132 3 3 523 102 5 2 510 142 4

210 29 1 1 197 37 0 2 185 32 2

In the United Kingdom, as a result of the Siddiqui report 2007 the government announced a one million fund to improve teaching of Islamic studies in the United Kingdom and Islamic studies were designated a strategically important subject. In April 2007 the department for communities and local government announced a continuous professional development programme for faith leaders, in response to its published report on Preventing Violent Extremism. Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) paper on Trends and profiles 2008-09 shows that Across the UK the number of students on Islamic studies programmes rose by 12 per cent between 2002-03 and 2005-06. This compares to a 7 per cent rise across all subjects of study. A total of 635 students were studying Islamic studies (across all years of study) in 2005-06, 188 of these at first degree level (See Table 4). Table 4 Enrolment on degree programmes in Islamic Studies and related subjects at UK universities, 2002-03 to 2005-06 (figures shown include full and part-time students) Year Degree programme Undergraduate Postgraduate 2002-03 Islamic Studies Theology and Religious Studies Modern Middle Eastern Studies 2003-04 Islamic Studies Theology and Religious Studies Modern Middle Eastern Studies 2004-05 Islamic Studies 567 10240 1325 580 10070 1415 610 4715 530 4405 515

Theology and Religious Studies Modern Middle Eastern Studies 2005-06 Islamic Studies Theology and Religious Studies Modern Middle Eastern Studies

10765 1425 635 11010 1475

4790 545

4880 575

This clearly shows that the government policy of making Islamic studies a strategic subject has positive impact on the Islamic studies in the United Kingdom.

Conclusion The question of what is policy, in many ways is still not answered; while the research has provided an insight into the policy debate, no substantial definition of policy has been attained nor has any of the definitive answers regarding the policy debate been clarified, while it has been noted a few times that an authoritative definition is difficult to find. With good reason, Colebatch concludes his book with the words, The term is not a scientific absolute, but a socially constructed variable. Policy is a concept which we use to make sense of the world, but we have to work with it. (Colebatch, 1994, pp.113-114). In the same paragraph, he implied that the real task of policy analysis is not to examine policy as products, but to find out What determines how things are done? (Colebatch, 1994, p.113). It thus seems like the policy debate is a never ending issue. Regarding the government report, it must be noted that it a desk report and much more analyst of actual events that are taking place needs to be reviewed and accounted for in order to understand the nature of Islamic education, government policy and the responses to it. Possibly in further a more in depth research can be commissioned. In essence this literature review could not adequately cover all aspect of policy and has left many questions unanswered; it however gives a general picture of the dynamism that is policy.

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