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0 \levelstartat1 \nisuslevelnuminc1 \levelspace0 \levelindent0 {\leveltext \'0e\ '00.\'01.\'02.\'03.\'04.\'05.\'06.;} {\levelnumbers \'01\'03\'05\'07\'09\'0b\'0d;}\ltrpar \pardirnatural \li1968 \lin 1968 \fi-1968 \ri0 \rin0 }{\listlevel \levelnfc0 \levelnfcn0 \leveljcn0 \levelfo llow0 \levelstartat1 \nisuslevelnuminc1 \levelspace0 \levelindent0 {\leveltext \ '10\'00.\'01.\'02.\'03.\'04.\'05.\'06.\'07.;} {\levelnumbers \'01\'03\'05\'07\'09\'0b\'0d\'0f;}\ltrpar \pardirnatural \li2188 \lin2188 \fi-2188 \ri0 \rin0 }{\listlevel \levelnfc0 \levelnfcn0 \leveljcn0 \lev elfollow0 \levelstartat1 \nisuslevelnuminc1 \levelspace0 \levelindent0 {\levelte xt \'12\'00.\'01.\'02.\'03.\'04.\'05.\'06.\'07.\'08.;} {\levelnumbers \'01\'03\'05\'07\'09\'0b\'0d\'0f\'11;}\ltrpar \pardirnatural \li2 408 \lin2408 \fi-2408 \ri0 \rin0 }{\listname ;}\listid470211272 \nisuslistcontnu m0 {\*\liststylename Tiered List;}}} {\*\listoverridetable {\listoverride \listid16807 \listoverridecount0 \ls1 }{\li stoverride \listid282475249 \listoverridecount0 \ls2 }{\listoverride \listid1622 650073 \listoverridecount0 \ls3 } {\listoverride \listid984943658 \listoverridecount0 \ls4 }{\listoverride \listid 1144108930 \listoverridecount0 \ls5 }{\listoverride \listid470211272 \listoverri decount0 \ls6 }}\defformat {\info {\*\nisusgmtoffset -8:00}{\author John Verity} {\creatim \yr2010 \mo10 \dy21 \hr11 \min12 }{\revtim \yr2010 \mo11 \dy24 \hr21 \ min30 }}{\*\userprops }\viewkind1 \viewzk1 \nisusviewruler1 \nisusviewtoolbar1 \ nisusviewtooldrawer1 \nisusviewpagenumtype1 \nisusviewrulericons0 {\*\nisusviews ettings \viewkind4 \viewscale125 {\nisusnavsettings } {\nisuscommentsettings }}{\*\nisusviewsettings \viewkind1 \viewzk1 {\nisusnavset tings {\visible 0}{\closedtochandles }{\mode toc}}{\nisuscommentsettings }}{\*\n isuswindow \x270 \y9 \w1166 \h1049 } \nisusrulerunits0 \nshwinv0 \nshwpg1 \hyphauto0 \nisusinlinespell1 \nisusselects tart7966 \nisusselectlength0 \ftnstart1 \ftnnar \aftnstart1 \aftnnar \aenddoc \f et2 \ftnbj \paperw12240 \paperh15840 \margl1696 \margr1957 \margt1800 \margb1800 \gutter0 \pgnstart1 \nocolbal \f0 \sectd \linemod0 \cols1 \ltrsect \colbalsxn0 \pgwsxn12240 \pghsxn15840 \marglsxn1696 \margrsxn1957 \margtsxn1800 \margbsxn180 0 \guttersxn0 \headery720 \footery720 \pgnstarts1 \pgnrestart \pgndec \sxnstarts 1 \sxnrestart \sxndec {\header \plain \pard \s32 \ql \widctlpar \nisuskeep0 \nis uskeepn0 \sb0 \sa0 \sl240 \slmult1 \ltrpar \pardirnatural \li0 \lin0 \fi0 \ri0 \ rin0 \f0 \fs36 \AppleTypeServices } {\footer \plain \pard \s34 \ql \widctlpar \nisuskeep0 \nisuskeepn0 \sb0 \sa0 \sl 240 \slmult1 \ltrpar \pardirnatural \li0 \lin0 \fi0 \ri0 \rin0 \f0 \fs36 \AppleT ypeServices }\deftab720 {\pard \s27 \ql \widctlpar \nisuskeep0 \nisuskeepn0 \sb0 \sa0 \sl240 \slmult1 \ltrpar \pardirnatural \li0 \lin0 \fi0 \ri0 \rin0 {\f1 \fs 32 \AppleTypeServices \b The Wisdom of Leopold Kohr \par by Ivan Illich\par \par Fourteenth Annual E. F. Schumacher Lectures - October 1994, Yale University\par \par Edited by Hildegarde Hannum\par \par \u169 \'a9Copyright 1996 by the E. F. Schumacher Society and Ivan Illich (This is a revised version of Ivan Illich's lecture, prepared in collaboration with Ma tthias Rieger.)\par \par } {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \b0 \par \par This year's annual Schumacher Lectures have been organized to honor Leopold Kohr . During his life-time, this teasing leprechaun was recognized by very few as a man ahead of his time. Even today, few have caught up with him; there is still n o school of thought that carries on his social morphology.\par \par I want to be precise: To place him among the champions of alternative economics would be a posthumous betrayal. Throughout his life, Kohr labored to lay the fou

ndations for an alternative to economics; he had no interest in seeking innovati ve ways to plan the allocation of scarce goods. He identified conditions under w hich the Good became mired down in things that are scarce. Therefore he worked t o subvert conventional economic wisdom, no matter how advanced.\par \par Kohr's day will dawn when people awaken from their economic slumbers, when the a ge of faith in } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i homo economicus}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \ i0 gives way to a penetrating skepticism, when social theorists carefully read this modest but important thinker. In the meantime, the Schumacher Society is a fitting place to keep Kohr's memory alive until such time as he is recognized as a major pioneer in social thought.\par \par His vision of a decent common life was predicated on modesty, not on plenty. A n ative of the village of Oberndorf near Salzburg, he began with the propensity of Salzburg folk to trust and enjoy the local ways distinctive of each valley. He saw the truth in their suspicion of universal values. He perceived how a good li fe could be corrupted. Kohr remains a prophet today because even those social th eorists for whom small is beautiful have not yet discovered that the truth of be auty and goodness is not a matter of size, nor even of dimensions of intensity, but of proportion.\par \par I see Kohr as the one social thinker who picks up the biological morphology of D 'Arcy Thompson and J. B. S. Haldane as the starting point of a social morphology . These scientists studied the proportion between form and size in living creatu res. Mice appear only within rather narrow parameters of size. One intuitively g rasps mousyness\emdash that familiar form of a small, compact body with a tail t hat scurries across the floor on four swift and delicate legs. Such beings come in sizes from an inch to a foot. Haldane demonstrated that the form of mousy pro portions cannot exist outside this lower and upper limit. Since the weight incre ases with the cube of its size, legs able to move a larger rodent would have to thicken beyond mousy proportions. Kohr discusses society in analogy to the way p lants and animals are shaped by their size and sized by their shape. He is unint erested in the timeless and weightless critters fabricated by social scientists. As a friend remarks, these abstractions appear to come out of "social thought a bout mice on the moon."\par \par Kohr's thought resists reduction to any scenario of the future. Nor is it orient ed toward progress; rather, he inquires into the form that fits the size. I was impressed by this in the 1950s when I found Puerto Rico a Mecca for planning, at tracting Young Turks from Princeton to Tel Aviv. These brash technical advisors looked upon "Operation Bootstrap," an economic development scheme for the island , as a grand opportunity for social engineering. Kohr, living and teaching in Pu erto Rico at that time, was a familiar figure in a hillside slum at the edge of the Rio Piedras campus. A sugar-cane cutter expressed what I felt: "Unlike the p rofessors, party workers, and priests, this Austrian makes us think about what o ur neighborhood is, not about how to carry out the experts' plans."\par \par Kohr cast his net beyond planning goals, toward the not yet, the } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i nondum}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 , whic h the poet Paul Celan places "to the north of the future." Kohr never attempted to seduce people into utopia, which is always a misplaced concreteness. He foste red a vision that could be realized because it fell within limits, it remained w ithin reach. Kohr stood for renunciation of a ranging gaze that sought chimeras beyond the shared horizon.\par \par He was aware of the crippling effect of our upbringing; he knew, for instance, t hat most people of his time had grown up on formula. Bottle-milk was the fashion ; breasts would not make their comeback till the seventies. What Jacques Ellul c alls the technological system made the commodity paradigm all-pervasive. Telling

stories about his village of Oberndorf\emdash where a schoolteacher named Franz Xaver Gruber had composed "Silent Night" \emdash Kohr attempted to teach about what had become almost impossible: to look to common sense in the midst of deve lopment euphoria.\par \par His character qualified him to be a spokesman for this lost "faculty," common se nse. He was a funny bird\emdash meek, fay, droll, and incisive. Everett Reimer, also living in Puerto Rico at that time, introduced him to me as a } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i coqui}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 , a gre en tree frog, so tiny that few have ever seen one sitting in the hollow of a ban ana leaf. But the melodious croak of this tiny amphibian dominates Puerto Rican nights, making them different from the darkness elsewhere in the tropics. Unsurp risingly, the islanders have chosen this creature as their totem.\par \par Kohr was an eminently unassuming man. I would even go so far as to say that he w as radically humble, and this aspect of his thought and character tends to disqu alify him from inclusion in textbooks. It may also have contributed to the fact that so few have grasped the core of his argument: the prominence he gives to pr oportionality. Inspired by him, many have gone so far as to cherish smallness. E ncouraged by his participation in conferences of Greens, numerous friends joined in the defense of European regionalism. But not many of those who applauded him understood the depth of his opposition to current axiomatic certainties shared by both ecologists and industrialists and embraced by economists of otherwise op posed positions and schools. Diffidently, he asks you to step outside of what pa sses for commonly accepted perception. Thus, I find him a guide into the untrack ed territory of hope that lies beyond the future.\par \par Kohr's contribution is to be found in his social morphology. There, two key word s reveal his thought: } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i Verh\u228 \'8altnism\u228 \'8assigkeit }{\f2 \f s32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 and }{\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i gewiss}{\f2 \fs 32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 . The first means proportionality or, more precisely, the appropriateness of a relationship. The second is translated as "certain," as when one says, "in a certain way." For example, Kohr would say that bicycling i s ideally appropriate for one living in a certain place, like Oberndorf. An exam ination of this statement immediately reveals that \ldblquote certain,\rdblquote as used here, is as distant from "certainty" as "appropriate" is from "efficie nt." "Certain" challenges one to think about the specific meaning that fits, whi le "appropriate" guides one to knowledge of the Good. Taking both "appropriate" and a "certain place" together allows Kohr to see the human social condition as that ever unique and boundary- making limit within which each community can enga ge in discussion about what } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i ought }{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 to be allowed and what }{\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i ought }{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeS ervices \i0 to be excluded. To consider what is appropriate or fitting in a cert ain place leads one directly into reflection on beauty and goodness. The truth o f one's resultant judgment will be primarily moral, not economic.\par \par Proportionality, then, as Kohr uses the concept, does not fit into an economic c alculus. But I have found it very difficult to make an argument establishing thi s position. For example, many today are rightly horrified by the consequences of economic growth and development during the past few decades. They are convinced that alternatives to current political and economic policies can be found witho ut abandoning a fundamental assumption of\tab \nisusselectcaret the\tab possibi lity of the good life today \emdash namely , the assumption that society is buil t on scarce values. But my argument undermines this belief.\par \par Economics assumes scarcity. Therefore, it deals with values and calculations. It cannot seek the good that fits a specific person within a given human condition . Where scarcity rules, ethics is reduced to numbers and utility. Further, the p

erson engaged in the manipulation of mathematical formulas loses his or her ear for ethical nuance; one becomes morally deaf.\par \par } {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \highlight1 Ethics, in a strong tradition from Ari stotle to Mandeville, involved a public controversy about the good to be pursued within a human condition and perhaps grudgingly accepted. Economics, however, d emands the evaluation of desirable goals under the assumption of scarcity. It de als in the optimization of values; this leads to the creation of modern economic society, which provides seemingly unlimited fuel for a } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i \highlight1 technological }{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTyp eServices \i0 \highlight1 civilization. Such a civilization attempts to transfor m the human condition rather than debate the nature of the human good.} {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \par \par When I was asked to give this lecture, I was in the midst of an ongoing conversa tion with Matthias Rieger, a friend and musicologist. This young colleague has h elped me see an argument that may make Kohr's and my position clear. The thesis I want to establish is this: Economic assumptions, once incorporated into one's way of perceiving reality and constructing arguments, exclude ethical options wh ose object is the good. Rieger's thought now comes to the fore in what I am goin g to say. If we consider his musicological research, we can see the development of Western music as a reflection of various changes occurring in different parts of European society.\par \par Kohr's "a certain appropriateness" strikes one as a powerful intuition only when it is understood in the context of a historical fracture. In this rupture the w orld we now inhabit finds its origin. Kohr insists on the correlation between a certain size and the harmony that shines forth in appropriate proportions. Outsi de this configuration lies nemesis. A memorial to Leopold Kohr demands that one explore this correlation. It is my contention that both the perception of such a correlation and the very ability to imagine it have been lost. This loss encomp asses physical, social, and cultural realms of thought and action. To demonstrat e this Rieger and I have composed an argument in three movements on the theme of proportion.\par \par In the prelude, I focus on the relationship between society and nature. Here I f ind a paradox: The most radical ecological policy proposals grope toward a recov ery of proportionality. But at the same time these very recommendations, accepti ng the conventional world of economics, cannot be carried out without deepening the fracture. The next movement is composed in counterpoint to the society/natur e dichotomy and reveals the depth of the issue by comparing the creation of econ omics and the pianoforte.\par \par The third movement, a coda, touches on seven other domains where globalization e xplodes any possible framework of appropriateness. In these instances, one sees how ancient harmony has been replaced by various kinds of a modern temperament\e mdash for example, computation and calculus.\par \par } {\f4 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \b \i Prelude\emdash Society and Nature}{\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \b0 \i \par }{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 Everyone knows about the issues: People in th e industrial system not only need but also consume and use up nature. Further, t hey leave behind not only their refuse and dead bodies but also mountains of tox ic waste, which is not an occasional side effect but an essential trait common t o all forms of modern technology. Progress, then, might be better understood and gauged according to the ways nature is consumed rather than by looking at the i ncreasing distance between wealth and poverty. Questions of social justice may a ctually be a distraction, hindering thought about real solutions. It's true that

the average American exhausts nature with an intensity hardly imaginable to the poor of the world. And those who gather to discuss such matters are altogether atypical\emdash they are experts. Being such, their efforts to protect nature ob ligate them to exploit nature\emdash through sophisticated travel and meeting fa cilities\emdash far beyond the public average. But these kinds of consideration may be a smokescreen.\par \par Until now, the unrestrained use and commercialization of nature, together with t he accompanying social polarization, has been driven with iron logic by the drea m of ever further progress. Today some believe that the reason for these seeming distortions is the failure to distinguish between technical efficiency and soci al productivity. The distinction becomes plausibly relevant, they say, through a n analysis of the uses of energy fuels in industrial society. Technically, it is possible to get four times as much "prosperity" out of the giga-joule of energy as formerly. It is not energy efficiency that results in this four-fold increas e but what they call energy productivity. Energy productivity translates into sa tisfaction. To satisfy the desire to converse, cook, or read in the evening, one analyzes the design and arrangement of the light fixtures. Making rational adju stments will indeed result in a calculable reduction in the wattage required for a given lighting system.\par \par Opinion leaders like Ulrich von } {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \highlight1 Weizs}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \u l \highlight1 \u228 \'8a}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \ulnone \highlight1 cker} {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices in Germany and Amory Lovins in America propose to increase energy productivity by about 3 percent annually through a gradual rise in the cost of "energy"\emdash graduated according to the intensity of ecologic al impact\emdash together with significant tax cuts in other areas. Such an ecol ogical tax reform would shift the profitability of investment capital from techn ological efficiency to productivity and would encourage the re-migration of work back into small groups\emdash from new constructions to making repairs, from t he provision of services to their substitution by individual and community actio ns. This plan predicts a decline in polarization and a reduction of shadow-econo my work, a time when not only salaries and wages but also the exploitation of na ture is taxed.\par \par Apparently this policy, although couched in technocratic terms and translated in to dollar signs for news-consumers and voters, does not contradict Kohr's worldv iew. Indeed, the proposal suggests that we can begin to think about a prosperity that is not the result of producing ever more. Proponents speak about remaining within the range of reasonable and appropriate expectations. The ultimate crite rion for taxes would not be a quantitative measure of production and circulation of goods but an excessive exploitation of the environment. The principal guide for social policy would be appropriateness and not percentages. Why do I find fa ult with this unconventional but reasonable proposal? An energy tax that seems t o be calculated in light of the idea that human and world well-being depend on t he proper relationship between society and nature has great symbolic power\emdas h in this case, alas, the power to promote a deception.\par \par From Friedrich Engels to Milton Friedman, from fiscal liberals to conservatives, the redistribution of the social product is the basis for a general prosperity. Any fundamental transformation in the society will depend upon the marginal con ditions of the economy plus certain technical parameters: recycling, insulation of buildings, ecological agriculture, the elimination of long-distance transport of goods. In all current scenarios, a world market is simply a given. In this r espect, clearly, Kohr's idea of smallness is simply irrelevant, if not nonsensic al.\par \par If one wishes to include the ideal of social justice, some kind of economic grow th is required: more products and more services. But growth promoters fail to se

e that hand in hand with a bigger pie, any ecological gain will be accompanied b y the further modernization of poverty and the legitimation of the poor's depend ence on the pie. Economic growth always means that it costs the poor more to liv e and they are bound more tightly to large-ticket consumer durables. On both sid es of "the Wall"\emdash like the one still found today between Miami and Havana\ emdash there is a shared belief system: values are measured by money. And the mo ney supply available for redistribution remains tied to the taxation of employme nt and the turnover of merchandise sales. Thus, the material basis of justice is chained to a social product that must grow.\par \par There are even Chinese planners who now share with a growing number of American and German technocrats the opinion that not only prosperity or justice but the v ery existence of a viable economy is threatened by a value system that is out of alignment with natural balances. Yet even the most radical reformers overlook t he fact that the very concept of values, on which all political economy depends, is inappropriate to give substance to the notion of proportionality. A certain proportionality, however, is implicit in every argument made by Leopold Kohr. Th erefore, every proposal based on values\emdash that is, accepting economic socie ty\emdash deepens the historic break, takes us further from any recovery of prop ortionality.\par \par } {\f4 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \b \i Interlude\emdash On tonos}{\f3 \fs32 \AppleT ypeServices \b0 \i \par }{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 The Greeks had the concept of }{\f3 \fs32 \Ap pleTypeServices \i tonos} {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 , which one can understand as "the just measur e," "reasonableness," or "proportion." These differences in meaning invite one t o look at its history. I want here\emdash especially in light of energy tax prop osals\emdash to look at tonos as the foundation for understanding cosmic relatio ns in Western thought; it is also central in a two-thousand-year tradition of ma king sense of oneself and of the world. One can see that if the common welfare i s not built on a tonos\emdash a certain tension, a proportion between humans and nature\emdash the energy-tax idea, together with other economic alternatives, s lides into adaptive utilitarianism, systems-oriented technical administration, o r diplomatic environmental gossip.\par \par A hundred years before the French Revolution, proportion as a guiding or orien ting idea, as the condition for finding one's basic stance, began to be lost. Ti ll now, this disappearance has hardly been recognized in cultural history. The c orrespondence between up and down, right and left, macro and micro, was acknowle dged intellectually, sense perception confirming it, until the end of the sevent eenth century. Proportion was also a lodestar for the experience of one's body, of the other, and of gendered relations. Space was simply understood as a famili ar cosmos. Cosmos meant that order of relationships in which things are original ly placed. For this relatedness\emdash this tension or inclination of things on e to another, their tonos\emdash we no longer have a word today. One cannot even imagine the experience of Dante emerging from hell, rejoicing in the harmony of four new stars, having moved into the realm of justice, temperance, fortitude, and prudence (Purgatory, Canto I). Today one is confined to the positivist symbo l of a scientific paradigm.\par \par The energy tax proposal gives us the opportunity to make explicit the argument f or ordering oneself and one's world through proportion. Such an attempt is not r omanticism nor a turning back of the clock and certainly not a renunciation of s ocial justice. On the contrary! We want to recall that tonos which was silenced in the course of Enlightenment progress as a victim of the growing mathematizati on of science and the desire to quantify justice. Therefore, we face a delicate task: to retrieve something like a lost ear, an abandoned sensibility. Perhaps w e can achieve this with music.\par

\par Plato would have known what Kohr was talking about. In his treatise on statecraf t Plato remarks that the bad politician is he who confuses measurements with pro portionality. Such a person would not recognize what is appropriate to a particu lar ethos, a word that originally implied a dwelling place, later something like "popular character."\par \par Like any boy, Plato was taught gymnastics and music\emdash the refinement of bod y and spirit. } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i Techn\u233 \'8e musik\u233 \'8e}{\f2 \fs32 \App leTypeServices \i0 comprised reading, writing, singing, and playing the lyre. H is teacher demonstrated proportionality to him with a monochord, a rectangular s ound box with a single stretched string. He was taught how one divided the strin g harmoniously by means of a bridge and thus the manner in which the two parts r elated to each other. The teacher divided the string's length into a two-fifths and a three-fifths segment, thus producing two harmonious sounds. Along with ari thmetic, geometry, and astronomy, musik\u233 \'8e was used as a sensible route t o the appreciation of appropriate correspondences. As Socrates tells Glaucon,\pa r \par }} {\pard \s27 \ql \widctlpar \nisuskeep0 \nisuskeepn0 \sb0 \sa0 \sl240 \slmult1 \l trpar \pardirnatural \li843 \lin843 \fi0 \ri0 \rin0 {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeService s . . . musical training is a more potent instrument than any other, because rhy thm and harmony find their way into the inward places of the soul on which they mightily fasten . . . he who has received this true education of the inner being will most shrewdly perceive omissions or faults in art and nature.\par \par }} {\pard \s27 \ql \widctlpar \nisuskeep0 \nisuskeepn0 \sb0 \sa0 \sl240 \slmult1 \l trpar \pardirnatural \li0 \lin0 \fi0 \ri0 \rin0 {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices (Plato, The Republic, III, \u166 ?401)\par \par By hearing, seeing, and striking the appropriate divisions on the monochord, Pla to's musical ability and pleasure accustomed themselves to the harmony proper to the community/ethos in which he was born. The student's synaesthesia was tuned\ emdash the coordinated fit of ear, eye, and touch for what was graceful and good in his community. What was appropriate was sensed, then judged to be good.\par \par Music provided training in the art of proportionality; this included an oppositi on to hubris, a firm sense of moderation. The possibility of a resulting shame t hen acted as the guarantor of a proper mixture of judiciousness and desire. Musi c was the essential blending of beauty, truth, and goodness, a cosmos-reflecting sound\emdash not primarily inner or outer, not representing a purely aesthetic standard or an abstract moral rule\emdash instilling in the listener a distinct bearing or attitude that grasped the nature of the sound proper to the Dorian c haracter, a sound befitting the dialect proper to this place and this place alon e.\par \par To speak of a tonal center or tonic in this context would be false. "Tone" in Pl ato's time was not a measure. Proportion was implicit in the two segments of one string. An individual tone was unthinkable, as would also have been one nationwide measurement for length and weight. In place of tone\emdash implying a tonal center\emdash it would be better to speak of modes. Therefore, to play music fi tting for some occasion according to the rules prescribed by the ethos of Athens , one had to determine the intonation of the local flute and cithara. Genus (Gre ek tetrachordal tuning) established how the intonation was to be expressed music ally. It provided a framework in which to choose the mode so that one could play the music of that place. Proportion underlay all this as the constitutive princ iple or logos.\par

\par What for us are words, the Greeks called } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i logoi}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 or rel ationships. And what we understand simply as intervals between two tones would b e understood as }{\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i analogia} {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 , as the concord of the strings. This intonati on had to correspond to the ethos\emdash actually the pace, the custom, the disp osition or attitude\emdash which was as different for Dorians and Athenians as t heir gait and speech. Within his ethos, the boy Plato learned to think about the character of the tonos\emdash that is, the appropriateness of Athenian proporti ons.\par \par This inherent dissymmetry, resulting from the ordered vibrating of two strings s ounding against each other, is proportion, that which was enjoyed in ancient mus ic. The choice of mode was not a musico-aesthetic issue but an ethical one. The rule of the local ethos was normative, determining which genus was to be chosen. The musical genus was always established on an analogy with the gender (a cogna te of genus) of the musicians, singers, and dancers. Further, each occasion\emda sh of sadness or joy, war or love\emdash had its own style or proper form. When men went off to war, the flute accompanied serious Doric songs, while their wome n, playing Aeolian songs on the cithara, bid them farewell. The Greek mind reste d on two bases, appropriateness in expression\emdash found in the rule of the et hos\emdash and tone as ana-logia, as proportion or ratio.\par \par A child today cannot learn this kind of music, cannot be introduced to the reson ances of proportionality. Even if the child cannot read music\emdash that is, no tes\emdash the sound will be a composition of independently manufactured existin g tones. } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i Paideia}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 , the attuning of the common sense to the ways of a certain community, has been repla ced by a universalistic education. In the meantime, Alexander's dream of replaci ng city-states\emdash each based on its own ethos\emdash with a universal Greek } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i oikumene}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 has led to the monstrous desire for global tuning.\par \par What this means can be plainly shown with the example of a piano. This instrumen t has little in common with a monochord. It cannot elicit a sense of proportion because it is a machine that generates precisely measured vibrations. These are fitted into octaves, each of which is divided into twelve equally distant half t ones. The piano is also tuned to an unvarying magnitude, the standard pitch of 4 40 Hertz. Antiquity had no concept of a note, no sense of such a sound. The inde pendent or solitary tone was as foreign to Plato's worldview as was the individu al\emdash who seems so natural to us. Today, one assumes the existence of indivi duals.\par \par Further, the length of the monochord was arbitrary. It was designed to make audi ble appropriate correspondences, not atomistic tones. As with the stories told i n Kohr's village, music was local. It was consistent with, or befitted, a certai n community conceived as an ethos, not as congeries of individuals, which today is called a "population." The ear was trained to hear the appropriate correlatio n within a musical mode, a sound altogether unique to the region of its origin.\ par \par For a long time the monochord remained the device for tuning both other instrume nts and persons; through the use of the monochord, the person became attuned to his or her respective ethos. To get the octave, one moved the bridge beneath the string so as to divide it two to one; for the fifth, one divided it two to thre e. On the piano you get twelve half tones and come back to the octave, repeating the twelve divisions into fifths. Not so on the monochord. The last quint comes

to lie slightly above the eighth octave. The circle of quints did not square bu t grated or croaked. Pythagoras, some generations before Plato, is credited with having discovered this disagreeable howl, called "koma."\par \par All through the Middle Ages and until the fifteenth century, music remained the harmony between an ethos and its proportion. In Florence in 1436, celebrating th e consecration of the new cathedral, Santa Maria del Fiore, William Dufay, compo ser of the festival's motet, stood beside Filippo Brunelleschi, the architect of the church's dome. In the music composed for this occasion the proportions of t he building were reflected, the voices likewise fitting the space. Dufay was alr eady in the modern sense a composer and Brunelleschi a calculating, experimentin g Renaissance architect. But Dufay did not yet use equal-sized tones, just as Br unelleschi did not rely on the concepts of the then developing science of static s. Thus, the immanent, cosmic order of all things in harmonious relationship to one another remained for both of them the source of artistic creation.\par \par But music began to be understood as an artwork fabricated from sounds. Acoustics , the science of audible sounds, appeared at the end of the seventeenth century. Formerly, the immanence of cosmic harmony in visual as well as audible beauty m ade a distinction between music and acoustics irrelevant. Now music was reduced to one example of acoustics. As the monochord had been our emblem for } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i techn\u233 \'8e musik\u233 \'8e}{\f2 \fs32 \App leTypeServices \i0 , so we found its opposite in the modern piano that stood in Hermann von Helmholtz's laboratory. It too has the power of a symbol. The acoust ics of its equal distribution temperament stands in harsh contrast to ancient mu sic. The definitive expression of this box of defined sounds is found in Helmhol tz's } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i On the Sensations of Tone}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleType Services \i0 (1863).\par \par The piano, looked at as the modern counterpoint of the monochord, blocks the per ception of what harmonious appropriateness once meant. Each of its white and bla ck keys hits a string that produces a calculated half tone. The production of th is initial half-tone arrangement first became possible in 1739 through Leonard E uler's use of logarithms to calculate the intervals.\par \par Helmholtz started out with an equal distribution temperament ear, and his experi ments "proved" that this ear was created for the scale, furnishing a gradated re ceptor. He thus altered the way of hearing, just as 900 years earlier the way of seeing was changed by the writings of certain Arabs. No longer did the seeing r ay go out from the eye to marry what was adequate to itself; rather, a ray of li ght was thrown back from the object, projecting the surface of the thing seen on to the retina. Since the year 1000, } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i opsis}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 \emdash an active virtue of looking\emdash has been replaced by instruction for correct viewing through scientific optics. Likewise music, as the appropriate balance i n tensions between the macro- and microcosmos, has been displaced by an esthetic artifact made out of tones for which Helmholtz provided the theoretical systema tization. Further, the rules of mechanics and physiology obtained through acoust ical resonance were expressed in equally distributed tempered intervals.\par \par Until well into the seventeenth century the idea of cosmos\emdash already famili ar to the Greeks\emdash remained unquestioned. } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i Kosmein}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 mean s to line up, whether two armies or the two shores of a river, or to match, whet her heaven and earth or the world/macrocosmos and the human/microcosmos. This co smic understanding of being, referred to as "The Great Tradition," came to an ab rupt end\emdash the cosmos was discarded.\par \par }

{\f4 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \b \i Coda}{\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \b0 \i \p ar }{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 In medieval philosophy, temperament referred to the combination of qualities in a certain proportion, determining the charact eristic nature of something. So in physiology one sought to balance the four car dinal humors of the body\emdash the sanguine, choleric, phlegmatic, and melancho lic temperaments\emdash in order to achieve the proper relative proportions. Tem perament always implied a due or proportionate mixture, a proper or fitting comb ination. "To temper" was to bring something to its proper or suitable condition, to modify or moderate something favorably, to achieve a just measure.\par \par At the beginning of the eighteenth century, "to temper" came to mean to tune a n ote or instrument in music to some temperament\emdash that is, to adjust the int ervals of the scale in instruments of fixed intonation such as the piano. This w as a radical departure from the earlier meaning and signaled the effective disap pearance of the ancient notion of proportion in music as in other areas of moder n life.\par \par Consider, for example, the great break in the practice of medicine that occurred in the epoch of equally distributed temperament: Until the late eighteenth cent ury a country doctor saw his task as making a diagnosis based on an anamnesis\em dash the relating of one's life history\emdash in which the disharmony in the si ck person's humoral relationships became evident. The doctor would then attempt to bring about the restoration of the proper balance. Physiology was still the k nowledge of proportion in interior flowings. All this changed radically. Similar ly to what happened in musical sound, a new normative rule was established in me dicine: Toward the end of the nineteenth century the ideal of health became the measured physiological interaction among organs.\par \par Barbara Duden has shown how deeply the loss of proportionality changed the anato mical criterion of } {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \highlight1 what is human}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeSer vices (}{\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i Disembodying Women}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTy peServices \i0 , 1993). Traditionally, humanness began only with the birth of a well-membered infant. The cord had to be severed for a child to come into existe nce. "Human" was a synonym for a vis-a-vis relationship. In the eighteenth centu ry the prenatal proportions between the head and the rest of the body could not yet be recognized as human. The unborn fruit, the fetus, was not called a human being. The hydrocephalic, bowlegged, stump-armed, pot- bellied being who occasio nally came out would be seen as a mooncalf, a monster, a mole or lump, but never as a child. Woman's body was not a piano. There was no developmental anatomy as yet to provide a blueprint for growth; thus, there was no definition of a human being according to some arbitrary floating abstraction.\par \par As in medicine, so also in architecture proportionality disappeared. Around 1700 the rule of the Golden Mean as the tonos regulating both ground plan and elevat ion was lost. Functionalism overpowered proportionality in drawing, planning, an d, later, design. The doctrine of the orders in architecture, which had defined the conception of harmony in the shaping of columns for two thousand years, was dethroned as the practical guide in the space of a few decades.\par \par The search for equally tempered sounds in the early eighteenth century enlarged orchestral range, symphonic arrangement, and international collaboration in musi c. Around this same time a process comparable to modern acoustic temperament occ urred in economics. The geographic identification of the economic and political spheres began in France, to be followed elsewhere later. The nation state became equivalent to a market. This trend was greatly enhanced by the standardization of measurements. Before, most of the bushels, barrels, kegs, and tuns, the morge n, and a cord of wood were different on this and that side of regional boundarie s, as were the products measured\emdash whether grain, wine, or lumber; all were

rooted in a local ethos. The tempering of these magnitudes required the unifica tion of measurements, creating modernized commodities. These, in turn, presuppos ed the growing convertibility of currencies. What Karl Polanyi and Louis Dumont refer to as the social creation of scarcity acquires a more poignant meaning whe n compared to the temperament of the piano.\par \par The historical fracture that led to tempered sounds, mechanical anatomy, functio nal architecture, and scarcity-enhancing economics was reflected in the mode of perception itself. Before the arrival of the idea of temperature in about 1670, people understood that springs were always warmer in winter and cooler in summer : a proportion was experienced. There was no doubt about this sense perception, even when scholars were divided about whether the } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i crasis}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 \emdas h the combination of humors in the winter earth\emdash created a cosmic balance of humors or whether the good of nature was providentially maintained by Mother Earth stabilizing the seasons. The idea of temperature and its measurement first required calibrating on an equal-interval scale the expansion of quicksilver in a thin glass tube, a seventeenth-century invention from Venice. As with eye and ear, self-perception was also tempered. People felt the need to check their bod y temperature and, much later, to get complete physical check-ups. A temperature of eighteen degrees above zero (C.) in a room came to have a certain importance in the perception of well-being, as did the standard pitch of 440 Hertz in musi c.\par \par In this way the doctrine of the } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i sensus communis}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \ i0 , the common sense or sense of community, also disappeared. It had been the t ask of medicine and philosophy to investigate this sense and to establish the co mmon reference found behind the perceptions of each individual sense organ. Sinc e the seventeenth century this sense has no longer been recognized in medicine a s an organ. But in jurisprudence it increasingly became prominent as the innate, unerring capacity to recognize the proper means, which appeared in common law a s a jury of peers applying "the rule of the common man." \par \par In the meantime, however, the demand for protection through operationally verifi ed claims in legal systems has thrown a nearly invincible suspicion on every jud gment made in terms of the old common sense. The word "common," which began with a robust sense (something "belonging to the community," Oxford English Dictiona ry) extending to each person ("This was the comyn voys of every man," Chaucer), by the late nineteenth century came to signify a mean or vulgar person."\par \par Not only were seeing and hearing transformed, not only the senses themselves, bu t also the character of desire\emdash with the good disappearing, to be replaced by value. In ethics, value widely displaced the good. It's true that "value" is an old word; it stood near "dignity" in meaning, pointed out what was precious, indeed magnificent, and early on indicated the selling price of an object. Sinc e the beginning of the eighteenth century, "value" has had these uses and has de noted what was always desirable, useful, even what was due; it then entered disc ourse in place of the good. By the time of my youth, it simply stood on the posi tive side of zero. Today, however, one needs a qualifier\emdash values can be ei ther positive or negative. To resolve this convertibility, to make it determinat e, there is no stable criterion. } {\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \highlight1 With values, anything can be transpose d into anything else}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices , just as in music, with equa lly tempered tones, any melody can be transposed from one key into another. Prop ortionality being lost, neither harmony nor disharmony retains any roots in an e thos. The good, in the sense of Kohr's certain appropriateness, becomes trite, i f not a historical relic. It then becomes possible to speak about the triviality of evil.\par \par

In ethics, values are as opposed to an immanent, concrete proportion as are the sounds of Helmholtz. Like them, values run counter to tonos, the specific tensio n of a mutuality or reciprocity. As timbre separated from tone, so that one coul d play a violin's part on the piano, so an ethics of value\emdash with its mispl aced concreteness\emdash allowed one to speak of human problems. If people had problems, it no longer made sense to speak of human choice. People could demand solutions. To find them, values could be shifted and prioritized, manipulated an d maximized. Not only the language but the very modes of thinking found in mathe matics could norm the realm of human relationships. Algorithms "purified" value by filtering out appropriateness, thereby taking the good out of ethics.\par \par When one attempts to utilize or exploit the good, natural inclination is extingu ished. Such a propensity, the desire of everything for its own good, was accepte d as inherent to all existence and was termed natural love. Even for several gen erations after Newton, rain was not drawn downward but sought its natural place. Flowers reached up toward the sun. Among people, this attraction was understood as a step toward friendship and friendship as the fruit of civil life. All were called to the other, to friendship.\par \par Kohr lived in the fidelity of friendship, and he served this vision by awakening wisdom, } {\f3 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i sapientia}{\f2 \fs32 \AppleTypeServices \i0 \em dash a word derived from tasting food. He knew that not any inclination but a ce rtain awareness and feeling, a certain sensitivity to the appropriate, is the ne cessary condition of friendship. He knew that the historical loss of this knowle dge fosters the emergence of social mutations that can be recognized now as mons ters. Get Greek melodies from a piano? As well get beauty from economics!\par \par ###\par }}}

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