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Virginias Student Secession Movement: Political Activism at the University of Virginia, 1859-1861

Emma Sanford

The Formation and Activism of the Student Secession Movementi the greatest enthusiasm prevailed among them, and each and every one seemed anxious for an opportunity of vindicating the honour of Virginia, and meeting the enemy in battle.ii The call for secession rang louder and clearer than at any other point in history after the election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860. Beginning with the states of the lower south, movement toward secession quickly gained momentum with long-time fire-eaters like William Yancey and Edmund Ruffin espousing the conviction that the liberty of all southerners would be doomed under the presidency of Abraham Lincoln. The growing secessionist sentiment was strongest in the states of the Deep South, which included South Carolina, Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, and Texas with border-states like Maryland and Virginia maintaining their loyalty to the Union.iii This can be seen in a comparison of the election results between state of Virginia and the other southern states. Overall the Democratic candidate Breckenridge received 245 votes to the Constitutional Unionist candidate Bells 232, while in Virginia the former lost to Bell by five votes, 162-157.iv Virginians were encouraged to go to the polls, andvote with an eye single to the preservation of the Union, the maintenance of the Constitution and the Enforcement of the laws.v On the day of the election the energy and tension was high at the University of Virginia while Fred Fleet, Randolph McKim and their fellow students waited for the votes to be counted: the polls were opened in the Rotunda and the students commenced voting for President. I soon went up there & voted & then came back to my room, but the noise began to be so great I put down everything & staid until the voting was overAfter the result was read out, there was a tremendous hurrah for Bell, &

3 then cheers for Virginia, who had given him 5 majority.vi Though Virginia differed from the deep southern states on its candidate preference and unionist sentiment, the results show a common unity across the south rejecting Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party. Virginians believed that a vote for Lincoln was a vote for disunion and that Lincoln must and will be defeated.vii The battle in the South was between pro-secession and pro-union candidates. This division quickly became realized when the deep South states seceded while the other southern states remained in the union. Virginias elders did not see such an immediate danger in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency because southern states still maintained the majority in Congress and the Supreme Court. They believed that the danger is in secession. Virginias political leaders realized that the secession of the lower South would leave them and other slaveholding states in the minority in Congress and they would thus be coerced into secession, adding cowardice to treason.viii However, Fred Fleet and his classmates were more willing to see secession as the next honorable, necessary step that Virginia needed to take after the election of Abraham Lincoln. The election of Lincoln marked a drastic change in the attitudes of many students who had heretofore been wary of secession and the student movement was born. This growing sympathy for the cause for southern liberty and independence was reflected in their letters written to their families. Fred Fleet wrote of the Washington Literary Society debate in which they discussed whether the South should secede since Lincoln was elected. He, like other members present at the debate, believed that the South had better secede now, while she can & not to wait until she cannot.ix He believed that it was not of vital importance whether Bell or Breckenridge won Virginias vote; it was

4 important the South stood united in its fate, and since the majority of southern states voted for secession, Virginia should follow suit.x In his letter to his brother, Fred was anxious to hear what his father and other Bell men thought about secession during the elections.xi Many Virginia students began to wear the Colonial Cockade (a blue ribbon) in their hats to show their support for the Southern independence movement and to emulate the ardent Southern nationalists in South Carolina who began the trend.xii After the election of Abraham Lincoln more students became inspired to action and they began calling for the formation of military companies at the University to prepare themselves for any upcoming conflicts.xiii In November of 1860, not all students of Virginia saw a need for the formation of companies, nor wished to participate in the secession festivities. Charles Ellis Munford, a student during the last antebellum school term, held this viewpoint and did not take part because he believed that they interfered with his academic pursuits.xiv Young men like Munford supported his states right to exercise the liberty of owning slaves and held that the South should make the North acknowledge this right. However, he did not believe that reaching an understanding with the northern states would require the dissolution of the Union or the shedding of American blood.xv By the beginning of December more students who shared Munfords opinion began to realize that the secession of Virginia would soon become a reality. With the imminent secession of seven states led by South Carolina in December 1860, students were forced to take sides. Munfords father was aware of the position of his son and advised him to prepare for the turbulent times ahead of him: All these things demonstrate the necessity that our young men should furbish up their armour. Not literally their swords and spears, but that mental armour which

5 will enable them to take the lead and direct the unthinking masses.You are fast hastening to the time when you must take your position. Leave no stone unturned to gain all the knowledge you may now.Examine every question thoroughly never go off half cockeda gun that does is the most dangerous weapon.xvi While many students were excited about the future and the opportunities that could arise for them, they also heeded the advice of their elders and took the time to discuss the issues and contemplate the possible consequences of their actions. The anticipation that Virginia would follow South Carolina continued to grow through December and January as the General Assembly met on 7 January 1861 and called for a special convention set for February 13th to debate the question of secession.xvii The enthusiasm that University of Virginia students felt for the secession movement was not widely shared throughout Virginia. There were still numerous Unionists who opposed the special convention that would put secession to a vote. The decision for Virginias secession would be made by delegates elected by the popular vote, so three weeks of local but intense campaigning followed. Candidates ran as secessionists, unionists, or moderates.xviii To the joy of conservatives and the chagrin of ardent secessionists, less than 20 percent of secessionist candidates were elected to the delegation. The conservative, pro-union sentiment still clearly dominated Virginia in February. They remained in session discussing secession until March, which left many ardent secessionists like Edmund Ruffin very frustrated: The Va. Convention continues to do nothing, & the worthless legislature of Va., which now has nothing to do, continues in session, so as to be spectator the Convention.xix Fire-eaters used this period of inactivity and indecision to speak to the delegates and to garner support inside and outside of the Convention. Combined with the perceived threat of President Lincolns first inaugural address in which he stated that, the Union of these States is perpetual,

6 the fire-eaters agitation influenced Virginians to become swayed by the benefits of secession in mid-March.xx Secession was finally put to a vote on April 8th and the unionists prevailed, winning 88-45.xxi During this waiting period the students actively promoted secession and organized militia companies at the university to ready themselves for Virginias exit from the Union. Before students returned to their homes for the winter holiday, they requested permission from the chairman of the faculty to form two separate companies, calling themselves the Southern Guard and the Sons of Liberty.xxii Those who returned to Charlottesville for the second semester found the grounds less populated because some of their peers chose not to return, stating that they should be at home preparing [them]selves for military service.xxiii Membership in the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty provided returning students the opportunity to combine their education with military preparation to defend Virginia and their way of life against any northern oppression. The manner in which the groups met served dual purposes as they both prepared for combat and advertised their cause by drilling on the University grounds. The Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty had officers that led regular members in military exercises. They drilled regularly during the winter and became quite proficient, the experience thus being very useful to them later.xxiv Some of the officers were students at the University of Virginia while the higher-ranking officers were generally selected alumni from the Virginia Military Institute. The two companies were distinguishable from each other by their different uniforms: the Sons of Liberty wore a red shirt, trimmed with black velvet and brass buttons, a dark blue cape, and a white belt with a brass buckle

7 and the Southern Guard wore a simpler uniform of a blue shirt, pantaloons, and a cap.xxv Uniforms helped legitimize the groups and bolstered group cohesion and pride. Members drilled on the grounds of the university at Carrs Hill and on The Lawn, two well-known and accessible points of the universitys layout. The Lawn was a traditional and revered meeting place on campus where students heard announcements (like the election results) and was surrounded on two sides by dormitories, an instructional building on the third, and the Rotunda on the fourth. The Rotunda stood as a beacon of Thomas Jeffersons legacy and inspired students to follow in the founders footsteps. Students utilized the symbolic power of the Rotunda to meet their own ends in February 1861. Seven students, who came to be known as the immortal seven planned a demonstration on the grounds to show the state assembly that they supported South Carolinas secession and that Virginia should follow suit. Randolph H. McKim, R.C.M. Page, James M. Garnett, John Latane, William Wirt Robinson, George Bedinger, and P. Lewis Burwell had a copy of the Confederate flag sewn in the town of Charlottesville, bought a saw, and arranged for a pole to be placed on Carrs Hill. The seven were determined to break into the Rotunda and unfurl the flag atop the universitys most-prized building, declaring their support for the Confederate States of America. While the student body applauded the efforts of the immortal seven, the professors had a more mixed reaction. The beloved Professor Bledsoe told them to remove it, but only after saying that no doubt the young men who put the flag up there are the nicest gentlemen in Collegeand I hope some of you who love it will go up there and take it down; but gentlemen, do it gently. He supported their cause, but did not believe the flag should be flown until Virginia had actually seceded. However, his less-popular counterpart,

8 Professor Minor, reflected the conservative, pro-Union professors attitude, saying Flag of my country, can it be/ That in thy place a rag I see.xxvi The students removed it accordingly, but would not be placated. They unfurled it from the pre-arranged pole on Carrs Hill. Though the professors ended the demonstration of southern nationalism, the action took its effect on the grounds and in the community of Charlottesville. Similar flags were seen sprouting throughout the university and the residents of Charlottesville followed the students example and raised flags of their own.xxvii The university and community were further affected by the student activists as other students and people from the community watched the companies during drills, which kindled a martial flame in the onlookers.xxviii James Garnett recounted that the companies drilled regularly during the winter and became quite proficient.xxix The University Magazine noted that by February the military spirit has become irrepressible. The consequence is we now have in our midst two companies of student-soldiery, officered, armed, and uniformed and already able, we modestly venture, to stand all in a row, with toes out and eyes front.xxx The activities of the students also inspired some of their professors who formed their own companies, though others remained tied to their conservative opinions and opposed the secession movement and their preparations for confrontation with the north.xxxi Professor Schele, who had some knowledge of military operations, trained his willing colleagues in drills and military formations. Another professor recounted that the company performed its evolutions in a private room; but later on, grew bold enough to appear on the Lawn, to the boundless amusement of the better drilled students.xxxii The student movement had really taken hold on the grounds as now the respected professors were following the progressive actions of their pupils and

9 preparing themselves for the defense of their homeland. The student movement further gained popularity and respect from the outside community as the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty interacted with other local volunteer military companies and demonstrated their skills by participating in parades that were held on campus and that ran through the town of Charlottesville.xxxiii Members of the companies, like University of Virginia students Randolph Fairfax and John S. Patton, also used their military skills to pay homage to Thomas Jefferson by participating in a parade on April 13th at the University in celebration of Jeffersons birthday. While they performed a battalion drill on the Lawn of the University of Virginia with the Albemarle Rifle Company and the Monticello Guard, Captain Edward S. Hutter received a telegram that he then read to the gathered onlookers: Fort Sumter has surrendered and the Palmetto Flag now floats over its walls.xxxiv Those in attendance were either very pleased or greatly dismayed by the news. The fall of the United States fort meant that the Virginia Legislature would have to make a final decision: remain in the Union or join the Confederacy. James Garnett voiced the opinion of pro-secession students that the Civil War began on April 15, the day that President Lincoln called for 75,000 men to crush the so-called rebellion.xxxv He believed that it was this action, coupled with the surrender of Fort Sumter, that hurried up [the] old fogy Convention and compelled it to secede.xxxvi In a letter to the editor of the Daily Richmond Examiner, a student described the atmosphere at the university, that Everybody here is on the qui vive for political news. Study is no longer fashionable. Excitement is intenseyou have no idea how intense. Hordes of students have left.Last night the University, in some localities was brilliantly

10 illuminated, in anticipation of the passage of the Ordinance of Secession by the Convention.xxxvii Students also demonstrated their support for secession by marching through Richmond in uniform. By April 16, the movement was a sensation at the university as more students volunteered to wear the uniforms and marched in place of those regular members who were unable to attend.xxxviii The next day Virginia seceded from the Union. By the end of the day that Virginia seceded, April 17, the state of Virginia already began activating its military companies for its defense.xxxix The chairman of the faculty of the university recounted that Governor Letcher of Virginia called upon companies from Charlottesville, Staunton, and other towns to march to Harpers Ferry with the view of capture it and securing the arms and machineryin the attitude of resistance she is about to assure toward.xl The governor also called upon the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty to advance toward Harpers Ferry to aid in the mission. They were eager to put their months of training to use, but some members of the faculty were more hesitant, urging students under 21 to remain at school. Randolph Fairfax was one such student targeted by the faculty, as he was anxious to go to Harpers Ferry, but decided to remain at the university while his fellow members embarked on their journey. He chose to stay behind because he felt a duty to obey his parents who sent him a letter telling him not to pursue active duty until he was ordered to.xli At the end of the day, the students enthusiasm swayed the faculty from opposing the governors decision and they granted the company members with a weeklong leave of absence.xlii Gordon McCabe spoke warmly of the day, saying, Never shall I forget the night of the 17th of April. Professor Holcombe read to us the official announcement of the secession of the State and Lewis

11 Coleman came amongst us to wish us godspeed.xliii Always the professor, Coleman scolded the 300 student-soldiers in kindly fashion for running away from our books, but far more eloquent than the reproof upon his lip was the smile in his eye.xliv Though he did not want to make the decision for the students who sought his counsel on the matter of Harpers Ferry, Lewis Coleman did confess his sorrow that he did not leave them with an inspiring speech as they left the University of Virginia. He realized that some of them [he] may never see again, and upon the verge of so important a step, [he] failed to urge upon them the performance of their whole duty in this matter.xlv After receiving the messages from their beloved professors, the companies rendezvoused with their fellow volunteers of the Albermarle Rifles and Monticello Guard at the Charlottesville train station.xlvi They all disembarked at Stratsburg and began their 18-mile march to Winchester, but were slowed by the unexpected pain in their feet and pro-Unionists who had not yet heard that Virginia was seceding from the Union. An onlooker described the student militia, stating that, the greatest enthusiasm prevailed among them, and each and every one seemed anxious for an opportunity of vindicating the honour of Virginia, and meeting the enemy in battle.xlvii However, by the time they arrived at Harpers Ferry, the students found the arsenal burned to the ground by northern forces and had to wait until April 22nd to receive their next assignment. The students were unhappy to hear that the governor was ordering them to return to the University of Virginia to finish the school term after only four days of action at Harpers Ferry instead of allowing them to continue their defense of Virginia from other Northern offenses.xlviii Governor Letcher tried to assuage their disappointment by telling them that in their ranks there was too much talent to be risked in one body.xlix The university

12 volunteers were disappointed that they did not see action at Harpers Ferry, but they nevertheless reveled in what they had accomplished since the companies were formed: I think we were rather glad that we were leaving the Ferry, though our military ardor was not quite cooled down by our short but arduous campaignon the whole we were very much pleased with our expedition, and considered war fine fun in those days.l The students who chose to return to the University of Virginia realized that they had already partaken in what would become a turning point in American history. Some of the company members kept an autograph book and had their fellow members sign them, recounting their time in the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty and their expedition to Harpers Ferry. Most of the messages also look forward to future battles and the honor that they believed they would earn on the battlefield. David Barton wrote a message to Edward Hutter applauding him for his past actions and encouraging him in future endeavors: I shall never forget the time spent at Harpers Ferry under your command. Your prudent and manly deportment at that place are to me sufficient assurances of your future successmay the cause of the South continue to be as dear to you as present.li The light-hearted and confident feel of the notes depicted the common feeling of anticipation and excitement of the moment, where the students-turned-soldiers believed that together they could defeat any Yankee rabble that dared attack them. Their time at the university and their involvement in the student militias bound these young men together as brothers. R.W. Hunter wrote of this brotherhood in J. Compton Frenchs book, writing that, with kindest regard and most affectionate recollections of our college intimacy, I subscribe myself your sincere friend and well-wisher.lii In a message to Randolph H. McKim, Nelson Kinloch summed up his love for his fellow student-soldier

13 and also the hope for a better future: Our college intercourse is, I fear, forever past: but it has sufficed to form a friendship the bonds of which the lapse of time can only strengthen.Farewell dear Ran, words can but faintly express my feelings with you. May we meet again on those bright shores where tears never dim the eye, and where parting is not known.liii It was these feelings of loyalty to one another and the Southern Cause that motivated many students to withdraw from the University of Virginia upon their return to Charlottesville and enlist together in the same companies in the burgeoning ranks of the Confederate Army. The students who were members of the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty were their generations activists. They took advantage of the opportunities afforded them by their standing in society and by the University of Virginia to take a stand for the most important issue of their lifetime. They banded together to use their capabilities and common ideals to change their society and become the leaders they so desperately wanted to be. Through their involvement with the volunteer militias, they inspired their community, their peers, elders, and themselves. They came to believe that together they could bring about change, and by Gods grace, win the forthcoming war against the North. The secession movement gave these young men of Virginia the opportunity for leadership they had so long desired, to prove their manliness in their own right and to maintain their honor through action.

I wish to acknowledge historian Peter Carmichael as it was The Last Generation: Young Virginians in Peace, War, and Reunion that brought to my attention the student movement at the University of Virginia. Carmichaels article Crusading Confederates further highlighted the student activities in the secession movement at the University of Virginia. Both works provided the building blocks for my thesis, which specifically examines the influence the university environment had on the young men at the University of Virginia and how the bonds formed there were manifested in the student movement and led them into the Civil War. ii Daily Richmond Examiner. Vol. XIV no. 46. 22 April 1861. Newspaper, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. iii James M. McPherson. Battle Cry of Freedom. 235. iv Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds. Green Mount, Letter from Fred to Benny, October 29, 1860. 38. v Torget and Ayers. Two Communities in the Civil War. 77. vi Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds Green Mount, Letter from Fred to Benny, October 29, 1860. p.38. vii Torget and Ayers. Two Communities in the Civil War. 78. viii Ibid. 80-81. ix Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds Green Mount, Letter from Fred to Benny, November 10th, 1860., 40. x Ibid. xi Ibid. xii Ibid, Letter from Charles Ellis Munford to Sallie, November 10th, 1860, in Ellis-Munford-Young Papers. Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xiii Letter from Charles Ellis Munford to Sallie, November 10th, 1860, in Ellis-Munford-Young Papers. xiv Ibid. xv Ibid. xvi George Wythe Munford to Charles Ellis Munford. 9 December 1860. In Ellis-Munford-Young Papers, Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collection Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xvii Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia. xviii William C. Davis and James I Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2005), 2-3. xix As quoted in Virginia at War, 1861. 7. xx As quoted in William Gienapp. This Fiery Trial. 90. xxi William C. Davis and James I Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. 8-14. xxii Journals of the Chairman of the Faculty of the University of Virginia, 1858-1861. December 13th 1860., Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xxiii Socrates Maupin Papers, 1831-70, Accession #4215, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xxiv Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia. xxv Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 265. xxvi As quoted in W.G. Bean. Stonewalls Man: Sandie Pendleton. 31-32. xxvii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 267-269., Papers of John Shelton Patton. xxviii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 267. xxix Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia. xxx John S. Patton. Jefferson, Cabell, and the University of Virginia. 204. xxxi Ibid. 204-5. xxxii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 279.

xxxiii xxxiv

Rev. Philip Slaughter. A Sketch in the Life of Randolph Fairfax. 15. Papers of John Shelton Patton xxxv Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia. xxxvi Ibid. xxxvii Daily Richmond Examiner, Vol. XIV, no. 43. April 18, 1861. Newspaper, Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xxxviii Ibid., John S. Patton. Jefferson, Cabell, and the University of Virginia. 208-209. xxxix William C. Davis and James I. Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. 18. xl Journals of the Chairman of the Faculty of the University of Virginia, 1858-1861. 17 April 1861., Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xli Rev. Philip Slaughter. A Sketch of the Life of Randolph Fairfax. 15. xlii Ibid. xliii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 276-279. xliv Gordon W. McCabe. Virginia Schools Before and After the Revolution, an address. 27 June 1888. 58-60. xlv J.L. Burrows, D.D. The Christian Scholar and Soldier: Memoirs of Lewis Minor Coleman. (Richmond: Bailey & Co., 1864). xlvi Ibid. xlvii Daily Richmond Examiner, Vol. XIV no. 46. April 22 1861. Newspaper, Rare Book, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. xlviii Ibid., Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia, 278. xlix John S. Patton. Jefferson, Cabell, and the University of Virginia. 210-211. l James Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia. li Edward Hutters Album and Autograph Book of the University of Virginia. lii Belonging to J. Compton French (1860-1861). Bohns Album and Autographs of the University of Virginia, with a short history, and beautifully illustrated with twenty steel engravings and portraits of the professors and officers. (Richmond: J.W. Randolph, 1859). Rare Book, Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va. liii Autograph Album of Randolph H. McKim, Session 1859-1860 (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1859). Rare Book, Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.

Bibliography Primary University of Virginia Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Autograph Album of Randolph H. McKim, Session 1859-1860 J.B. Lippincott & Co.: Philadelphia, 1859. Belonging to J. Compton French (1860-1861). Bohns Album and Autographs of the University of Virginia, with a short history, and beautifully illustrated with twenty steel engravings and portraits of the professors and officers. J.W. Randolph: Richmond, 1859.

Bohns Album and Autographs of the University of Virginia, with a short history, and beautifully illustrated with twenty steel engravings and portraits of the professors and officers. John Murphy & Co.: Baltimore, 1859. Burrows DD, J.L. The Christian Scholar and Soldier: Memoirs of Lewis Minor Coleman. Smith, Bailey & Co.: Richmond, 1864. Correspondence and Papers of Socrates Maupin, 1835-1870. Daily Richmond Examiner. Vol. XIV, no. 43. April 18, 1861. Daily Richmond Examiner. Vol. XIV no. 46. April 22 1861. Ellis-Munford-Young Papers. George Wythe Munford to Charles Ellis Munford. 1860. -- Letter from Charles Ellis Munford to Sallie, 10 November 1860. Garnett, Capt. James Mercer. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia at the Outbreak of the War of 1861-65. Journals of the Chairman of the Faculty of the University of Virginia. (1858-1861) McCabe, Gordon W. Virginia Schools Before and After the Revolution with a sketch of Frederick William Coleman, M.A., and Lewis Minor Coleman, M.A.. An address delivered before the society of the alumni of the university of Virginia, June 27th 1888. Chronicle Steam Book und Job Office: Charlottesville, 1890. 9 December

Papers of John Shelton Patton. Manuscript. Other Primary Sources Fleet, Betsy and John D.P. Fuller, eds. Green Mount: A Virginia Plantation Family During the Civil War. University of Kentucky Press: Lexington, 1962.

Secondary

Bean, W.G. Stonewalls Man: Sandie Pendleton. University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill, 1959. Bruce, Philip A. History of the University of Virginia 1819-1919, vol. 3. MacMillan Company: New York, 1921. Carmichael, Peter S. Civil War Times Illustrated. "Students and Secession in the Old Dominion." May 2006, p. 26-33. Carmichael, Peter S. The Last Generation: Young Virginians in Peace, War, and Reunion. University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill, 2005. Davis, William C. and James I. Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. University Press of Kentucky: Lexington, 2005. Gienapp, William E., Ed. This Fiery Trial: the Speeches and Writings of Abraham Lincoln. Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2002. McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. Ballantine Books: New York, 1988. Patton, John S. Jefferson, Cabell and the University of Virginia. New York: Neale Publishing Co., 1906. Slaughter, Rev. Philip, D.D. A Sketch of the Life of Randolph Fairfax. 3rd ed. Innes and Co.: Baltimore, 1878. Torget, Andrew J. and Edward L. Ayers, eds. Two Communities in the Civil War. W.W. Norton Company & Inc.: New York, 2007.