Diaspora and Transnationalism

Concepts, Theories Methods and

RATNER eeUsOCK 8cTHOMAS FArST(noS.)

AusrERDM

UNrvERSrry

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Table contents of

Preface Chapter r Diaspora and transnationalism: What kind of dance partners? Thomas Faist Chapter z Diasporas, transnational spacesand communities Michel Bruneau Chapter 3 The dynamics of migrants' transnational formations: Between mobility and locality Janne Dahinden Chapter 4 Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and uropean policy discourses Agnieszka Wenar Chapter 5 Interrogating diaspora: Power and conflict in Peruvian migration Karsten Paerregaard Chapter 6 A global perspective on transnational migration: Theorising migration without meodological nationalism Nina Glick Schiller Chapter 7 Bridging e divide: Towards a comparative framework for understanding kin state and migrant.sending state diaspora polics Myra A. Waterbury

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( llr ; r plt ' <.. 1 r l)ills;xlra,rrrigration ancl transnationalism: Insights from the .returnees, sIrr<lyo' sc<:ond-generation Iltrsvll King und AnastasiaChrstou ( i lr ; t pk ' rr o l'rivatr', public or bo) On the scope and impact of I r;rrrsrraI ionalism in immigrants, everyday fivs Ituolo lou:ugn ( llr ; r ; lt t ,r r r' (,)Ix' r;rlo rr:rl si ng transnational migrant networks tlrl)uglt ;r simultaneous matched sample methodology \i rlr trI i tttt M uzzucato (,l r ; r lr llrr z . 'li;rrrslralional researchcollaboration:_An approach to the study r>'ublications overseasChines scientistsand 'l'< t llr.ir nrainland colleagues 'etween Korrt .lonkers (i l r: r ; t t r trr3 'l'hc internet

Preface

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as a means_of studying transnaonalism and diaspora 245 Kuthrin Kissau a.nd (JweHunser

(hapter 14 Transnational links and practices of migrants, organisations in Spain l,qura Morales q.nd. La.iq [orba Chapter 15 Cold constellations and hot identities: political theory questions about transnationalism and diaspora Rainer Baubtick

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Bibliography
List of contributors

323 351

The success of concepts in e social sciences is often measured by the number of academic publications referring to them, by their capacity to cross the boundaries of disciplines and by their penetration into mass media and wider public discourses. If, however, we take qualitative criteria such as the explanatory power ofa concept and its precision in distinguishing different social phenomena as indicators for its usefi-rlness in social theory and research, then successful proliferation may diminish academic value. This diagnosis seems to apply to the concepts of transnationalism and diaspora. Both have become exrremely popular since the r99os and are today applied to much broader classesof phenomena. This widening of empirical scope has also led to increasing conceptual overlap so at diaspora and transnationalism have become increasingly dificult to distinguish from each other. Yet even in their multifaceted contemporary meanings, each concept still shows the birthmarks of distinct imaginaries, research puzzles and disciplinary styles of reasoning. The danger is that the broadening of conceptual scope will not only result in conceptual inflation, but also in conceptual flattening in the sense that concepts lose their capacity to drill deeper and connect *re multiple layers of socially constructed realities in ways that enhance our understanding. The goal of this book is not to settle once and for all the conceptual debate by proposing coherent and authoritative definitions. We have instead come to the Wittgensteinian conclusion that the meaning of transnationalism and diaspora must be inferred from their actual uses. This pragmatic attitude suggests also at the best test for the present academic value of these concepts lies in their capacity to trigger new research perspectives and cluestions. This is the test that we wanted to apply in this volume. And we think that the result is positive. The chapters of this book are grouped loosely into three sections. In the first part, the emphasis is on the variety of interpretations of the two concepts (chapters z - sl.The second part deals with new theoretical approaches and research questions (chapters 6 - ro). And the third part addresses meodological problems and innovations with respect to the study of boundary-crossing actities and affiliations (chapters rr - 4). The book is framed by an introductory essay that connects the

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tliottso'their papers the conference. at Apartfrom Nina Glick Schiller,s .l'rpl.r (r, all contributions this book'werepresented in in initial draft versiorsur the conference.And all essays, apart from varentina M;rzzrrclrlo's chapter.r-r, original contribution,tt fr"* are rro U."r, prrblislr.cl bebr:e, full draft u"io'of e book*", ;;;;;iy,r,."" "t A aro'ylrors peer reviewers, whosedetailedsuggestions were extremely lrt'lpirl.r the lastround of extensive resions.This projecthas alsore_ srrllt'din an IMISC.F, policybrief 'Tiesacross borders: gt"*g r",il" icnr:r' o transnationalismand diaspora politics' t y n"m" n",rir,i.t , which is available www.imiscoe.orjTprrbcations/policybriefs. at Apart from the authors and edito, several otni p".ro* h"u" b."r, involved th]r proiectand have contributed to its succesrnt.orr.trri" sion' Listing them and eir locationsshows how produci"g ihilr*r. on transnationalism was itserf a transnationar procss. wi"t'k" s"u.rr, ,ased at the Austrian Academyof Sciences and rong-ter* of the IMISCOEematc clusteron migration "aJJrt"ro, and citizenship, was pi_ votal in e adminisrrationof e confeence and its forlow-i!. ,n" EUI in Florence,Eva Breivik providedsecretariar support Romanos' editorialassistance crucialfor preparing "nJi,r"rao was the book pubication. In Toronto,Edith Kl_ein carefirllyedited'tr.""r*ioi"ri""r. publication.The IMISCoE Network'office in Amsterdam and the IMISC'E Editoriar committee,spread across Europe, haveconsistently slnnorte.athe proiect. Karina Hofs patient assistaice and professi,onal advice deserve to be specially mentioned here. fn. 'n_ri""* University Press team (Erik van Aert, faap Wagenaarand Christine -Jr waslander) has also been very supportive. we re grateful io them. "r RanerBaubck ThomasFqist and

outlines l:lil:I,',tseven lll_arers weresubmited.A progra__" __itee in_ vorvrr[E IMISCoE members invited ichrars submit u"rzg to frtt

llr ' at t t ll o llr t ' t l t' l x rl t' l t;t1 rl t' r'i u rrl< o rrr' l rr rl i rrtr4 (r' r) rt,k,ri ons or l r' w t,rrrl p s P ir i( lt .r t ' s t ' llr t' l t t' rs P t' c l i v t' tn rry u rh u rrc t' orrr urrcl r.sl rrl cl i rrg < l ' t6c t' v olt t lir lr t ' lr rtts tti tl i o n l l rn c rn l rr,rs h i p o n o rnrs i rr cl crnor:ratipol i ti es r: (r ' hapt t . r5) , A r'ultidisciplinary.rrook projcct rikc this one awaysrisks endrng up rrs r.rr:orrrpilationo disconnectedessays. we have a reduce lhis. danger by engaging all authors in ",i.-fr"a an intensive process of debate cluring an initiar conferenceas welr as in subsequentunds-oi"t"t or"li<>nand revision of the chapters.The project started with an IMIscoE lht'ory conference hosted at and io-organised by the European [Jrivcrsity Institute (EUI) in Florence from ro-rz April zoog. A call for papers was launched within the IMISCoE netrvori and e , arrd wirs cventually arso circulated within other networks. Altogethr 40 ex_

Chapter r Diaspora transnationalism: and Vhatkind of dancepartnersl

ThomasFaist'

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Introduction: Diaspora and transnationalism as awkward dance partners

Over the past decades, the concepts of diaspora and transnaonalism have served as prominent research lenses through which to ew the aftermath of international migration and the shifting of state borders across populations. The research has focused on delineating the genesis and reproduction of transnaonal social formations, as well as the parricular macro-societal contexts in which these cross-border social formations have operated, such as 'globalisation' and 'multiculturalism'. Although both terms refer to cross-border processes, d,iaspora has been often used to denote religious or national groups living outside an (imagined) homeland, whereas transnationalism is oflen used both moe narrowly * to refer to migrants' durable ties across countries - and, more widely, to capture not only communities, but all sorts of social formations, such as transnationally active networks, groups and organisations. Moreover, while diaspora and transnationalism are sometimes used interchangeably, e two terms reflect different intellectual genealogies The revival ofthe notion ofdiaspora and the advent oftransnational approaches can be used productively to study central questions of social and political change and transformation. The goal of this volume is to bring together these two awkward dance parrnes, which talk about similar categories of persons involving forms of forced and voluntary migrations. In contrasting and comparing these two concepts across a range of social science disciplines - sociology, political science, geography and anthropology - the book is meant to be theoretical in the wide sense of the term. The aim is not to develop a comprehensive theory or a slmthesis of a theory no to apply a distinct set of theories to cross-border social phenomena. The term 'theory' here relates to theoretically guided empirical propositions, ranging from thick descriptions aiming at particular events and sites, on one end of the continuum, to grand general theory at e other end. Neither is this

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illl ( ' i) ll l. t lt' v t' l o l r;ttt ttl (' l r;rl ('l(lrl rry ,l rl i ;r:;p.r;r;rrrrl i l l r;rr11rl rrrr;rl ' is r r r . lir av oic r .o rrr.r,p l rr;tl rrrs i oln tl rl l ii rrl i l r.o rrrtl ()l ;rrtol l rr,r. l oss ;rr l )i r$l r(, ac adem icdis c i p l i rrt' sl,l rt' t l tl ty l l t' rs rrl ;ri rr t' rlrr,r' ,.i rr to l ;rrt, or' 11l rrri st,tl rrt., c or ding t o t hr e e c l e a r-c u tta s l < srn c l tl rt' v rrrrrrrt,i s , rrtt,rtri rrtrl ry rrtsr' tured in three sections. Part r Concepts We need to study the history and evolution of the trvo conceprs an-d attempt to clarify their uses for theoretical purposes l.r;r, dierent disciplines and research traditions. rhis part of the volume explores whether and, if so, in what ways diaspora and lransnationalism are usefirl guiding systematicempiri_ .co-ncepts cal analysis in order to avoid the dangr of cnceptually richrrt proposition-poorresearch. Parl z Theory W. .t.d to compare how different social, cultural and political llr.,r'i.s cxplain the formation of diasporasand the emerg'ence of Ir';rrsrrrti.nalism and what weight these phenomenaare !ive., i' Ir'.;rrl<'r'I hcoreticar, accounts of change in contemporary"society. 'l'lris vorume developsthereticaily i"rot-"aprpi;xrrr tiorrs thlrt ''thebe used to explain certain phenomena, can oria""tify llr. t;rrrsalmechanisms and processes that can be seen in their t . lr r ls . lrart 3 Methods We need to develop methodological toolboxes and innovations ftrr- studying transnational and dsporic phenome"" without falling into the rraps of methodrogicar "r"piti.rry, nationalir , essentialising groupism. This part of the vom" .rrg"g", ir, ,"_ flections on how to conduct rsearch and assess Orl, endeavour here also includes discussion and application "u..". of rerevant researchtechniques. Before embarking on a-more_detailedd.escription of these ree tasks, it is necessaryto sketch the public and acadeic relevance of the debates in which the terms .diaspora' and .transnationalism, are used. 1.2

The state of the debate(s)

Diaspora and transnationarism are important concepts in both poritical and policy debates and academic reseaich - diaspora ,o than transnationalism. Diaspora has become a phticised -or" "u"., notion while

i l al tsrr,r lior r ; r lpplolr clr r 's r vt . r r ol yt , l ir r r r r t t , r r lr yir r lo ; r ulllicdclt at c lr l trr l l t' s, r r r r t lt . glt , t ,Wlr ilt 't lilr s; r r llr t r vt 'r y old r : or r ccpt , ansnat iona r . is tr !arrri r' irr l; r livr , ly r t . w.Nol or r ly ir r pr r lllicdclt at c: s also in academ i r but arral vuiu, r . lt . r 'r ns lr vr ' r zzybor r ndar ies llr lr and of t en over lap. This im ti i c,rl i .r lr .r ; r isr , s r , r ; r r t . st ior r 'why we should be int er est ed st udy ly llr o in Ittg l l tt.llrr olr tr 'pls. t,)rri lt . r llil<ir r gly, t hc ast decade,he t er m 'diaspor a'hasbecom e ovcr t gruprrl.rr lxrllr rcademic literature and public discourses. irr Nationalis Hrrirllr'i()t llov('nlmcnts often use the concept of diaspora to pursue agr.trrl;*io rrlrtion-state-building controlling populations abroad. The or r lrrr rpl is irrvol<cd mobilise support for a group identity o some poto lilir,rl plojt.tl, sometimesin the serviceof an extemal homeland, such llrr' prott.t:tion of ethnic minorities living in another state (i.e. kin 'rn Elill(. l)tol(.('lion). Recently, even source countries of migration have irxrrl 'tlirrsl;rlra'to encouragefinancial investments and promote politi r,rl Lryrrlly lnong economically successful expatriates. Because it has lrr.r.rrpolilicised in multiple ways, scholars have argued that the term alrorrltl lrt'used with care and not regarded as an innocuous analytical (r)n((,1)l (lrubaker zoo5). Yet, simply doing away with the term altobe ;4r.llrr.r'would throwing the baby out with the bath-water.It is imporlrltl lo study how diasporas are constituted, wi which consequences ur' llrr. various agents and institutions involved and how the boundaries ol llrt,concepthave changed. l)o(.s 'transnationalism' offer more analltical purchase an diasporal 'l'lrt'brmer term - and its derivatives, such as transnational social ('s, fields and formations - have been used to connote everyday Hl)ir( prtrt'liccs of migrants engaged in various actities. These include, ro p1ivt, only a few examples, reciprocity and solidarity wiin kinship netwolks, political participation not only in the country of emigration but lrlso o' immigration, small-scale entrepreneurship of migrants across lxrrdcrs and the transfer and re-transfer of cultural customs and practit t's. Though not used as widely as diaspora,nor as policised, the conrr.pt is hardly devoid of political connotations.After all, the pioneers of llrc transnationalturn in the early r99os coined it as a concept with an rrpproach that brought migrants 'back in' as important social agents (Click Schiller, Basch & Szanton-Blanc1995) - in contrast to large orgarrisations such as multinational companies and political parties that had lleen the object of earlier research of a transnational vein (Faist zooga). An agenda prioritising the empowerment of migrants is reflected in titles such as TiansnationalismfromBelow(Smith & Guarnizo 1998). And indeed, e '-ism' in transnationalism suggests an ideology. Yet, it is not clear who would adhere to such an ideology researchers, migrants or other political agents. Above all, since its intoduction to migration studies in the early r99os, transnationalism has sparked discussions on

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migration diasporas such as those of the Turkish and the Mexicans (Cohen ry9fl. The second characteristic links cross-;;";-;.p";".", of homeland with destination. older notions clearly i_piy ;;;;, ," an (imagined) homeland (safran r99r): an example is homeland_ oriented projects meant to a untry,s future fry irrn,r".rrg ,t .shape from abroad or by encnuraging ieturn "r". ey contrast, newer uses o_ ten replace return wi dense and continuous rinkages across bord.ers, as in the migration-developmentnems (Faist zoog).-Such r".". ings do not remain bound in the imagery of origin and. destination but -.".rinclude counrries of onward migratio, d,h.rr""_ph"ri;; ;;"ir"r. Even wider uses speak of a diaporic experience of il mouite f".ro.r, as 'trans-nation, (Appadurai 1996;. In some cases,the imagined.fro_"_ land can also be a non-territorial one, such as a grobar Isramic ulnma. This latter interpretation highlights tn. A.t1fr"t, even in its earliest historic uses, diaspora refers not o.rly to ethnic but also t" ,"1i"", ;;;rp,

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of definitions and meanings at constantry overlap. Nonetheless,sincc Wittgenstein (zoo9), we hve known at meaning, of .o.,."pi, ."r, b" inferred from how they are used. In a Mttgensteinian spirit that does not rely too much on definitions, this intrductory ;ilfi;"es the following questions: what do the two .orrl"pt, have in commonl what distinguishes them trrus from other branches of grobalisation studies, and what distinguishes transnationarism from diaspora studiesr And to what ends can they be fruitfullv usedl Diaspora is an ord concept whose uses and meanings have recentry trndcrgone dramatic change. Originally, the concept referred only to e -particrila, h isloric cxpercnce of !.orrpr, specically /ews and A'rrr.riurrs' r,atcr,it was extended to"rerigious minoritis in Europe. sirrct'l't'irtc r97os, 'diaspora'has experinced veritableinflation of a lrPPliclrliotls and interpretations. Most definitions can be summe, ,,. lry tlrrt't' r:haracteristics. Each of these can be subdivided irrto ota"r*"i l(.w('r usages.The first characteristic relates to the causesoi_inr"tion dispersal. older notions refer to forced airp"r*"t, 'r ,rr*'i"r"","0 in the experience of fews, but arso - more recentry"rri palestinians. - of

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bates' It is therefore of great importance to get a rrctter scnsc o tlr. uses of the terms, their similarities and diffe*rences. the cntrrb,, As tions to this volume make clear, the two r

arism both .;::::i,' :;:r 1.",.., are at li:,;,'l ;Ji;ll, : l,i, I l

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llr t ' ir r lt ' 1- ir ' ;rl i o tti tttttti g t' ;u rl s . rrri l I;rr rl s' l r;rrri rr;rl i rrr;rl Ar. ,r.i r,rrl ;rl rrrrs ' lul , c lc lswir lr rl rr.i rs ,t i rrl i rrrt.g r,rrti ,,rr i r' r s .r i t,ri t,s st,i l l t,rrrt,rrP i s , ()r t her ec onr pk rrn r.rrta ' i l yrrrrc li , s r, i rr , w l u rr.i r.rrrrrrsr:rrrr.t.sr These brief rebrr

'l'lr r <l F; r{l l !t! ! r ! ! ulr t 'r i. c llr ir t l r lr ; r r ':ltt'r 'islirt'or r t cr ns llr t ' ir r r 'or 't r olllior r ir rr l tegtalinr ol r r r ipp; r r r ls r r t l/ olr r r ir r olilit 's r lo llr t 'r 'ount r icso 'set t le r o ir t s * l i nl ( ) Llr t r r olior r s r lir r sllor '; rr r pliccllut it s r ner r nberdo not f ully cconornically, r;rlly llrrrl is, lxrlitically, culturally- into the iulegr;rli'rror l, ar vis- - vishe t * ruul tv ll r it . llh, r r r t 'rr r r ul<ing r dm aint ainingboundar ies 'l'lris notion o-diasporais also often associated with nrsluriiy piroup(s), nr;rirrlt,nuncc a dominant majority through discrimination by Irrnrrirlrry rlr;rspolrr Assimilation would mean the end of diaspora Hll!lsl .lroups. or tlrellr,'r r.llrrricrrlly religiously defined. Newer notions of diaspora elnlrlr,r:rist,rrllrrralhybridity in the wake of 'dissemi-nation'(Bhabha r lrr rq1r1.1) lirrt.with older notions, it seemsthat diasporaimplies some rlt I nl t ullrrrlrl distinctivenessof the diaspora vis--visother groups. t ih'-rr llrt, older and newer usagesof diaspora are not alwayscompaly, lllrll Yrl, llris tension may also constitutean opporbunityto raise ques llrrtrr:lor' rrther analysis. First, newer usages refer to any kind of dispc,rrr;l;rrrtl thus blur the distinctions between various kinds of crosslrrrrrlrr rnobility. For example, for analyticaland political reasons,differerrrerl lx'lwcen more voluntary and more forced forms of migration ruay lx' t rucial. Second,the emphasis on return has been replaced by r iir rrltrl cxchange and transnational mobility. This development raises inllx)llirt questions about changing forms of migrant membership in rlurrrrrrrrities of origin and destination. Third, while both older and nFw(,r'llsagesemphasisethe fact at diasporic groups do not assimilate Itr rt'14ions immigration, moe recent discussions go beyond the idea of o r rrltural distinctivenessand focus upon processesof cultural innovatirrrr.'l'his raisesthe question of wheer rnigran integration, on the one lrarrd,and cultural disnctions, on the other hand, may coexist.In sum, llrt' <luestions raised are also to be found in discussionsabout the second lelrrr central to this book, 'transnationalism': changing forms of crosslroldcr mobility, membership and citizenship and the compatibility - or itrt ompatibility - of migrant integration and cultural disnctions. While the term 'diaspora' always refers to a community or group and Irrrs been heavily used in history and literary studies, concepts such as Irrnsnationalism - and transnational spaces,elds and formations - relcr Io processes transcend international borders and therefore appea that l<l describe more abstract phenomena in a social science language. By lransnational spaceswe mean relatively stable, lasting and dense sets of lies reaching beyond and acoss borders of sovereign states 'fransnational spaces comprise combinations of ties and their substance, positions wiin networks and organisations and networks of organisations that cut across the borders of at least two national states (Faist zooob). In migration research, the concept of transnationalism was coined to focus on the gassroots actities of international migrants across borders as being something distinct from the dense and

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TR A N S N A I(} N A I M IS

()rltilltrous rt'lali'rrs tl.tttac'trr'lrgt'nts ls rrttrllirraliorral srtch lr,rlsrirtionalcompanics. this s.rrse,trrr,tt:rrrr,rrarrsrrarior'rrisrrr,[ruirds rrr 'r upon - yet is distinct rom - rrans'ati'nar r.rarirrrsir rr;;: p,iitir',.t sciencesub-d_iscipline internationar of rerati.ns,an<J di'brsrom thar usagein its focus on non-state actors(portes1996). In transnationarism, non-state agents, amgn-g them prominentlyt'not."a"*i*f, *igrants,are denedas cruciaragents. country oiorigin, nation and migrants (plus theii significant hers *;'.;" -"'i.rrr. ;.iliirv,_mobile) thus createa triangular roi"r *tt".re, which can be expanded through the incrusion of cuntries o"*"a angular structure,the erementof migrant "r -igr",i"".-i"rrrr"-rr,rrmations coversa host of organisationsand sroups, includinj migrant associations,such as hometown associiions-, religious" .o.rrlti"s and employer organisations.

social artd sym' ils l *trrmatir)n$ ri('tsof'dt'rtsc attd c:otttitttttltts

phcnorncna. These denitions o'social itll t encorupasses l<incls activities of nonctots the l:oitrd, iorrr thc cross-border
rurganisations and social protest movements, through the flows thlt link specic sending and receiving countries, to

engolrtg lics migrants retain with their countries of origin.

, ln diaspora and transnational approaches, the intensied Bfl=bsrder trattsactionsare not necessarilyconnected to a global cone global horizon of world society, global justice and cosmoI|3tr:nsr, llbnlnr,t (ltt'ck zoo6) or the growing importance of universal norms L te world polity approach (Meyer, Boli, Thomas & Ramirez ry971.ln Flculer, tttigration is a case where there is no neat coincidence of Iftkll:ettort iom below' (Portes 1996),no growing awarenessof 'onelEfldnern', on the one hand, and universal ideas, on the oer. Xgteever, diaspora and transnationalism - as concepts and observable * are not necessarily coterminous wi what is called global lknotnena f tfenrnational civil society in the form of'transnational advocacynetfke' (Keck & Sikkink 1998). Tiansnational advocacy networks are o tstl portrayed as promong universal values, such as human rights, de:rHcyand gender equity. Similarly, transnational social movements te atrdit'cl as an instance of globalisation and e universalisation of pteticen and rights from below (Della Porta, Andretta, Mosca & Reiter a6), By contrast, diaspora and transnational concepts often relate to &c observation that, when it comes to understandings of the political, huruan mobility may reinforce and recreate all kinds of beliefs and llc, including nationalism, patriarchism, sexism, sectarianism and thao.trationalism. Thlrd, terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnationalism' or 'transnatioelhetion' do not suggest a (linear) progression of e universalisation ef rlghts, as world approaches do. For example, post-national approechcs posit that migrants' 'right to have rights' (Arendt r9n l9591) he: led to the evolution of post-national membership which - in liberal demtrracies - guards essential social and civil rights of migrants, tlrough falls short of full political rights and citizenship (Soysal 1994). According to this view, e ultimate souce of this tendency is to be *'orrndin a diffusion of Western noms of human rights into the regulatlons and constitutions of national states. While considerations attached to terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnaonalism' do not provide comprehensive theories on rights and citizenship, there are no clear-cut assumptions about the global spread of norms. Instead, the focus is unually on contentious struggles around issues such as rights in both ntional and transnational arenas (Faist zolo). Diaspora and transnational concepts, in contrast to global and world theory concepts, often Btart from the observation that, while there is less of a requirement of

'3

Partr - concepts: Defining diaspora transnationarism and

Striving for exactdefinitions of terms such as ,diaspora, and .transnationalism' may seem a futile exercise. Diaspora,'i' p"rti..ri"a fr", becomean all-purooseword. It may therefore'be _"r" r""""n f a lool< its uses.es the usesof ese terms at often;"J;; ;';;;;;"r"_" times even interchangeable, clear no separaonis io fr. Nonetheless, closeconceptualcomparisoir, a ".p..t"a. rs an opportunity to bring to light crucial questionsbout cross-rrr"t processes. Towardsthis end, it is useful to comp^are two .o.r."p* the first to gto'"hr;or, ,tu_ dies' r'hile e impact olglobarisationi, o"n assumedto be universal and worldwide,-approach"r titk"a to the concepts diasporaand of transnationalism refer to phenomenathat occur wiin e limited social and geographic spaces of, a parricular set of regions or states. Globalisationapproaches ;;es d.iffer from diasporicand ""d -*r transnationalist approaches at leastthree respects. in First' all cross-border concepts refer to the importanceof cross-border or even 'deterritoriarised' politics, economicsand culture. v"t, i"rpor* and transnational approahes emph"rir" rr,"rre connectionsto na_ tional or local territori_es, especially the caseof migrants. For in exam_ pl": ,h: lobbying that Kurdish migrant org*ir"tiorrs do may take place parliamentin Brussers, at the European b its focus is on ,rocal, iss,res, such as Kurdish autoaomy i" or e ,ight ; * T.k:y EuropeanUnion member states.In is "** way, cross_border social phe_ nomena have a clear territorial reference r', l;;;i;r,""_ tional in their focus and goals(seeLyons "rd "r" "lro Second'there is arsono claim that a grobal "oo6). 0r world consciousness is evolvingin a linear way. The broad denitio' of tr"rrrrr";;;;il;;"r,

[,MA l l r^15'l

I()N 1.R N FN A I A IIS M

lrlrysit:,r gtug'ulrrricur rr.srx.iirr rrrr.r.t.is 1lr'xirrriry rit., 'r srirrrr't.rr.rrr tcndency klwards trrst<,:rcr, t,rrr'r*rsis rrrt, the co-prese"." ^urriv.rsrrisari.,ri, of_:llu_rr;i;;;; ,;,i'purri.,,t,,risirrg is lrrirct.d ,r,rrrrs, 'rr universal norms_ suchas collectivc scli:d.tcrrnir,rrir,,, .1,,r'ucrac;y 'r<x..ss,s. ,,,,1 human rights - may enabe locaor"nationar clainrs.nurr.*u-pr., ,r,, mands for poritical autonomv ,igh;"or;ffi;;, oftenrefer to grobar grour)s norms ;.h "r ;;;;ght -"r,.rrr"r to collective serf,determi'rr, tion' In this way,the concepts .rtJ*" and transnationarism seryrelatedto' grocar are cr.isati"ti *rri.r, .-rrr".,,i*' "' tion and locahsJtjon raro, r,, (Robertson "","r" " r;;r;. while the concepruar airr"t"t"'rerween grobalisation, on the onc hand, and diaspor -o' t trr" oi, r"rra, _.y -ore "rra "rrrr"l"rr"ri"", seem rather skaightforwata, i, difficult to distinguish thc latter set of terms. The extent"pp""rr , *iri.rr',i." literature on diasiora anc transnational studies overlaps irrterr".ts can be discerned Trillyan's from "rrd (r99r: 5) 'theex"mpr,! -"-or"bl" ."_"rk-th cmmunities e .il:1"":i"i1""#; or mixes, and overlaps.^*i _";"r-; words like ,expatriate.,.mi_ gtancy'and 'exile' to form 'an unrulicrwd of descriptivefinterpretative terms'at' jostreand converse' i"," i";.;';f'; dies (CliIord ror, rtu_ ry94a: 3o3). -a"r"

r F t:, r e p l a r tl i ttg i ttr d l tttt't'sl tl tl so i l , stttJt l a x<ttto tr ti t's l i ctt u st'

ltrrpt's " a trcttclCoht'tt (r9tS7:t77't7li) has noted Bf galtfettirrg, tltcse dcfnitions border on esrltttlics ovt'ntll. Sorttctitrtt's dcvclopment.By contrast,conceptua nrrtl(,ls o orgarticsociul and sociolourc ct lrsnHnirliotralisrrt nore rootedin geographic 'spacc' and 'eld', which are often either used Integrs rttclt rs ly, or irssociatcdwith claims towards applylng key notions of

& flleory (Klragrarn Levitt zoo8). On the whole, while diaspora and spokento issuesof culturaldistinctiveness its Itevr rrr;rirtly nationhoodand also socialpraccommunities, e lirr rr'ligious

lurlt arr t'tttrcpreneurship, transnational studies have come to foen ls:uer ol'rnobility and networks. In short, the former term takes rpts such as 'community' and 'dispersal' as a point of deparolr( enel tlre latter term is related to social science ideas. Bruneau and in this volume use typologies of diaspora and transnationalI felper'livcly, as broad categories to discuss questions regarding

integration. btllty snclsocial

frf,l constituted as and transnationalism socially Diaspora formations

.h,i: ri:i,:t'#""::T:t
weinar d ;;il;i

contextuar. specificationsl n !**a perspective the conof tributions in is sectionis " insights from a varietyorro.i.i#.rltntt"", i'trr.t the authorsdraw on -r;;ildii;i to advance their ana_

poseenni.",;iff :#j$X.:"t';;,1:'#:f":. sions and

J'h"h"'

:*llf,,*;,"J.'#-"

do."""",;*;:i':;lT::*#::f {kr*[; orthe contriilil rocus on

thehistory orthe

conceptual oris volume part rocus e on "'i""r1f;'"o$:X'.:" ":

rnto three rearmsof meaning; a"r..ipuaryticar notions, ,"r".r.", to e social consrution phenomena and references a socio_culturail""r""". " "r""p"#;;;"r*""tionarist to 1'3'1 Diaspora tansnationarism and as descriptive anaryticar notions The use ofdiaspora as a descriptive and analyticalcategory has a strong tradition. Examplest" ,l_ ,."aS"n"n,s and Cohen,staxo_ nomies of diasporaand ""h;" Shefferlr-"f#;

j":'"1,"H11"ffi 31;"."ni,"ril{1+i i?i""J;fr

inspe. "T f1-lv i" rrogy, human geogtap.hv, Dahindln ,"eau'n

rooted

spora or'"n"'zoo6). poritic' *"'*dtff:ff:ll":"y';jl

runeetr'tt contribution attests to overlap in diaspora and transnational Fptogcltes, Bruneau distinguishes among different types of diasporas, tihrlh rei'r to entrepreneurship, politics, religion and ethnicity o ace. {g ggen beyond notions of community and a categorisation of diasporic through firmly embedding his inquiry in a categorisation of Fupr llcnce, his iuxtaposition of 'transnational communities' and'teripeeer, dArlet o'movement'. While the former consist mostly of labour mi pfetltr who establish groups in the immigration region, the latter are omposcd of mobile traders who connect emigration and immigraon ttetes. And while transnational communities have their focus on the elnigrution country territories of movement are characterised by an emphenis on the regions of origin (see also the notion of 'trading diasporas' itr Ruuch zoor). Bruneau's appoach raises important questions for lurthcr conceptual work how is 'de-territorialisation going with or follOwed by re-territorialisation'? One may surmise that re-terrritorialisation brings the local rootedness of most diasporists and migrants' agency llcek into the picture. Through her conceptual and empirical analysis on transnationalism, Dahinden also distinguishes between more sedentary and more nomadic forms of cross-border movements and ties. She looks at 'diasporic transnationalism' and 'transnationalism through mobility', using the example of cabaret dancers. Departing from Bruneau, Dahinden does not contrast diaspora with transnationalism, but builds on the sedentary/ nomadic distinction within transnational studies. In her approach,

,s&q|

MA 5 l rA l s,l

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il::J::""sed

j; ';, ', l ,,:":* ;i :,:1,:"J;l'I;;1. ;: ;lJli :{: bycirculationli:il p"rp"nilutu,,_u.rn*n, andthus

r.,n,**

sttstri.t'd *u.iul',,,',n,,ri,,'* i,.,1,,r,., L.],,*, [:il":Jl':at:rtterlaitt *t,ir,.

dilr s ; x r t ' i t' l t' i ttts rtl tl i ,tti tl i s trr rr' i ' rsr, rl rt ,ri t.s. rrri g' rrrrrs rrrrcl rr.i ' r.l rl

it r t klr weyx,'lir llr is cr r r l,wt , inur "scor r lr illuliO rkxr l<s t t ( ) lht l and int <'r nat ional 's et dlanponrir t policy clist : t lt t t 'stwit hin with an analysisof :ttttl l)at'rrcgrrdirllows I orgaltirraliotts, elltes ttt'goti:rtt' ancl constitute what one may call h nrnitrlycotttt'rrtcdwith understandinghow diasporais cone tttigtrtiott ;xrlit:yagent. Looking at the EU and the debate on pFll totttprt'ltt'ttsivc immigration policy, Weinar nds that the

l::"?l*ltls'return' Examptes crude the in_ of ?"r-"t, io rnified Germany frm USSR, poland and Romani" -ethnic the th" la.g"_scale influx o_ Russian/ews to Israer "n"r--r99, ;n.r';i'rn" 'return, of the pontic .in r Greeks from variouspartsoflhe aR;;" samedme period. Here' the makins f ai"rprt*^"" rr"i, .rrott, "th" ""* to be recognised as diasporas rr" centre.Two contributionslook into the costitu"t tion of a diaspora,s boundaries ,r,1""d;'ril'diasporas themselves external agents' and into and t o* t'or- J",i"g themselves diasporas

crearing ,new diasporas.,. They _"y dr" ;;;ergo new phases of scaner_ 1ng or 'rediasporisaon', as was th ;;;; the /ewish and Greek dia_ sporas' van Hear (rqgg: -so, 6) notes trt"tira"p"ric formaon has accerer_ ated in recent time-s too, has tfr" .rnr*ng of diasporas, seen in

po," ;.#;""o :ffi",ff ; ;'or;, poii.,;to'",.,u,.,,J. *" contemporary-"*,.,!::'J'"%::,ffi

forms of geograp!]c.mobiiity. oiiprr' srudjes,moreover, have ars. movedbeyondtraditionar .on.".r,r"i' tloting at sociar forms such as 'mobile traders,.On1 -_erging gf gr" f""r"ffi reserch q,r"rtiorr out of Bruneau,sand Dind"";;;;r"s is ro *il", *.rr-r"roo* and migrant transnationatr lr" it"rir"a by a distincrive set o identiesand practices s--vistheil;;r' of se*lement,and to whar extent incorporation-isrequired i., orJ", to engagein certain transnational practices' such i.ruoru.rrr";;i; democratisation (Koinova in "r is volume)and nation_b"ifai"g in this volume). ffiiJ;;ry Bruneau,s and Dahinde",, ;;"r;;;fine examples Low the forof mations of the terms 'diaspora' ;;-';;;r""tional, can be used fruit_ i,ly to think about mobirities t" irr" .""r" mpoaryworld. Nonetheress, it is alsoobvious *il_l:f::;;. ;;;;ilr.ent concepr, especiaily its ubiquitouspoliticisation.yet, given f *", r"1*. ;aiii"*f tical term' it doesnot fo'ow "u.r, trr"t *" trr""r give it up wholesale."""rr_ " veryeast, need,g lo?f At the we i"to "; and urmaking of diasporas. waterbury's chapter *r,1" using e term ,dia_ f""i;;"f;"t spora'for defining a p,opulation :gl beyndtt t ora", _"y " problematrc, "

spakto.,".;;,'1".;ff :tH.:r:*.f,:,,l**:lnf il

and Bruneau,s contributions shows how rtrr. ,r"::#ffi:,Dahinden,sseeks.to incorporate issues raised ai"rp,,,,, fy approaches, ::"li: ,".h

tlilsporas are portrayed as networks of migrants with Ccutnnttltt, t legal llrrks to the home country. By contrast, the language of rt'volves around 'transnational communities' as main kutnenlrr in devekrl)lcnt policy. Yet, oddly enough, when referring to lottal eonttnttnities, UN documents speak of individuals (as an n|ltet.ted lltrrrt:h),not of collectives.In the U, diasporas,as poverttCedslrr llrt. wind', are thought to contribute to development in e rr urigin, without being burdened by the experience of trau-

lrpr' tgrrrt'sprominentlyin ociallyissuedEU documents alongwith efforts at migration control. tlie rglrct'pt lrasevolved

df:prrnal, Attributing 'goupness'(Brubakerzoo4l to diaspora In r tlierrrlo brm a bodyeligiblefor projects. allthe policydocuby analyrrecl Weinar, diasporas and migrant communities are disee entcrging agents of development in eir own right - point tlte lncrcased significance of migrant categories and collectives

that policy ftx.lxrrdcrpolicymaking.In sum, the analysissuggests terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnationa te; oflerr cnflate
C*ffi*tuttitY" l'!,3 conditions as and transnationalism socio-cultural Diospora

y;#"r?::#"ltr

o1i"sl**1"g^i ;;;;"_munjties,.

focusing on I feit.lel r.onstructivist perspective implies a shift from to tansnational practices in order to avoid F3nneti()rral communities int;entialisecl conceptions of migrant goups as being, for example, or transnational. In his interrogation of diaspora, hetently rrational focuses on the political constitution of diaspora using e Perregaarcl the Ege o' l)eruan migration and efforts to establish diasporas in Argentina and Spain. His is an inquiry into the question Unlterl States, f how diasporic political mobilisation and solidarity are created and maintained nd thus how e boundaries of diaspora are constructed or ee!tituted. Paerregaard integrates elements of older, more traditional defniti<lns emphasising communal autonomy and a distinctive collectiVe identity with more recent research on transnational ties, which htghlights sustained cross-border mobility and continuous exchange of idas nd goods as a defining criterion (see also Bruneau). Bo aspects up succinctly in Clifford's (tgg+a) metaphor of 'roots and er" *u-*d

,*

r tl t^:; tr Al l l I

.,'V

A r)rA :l r'(,ri A N r rl rA N r;N A tt{ rN A tt:;N 4

p"*"vsr;lotil,Jiiil and twentieth-centurynationalismwhen interlectuars preparedthe way for the legitimation rir""ri""Jrla""r-"gt", (e.g. Greenfied r99z;. The implicationis rhat we shoutd ,uoia p"?";?';.;#rl? ,,"r," sharedor dominant identity a group-In political practices,identiriesmust b" .o"rtruliJ-ir.".ri""ry;"il;# "u -""rrrs.ofa iy to becomesalient for largergrfi;;;;;""r. "tite,
t'j'4 Diaspora transnationarism: and Diferences simirarities and The contributionsto is volume and the hteratueoverallreveal similarities as we' as differences betweent'" .on."pt, of diaspora and rans_ naonalism.A crucial similariry tr rfr"ifr",f, and, in one way or "i;;r#"'";;:..rr* yo1!er, sustainedcross_border including regionsof ogin, ""lly;;;; ties a"stintion ara raterarties to other ,"gior*

for-interesting.op"rironswith,h";J""5f

lorr('s'.tJsirrg (irir,r'tr's rrrr,rlr;llr.r., r);rr,r,r,r,1,1;'rrtr r. rrxrr< l;rkr,s r;r't. both bjlatcral lrt'twt't'rt ;rr tics t'rrrigr:rli,rr irrrrrrigr.;rri,rr rrrcl srlrrt.s latlrrrcr between groupsin irnmigrariorr courrtrit.s. :111 Wirhirrthis tual lt"r apparatus, focuses the'inegotiation he on o-diaspora, .#tl,r"$ ," elds- poritics, soridarity *a t".r"is. He identifies membersand groups of the peruan upper .l"rr"r-" the main movers and mobili_ sers of the peruvian diasira. Thtr-";

I r lt lrst : t lr sr l rrry i s still or r l or r wlur l llr r . opt , r 'lr livc xill t t t t 'tlt ; t t list t t s t 'c' lo ily r o l r;l l l l rxr clr t .rs ct 'cl l: r l<t 'st 'r iot r sly't ot t t t t t t t t twit lr out pr opinquit y', but m ainly tl urt i s, t lt t . gt 'r r t . siso 'sor : ialit ynot t icd t o gcogr aphical rrlotcdirr sor:ialproxittrity(seeFaistzoogb). 'Ihc:rc arc also three noteworthy distinctions that merit mention although, as will become apparent, they dier in emphasis, not in theory. First, 'transnationalism' is a broader term than 'diaspora' in two respects. One concerns the scope of groups. Diaspora relates most often t rehgious, ethnic and national groups and communities, whereas transnational approaches connect to all sorts of social formations, including the ones already mentioned' as well as to phenomena such as networks of businesspersons and social movements. The other respect concerns the even narrower tem 'transnational community'' Postmodern conceptualisations aside, 'diaspora' most often relates to a form oftransnaonal organisation spanning a specific country oforigin and a set of host countries. In contrast, 'transnational community' encompasses a broader range of phenomena, such as cross-border village communities or borderland communities. Thus, transnational communities encompass diasporas, but not all transnational communities are

r,#:tJl il:,:-l"""j !e*eivi'lyirtl' migrantincorporation *"r""nonal practices. This is rehrr.rr the,factthat "" Ferrrrr''s to foll0winga transnational rrFr'r are sirrrated immigr"rt* rr in -";i;;;;;s ;;;;;es and frequently alsotake thFlr r req r,rrr ;rrr'licpolicyd;bat;;-.fr'"r".i"rrr"d by kelwords suchas tttlFtsilr,l,an,l ,srx:ial cohesion,. "*ll, il" link between integration aud rr*rerlr,rrlr-rr,rru;rr4"-"ll fr", fr""r, pi"-op"r, by transnatiorl ies q;;111;n'rv ,*_ studieshave p""J"""ions aboutthe rink 'rr'*r"i,r t*eeri tirc t'rrirrar arrrrrrrmy beThe "r-r"rity*grups and integration.

.,,,r,o ",, J;sT;i!ii") i,f 1 n i-' :"fi "?;y,:J:;li: tt ll:'fllly .rnphasises ..rttor"iilffi;;: "
wrrIr' 1 rs;;i'; ;";'"aonal I x' rit","t,,"

-"r, r ;*l;"f nili::;il::i :l.ll ;or""-pr,",i, a""*," II:':h"1. rirrorporation and intr

zoog)' but also otr a"rii*ii.rr,ri"r. For example, accordmg to Safran' diasporas in tri"rrg,ri", socio-curturd utiorrrt ip with the host sociew -exist " " fr"_"i*"199 r: 372).In postmodern proaches, is above i:9 ap_ it a',rr"-,r"r'"-"*ti*"d people with eachother tlnt havesignificance. Empirical,"*;r;h;

la "'"ti""u, *,r, *r ;H:'lr'fJi i 11 * o"': t'"" regions"ra",n"",,",:,i"iil::;::ff tionship between homeland's -.*J;*,s: t'."".gin') and dispersedpeopre (Dufoix

diasporas. The second dimension concerns identity and mobility. Diaspora approaches focus on aspects of collective identity, while transnaliolal approaches take their cue from cross-border mobilty. Although both diaipora and transnational approaches use both concepts, there are sometimes diferences in emphasis. This difference is clearly borne out by the contributions by Bruneau and Dahinden in is volume. While the former starts from questions of identity and later brings in mobility, the laer contrasts diasporic and circular transnationalism. In general, concepts of diaspora deal wi dispersal, whether traumatic o not, and the reiulting emegence and reproduction of some sort of collective identity, *it varyrng intensities of ties to the country of emigration and the countries of immigration. In those cases when dspersal occurred not because of persons who migrated but because of borders migrating over people (as in many parts of Eastern Europe), the focus of the term is on .o-1r1on identity despite dispersal (see Waterbury in this volume). Sometimes the 'construction of shared imagination' (Kissau & Hunger in is volume) is intricately connected to nation-building projects of socalled 'stateless diasporas'. Issues of collective identity do also matte from a transnational perspective; for example, many analyses of cultural aspects of transnationalism build upon notions of mlange, hybridity ot cultural 'translations' in which mobile persons are engaged' From a transnational perspective, however, ese identity changes are regarded as being derived from cross-border mobility of persons, which is in

'| l l l tl r 4l 5 ;;41';1

TA N s N A I' I()N A II5M

2',|

rrrrtl g,.ds,,l ' l r. rri rrrsrra tionalist ' con((rrwitrr rrr'rririty urs' ,,,tt,,.,,*i is i,, i,,1'.,,,u.,,, ,,", ,,r worl< thougho,t1rr.,rr'rt' strirrry .fpi,,.., rrrr'r;r;lrr'rir.alry ,r;rrr ,rrlrt,r. methodologically. this way,tbci In trarisrrati.narisrn rirr,raiurc rirrk, ,,1, with the 'new mobiriti"t p"raigrrr' thn po*rtr.geographicar rrr.rririry ;*r a ubiquitousphenomenonof leneral societalimportance(shr.t.r. ri Urry zoo6). A third difference emphasis in between use of the diaspora e urrl transnationarism approaches concernsthe time dimension. sch.Lr's using the term 'diaspora'often t.r"r-to a multi-generationar patt(.r.r, while transnationar analystsdearwih "rr1 migrant flows. Diaspo'rrs have often been definei form"tior, "".rring acrossgenerations, i "t not a generationaTrongue due.The protoqpicalexamples the of and Armenian diasporas, and fewisrr ,r"*", exampes such as tht, Palestinianorr", ,p""k to this p-poriiioo "u" As King *a Cfrririor, in is votume, e_ long ,i*'" "ri",a,r""g"ril" i"r"." "rgr,, n",,, transmigrationbut arsofrom transnational communities.Indeed,trans_ nationalapproaches-h1v; d.e{t o"ty u"ty rf"rsely with aspects of historical continuity sincemost of the empirical research focusedon has mor(, recent migration O1r,'t*r an excptionsee Foner zoor) and on on(, generationonly.As to,e generational issue,there amples' such as exproratins 'r"-;;eneration are a few counrerextransnationalism, I (e'g.Levitt& Waters zoo6). "f

it s t ' l ' alw ry s rrl l x ' d c l t' ctt' l l rt' r t' il

l rw s

i rl t.;rs

cot o r ffaf genir alior r lr r r dilr 'livisr rdr , yr igid c0t t ( t 'pt s - st at c t t air lltas st:rvcdas a useul 3 *efld polity or worltl stlcietyrppr<llrt:lt linkagesof organisalltt' sprcadof'transnational plee irrclrrdt' such as & Tlr,,,tt,,sr997) and thc importanceof meta-values

engagements. cross'border lretloultr lt'gilirrrating

the world polity approach looks at the national state as one ele-

eier norms, other approaches o'Western-style ln the dillrrsirtrt

dlarpora exclusivcly as a nation-statephenomeno or dichoto nalkrtr-slrtc and diaspora. Many studies with a diaspora or are rel approac;h clearly using a national lens. The focus then lerpora attcl immigrant communities that lobby host states,to partit'rrlar stilnces and policies towards political conflicts in the nd, ''lris rpproach centres on e role of national statesas interBgerlls lx'tween diaspora or transnational communities, on the

hcad, arrd tht: various political groups in the 'home country', on that approaches conpostmodern ther (lihlirr zoo7l. By contrast,

ef dlaxpora as 'ethnoscapes'(Appadurai i996) often verge on an Itlotr:rl irrxtaposition between national states and more post-naprofecls, l.eaving aside these simplistic notions, one may usefully fth the observation that diasporas and transnational societal strucctt lle cast as formations sui generis' These formations cannot be o'ur independent from statesand non-state actors.To the con-

Part z - Theories: Exptainingthe emergenceand reprod uctio n of tra nsnatio n fo rm atl"ir po ras "i-as where the literature.on diasporas and transnationalsociarformations has dealtwith the poritics, of cross-border rife, it "."oi.r-"nr*r" has tended to either reflect framings, on one ex_ '"tior'ne, treme' or rely on theories artogether o..,ramg e rore of nationar states' on the other end whire earry"transn-ati.r"i *.inrrg, -extreme. have largely neglectedthe rore #;;; ,t"t"r, 1"t", studieshave acknowedged rheir crucial"r:tl "f *r*,_g i* tion' but also flows wirhin transnational" only internarior,"i_,gr"_ sociarformations (Kivisto & Faist zoro: ch' s)' Analysis Ji"r;rii and rransnationarperspectives has becomemore sophisticated "r""g ,;;; ;" navigatea coursefrro,rgl, the manifold cotectiveactorsinvorved in transnational formations.Both diaspora and transnationalpersp".u", rro*t"age at social pro_ cessesae spread among-multiple "lt localities acrossthe borders of na_ tional states'And while th" of the agentsinvolved "g"nd", ""-"rr - be they internationar organisaons _organi-sationr,,rorr-'gouarnmentar or nationalgovernments are stilr often dened in nationarterms, the

1.4

they arc constitutedby theseagents'This move opensup venues 'rnalyting diferent realms, such as the political one, and cluestions ng lo the architecture of transnational political engagemen
rd-Nielsen zoo3c), as well as an often neglected question

i*rut it,r relationshipbetweenpolitical institutions and migrant transin lenel practices crucial fields such as citizenship(Baubckzoq\' The cntributionsin this book that provide theoreticallyguided deare and explanation groundedin a varietyofsocial sciencedisGflptlon Clpliner: Glick Schiller in social anthropology,Waterbury in political *ienee/comparativepolitics, Koinova in political science/internationa lletlrilg, King and Christou in cultural anthropologyand Boccagniin Moieover,e contributionsdeal with socialstructures(Glick elology, ehtllerl, large actors such as states and diaspora organisation Christou and ffiterhury and Koinova) and small groups (King & eccagni). Glick Schitler'scontribution startsth the obsewationthat the field in to f nlgration studiesis often unconnected broader developments notably reflectionson the boundariesof social for:CClaltheory most with the empirical puz*letions. Sheillustratesthis curious disconnect migrants are depictedboth as criminals and as sa L,that transnational lours in the form of agentswho developeir regions of origin. She :tertr by taking a critical stance with respect to methodologica

i*.

rMA t;t:^tr I

hA N s N A i l oN ^i l S M

citizenship' She finds that

consider*"r,i."r,*,J,h,xT,::r"::,*Tga"*,"{;;;;,"" t waterbu*iu",i.,a1,, r, t t",,a ili: ,:il :f::: gagepopulationsabroada l_p".r"Ltional

p.." insttutionssuch as while arrprr. statesut'ise e rhetoric o,

i,,"a*ti-*.,a ;t""; Jn. run*X;ftHf : beyond "",,i,f ;;

wardsessentialisatin' to ii!r. s.rri,"r:,is visibl. irr r.rrrrr "..ordirg the research 'transnationar on ommunity,,which has reieci 'l rrrrirrr,ri statebordersby focusingon,,"tio.r", categories. GrickSt.rrirr.r offersan alternative "ttrri. to.ethodorogi;"i.r",io""rism, somethingsht,r,rrr:. 'gl0balpower perspective'. sh" aim* tlrat this perspective hlps t,rrr, date e r constitutionor trr"-io."r, nationar and gobal,arrrrr, analyse -,tttr efforts of bo the to t"ii[-""t more circuatoryrnitrir;r tion regimes "gent, ""0 1".::.t_:-riigr1t, ;r;'", challengers re_enbr.r,r, or of neo-liberarrestructuration. An interesting qriestion c-omperirrll further research then is.ho* mkrrrtr-tr"-r"tu"s - beyondthe rrrrt,r ests of states of immigration " powerful lorrrry groups- negotiate "-rgr"tion their wayswiin and across _and e boundaries o.rr:r tion-states and groups. The studies by aterbury and Koinova that-follow are examples politics under conditions ol of " r.rrilgly brurring disrinction br, tweeninternal and externalaffairs of states. general,e literature'rr In diasporaand transnationarist pr".,i*r'"i-ost excusivery defines a diaspora by its migrant origins r ,r." .-r""ching dispersal of an ethnir communitv to murtiprepoints, relecti"g "rri .;r, ;ft,lJr" rr.r, as e Jewishor Armenian ones. This q.{e of definition tends io excluc', cases trans-border.eri:,g-rp, of "i m_ the shifting of borders or the dissolution of state-s ard A case in point is ethnir. Hungariansin East centrar "-pi."r. r"r"p.-,"trrury considers the rerations of statesto populationsabroad *g'"tai"gith migrants and kin (ethnic, national)minorities. br:age ."_i"r",i* frameworkis gearedto lis anarytical overcomethe prevalent. r"prion between studie .kin of state' and 'migrant-sending,siate' p"irii., pohciestowardsexternal national populations.w*""rbrry "a specifically, kin srate the literature can help ose focuse; "r*;;;; ;;;rrtion policies analysethe 'dark side' of trani-state r"J'"r';: rnsrrumentaluse of ties to "9,rtiry, thoseabroadto iustifv irrederrtrt excrusionary nationalist politics' converselv'" "-'il" ""d wth migrant-send.ing caseshelps kin stateanalystsfind a."-ng"g"-ent r:*";k br-,r"lrr,""aing action on behalf

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lrrio,lrlisr, wrritlr;xrsits rruri,r'rr rxrrrrr.r.srxr'trt,rs ;rs ..srx.it,ry,;rrr, ir surnptiort is rt't't itr that tt'd tlrt'l.rtlt'rr.y st.lr.lrrr.st rrrr r, ''rrrig.rrri,rr wittr r

cu,,c,ip,,,i,,,,y. Mt.rix,d,l<,git.,,r ,,,,ii,,,,,,ti,,,,,

to ' t he'gkr hal t ut liot t ', llr t 'ir 'lxr lilit 'sr t t 'to it 't t llr r gt 't t 'cl spt 'ci r g can t t r oat l, k'pt , r r t lir ror r wlur l llr cst 'populali<lns o br t he t r t at e,'l'lr is ndir r gcor r r r r r shc ut ilit y o 't he t hir d way of , dlenporaslttclicsin bclwccrt national and globalistapproaches atralysisoi'rs a iuitl venue 'or further questions about, policesare chosenin what circumstances. , rvlrirlr plrrlicrrlar Waletllrrryircuscson the state side, be it emigraon or kin l1d nl lltt' conditions under which diaspora politics emerges, forusrs on thc diaspora side and its impacts on domestic poliin dpttrrx'r;rtisation, particular. She inquires about diasporasas !getttro'clcmocratisation'.This is not to disregard the observa , ltr xorrrt'contexts,we find that it is the diaspora that decides polltt'al' and seek some intervention in homeland politics, , llr ollrcr situations, the homeland state reachesout to pull disittltrrerrts into its political affairs and agendas.Her main quesh *lry rorrrt: diaspoas engage in pro-democratisation behaviour reH their homelands - some embracing merely a thin procedural I o' democracv. others more substantive liberal features tlte lxckdrop of existing nationalist practices. From an internafplellrlrts perspective, she aims towards a comparative explanatory irr under-researched cases linked to the post-communist ln Fhstcrn and South-Easten Europe, namely the Ukrainian, Albanian and Armenian diasporas. Koinova agues that the popower of diasporas lies in challenging the sovereignty of their nndr, Overall, she finds that e diasporas analysed did not act in lvely nationalist ways, for they were also involved with efforts on of dt.rnocrasaon. In particular, if diasporas are linked to (newly ) states that enjoy both international legal and domestic soty, they have a chance to focus on substantive elements of detCracy, such as the liberal values of substantive political equality. If ato not, they will be prone to engage with only the procedural ask !eil ol'rk'mocracy, such as institutionalising voting rights. In this latter tll, prrx'cdural aspects go in tandem with a focus on nationalist proteB, Koinova adds a caveat: although diasporas are not e most likely Sentn o'democratisation in the post-communist world, they do contriUp, llt,r findings also indicate thatbeyond a close analysisof home or kn xtat" and diasporas, we need to pay attention to internaonal poli *:, l.,ikc Waterbury she also contributes to e methodology of diapereand transnational approaches. In a field dominated by single-case Sfudierror sweeping guesswork, comparative studies can be helpful as a fBt Ft(ptowards moe systematic theorising. The contributions by Waterbury and Koinova mean that the rise of cnenational practices has implications for nation-building and demotatlrirtion and, though yet to be explored, for the international system

\tA,; I At:, I

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The next two contributions, by King and Christou on second._genera_ Boccagni on " aim.rion between private and pub_ :i.1:-*.."nd.by hc transnationalism, take e meso_ and micro_levels irfr" p.i*", * a point of departure' King and christouis cnapter exprores the notion of even physical return, to a homeland whose;;;il; 1eturn: *r" ,ro, born ere' Again, as in.the .orr."pt"i iscussions on the difference and similarity between diaspora o".rr"donal approaches, this issue brings together aspects of bo "" ;tty and mobility as well as their combinationr of .ri_"_rp".e compression,. King and christou start ""d"1::"ditions short-term by contrasting mobility, which separateswork and family life and which des q""rr" identiry *irrrtli" ,""i"gry opposite case of second-generation "* ieturnees. They characterise the -a,rr.r, ratrer case as an instance of ,counter_diasporic ,,'igr";;. of 'home', 'place,, ,belonging' and ,identitylg.rr"r"," perspectives on how they are constitllted' onelemark"rrr" they raise is whether the l"on cases they study fapanese Brazilias, British-born caribbeans and Greek-Americans _ constitute mlinly irr,r" of hypermobility or the very essence of diaspora, thus " furfilting a prominent criterion often mentioned by diaspora theorists, nameri eventual return to the ancestral. homelang t<*g and christo*;;il: io .hoor" between these rwo opons, atguing that their cases are .reither instances of global mobility nor e simple furfilment of parental *rt", but,rather... an act of re_ sistance against hypermobility dirl;;tJ?i,. Il a way, it is mobility not as shutrling back and forth ""d but as exproiting knowl;g; r" order to settle or resettre fo, ""Jo., p"rroa in hfe. The second generation can be seen to have -""rri"gi " accrued .n", preparation for moving to the 'homeland" First, of the p.rr* invorved have high educational credentials, includi.most ng many *il;;;"rrity^degrees. Secnd, they are bilingual - their knowrdge or the t".rguage of t .rr.r.ry having been nurtured wiin . d";"+;_'y;*dJ;r "rr."r,r"i r.,"r after-school classes' I(ing and christou see iaentity in migration as relational, processual and situation"l. Th";;;y op.rr, ,p intriguing ques_ tiorrs about how genera^tional, gender ctlrerencesfigure into tnesg a1d,o^ther types of 'returJ. Seen"tr-.ir* in,ti, *"y, this research rine is a potentiar future contrbution to the literature on the intersection ofca_ tegories such as class, race, gend.er and other forms of heterogeneity (seeCollins & Andersen zoo7l.

r lr l o l rxr;r1 , it t i'r ;; r plt 'tr ; r t r lr t 'r t 'lr t l; r sr st r ppllr r r t 'r tlo r r r r r lyst 's lt 'lr r r Ir,rl i onl rlisr ; r r r r lr lir r sllolit; r tlivilit 's ix r r sir r gor r ir lr r r alor ganisat ion rr w l ri rl r ;urr lr r l<t 'r llr t ' pr r lr lic ir splr t 'r 't 's llr r , ir r r r nigm t i<ln or em igr a o andf loccrgrricorrsciously rcuscs rnily,kinship and friendon liur rilirl('s. alrip lics iuonl [cuadorian migrants in ltaly. They are mostly ecent trtigr;llls rrrrcl thus expected have strongeractivetransnational are to ties *.rrlring on milies. This ethnographic study reflects on 'private transtirlrorr;rlisrn',in this case the ongoing kinship-based relationship ri.r. lrirrg into the migrants'country of origin. In the public sphere,in rrrrrlllst, the immigrants'life is increasingly rooted in the local ltalian rr.rr,ivingcontexts.What we encounter in the case of recent Ecuadoran unfll'irrtsin ltaly is, according to Boccagni,an instance of private transrralrorralismand public localism. The two forms of transnational socia private or public - are distinct in terms of their extent, sustainiils ,rlrility and impact. Of broader interest here is less the fact that one does rrol nd public transnationalism in this case: after all, one could argue llr;rt the case selection committed sampling on the dependent variable Itrslt'ad,the case str-rdy alerts us to avoid a frequent conceptual conflaliorr in studying private and public aspectsin transnational formations. ln sum, these contributions offer a rich variety of different apprraches. A systems-oriented approach to the political economy of capil;rlist relations can be found in Glick Schiller's analysis. Institutionalist ;rrrd variable-oriented small-N studies are characteristics of the chapters lry Waterbury and I(oinova. While al1 these studies ae macro-oiented, llrc contributions by King and Christou and Boccagni not only focus on llrc meso-level of family groups and the micro-levels of persons, but rrlsoengage in a processualapproach. Kirg and Christou, for example lnalyse the social constitution of identity in mobility processes. For fuIrrre research, it may seem worthwhile to attempt analyses that pay atIcntion to both the socio-cultural constitution of schemas and routines, on e one hand, and the use of resources, material or otherwise, by the individual and collective actors involved, on the other. In this way, cliaspora and transnationalism studies could profit from more general approaches in the social sciences that call for a link between agency and stmctlre (e.g. structuration theory in Giddens 1984).

r.j

Part 3 - Methodology and methods: How to study transnational phenomena

The key question raised in the methodological part of this volume is how transnational perspectives can overcome methodological nationalism in the social sciences. Meodological nationalism in the social sciences marks the tendency to treat the container of the nation-state as

A S trA l s'l

l'l'llANsNAl'lilNAt

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29

a ( r uas i- n i l tu rrl rx ' i rrr s rrrd p o l i ri c .rrr (,n{ l ri rri orr i rrrrrrer& (j ri rrr (. (w s c h lJ er o o j b a s .d ' rr M,a rti rrs t7 4 1. trg e r< ooi rx.y,,rrit..rrrai rr.rsrrrdi r,s r may be easier in some disciprin.is- irr <'xarrrfrt,, s.ciar arrd curlrr'rrl anthropology - than in othrs _ for exarnpl.j, .,,rr,frr"tu.] pntiti.,,l science where the sovereign nationa state is defined as the basic urril of analysis.within transnationar studies, an alternative methoJoogicrrl trap of 'groupism' (Brubaker & cooper zoor) may arise. This charge rr,lers to studies that treat diasporic and transnational communities as units at are stabre over time, and are herd to b. of ou"rriirrg-r,,,pun tance for e individuar identities and sociar pr".r.* How do we take into.account the fluidity "r*.ii--1"-rr".-. d mateabii y oir"rrrrrrtional structures, relations and identities in empirical research and in the theories that guide such researchr can we study transnational phenomena while avoiding the, traps of bo methodlogical and groupism The contributins introduced "",i""rirso far have serconsciously started to address these challenges: as seen, for example, in King and christou's discussion of the reltionship betwe"rr-gi;t bility and non-essentialised irlentity, Boccagni,s -o_ analysis of e differ_ ence between private and public tiansnationalism and Grick schiner,s analysis of meodological nationalism. The contributors to the section on methodology are again rooted in various disciplinary tradirions: Glick Schile, r' ro.i"t-"rrttrf,otogy, Mazzucato in social geography, /onkers i" rrio*rr"ol"gy-"Jprii*r science, Kissau and Hungr rr'comm,rr,ication studi inti."t science' respectively, and Morares and ".ra forba in political science ,ociology' The chapters connect methodoiogi.l "rd .rrria"r",i"*-a Ji..in. addressing wel-l as using systmatic murtisitedness, the use letnias -as ot network methodology, the value-of internet research (as a potential complement to eldwork) and quantitative surveys as a means to gauge the relation between rocar and tiansnational pohcal Jr-i grant associations. The contributions "rrg"g"-"rr, come- rro.r, u"ry"arr.r".rt lir.i plinary traditions - multi-sitedness from geography and anropoogy, network analysis from sociology, internet rearch from communication studies and others, polical ,1i""." ;r1vey research fro-, sociology. While the methodological"-orrg ""a apprJach", methods pr"rrrt"a do not constitute an exclusive amai" r "rr any singre social science discipline, there are certain procrivities to be oerved. Generalry, a central question raised concerns the potentials of indicators, qrr"rr"tiu"'"rra qualitative, for measuring and varuating migrant transnationar and diasporic activities. Multi-sited research has been somewhat hampered by the fact at individual researchers usuany cannot capture e simurtaneity of transactions' To overcome this obstacle, Ma)zucato suggests a simurtaneous matched-sample meodology (SMS), used in a study of two-way flows

silcs ir r ( lhanu. I n cssuncc,his r net hAt t t xlt 'r t jar rar r dvr r r ious r t I tool covt'rs transrrational lows across localities.Mazzucato thcl nttrdics nccd not neasure nancial remittances in only one :: rr.nt by migrants to people back home - and the kind of de-

r irllowingout of this flow. Shehighlightsflows engendere

lgtntlotr as being two-way they also involve flows, especiallyof serfrour so-called developing countries to developed countries. reec iom sending regions are instrumental in setling up miebroad, for example, by obtaining a legal status. Mazzucato's conI constitutes an insightful application to the micro- and meso-le-

cf'wlrat world systemstheory describedon a maco-level:as).rn

g*tt: two-way flows between different regions of e world (see llertteirr r983;. flte iclea of two-way flows, albeit asyrnmetric regarding the types of leurr:er exchanged and power applied, is also helpful in understandkg netw,rrks among scientists. In his analysis of ego-centred networks *ong individual oveseas Chinese scientists, fonkers considers ties betGel ethnic Chinese scientists working outside China and their part1t: lrr mainland China. This is a reference category dierent from asftleietions of scientists, such as 'scientific diasporas' (Meyer zoor). felkers raises the question of whether and, if so, to what extent the movtiorts for the formation of such ties, the barriers and stimuli affectIng their formation and intensity, as well as the distribution of the marlel and cognitive resources, are grounded in specific forms of reciprocity. In order to shed light on this question, he uses a network Cpproach that is built on selecting the sciensts involved by their surngnles. While is method may be peculiar to his case and would not work to uncover similar phenomena such as European scientists in the US, he can show at ere is clear evidence for a specific phenomenon he calls 'transnational research collaboration'. As in many fields of transnational studies, including diaspora studies, the next step would be to unearth not only the existence of such cross-border networks, the kinds ofresources exchanged and the direction offlows, but also the soeial mechanisms operative in e functioning of scientists' networks (Faistzoogc). Following the lines of network analysis, Kissau and Hunger address the question of how the internet can be used to study developments in migrants' networks and thus dilerentiate between transnaonal online communities, virhral diasporas and ethnic online public spheres. They define transnational communities as being characterised by particular sets of reciprocal ties. For diaspora groups, the internet is a signicant instrument, if not the central instrument, used in what e authors call the 'construction of shared imagination'. The constitution of shared imagination is also crucial to sustaining enic communities.

fi A';l ,ol r A A l . l| | | l rA f r" r. rAI l o ' . r{ l l : , 1 \ l

l( is s r r il rrrtlIl rrrrl -i t' r' t;rrt' 1 | rrrri t' rl rt ,t;rr;t,r-r : ;rrr;rry:,i;rtrorrrrrrlr, 1rr,r.t, t.rr l .. dis t r r c tt y p t' s :l rrs s i l ttt l -l tl tttl;rs l r' :r rsrr;rl i err;rl ttti s t.rrrrrrrrri l i t,s, ' rrl i rrt. K ur ds as vi rtu a l d i a s p o ra s rtc l' l rrl < s t' rl uri t orrl i rrt.prrl rl i t a rrs s;l l r.r.t.s. T he c lear e s t a s e s e e m sto b e l (u rd i s h w .bsi tt' s l l ' rr c t,s;r,rrst,- ruu.r, more than Russian and Turkish websites* images o'a c.r'rrron and yet-to-be-realised state-basedhomeland, origin, tradition a.d history. These images portray messagesto define l(urd.ishness in contrast to oer migrant groups in Germany, most prominently Turks. The lateral lin<s of this virtual diaspora are evidencd by the fact that *"bmultilingual, being in French, German, Kurdish, Turkish -"rry and l"g:: -"r" English. By contrast, the Turkish online spaces constitute a .national public sphere wi an ethnic imprint'. It is not Turkey that most comments are focused on' but Germany. However, Turkish migrants using these websites prefer to discuss poriticar topics within thir differentiated sphere. such a sphere is noi to be misken for an ethnic encave that severs all connections with the general pubric sphere. The focus of Russian websites can be characterised as somewhere in betweenr the contributors are politicaily involved onrine bo in immigration and emigration regions. connecting their findings to issues of rigrant colective social integration, Kissau and Hunger argue that eni diasporc or transnational internet spaces ."nroi serye as a substitute for full inclusion into national pubric spheres. A future research question to be tackled then is e potential linkages between these tree types of spheres and nationai sp^heres,akJ perhaps including transnational spheres in the EU (Eder & Trenz zoojl. Heie, their mehodoroil;r ."veat needs to be taken se,riousry lGssau and Hunger add that" onrine analysis does not replace fierdwork. After all, onhnJ and ofline worlds interact, not being independent ofone another. The study by Kissau and Hunger raises the crucial question of how to conceptualise what.is calred the integration or incoiporation of migrants and minorities into sociar and poriticar structures. clearry, the notion of diaspora as an intergenerationr sociar formation imphe ,h", similation in a ntional state wourd be the end "rof cultura distinctiveness..Transnationalapproaches,by contrast, do not call for such clearcut distinctions. This can arso be seen in the case study ; ,;;;r""tional ties of migrant organisations. Morares and forba dear with the relationship between transnational ties and the poiticar incorporation of migrant organisations and groups, seeking to pply quantitaiive indicators. In broader terms, theirs is a contrirrution t-a'mthodologica[y so_ phisticated understandin g of ' organisational transnationarism,. s everar sch^olars e past have argued at migrants' organisations in are crucial in- fostering migrants' politi-car incorpor-tion into"the host sociery (Rex, foly & Wilpert rg}n. yet, few studis have systemarically analyse the role of migrants' organisations in promoting that dual prcess of

vcnt r ettrrl ;ri rrirpolilit : r llt t liot t 'lt t 't c t t t t t l llt t 't . t '' t s; t sit t t t t lt lt t ( 'ous ur er li apof ai rrrrrl l :r r r cily r gont ' o llt t ' r r t t it r clt ar act t : r ist ics 't r ansnat ional lr cir in shor t com ings t he exist ing ar l pro;rrrt' s .At t olt lit t l3t o M <lr alt 's t d Jor ba, approach,which usually tends thc methodologica lilrnrlrrrt' lrrc clut' t<> exclusively engagedin transnat on kr t.illrt'r' orrc'cntrate the associations Irorrirluclivitics ('sampling on the dependentvariable'),or study a limitr,tl nrurrbur of organisations with ethnographic methods that do not lr,rrrl llrcrnselves to generalisable conclusions (see Portes zoq). is l{r'plt'scntatveness the goal of this study. The empirical questions post.cl concern the number of organisations engaged in transnational lir,ltls, the prevailing practices and the impact of the setement context orr rnigrants' transnationality. The findings from a study of migrant assrx iations in Barcelona,Madrid and Murcia suggest that transnational r.rrgagement by no means universal among migrant organisationsin is Spanish cities. Yet, a majority of them is engaged in some form of lrrnsnational links. The authors touch upon the important linkage of llansnational ties to immigrant incorporation: transnational activities do scem to foster overall political incorporation into the Spanish body poli tic, and this is especially the case for e more politically oriented form o'transnational links - that is, engagement in the homeland electoral arena. A question for future research then is to define the conditions and mechanisms under which this occurs. Again, as in Kissau and Hunger's study, the relationship between transnational ties and integration into national structures comes to the fore. The two orientations integration into immigration states and engagement in emigration regions - are not found to constitute a zeo-sum game but could even mutually reinforce each other. Overall, the methodological part of this book opens at least three windows for further explorations. First, all chapters speak indirectly to the dierent theoretical conceptions of the relationship between territorial and social space and e methodological implications of these conceptions. From e work presented here, it is clearly evident that the respective societal spaces cannot be regarded as equivalent to territorial spaces. Examples are plentiful , ranging from virhral diasporas over scientific networks to transnationally active migrant organisations. The next cluestion to be addressed then is: how do territorial and social spaces connect with each otherl Future work could profit by distinguishing e transnational answer from other approaches, such as the cosmopolitan one. In general, the transnational approach emphasises a constructivist view on territorial space. In this regard, transnational social formations - i.e. transnational networks, kinship groups, migrant organisations and diasporas - coss and overlap territories of national states without necessarily achieving a global reach. By contrast, the cosmopolitan approach (Beck zoo6) a priori presupposesthe existenceof a

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glolllr ls ot it ' l l l ls ;l ;ttr' ;rttrll ttts ;r g ,l o l r:rl i zrrro ol rrcr t,rr l l r.r' v:rl l ry;rl (,rrri ar d r c s ( a rc h t' rs ,t' s ttri l rt' c l rr ' g l o l rl rlc osrrro;l ol i l ;rrr tl i l i .,rr' , d rts r ol w l ri r.l r is pr im ar ily o rg a n i s e d n n a ti o ' a l s ta tc sa rrd c.rrsLarrrl y ss-t.rrrsst,cl i .ri by transnational networks. Thus, a crucial difference betw.c, trarrsnationa and cosmopolitan methodorogiesis a global horizon of observation and the relevance thereof for cross-bordei exchange. Nonetheless, despite this crucial difFerence regarding a cosmopolita outlook, there are arso important similarities. The methodologial consequence of both e transnational and the cosmoporitan approach is a istinction between multi-level modes of observation - transnational or globar, nationar and local - and actors' strategies that are calibrated atonim'ttiple scales. Second, the methodology of cross-border anarysisl whethe, steeped in transnational studies or diaspora studies, needs to be distineuirt"tt" from comparative research that focuses on entities ,rr.h states as exclusive and bounded units of analysis. one of the "r"rr"tiorr"l currently most prominent answers is ,multi-sited ethnography,, that is, carrying out research in the sites of agents' practices in variui countries (Marcus 1995). It has been touted as a panacea.As Mazzucato (in this volume) suggests, e challenges of capturing simultaneity through other murtisited research methods are tremendous but manageabrJ. The chapters presented here also offer additional methods appropriate to transnationally informed meodology, such as online or an application of """tyrir representative survey research. It stands to reason that more work is needed to systematically deveropvarious forms of multi-sited research. Third, diaspora and transnationalism studies can learn a lot from each other regarding historical contexhralisation and the effects ofkansnational,ties and processes.As to historical contexts, diaspora stud.ies are much more oriented towards the long term than are transnationalist analyses(e.g. Dufoix zoo8). Diaspora rdi"r may therefore offer cues to transnational shrdies. Diaspora studies easily connect to the historiography ofnations (via stateless and state-sponsored diasporas)to borderlands and even to intercivilisationar studies (on the lattr see Eisenstadt zoo6). These transnational effects are not only conditioned by conflicts between nation-states and economic and politicar cooperatio' b""", states or organisations, but also by waves of interntional migration (see chakrabarty zooo). Looking to the other direction, transntional studies may inform diaspora studies by pointing to research methods beyond historcal narrations. Tken togeer, the-methodological r"fl"rivity inherent in both diaspora and transnational studies .o,r b" useful for the wide-ranging literature on 'globalisation'. posing methodological questions guided by historical sociologicar insights may contribrr to overcoming a generalising momentum within theoreticai and methodological discourses on globalisation and open ways for processual ap_ proaches that pay attention to both agency nd structure. -

r.6

C onclusions: Diaspor a and t r ansnat ionalism as dance partners

()rrt'rri:rydcbatc cndlcsslyabout the exactstatusof diasporaand transas rr;rliorurlisrn so-calleddance partners. In a very fundamental way, are llrr,y rrscul paradigms or optics, or primarily politicised terms that derirlilrc claimsl They are certainly part of a growing array of concepts llurl strive to deal with time-space compression across the borders of slirlcs. The meanings of diaspora and transnationalism overlap (e.g. 'sr,r'ond-generation return'), espousesimilarities (e.g. 'diasporic transnaliorralism') or sometimes even refer to divergent perspectives(e'g. diaHlx)ra as simply one form of transnaonal social formation). While the lrsigcs of the terms often overlap, diasporic phenomena can be concrivcd as a subset of transnational social formations that have broader scope. In a crucial similarity, uses of the two supple terms in the social processualview of crossscicnceshave in common an agency-oriented, lxrrder social phenomena. The challenge that all the contributions to llris volume take up is to account for the impact of states, migrant orgarrisations and oer organisations and small groups such as kinship [4roups,on societal pocesses, institutions and structures of migrant inr'<lrporation in immigration as well as emgration contexts. As such, diaspora and transnationalism are clearly distinct from the lrroad category of globalisation studies. Diaspora and transnationalism l)ay more attention to agency and processes within global structures Irrrd thus are less prone to sweeping generalisations.It is also essential t<l study the boundaries of groups, communities and organisations that lure labelled by members or external observers by attributing transnational or diasporic characteristics to them. Diaspora and transnationlulism are also lenses not antithetical to, yet also different from, 'methodological cosmopolitanism' in that they do not presume the 'global' as a lrorizon of perception, interpretation, analysis or moral evaluation. Nevertheless, transnationalism in the field of migration, in particular, may link up to broade concerns of transnational studies, such as transnational organisations (e.g. multinational companies), transnational protest movements, transnational expert circuits and global macro-fields of economy, polics and wealth. In this way, diaspora and transnationalism are crucial elements for questioning and redefining essential terms of the social sciences, for example, 'community', 'social space' and 'boundaries'. Yet, what constutes one of the great strengths of diaspora studies and migrant transnationalism, namely its reflexivity of agency and processes, also needs to be brought to bear upon the understanding of broader issues of social change and transformation. Take the changing landscape of organisational and institutional structues guiding societal

t lr r r r gt ' .A r' rrrrs rtrri ,rrrl tl i ;rs l rr)l .i r rr l x .r sl x,trrvr,:;l r.rrhr l ,r,,rl rl r,r' rl t.l rl wit lr lr . t lr rr.w s ' r:i :rli rrrrr.ri ,rrs* ,,i ' g ,.,,1.,.,s, srr( ;' ; rr,rr* i rr;rri ,rr:rr rr s,_ c ial s pac e s a n < Ih o w ' o c l 'n a l .i o n a li,n tu rnrti ,rr;rl ' ;rrrtll rx;rl i rrsl i l rrrr,rrs such as citizenship or rocal policies acquire'.cw' rrrr.lrrirrgs arrcrunctions in the process of cross-border transactions.Moreovcr,'ru.tr-'"r, proach should be abre to address "pthe life-world implications of emerging supranational structures such as the EU. By now, there is voumi_ nous iterature dealing . emergence and forms of transnationa Tt activities of migrants and their .o.rr"{r"rr."r b. th";;"ffir"tio., of immigrants. If cross-border social 'for-"oon, are consequentiar for social processes, we arso need. to examine indications aboui changing institutions in the nationar, internationar and locar realms of transnational spaces. Finally, we need to go,beyond purely variable_oriented.analysis and probe into the social mechanisms'op"rtiu in transnational social formations' such as social crosure, exploitation or opportunity hoarding (seeTilly zoo4)' From^is p"rspective, it is essentifto 100krrot only at transnational ties and formationi across the borders of national si",., _ with various types, such as diffusion, a_itl"r, associations, (issue) networks, organisations and communities, ,rr diasporas _ but also the repercussions for national and 10ca1 ", institutions. whire transnationar or diasporic ties and structLrres may not be the ,ot. , causes of transformation, they constitute strategic research sites. For ex-r,'i"rprr"", ample' while the toleration of duar citizenship in both emigration and. immigration states is ascendant, its spread is not primar'y attributabre to collective action by emigrants and immigrants (Faist & irvisto zoog). Nonetheless, it has repercussions for the cntinuous flows of resources acoss borders, e.g. nancial investments and knowl"ag"-tr"rr;Th" contributions to this vorume are a smail but decisive ,tp rrr-" ir"._ tion of setting an-agenda that strives for a processual and. mechanismic understanding of transnationalisation.

z Chapter
spacesand communities transnational Diasporas,
Michel Bruneau

'l'he term 'diaspora',long used only to describe the dispersion of ]ewish pcople throughout the world, has in the last Jo years elicited unprecetlented interest, attracting the attention not only of the academic world but also of the media. In everyday language, the term is now applied to all forms of migration and dispersion of a people, even where no migration is involved; this corresponds not only to the development and gent:ralisation of international migrations throughout the world, but also to a weakening, or at least a limitation, of the role played by nation-states at a time when globalisation has become a dominant pocess. I have chosen here to address e concept of diaspora from a geographical standpoint, taking into account its materiality in terms of space, place and territory. In this chapter I shall try first to differentiate e concept of diaspora from that of others such as migration, minority, transnational community and territory of movement, and then complement the resulting definition with a tlpology of diasporas. My hypothesis is that the related concepts of diaspora and transnational community could be applied to different tipes of trans-border or transnational societies and thus help improve our understanding of the diferent spatial and temporal processesinvolved.

Note 2.1
I am indebted to Rainer Baubrjck, Anna Amlina, Margit Fauser, )uergen Gerdes, Eveline Reisenauer and Nadine Sieveking f* h"i;f"l .rir.r._ and suggestions.

The concept of diaspora

A community diaspora first comes into being and then lives on owing to whatsoever in a given place forges a bond between those who want to goup together and maintain, from afar, relations with other groups which, although seted elsewhere, invoke a common identity. This bond can come in different forms, such as family, community, religious, socio-political and economic ties or the shared memory of a catastrophe or trauma suffered by the members of the diaspora or eir forebears. A diaspora has a syrnbolic and 'iconographic' capital that enables it to reproduce and overcome the - often considerable - obstacle

s A fi ,' l ' ttA N s N A Tl f)N A ll,,A (:l l s N l ) (t)MMl J N l Tl l i S

37

i , th e i r p re s e n tp l acr,< l ' s.ttl * rrerii t w hol c e set of micro-places (e.g. city neighbourhoods or villagcs) ,,ccupi*d o. crossed by those whom they iecognise 'tiach as their ow'. r ,n"r" places acts as a centre.in a territorl where social proximities suppress spatial and temporal distances (prvlakis 1996). nff ai"rpori;; ,o_ cio-spatial networks necessarily undergoing territorial expansion beth^"y aggregate both places of m-emo'ry and places of pr"r.rr." :T:" (Offner & Pumain ry96: 31. Diaspora areas and territories must be assessed in steps: first in the host country where the community bond prays the essentiar role; then in the country or territory of origin - a por oi attraction - uia.--ory and, nally, rough the system f relatins within tlr" ,r"t*ortJrp"." that connects ese different poles. It should, t o*"u"r, t ;;;-i; mind at the term 'diaspora'-ften prays more " of a metaphori.a1n"., an instrumental role. The different riteria suggested by most auors (cohen 1997; sheffer zoo3) can be narrowed a*,, to ri" focused around dispersion under pressur", "rr"rrtorr", .hoi." of a"rtirr"tlon "rr_ tity awareness, networked space, duraon oftransnaonar ties and relative autonomy from host and origin societies as indicated. below. r) The population considered has been dispersed under pres_ sure (e.9. disaster, catastrophe, famine, ab1:ect poverryl to'sev_ eral places and territories Leyond e immediate nghbourhood of the territory of origin. z) 'The choice of countries and cities of destination is carried out in accordance with e structLrre of migratory .t;_. which, beyond the oceans, link migrant, *ittittos installed in the host countries, e-latter thought of "il;j; ._ veyors towards the host society and e laboui ", market, and guardians of the ethnic or national culture, (Dufoix ,;;, 325). Such a choice may, however, also be determined il conditions of traumatic dispersal, in which ."r., *rrrgh there may be far less choice, previous migratory"u"" routes cn Deused. l) The population, integrated without being assimilated into the host counkies, retains a rather stron! identity - which is linked to e memory of its "*"r*"r, territory and the so_ ciety of origin - with its history. his implies th existence of a skong sense of community and community life. As in the case of a nation, it is an ,imagined community,, relying on a collective narrative that links ii to a territo ry andto a mmorv

ra ti.g irsc.r'r'u' i rir,s('rurr.'. .oo4: 1), 7-4 M.nrbers :1 a dlas po:cpaa l e s c e or 1':il:: ra o c

(Anderson r9l3). lntergenerational transmission of identities is also at work,

4) These dispersed groups of migrants (or groups stemming

from migration) preserve and develop among themselves and with the society of origin, if one still exists, multiple exchange relations (people, goods of various natures, information, etc.) organised through networks. In this networked space, which connects essenally non-hierarchical poles * even if some are more important than others - relations among groups dispersed over several destinations tend to be horizontal rather than vertical. These diasporic migrants have an experience of dispersion including several generations after the first migration. They have transmitted their identy from one generation to the other in lhe longue dure.

6) A diaspora tends to be an autonomous social formation from the host and the origin societies thanks to its numerous cultural, polical, religious, professional associations. Lobbying in favour of their origin society is not uncommon among diaspoas, but neier is resistance against instrumentalisation by the homeland.

Against this concept of a 'community' diaspora (fewish, Greek, Armenian or Chinese diasporas, for example), Chivallon (zoo$ posits a 'hybrid' diaspora, distinguished very clearly from any 'centred model'. This 'hybrid' model has been defned by Anglo-American authors on the basis of the black diaspora of the Americas, using the approaches of post-modernist cultural studies. These authors, Hall and Gilroy especially, refer to the philosophy of Deleuze and Guattari and to the image of the rhizome as opposed to at of the root - i.e. to a world of disseminaon and hybridisation, as opposed to a world of filiation and heri tage. There is no hard core of identity - nor continuity nor tradition as in the community model, but a variety of formations. This hybrid diaspora rejects all reference to e naon and to nationalist ideologies. However, albeit for a relatively limited period of time (r9r9-r945), a minority of intellectuals gravitating around Garvey and Du Bois did promote a pan-African nationalist ideology. For a diaspora to be able to live on by transmitling its identity from one generation to the next, it must as much as possible have places for periodic gatherings of a religious, cultural or political nature, in which it can concentrate on the main elements of its 'iconography'. The

MICHgLBRL'NNAtJ

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c onc epto ' i c o n o g ra p h y , n tro d u c c d i n th e rg50s hy (i ottrrrarur(rg5z: i zr9-zzr), shows the importance o'visible and palpallk' syrnbols,such as the monasteries that the Greeks of pontos (the llack sea region in Turkey) reconstructed in Northern Greece. Such symbors contrute to consolidating social networks and to preserving them during the hard times of exile. The syrnbols that make up an iconography aie akin to three main fields, religion, political past (memory) and social organisation: 'Religion, great historical recollections, the flag, social tabos, invested and well grounded/ anchored interests are all part of what is called iconography' (Gottrnann ry52: ry6). Those symbols are the object of a virtual fai that singularises a people as different from its neighbours, who are attached to other syrnbols. The rooting of national iconography in the minds of citizens is all the deeper as it is transmitted to children very early by the family and the school. It unquestionably constitutes the main factor of socio-political partioning in space. It s ako what allows a diaspora not to become diluted into the hst sociew and to keep its distinct identity. This concept particularly applies to 'nations' o, more exactly,to nationalities within great multi-ethnic empires, such as the ottoman or the Russian. Their territorial inscriptioris neither continuous nor homogeneous, unlike what is implied by the ideal territory of a contempoary European nation-state. The case appears very close to at of the diasporas, to which it can apply equal relevance. These 'places', where we can nd e main components of the iconography, include sanctuaries (churches, synagogues, mosques), community premises (conference rooms, theatres, libraries, sports clubs) and monuments that perpetuate memory. They also include restaurants and grocery shops, newsagents and the media (newspapers, community magazines, local radio and television stations, websites). These various places may be concentrated in the same .ethnic, neighbourhood, the same locality, or be dispersed throughout a city or some bigger terrirory. Since 'iconography' - in the Gottmannian sense - is the material and symbolic condensation of the intricate web of linkages between the members of a community and their territory a perfect reproduction of its elements (e.g. reconstructing the pontic monasteries in mainland Greece) is simply not possible: territory cannot be moved from one iocation to another. The material aspects of social networks depending on locaons, territories, landscapes or monuments that are uiuafly ssociated with rootedness, immobility and autochthoneity have, in the couse of me, become mobile. The fact at members of a diaspora create 'places of memory' in the host country gaering e icons make it possible. By introducing the spatial and temporal dimensions of territoriality into e concept of diaspora, it can be shown how the reproduction of

memory gocs huntl in hand witlr thc constructiono'monuments and Other syrnirolic ancl sometimcs also nctional places that constitute the lnstruments for a re-rooting in the host country'

a,z

Four maior tYPes of diasPoras

Different diasporas are distributed unequally roughout e world at the beginning of the twenty-rst century with a generally confirmed tendency for em to be found on one or several continents. In every diaspora, culture in the dest sese - folklore, cuisine, language, literature, cinema, music, the press as well as community life and family bonds * plays a fundamental role. Family bonds, in fact, constitute e very fabric of the diaspora, particularly in the case of diasporas stemming from Asia and the eastern Mediterranean, with their well-known e*t.d"d family nahrre; similarly, ttre community link is always pesent in, and constitutive of, all types of diasporas. what distinguishes diaspoas, however, is the unequal densify of eir organisational structure, rtrd th" greater or lesser influence exerted by, if it still exists, their nation of oiigin. Religion, enterprise, politics and a combination of race and cultur are e four major domains in which ese two discriminating features manifest themselves. The combination of these criteria allos typology of diasporas to be sketched out here, as four types, and " illustrated with a few examPles. r) A first set of diasporas is structured around an entrepreneurial pole; everything else is subordinated to it or plays only a secndary role: the Chinese, Indian and Lebanese diasporas are the best examples of is. Religion here does not play a structuring role, essentially because of its very diversity Christians, Muslims, Hindus or Buddhists. Nor does the nation-state of origin exercise any decisive influence, for a variety of reasons: ere may be several such states instead of one homeland clearly defined (Hong Kong, Tiwan, mainland China, South-East Asia for the Chinese); it may be deliberately disengaged and intervene only in case of extreme diculties (India); it may be too weak and divided (Lebanon)' Entrepreneurship constitutes the central element of the reproduction strategy of ese diasporas, most of them emerging from a colonial context in which the ruler assigned their various commercial and enterprise activities (Indians and the Lebanesein Africa, e Chinese in South-East Asia)'

40

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41

2l Another set of diasporasis that in which religion, octt usso.

ciated with a particular language, is the main structuring ele' ment: this is the case of the fewish, Greek, Armenian and Assyro-Chaldean diasporas. In these cases the religion is monotheistic, and the language of a holy script or a liturgy may itself be regarded as essential. Greek and Armenian are taught alongside religion in diaspora schools. Synagogue and church, each wi their pronounced ethnic hue, are constitutive places for these diaspora communities. Where naonstates have been formed, they have exercised an increasingly stronger influence on-' these diasporas. Nevertheless, even where this influence is greatest, as is the case for e Greek diaspora whose cohesion is secured by the Orthodox Church, the diaspora has managed to preserve relative independence. When the Holy Spod of the Athens Church $9o8t9zz) tried to take over control of the Greek Orthodox Church in the United States, strong resistance led to restoring the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. A third set of more recent diasporas is organised chiefly around a political pole. This is particularly so when e territory o'origirr is dominated by a foreign power, and the main aspiration o' the diaspora population is the creaon of a nation-statc.An example of this is the Palestinian diaspora: having succeeded in setting up a real state-in-exile, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), whose objective of establishing a nation-state next to the state of Israel has already been partially achieved by e creation of the Palestinian Auority, which has been endowed with territories that it has administered since 1994. The Palestinian diaspora's collective memory is rooted in the historical events that mark e trauma of dispersal and occupation, especially the catastrophe (nakbal of 1948. This is 'the core event of their imagined community, the criterion of its alterity and the main founder of the diaspora' (Kodmani-Darwish 1997: r94).

dcnition o' racc is, o' course,contestedand subiectto various debatesand interpretations, as is the very conception of Aiican Americans as a diaspora, collective memories refer to the traumatic experiences under which this diaspora formed: the slave trade and the slave economy of e plantations. Few contemporary African Americans define their identity in rela'We can also include the tion to ancestral African homelands. European Roma in this category as they share many of the same characteristics. One commonality wi the black diaspora is a decentred community structffe, not unied by the transmission of a codified tradition or by political organisation, but characterised by the non-hierarchical proliferation of community segments, at is, small groups not organised as a structured society.The logic of cultural hybridisation, which implies borrowing from the host society, comes into full play in both cases amidst highly diverse host societies, even if Roma society is characterised by high degrees of endogamy and very low rates of mixed marriages. Racial discrimination and a strong tendency towards ghettoisation are also common features, as is the great dificulty of upward social mobility to escapepoverty (Cortiade, Djuric & Williams 1993).

f,te concept of diaspora cannot be used to describe al1types of scattered pOpulations issued from a migration plocess: other types of social foriUtions were to emerge in the post-colonial period and societies within illgration fields. Concepts other than at of diaspora - like ose of t!nsnational communities and territories of movement - can be invoked; although they do share some characteristics with diasporas, they l1:o have their own, specic features.

I'l

TheTurkish space: field to transnational Frommigration examPle

4) A fourth set is organised round a racial and cultural pole.

This is the case, for example, of e black diaspora, which has been shaped by several attempts at dening a shared identity. Centred on the 'negro race', what separatesit from the oer types is, first, the fact that this diaspora has no direct reference to definite societies or territories of origin. 'he black diaspora is defined first and foremost by socially cortslrttc'ted 'race', and only subsequently by cultttrr'. Wlrereal llrc

Aa international migration field results from the 'structured coupling f the placesproducedby the flows betweenthe different points of the placesof system'(Faretzoo3: 283).Such a field comprises Blgration placesof return. Prhlre,routc, settlement,re-settlementand even well to Turkish migration in Centra Thie cun."pr applicsparticularly ittroPc. id Weslerrr more than century$957-zoool, tht' lrlrl'o' twentieth In the secottd 'lilrks rnigrated Weshrnurope, thirdsgoing with two to &fee million an wasessentially internation rl{7).'l'his (t)e'lirpiar<1r;5: b Gerrrrurry bet\4/een state o'itgrt'etncnts olett llte Hrrbiect leboUrtrrigraliott,

42

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4l

Nev er t hele s s ,u rth e rr n a l y s i s ' a rt:v c a l s ri s t,[l l o l re rel l i vel y tl corrrpl cx, becausethe subsequentmigration o'shopl<r't,pt'rs, r':n't'ielx lurtl variorrs investors- not to mention social migratons such us irrrrilyrcrrnifcations, second- and third-generation marriages as wcll as collcr:tive solidarities - all superimpose themselves on labour migrations. ln a subsequent phase, political migrations by asylum seekers - for example, Kurds, Assl'ro-Chaldeans, Armenians and Ales as well as refugees of leftist parties - have acquired ever increasing importance. There is, consecluently,great diversity in the reasons for, and causes of, Turkish migration. The migration movement inside this field is intense, owing to the road, sea-going and air network forms of transport that rrks emselves use and run, largely based within eir own travel agencies, tansport companies and communication satellites. In the case of Trks, e diaspora does not precede e emergence of the nation-state, but comes after it. Is it therefore a diaspora or, rather, a transnational migration field that favours e emergence of a transnational communityl The Turkish nation-state is recent $94); it has not completely succeeded in unifying the national identity of the different segments of society round a Sunni and Kemalist hard core. The high segmentation and internal disparities of Turkish society appea more in dispersion and migraon than they do in the national territory where e minorities are not fully recognised and are hidden by an apparent national homogeneity. This society is a community composed of different socio-cultural milierx that, though they do interact, have also acquired their own organisational and social networks. The divisions are not only ethno-cultural, but also religious or ideological. The Kurds, whose migrations - owing to the repression directed against them since the r98os - are increasingly political in the current period, find themselves increasingly distinguished from other Turks and it is they, more than other Turkish-speaking Muslims, who come under e heading of diaspora (Wahlbeck zooz). It is therefore dilcult to dierentiate a diaspora from the economic and political migration of a people stemming from a socially segmented society and comprising notable differences of identity. The recent character of migration (since ry57) and the segmented type of society constitute obstacles to the recognition of a real diaspora. To take better account of these phenomena, researchers such as Vertovec (1999) and Kastoryano (zooo) have suggested the concept of transnational communiW.

communities Transnational ',4

a tn thc rc;<.;os, rcw colccptemcrged in academicdiscourse:'transnacommunity'. Countries at the edge of the industrialised and tertiorrul tlgriscd world of the North's maior powers (e US, Canada, Western Europc, lapan), often former colonies or old countries of the Third Wrlrlcl, send more and more migrants in search of employrnent and renittances to their families in the 'place of origin'. These rural, mostly Unskilled economic migrants set off from a village, a basic rural community to which the migrants remain strongly attached and to which they rerurn periodically. The family sffucture, more than the village eommunity of origin, is essential in explaining the cohesion of ese networks. Those from a rural community in a Lan American country or the Philippines, for instance, increasingly migrate to urban centes o'various sizes in the US, wi a migration movement being establlshed between e place of origin and e places of settlement and work. The migration teritory also comprises relay places, most often a large city, which serve as hubs for a migratory route network: for example, Oallas and Chicago for Mexicans from Ocampo (Faret zoo3) and 'Bu"not Aires for Bolivians from the Cochabamba region (Cortes 1998)' The strong association with these dierent places, based upon e movement of the population of one village, where the dominant activity iS migration in a variety of forms, constitutes a transnational migration

territory. A transnational community is based on specific mobility know-how 'migration expertise'; the inhabitants of ese places, so strongly marked by migration, have made it their essential activity. Some mobility may be based on the experience of mountain husbandry which has always had to adapt to the seasons - whether for transhumance in certain cases or, in e case of Andean peasants, because several distinct ecological mountain levels are concerned. Peoples with a long nomadic tradition, like the Turks or Mongols, can also be moulded more easily in these transnational spaces (De Tpia 1995). A transnational community links e global to the whole range of greatly different loca, networking places, without hierarchy between these dierent hubs. The role of the border is very much curtailed by a migrant population whose essential element of identity is knowing how to rst cross the border itself, pass through the border area and then live outside it, whilst avoid-

ing expulsion. These migrants come from a naon-state, where they have lived for a relatively long time, returning periodically, and then investing part of their income in their llage of origin, which they, or at least part of their family, do not plan to quit for good. The members of a transnational community seek to acquire the citizenship of their host country

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4\

whilc r c lr i n i rl g tl ra l tl ' tl tt' i r c o rl rtry o ' ori gi rr,' l ' l ri nrIrrrful e al l l i ati grr s i not only a q u e s ti o ' o ' a c i ri ty ,b u t a l s ' u cl r.st.rrw ;ry, l i t., i l ,w cvcr, there is.no uprooting from the territory ancrs'r:it,ryr, ,r'igirr, ..r trauma, as in the caseof diasporas. There is no strorg, crt,sirt.r'rcturn, because transmigrants never actua[y reave their placc o' origin, with which they retain family and community ties that are greatry s"imprified thanks to the growth, regularity and safety of commu.r[ations. As Forrer (tggn has shown for immigrants in New york, bo today and at e turn of the twentieth century modern-day transnationalism is not altogether new but instead has a rong history. Russian fews and Italians maintained family, economic, political and cultural links to their home societies at the same time as they developed ties within eir host land. Expecting to return home one day, they sent their savings and remittances homeward and kept up their ethnic allegiances. tr"rrrrr"tional social space already existed but it may have ben harder an it is now to maintain contacts across the ocean. Today technological changes have made it possible for immigrants to maintain closer and more frequent contact with their home societies. International business operations-in the new global economy are much more common. Telephones, emails and intemet-based telecom allow immigrants to keep in close touch with e family members, friends and buJiness p"rtrr"r, they left behind in the home country. wi greater uS toleranc for ethnic pluralism and multicult'ralism, maintining mrtiple identies and lyalties is now seen as a normal feature of immigrant life. Nowadays, too, a much higher proportion of these immigrants (e.g. Indins and chinese) arrive with advanced education, prfessional ikiils and so-etimes substantial amounts of financial capital that facilitate these transnational connections (Foner ry97: 36469). concept of transnationar comm"ty t also used by researchers -The who have studied transnationa nationalism. According t Kastoryano (zoo6), for example, Turkish transnational communities ive in a fourdimensional space: that of e immigration country the country of origin, the immigrant communities themselves and the transnational space of the European Union. The concept of 'long-distance nationalsm',(Anderson 1998) refers to the nation-state oideparfure, Turkey, which acts on its exiled population by way of language, religion and dual nationality. This nation-state tries to reinforce t ,i".r, ar-porribt" the loyalty of its nationals residing outsid.e its frontiers. But the tr"rrrrr"tional networks of migrant associations can bypass the states by acting directly on transnational European institutions. vy'e can observe the emergence of a transnational space, characterised by the dense interaction of actors belonging to different traditions (e.g. shmist and secular Tirrks, Alevis, Kurds, Lazes).It is a new space'oipolitical socialisation, one of identification beyond at of national societies. The EU has

r elir s<x'it 'tir r whit 'Jr t at ionll,pr <lvincial, y <'ivilian u eatt' cl lnt t t st t lt lir lt t ; t l and interact among themcop('t() glous and proi'ssiorralrtt'tworl<s tlrcrcby prornotingthe logic of supranationality. Flves, krr l(astoryano(zoo(>: 9o), the concept of diaspora is more aptly applled to populations scattered prior to the making of their nation-state, Etr'lt as )ews and Armenians, for whom nationalism refers to a mythi eel place, a territory to be recovered, a future state-building proiect. 'lris torc restricted meaning takes into account the extended history of diaporas who may have built their own nation-state after a lengthy period wltlrout a state, which is exactly the case of the fews, Greeks and Arrncnians. Nation-states emerged only in nineteenth- and twentiethcentury Europe, and these diasporas were already in existence a long tlme before that. Migrations occuled often after this state-building within the former reticular space of eir diaspora. But diasporas may lSohave emerged from the forced exile of religious or national minoritles of a nation-state after its creation (e.g. e Tutsis of Rwanda, Arsyro-Chaldeans or Kurds of Turkey, Tamil of Sri-Lanka, Tibetans of China). Such diasporas are organised around an unsettled nation-state problem; this is not e case of transnational communities that do not eontest the home or host nation-state. A transnational community is economically oriented, and its political interest is restricted to e migration policies of both its home and host country. There is, equally, another form of transnational community in which cross-border migrants, using a network of acquaintances, are continually circulating between their home place and a variety of host places to sell goods; this kind of quasi-nomadism requires e use of anoer concept, as discussed below.

2,j

Territories of movement

In the name of an anthropology of movement, Tarrius works in the tradition of analysing the emergence and development of new migratory forms in Europe, which have been studied by researchers since the r98os. Marseille is the observation site for e construction of these underground international economies dealing with licit or illicit products. A world of 'small migrants' - i.e. 'merchandise/goods conveyers' - is devoted to the transportation and trade of goods imported outside o' cial EU quotas of forgeries and smuggled goods, between the North African countries and France via Spain. They take advantage ofthe spa tial, economic and social closeness that exists between the south and the nor of ese Mediterranean countries due to the colonial and mi' gratory past of those spaces. Localist analysis must be overcome tc study those migrant societies that generate 'new cosomopolitisms',

' f, ]

M l ( i l i l i l i l ti l l N ti Atr

IR AS, ' l l A N S N A I ' l ()N A l

S l ' A (: l i 5 A N l r t l l \ 4 Ml i N l ' l ' l l rS

4t

whiclr rrowirrvisibrt',or. arc lrirltrurcr.tlispl;ryerl iir rrrixiry.,r,rrt,y irr rr.srrrr encounters bc'twccn tttobilt', ()r' lo11' lt'sssit.;rtly ,.r.lrrr.irg'[4forl)ri, lur.l o'identities oc:ur, thcn irrrrrrrrrr rlrr. .rr cuprrt.ily o'rrrurri'r. ,T::-^t::r Delonglng. 'Territories movement'.(Tarrius of zoor) rirrr< pracc th. whercg.*rs for consumption shippedout (for instance, are in the Maghreb) tlrt. to placesey are delivere-inwestern Europe, within which there urr, further undergroundeconomynetworks."y ,""_ ro ."r"o,trt., transnational communities,in so far as they link-"y ror-"riy th .olorir,,.t country where the migrants' community of origin is situatJa witt, tt,,, migrants' current residence.They are, however, actualryvery differe't. The transnationalcommunity essentiallymoves peoplewho are gorng to'sell'eir labourand sendpart of thir wages backto their community of origin in e form of rmittances.conversery, in the territory ot movement, the cross-borderentrepreneurs and nomads move witlr loadedup-on in their praceof origin to seil in s3$s different cities lney host country that ey are familiar with. Hang :t T: in some cases lived in the latter for a rengthyperiod, they have beenable to estabrish a helping network of ac,quaitanes ,,riport and ,' - the .informal notaries, ofTarrius (zoor:52-56). Theseintermediariestake commercialadvantage o'the wearthdiffer_ -.ir.J"tirrg ential between their place of origin and eir ost pt".", goodsbetweenpoo and rich .orrit i"r. Their expertiri ir, *ouirrg _ ir, moving goodsespecially by crossingbord.ers .ir.rr_u"rrtirrg"to"_ tion mechanismsof the s.tatel as iportant "rrd js for them of a Mexicanor Bolian,is within the migration field of "rlr" "*i""ir" a transnational community.Their host placesare only pots of passage or *f,"iorr, not placesof settlementand integr"ti". rn" nty Jrr.rrti"i'p". ro, em is the one of their origin, wfrncethey leave tr. ,r-r.,foJr;'trr"y return regularly,and,invest their, earning, "r". th"y ,,"r, .ir"ffy leave:it is their onry base.Their identitys not a diasporicone: it is a 'nomadic identity' based on 'partial and short-l.a rrffirr"tro' acquiredin the coursof the sening acvity [mtissage]' thrrgt;]ri.], they socialise'In their placeof origin, tt e inis b"r"d ;;-";ily and community ties, whereasin the host and transit places, wen-estabiished local intermediaries- informal notaries(Thrrius ioorl *itn ai;;;; perience- are needed: ""Thoseinformal notariesare interlocutorswho are very much va_ lorised by regionar and rocal,political and porice auorities who activelytake part in the life_in emerging mosquesin f"rg" Southern cities. They contribute to istitutionafising .rrr.otrolled areas, of land,s ends within Schengen space, such as

' "it 'st c, [ ] ar i, or s by those it lt 'nt i t . r l lllr lilr r tr t 'st 'lt r c lt 'rlt r ot t t r d zoot : 55) ( in B l t:i l y, Nlplt 's lt t t clit r M ilar r 'sst t llt r r lls. 'Tar r ius nothing is possibleand the smuggler canlth,,rrf thcir interrrnecliation selling places.These broG tnrirrtain his activity and presenceon the police powers, with r: ril;rirrtain relationships wlth local, political and as well as with their g1clalr.cpresentatives ofhe migrants' home states representatives, open trading and various underground netellgin,,* interests. reikr, 'hey sit astride numerous borders of norms and communities are po'll(,l tcrritories of movement and transnational inequalities, Ueed by globalisation and result from socioeconomic in the price of goods and fht.}, t*nd."to increase, such as differences lock narcges between countries of the North and of the Sou. They one of dominating and being tloir.rrtatesinto an asymmetrical situation, territories otnirrated. The base in the host country, although weak for on the contrary be strong for f ,nuu"*.nt (in e transit place), can, however, tfstrrnational communities (in the host place); in both cases, remains very significant and the rooting in the community of origin nay prevail over that in the country of setement o transit'

and of and 1,6 Originality valueof the concepts diaspora communitY transnational

over The value of the diaspora concept is that it shows sedmentation of communities dispersed roughout tlure, often a long period of time, These the world, whichvary considerably from one diaspora to another. the search for a certain cultural or relidiasporas are characterised by gious - at times even political - unity. They have been formed, over the Iuurr" of time, by several waves of migration, each of which could have cli'erent or several causes at once. It is this long-term sedimentation that makes a diaspora. This is not the case either for transnational comlamunities, which ave been formed recently in response to a call for on an underground economy' Each lrour, or for smugglers depending diaspora member, wherever he or she may be' adjusts his or her own eultural and social unity to the local and national features, with integration characterising intergenerational traiectories: he or she produces For mtissages. instance, reek-Americans are dilerent from those living in Canada or Australia because their various migration trajectories .J-birr" with the integration policies of these different states. The frst, second or third generations, in turn, produce their own different types ,mixities' within each of these host countries. There are several ways of to keep one's identity in exile and dispersion, as diasporas firmly rooted in eir various places of settlement have taught us' They have an

&

4Il

Ml :l It1.l rH lrN l i ^ll

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4q

(' ex c ept io a ly n b o l i ca n c l' i c o o g r p h i c' i rl )i tllll ral nral rl exl l rerrrl o rt' s * produce and then overcomethe obstaclt'o lltt' olerr corrsidr.ralllc distancethat separates their communities. 'l'lris synrlrolicttrpital livcs on, particularly in shared memory. So the relationships between diasporas and space or tcrritories have their own specificities. Belonging to a diaspora implies being able to live simultaneously on the transnational world scale, e local scale o' the community and the scale of the host or home country thereby combining the three scaleswhilst privileging one or two of these. This combination differs from one indidual to another, according to their position in the genealogy of generations. For instance, the first generation, those who were born and have lived in the society of origin, tend to pri vilege the local scale of the host country and the national scale of the home country where they lived before their migration. The second generation takes into account more often the local and national scales of the host country, where ey were born and have lived and, sometimes, the transnational scale; the third generation, in search of its origins, moves on two or three of these scales. A diaspora is a patchwork of families, communies and religious networks integrated in a territory by a nation-state, within its borders. These patchworks of families, clans, villages, cities, etc., are contained inside the borders of this nation-state where circulation, and exchanges are easier inside than with the outside. The nation-state ceates an arbitrary limit between the networks inside it and those that are outside. Diasporas, however, cannot benefit from this extraordinary tool ofintegraon. They function, as previously mentioned, as a hinge between dierent spaces and diferent geographical scales. Their networks belong to each of the host countries as well as to a trans-state diasporic network. Their global network, with its economic, cultural, social and political functions, can play the stabilising role that nation-states cover less and less. Through migration, diaspora members have lost their material relationship to the territory of origin, but they can still preserve their cultural or spiritual relationship through memory. Territory or, more precisely, territoriality - in the sense of adapting oneself to a place in the host country - continues to play an essential role. Memory preserves part of territoriality, whilst the trauma of uprooting ceates conditions of mobilisation that can play a substantial role in integrating and unifying various family, religious or community sub-networks into a real diaspora. The construction of commemorative monuments. sanctuaries. monasteries and other syrnbolic (and sometimes functional) places is an essential means, for the members of a diaspora, of a re-rooting in the host country.

entreand cross-border tratlstttigrants Urrlikc Ptuplt. <l'tlrt' cliaspora, social network despfellcrlrs or srnugglers do not seek to establish a richness of a iin"cl to last or a transnational social group based on the one generation to e lyrnbolic capital and a memory transmitted from their home viliext. They seek first and foremost to build a house in to do so in their place ieta.',na i-b th" social ladder there, and then 0'scttlement if such a place exists. Transmigrants are far too dependent as 6il their community of origin and on their host country to become sociai group to which ,O.f"tta"ttt as people of e diaspoa ae' The and the netitrey'belong often dos not exceedthe community of origin diaspora have the feelwoih of its=migrants, wheeas the people of the e world' lng of belonging to a naon-in-exile, dispersed throughout like the Turkish one, bering an ieal But rransnational communities, which aprt sonetimes the bearers of a transnational nationalism, actos and tries to influpears with the interactions of their direrent Dual ence the nation-state of their origin and that of their settlement. the framework of a transnanationality and migratory circulation within "the U f"uont the emergence of new trans-border itnl ,"gion like com-nttiti"t diering from e long-term diasporas' that enIt is, in my vieW ihis relationship to places and territories and transnationalism. ebles us to distinguish between diasporism and someDiaspora implies a riery strong anchoring in the host country or is not accessible (as with the tlmes, when-the home country is lost break with it. Greeks of Asia Minor, Armenians or Tibetans), a clear-cut by the creation^of territorial This is compensated, in e host country the link markers, places of memory favoured by an'iconography' fixing some kind of autonomy from host with the home country. That gives to the end origin societies to e diasporic social formation compaled spaces and territories of motransnational community. In transnational need to be reUry ,fri, break does not take place, nor is there the territory. Any particular family has two rooted elsewhere on the host domi parallel lives in tvvo or more nation-states: the home country is the family has migrated, are dominated and the host countries, where 'always been nant. In the autochthonous model, the fact of having is based, means at identity is conthere,, on which the nation-state period of ttructed in close connection wi place over a greater or lesser diaspora, identity pre-exists place and tries time. on the contrary in a Individuals or to re-create it, to remodel it, in order to reproduce itself. live in places at they have not-themselves communities in diasporas ey will laid out and that are suffused wi other identities. As such, place, one that is redolent of their home try to Set up their very own of ptr.u *irtti" the bosom of which their identity, that of their kinfolk, , formed. De-territorialisation goes with, or is ihcir ancestors, has been bl lowed bv, re-territorialisation.

Chapter 3 transnational of Thedynamics migrants' mobilityand locality Between formations:

JanineDahnden

forms of transnational Mobilityand its effects:Different formations

flaCe the early r99os, studies on transnationalism have proliferated ,lAd transnationalism has become one of the fundamental ways of unthratanding contemporary practices taking place across national bor&ts, especially when speaking of migrants. There are a number of ?ly to classify or systematise e vast body of work discussing the tnsnational practices or belongings of migrants (for an excellent relAt overview see Levitt & faworslg zooT). Following Vertovec and dters, one can systematise this body of knowledge as a function of dilensions or domains of transnationalism, such as e economy, polican also distinet, culture or religion (see e.g. Vertovec r99q'One practices, or bedurable transnational $tish between occasional and veen different generations of migrants (Portes, Guarnizo & Landolt t999). Or again, one can differentiate e various types of transnational :ial spacesdevelopedby migrants (Faist 1999; Pries zooS). For the pupose of this chapter, I propose anoer way to look at lnsnational formations: migrants' transnational pracces, spaces and r,rys of being will be analysed by taking into account mobility and localy,My central agument is at transnational formations result from a Cmbination of transnatonal mobilty, on the one hand, and locality in ihc sendngor/and receivingcountry, on the other Moblily is to be underItood here as the physical movement of people in transnational space. means being rooted or anchored - socially, economically or poliLocatty cally - in the country of immigration and/or in the sending country it means developing/having a set of social relations at specific places. Looking at transnational formations as e effect of e combination of these two dimensions - mobility and locality - provides interesting inBights into e multiplicities of forms of existence. To date, social scientists have not, I maintain, sufficiently incorporated the concepts of mobility and locality into their analyses of

- I '! -

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lr lt ns lr l tl i o ttlltl tttg t' tttt' ttl s)t' g rc r' s rrrol rrl rl ly tttl l. o r;rvr, i rrrp.;r.l i rrrl ;rrr rrrr pac t on th c d i i ' rc rrtw a y s i n w l ri c l ro rrt,t.;rrr l x,;r rr.;rrrsrurri on;rl gr;rrrt rrri m igr ants s e ttl e di n th e i r n e w c o ri rtrycrr,vr,l ' p rrrs ol r> rr.l rrrsp;rr.rr,rl s pac et h a t a re d i ffe re n t fro m th o s e o ' nri gnrrrts orgugc< Jn r:orrri rrrr.ri :. i to the constraints and opportunities of the contexts. the l ocl rl i ti r r.r.;rrirrr.,. , in which they find themselves.The contexfualconditions that i.rrt.rrr, th9 eqe-rselce of specific transnationar spacesdepend on sociar, lxrrrrr cal and legal factors, and this at both end-sof thehain - in the irrrrrrr gration as well as the emigration context (see e.g. Ar-Ali, Back & r(rs,,r zoor). cultural, socio-economicand political cnstraints brock ct,rrrrrr possibilities for transnational action and foster others. I further maintain that aspects of locarity inmoblrity or mobility i, .heen locality - have not suficiently theorised. t' fact, *" t,,, faced here with a kind of paradox in order to be abre to -igt, steymoie it i,, necessary for migrants to develop some local ties and to e embecrcrt,rl in specific localities. That is an important element of what Trrirr; (zooz) calls 'savor bougel. circulating business persons as well as s. called 'suitcase traders', for exampre,eed to know where to ry ,,,,t sell their products; they need to eitablish locar links in order to b abrr, to circulate again in the future. In a similar vein, sedentarisation dor.s not mean-that migrants;top-m9ng altogether,as ey might go ba<lr regularly for holidays or family obhgtionsl Thus, transnatioar r"ru,,ments are maintained or even enforced through mobility. In this sen.st,, 'roots and routes' (clifford rg94b) are both present in different trarrsn.tional formations, but they may appear n direrent combinations. Finally, it is important to note that mgrants can and often do changt, their transnational ways of being ou".-" course of time: mobile migrants can settle down or vice versa, and ese changes affect the ways in which ey are transnational. clearly- the appearance of transnational formations depends not onry on e physical mobility of the migrants. people *ho phfrr."ry mobile can develop transnational practices as well, as "r. "ot with th e"ar.rpt., of transnational social movemerts (Derla porta, Andretta, Mosca & Reiter zoo6). And we know that the mobility - or better, circulation ofrepresentations, ideas, goods and services across and. within nationar boundaries is of great importance for the production ."pro.tior, of transnational spaces. These forms or muinty are "tta of ,p".ial i.rr"r"* whgn we analyse e fpe of, and motivations for, transnational actions and subjectivities. This chapter starts with a discussion of ideal types of transnational practices as a function of the combination of differt forms of physicar 'from mobility and locality. I then take three concrete exampres Switzerland - cabaret dancers, Albanian-speaking migrants and

lryi1,io?"I linked

Lrqrf'rdLrv'dr

LrrLuraLl'n. circulation. However, transnariorral Flowever, transatlotal practiccs practi

mobilitY a r r d cvolvt 'dt lvc'rt lt c year sat r clt o illust r at cthe ways nal section' I present concluioealiryplay a crucial rolc. In the generalnature. ol'lt rtt<lrc

r i a t ts

havc: l o l tttl tl yst' l r o w d i l t'r t'r tl l r l ttl stta ti tl tr a l lr nt at ions

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the Investigating articulations and locality: Mobility

four different ideal types lng tlrtl dimensions of mobility and locality, Following Weber (r99r [r9o4])' I th transrr"tional are identiable. sond them as a means for both grasping and conceptualising here-is- thus.intended as an abstract plrcnomena. An ideal type Furthermore' it 1,.orrr,rrr.,ed for the purpose of theory-building'

ideal types are iUtpun"tt, to stressthat the differencesbetweenthe transnqtional diasponc forrnacall locqlsed tdtral,The frst type I will low physicalmobility and a high degreeof by t is characteiised mobletransnq'tonal Ioalised formatic.s.The secondtlpe is cIed, mobility and high locality'My third type combining high physical concerningpeoplewho ar,9hlehll momobiles, i:rviir ."rr transq'tinq Iinally'.I ytt,caU of local anchorage' *tu Ur, havea low degree "o?t?,?' of migrants who display both low mobility that gup I outsders ideal low degree of cal-anchorage.The main features of ese
in Table 3.r. !pex are illustrated to aod som words about this typology' Other solars ' It is necessary formations' too' Faist (tggg' fuve developeddeal types of transnational presented three types of transnational social ioou;, for instance, knshp groups,,trensnaiJn..r' and disnguished between transnqtional ;g'is tlpology provides interl{anul crcuts andirqnsnational. communtes. the production of transnational spaces by focusing Jitng irrrig6ts into esources embedded in social ties (such as reciprocity' exca piirt "rysolidarity) and by showing eir different outcomes' Faist did ,hung" or and their impact on the apn, io*"u"t, .onrid", *obtity and localty it is one of the iarrrrr." of transnational social spaces' Furthermore' of transnational foruin ,rg"*ents of this chapter at the dynamics we will concentrate on f!&tions merit more attention. For our puposes, And again' we focus th" prorrrruol' dmensionsof transnational pattern' high relevance in ese n mobility and locality, dimensions of Processes.

transnational diasporic formations 1,2.1 Loalised mobility with high This first tlpe combines low levels of transnational levels of local ancholevels of locl anchorage in the receiving and low develop this kind of iage in e sending .ont y. Groups of people who

\4

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l(: s ()l r Mt (; t { A N l s

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55

t r ans na ti o n a i ty a v c c x p r:ri c n c t' d nr.-w i ryrrri p,r,;rri ori h o i n tl rt.i r.;rrrrrl v f r ?p l a c eo f o ri g i n to a n e w c o u url y,l i rr.r 1,..r' l ri rl;rrs<a sr,6rrtr;11, rs l ". migration to a third or fourth country. il.wr.vr,r.,trit,y cl,'ot ci't.rrr,rr' betweenthe new country and the homera'd; ttrt,y- arrcr their or's'rrrrli - are settled in the new host country and may have been there rr 1ir.rr eratioas. They have become citizens (with all ihe rights attached l, rrrr:,) yd fey are socially and economicaily integratedln the new corrrry For this reason, I will call them .localised,. Furthermore, this ideal tlpe is rabened 'diasporic' because it irt.rr.l,,, rates different core elements identified in e literature on diasP,rr, transnational formations {Brubaker zoo5; Clifford. ry94b; Cohen r,,,,;,,, Dufoix zoo5; Trilolyan 1996). Frst, ,disporic, can e used to srlirr,rl one of the possible ways of feeling transnational and acting a, ,,,, l, Second, one can use e term .diasporic' when actors conscourly 1,,,, ceive and dene themselves as _subjectively a group of spatialry trr; persed persons. They speak of emselves as 'dispoias', meani'g rtr,rt they have developed a'diasporic subjectivity'or way. rx. longing" and are characterisedby an orieniation":di"rporic to a ar or iagrrr,,,l homeland, while maintaining eir ethnic, nationar or religious b,rrrr,,l aries over generations. The time factor is important here; we are talking aboutlongue. tlttr,,, boundary maintenance. The idea of 'boundaries' ha come to p"ray,, r.,.y role in important new lines of scholarship across e social scit,rrrt.r, and has been theoretically elaborated. and mpirically tested in rclrrri,rr to different categorical groups: class, genderr ethnicity, for exlrrr'r. (see Lamont & Molnr zooz). For our purposes, it is important t. rr'rt, that the result of physical mobirity might'be dispersion, but th.r rrrr,; does not automatically lead to the formaon of -cailed trarrsr,rt,,,,,,,t ethnic or religious communities wi a homeland orientation, ror. r{l boundary maintenance (Barth r969) involving the preservation o':r trrr, tinctive identity vis--vis the host society an a zubjective belit, rrr ,r common origin (Weber 1996 frgzzl). Migrants can be transnulirrr;rl without participating in ethnic or rerigious oundary-making or rr'rirrrr. nance. gronps or .groupness,(Brubake, ,oo4i conrt, irrt, -'Bounded' being through conscious and organsed efforts by g.nerations arrtr rrr,l works of people, and especialryby their culturI, sociar and f.,iiri.,,t elites. Such efforts involve an attachment to prace and a grourr,ri,,1=i,,, place:they-alsorequire necessary resourcesin terms of hnjuistic, rr;rrr cial and other forms of capital. In order to develop and maintain such diasporic 'grouprrt.ss', rrrr. main actorsof the diasporamust interact crosery with irstitriti.rrs,1i,,v e nm ent s , n e tw o rk s a n d k e y p e rs o n si n the hosl .,rrrrrr.y, s' rrr,ri rrrr,r, t hey als o b u i l d u p n e tw o rl < s i th i n tc rr rl rti orurl tr;urrrral i orri rl w or' i rrsl i trr t ions in o rd c r to l < l b l tyrn rl tl o o l l rt,r.;r rl i l i r;rl orl i . l i vt.ry(l i l y l w trr.l w (tl \l i

it as mrr divcr si cd t lt 'r t nso 'r 'llr r r icily r <'ligion, t hey ar e inor r t ''lr slruclurcts. s<lcial Inlo tlrt' l<lcal This docs not, however,prevent fiorn lx'ing lransnationally active through the mobilisation of represcntationsbased upon symbolic ethnicity (Gans 1979) or , llrt.rcby embedding themselves wiin institutionalised transI rrclworl<s. As contemporary examples we could cite the n dilspora, but also l(urds in Germany, Tamils in Europe and nl g t t H. '

it beto sense distinguish thir point in my argument, rnigfu1make eyrrlxrlicand socialboundary-making, Lamont and Molnr as I 16l) have proposed.Symbolic boundariesare categorisation They peopleand practices. lty ntx'ialactosto distinguishobjects,
beilx that individuals and groups struggle over and use to agee de{irritions of reality. Soialboundariesare objectified forms of so' dlf'erenccs manifested in unequal accessto, and unequal distribu, rexorrrces (material and non-material) and social opporfunities. trattsttational formations of diasporic character imply symbolic dery.rrrakingand maintenance on the basis of ethnicity or religion, do trol involve social boundary-making. Everyday networks are not erint'cl by ethnic or religious social boundaries. As we will see, l: au inrportant diference between this and the next ideal type. 2 mobile transnatonal Loalised formations idcal type is characterised by more elements of mobility, eerorrrl tlrc scdentary aspects refirain highly relevant. We are faced

high Bllrrrrlluncously levelsof rnobilityand high levelsof local an-

irr rt'ceiving and sending countries. Migrants representing this tylr lrlvc themselves experienced migration or rrray be secondliorr rrrigrants.They move regularly back and for between the corrrrlry lttd the place of origin: for holidays, famrly obligations, ltrexx irrrd s<l<ln. ln the European context, \Mecan think of the sogrrrsl workr:rs who arrived after World War II. Generally speak tlrey;rlt' irrrtnigrants who maintain ties with their countries of ori, trrakirrg hotrtc und host society a single arena for social action by b;rck rrrrclrrth across international borders. These migrants tL:lpale irr, ;rttclcr('il(a specifc type of, transnationalityby exploiting lel r alrit;rl(lourdictr r9lo) basedmainly on the principle of fami\ 1, to a l er r r er '( 'xl( 'rt'llt r t ic - soliclar ig and r ecipr ocit y. t ll; t l ti s rrr ovir r g r cklt nt l ir r 'llris or r t , o 'lht . cr it er ia hat dist inguish his or llt r 'lt t t 'vir t t t s t r '.( ) llr . t r llr r . r r r igr ant s house or have a eel typ" l 'or r r ' tad 1,rrlxr llr ) in llt e cot r r r lt yol oiip, it r ,t lnlikc ir r lht ' r st ideal t ype lt . . I & car, l l ar r Er r ; r lr onrrlrlivt lier r avl a t lr r r lir r t lur nily clr ir r lclt 'r Yct , t hese lr ; lr lr r . ally. r t r r or r 'r lir i llt e it t t t t t t p, t ; t li'ttt, r t t t ll'y,lr s t hey * l tgttalioir . r ls

hav e t hei r p ri n c i p a l rt:s i d c n c crn a i n l y i rr tl rt.rrt.w roi rrrl l y.Ot' rr tl rt,y are naturalisedin the new country, thr.y t.irrrrllreir rrrorrt'ytlrcre ancl their children grow up with them in the new plact'. Ltx irlily is an important resource for building up a transnational projcr:t; in order to d<r business in transnational spacesone needs resources,so resourcesar(' a sign of being 'rooted' in the new country (as important as financial start-up capital). Their locality, however, compared to the first type, is less long-lived. Their transnational pattens are built upon the simultaneity of mobility and sedentariness in two dierent geographical spaces. We could also say that they are integrated in networks within both sending and receiving countries. However, here transnational actions are less conditioned by collective epresentation of ethnicity or religion, and conducted mainly through e family networks: remittances, but also other goods and services circulate through these social networks between the receing and sending countries. Sometimes we can find collective ethno-nationalist boundary-making, for instance, through participation in migrant associations. But while symbolic boundary-making based on ethnicity may be pesent, social boundaries are almost always evident: domestic networks are often constrained by ethnic and/or class boundaries. This is a phenomenon that is sometimes referred to in the literature as 'ethnic stratification', meaning that specific ethnic groups are placed in the lowest strata in the new society. mobiles 3.2.3 Transnational With our third ideal tFpe, we have people who are more o less permanently on the move, with low levels of local anchorage in the receiving country. In this case, we are no longer dealing with long-term, seted migrants in the Simmelian tradition (r9o8) - 'The stranger who comes today and stays tomorrow' * but a constant and continuous form of circular mobility. The central element here is that mobility becomes an integral part of migrants' life strategies. This tlpe of migrant does not leave his o her country with the aim of settling in another country but tends to stay mobile in order to maintain or improve his or her quality of life. One may think here, first of all, of highly skilled professionals executives, international ocials, managers in multinational companies, the 'transnational elite' (Sklair zoor) for whom the willingness to move frequently can be viewed as a professional asset. But this type of mobility is also widespread among people who are by no means highly skilled and do not hold highly skilled jobs. Trrius (zooz) speaks of the new nomads who, by creang circular territories, can simultaneously belong here and there. He describes, for example, how Algerians contribute to a thriving economic exchange between Marseille, France, and Belgium, Italy and Spain, involving a wide variety of goods, notably

( '( luipl l( 'nt'l'hcy ar c not ' 's t , k, l tOU nt.l rolcl ct r icr lalt plilt r r t : t or clt 't 'lr ot t it l miirr tlrc scnsc:o' trartsnationalsedentarised hnic: untKrprcr(urs cntrepreneurs. They are not aiming for success Gcnts, but nomadic in France, Italy, way o- their native town, nor do they want to settle else. Mobility is precisely the capital that is iwiizcrland or anyrvhere Practices of'shute leeded for transnationalism ofthis kind to develop. polish women (Morokvasic zoo'\, or 'suitcase tradlgr.tion' among follow the !i po**t te valisel of Tunisian wor-nen.(Schmoll,zoo5) a commercial activity that basically depends, on these lrre. pti".iple: itity skills and physical movement. To take another examryomen's enclave to -t Dle, Moroccan women (Peraldi zooT) cross the Ceuta order to sell garments made in China, while also carrying iroro..o in household gods and food items, and selling them c-.ti.t, laewhere. imThe distinctive thing about is model of transnationalism is the portance of what *" r, call 'mobility capital' for the people involved. 'Notrtrty,their social capital is not based on stong family or ethnic relaare tlons but on \Meakrelations (Granovetter 1973): trust and solidarity with friends and acquaintances rather than close relatives' To bUilt up with local itay *Uit., however, the migrants have to develop networks this way, mobile lctors o institutions wiin their circulatory spaces. In migrants also need to create 1ocalfootholds to some exlnd circulating as with ttnt. Some develop a collective eno-nationalist consciousness, (who could be lome 'traditional' nomadic groups, such as e Roma participate in classied within this ideal type). Others, however, do not that are ethnic o, religious boundary-making. Here we find orientations space, arked by th". professional activities conducted in transnational boundry-making (symbolic or social) taking place more along with "rry professional lines. outsiders 3,2.4 Transnational

and, at The last ideal type is characterised by low transnational mobility Europe, asythe same time, low degree of local anchorage. Typically in and lum seekers, recently rrived migrants from non-EU countries migrants do Sometimes even legai refugees epresent this type' These counnot circulate betwen their country of origin and the immigraon in- the home try often because circulation is cut off due to persecution to travel cuntry and, more generally, because they do not have the right - and again due to their legal siatus as asylum seekers. Simultaneously or other because of thelr legal status - their often limited accessto iobs to local emresources in the immigration country forms an obstacle ,beddedness. Studies frm Switzerland, for instance, show that asylum geekers are often not integrated within Swiss society, even though they

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Having introduced the typology, it can now be illustrated by means of three case studies. The first involves a professional group, cabaret danCers,while the second concens Albanian- speaking migrants from former Yugoslavia and e third, Armenians in Switzerland. The aim is to bring to light the processualdimensions of transnationality by asking the iollowing: how does each ideal tlpe evolve and which factors influence e emergence, installation and disappeaance of the populations under studyl Also of interest here is how mobility and locality shape these different transnational formations. in 3.3.1 Cabaretdancers Switzerland

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In Switzerland today, we can nd virfually no Swiss citizens dancing in any of the 35o cabarets throughout the country cabaret dancers ale ex,clusively migrant women. Around 6,ooo cabaret dancers enter (and leave) the country each year. Whereas in the r98os, half the dancers

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(o c i, r r ( ' l ro rn u rl .i (' s i rr W c s l r.r.rr rrl .1x.,ry l1 l -r,o5 l l ri s gtrn, l urtl rl r, c lined to 2 p e r c (' rt.' l b d u y ,;rl l o rrr rrt' r,t;rrrr.rr' ,.* ,, yu,,,,g rl t1,,' * ,,,,," ,, c om e fro m a s te rn E u ro p c a n d rl rt. rti sr i < l rrr (i ' rrtrul arci s,rrrrr America and Asia. These dancersreprcs(,t hr:tcr.gcnc'us gr.r1r a ;rrrrl embody a particular form of female mobility that corespond, lu ,,,,, ry pology to the transnqtionalrnobles. However, as we will se, thcrt,;rr. some women who could be considered trqnsnationa.l outsd.ers, ;trur others who could be viewed as moving towards other transnari'r;rl forms.' Let us first turn to e question of how the dancers become lrrrrl stay - mobile. Three elements can be highlighted: the dancers,ecoorl ic moivations, specific characteristicsof the transnational sex indusrrv and dancers'legal situations in switzerrand. I would like to disr.rrs:. each ofthese factors in detail. The reasons motivating dancers to become mobile are without exct,rr tion economic, and their mobirity can be considered as an..ono,,,, strategy.These women's economic aspirations can be put into practirr, and implemented thanks to transnational netwo.ks an people already involved in e transnational sex industry. The women'wh come ro work as nightclub dancers in switzerland are mainry recruited rry friends or acquaintances who already have some experience in the sr.x industry in migration terminology, we are talking abut a kind of chairr migration (Fawcett 1989).-Acqlaintances play an important role as gobetweens to the agenciesthat find jobs aie dancers. No dancer is directly engaged by a cabaret in Switzerland; the cabarets work throuslr agencies that present them with photos and short descriptions of ti. prospective dancers. cabaret ownes then choose the women they wanl to hire and it_is the agencies that arrange the papers and contracis, als<r taking care of visas for e women. Placement agents - e second link in the chain after acquaintances - are embedded in transnational networks of nightclubs land perhaps other services within e sex industry), and can terefore pl"c" ih" *omen in different countries. we shouk note that is explains t o* ro-" of e dancers become transnationar players through mobility. A good third of the women interviewed had keady work as dancrs in another country - many in fapan, others in Lebanon, South Korea, Bulgaria, Italy or Australia - so they are, in a sense, 'worrd traveners,. It should be further noted that it is not only the networks of placement agencies that give e sex industry its transnational charact"" bt..rt the local demand for migrant sex workers. In our intervews, "lro nightclub owners mentioned that there was a specic demand by crients io, *omen from Eastern Europe because they are well educated,3 tan and They are regarded as the upper class, among sex workers. !19n1e Ethnicised and'racialised' gender reprsentations circulate worldwide

lt t a fate t lt 't r ur t t tlir t wot t t t 't twit lr s1x't 'i t "lt xr l<s',t d llr t 'scct llnic char tt ir r ur gir ur r it 'st lt kt 't t l) l) lt ll r l lh<' t r ansr r at i<lnal act crof * l el l al

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nlly,tlrt, lt'gislationin Switzcrlandwith regardto permits for these o'darrct'rs brccs the women to be continuously on the move and torrlrillutcs to the mobile character of their transnationality. dsrrr't'rsrcceive specific short-term residencepermits, commonly permit'. At present, this permit is granted for a s ir 'cJuncer's rr o'cight months a yea, after which time the dancer has to witzt,rlandfor four months before she can come back to work in a , Ocn women come to Switzerland for several years, returning or llavclling elsewhere for a few months, us circulating around flkrbe, In addition to this global circulation, these women move every h to a different cabaret within Switzerland as e contract tying to ortt: particular cabaret generally lasts for only one month. In.ckrpth analysis reveals how, in order to be able to continue to , llrc dancers develop local footholds, at least sporadically, in the context. Dancers are in very precarious situations because oftheir tory trajectories - limitations imposed by their residence status, of' knowledge of the national languages and of their rights - and ntr(preneurial transnational operating space available to them is

em constantlyon the boundarybetweenlegality this leaves 'lctecl; of After variouscases exploitationwere publicly lllegal exploitation.

in Switzerland, regulations were put into place to spell out the ment and residence conditions for cabaret dancers, aimed at ing these women from illegalities and exploitation. These regulanotwithstanding, however, almost all cabaret dancers engage, at om time to time, in activities that do not appea in their work ntrect, or that are explicitly forbidden. They work longer hours and ore requently than their contract allows; they break the rules by en!Uraging customer:s to drink alcohol (chiefly champagne), as they are etr given a percentage of the ca ownet's margin on alcohol sales; Fd thcy oer sexual services both during working hours and in their e tirne, something they are also not allowed to do. The dancers thus nd themselves in a legal vacuum that places em beyond e reach of ntrols or legal protection and in the informal sector of the economy. It lr important to note, however, that dancers make their principal fi*acial gains through the additional services that they offer illegally.a In Ctort, this is where these women's economic incentives often lie, for in fret these activities are undertaken to some extent on their own initiadve, demonstrating the economic nature of their mobility and their enpreneurial ethos.

We should bear in mind, however,that e story is more subtlean betweenlaw and practicein the dancers It may seem.The discrepancy

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wor l( l i tyl l s o l x ' tl rt' rt' s u l to to t' t' ti orr w l rrl l rr.txl t' nrrrri rrg orrr r' orrl s ide pr e s s u re s r s i tu a ti o rt ' c l t' p t' r rtl t' rrry t.xphri l ;tl i orr rt' l rl i ol r to o o ol i rr c abar e t a n a g e rs p l a c e me n t g c n c i t ' s (,v(,n i r,nl s.W l tt,rrl l ri s i s l l rrm , a or' rl case,the dancersfind themselves an incxtriculrk'siluttion arrd llrt,r,r,, in conditions are a serious barrier to their mobility. Most o'the dnrrr.r:; are, so to speak,walking a tightrope. This is particularly true for wotr(.rl who come to Switzerland for the first time. A considerable portiort ol the dancers come to Switzerland 1'ustonce and never eturn. These wo men do not develop along e transnational ruobIes type, but rather, rrr tersect with the fourth t)?e: transnational outsiders. Finally, somc ol them simply fall outside e transnationalism paradigm: they movr. once, they stay once, elrn and then stop circulating. V/e might ask, en, what are e conditions that enable some w() men to profit from a situation that we could label 'opporfunist capitrrl ism'? In order to be able to exploit these opporfunities in this legal grt,y area, women must establish a whole series of vertical, locally anchon.tl relations. The women who are able to exploit the uncertainties of thcir situations and achieve their economic ambitions are the ones who, rrr the course of their stay in Switzerland, manage to create and build rrlr social capital consisting mainly of weak es with (good) agencies, (dr, cent) cabaret ownes, clients, non-government organisations and othcl dancers. This allows them to accessa wide range of important informr" tion, and their various contacts help them increase their income antl deal with the precarious natue of their situations. They can avoid exploitation and stay mobile, and they get to know where they can eanl the most money with the fewest risks. These dancers come back agairr and again to Switzerland, while also leaving to go dance in other countries. In other words, this kind of local anchorage is a condition for staying mobile; Iheir 'savoir bougel is conditioned on getting to know thc right people in the immigration country. As we have noted, however, not all women circulate and none o' them circulates forever, as cabaret dancing is a job that can be donc only by younge women. While some women go back, others try to settle in Switzerland through marriage (the only way open to them). Some of those interviewed in our study were married in Switzerland, and may well have been in the couse of developing different relations to the country of immigration that would place em within another transnational pattern. In further specifying the trqnsnatonal moble type, iI is important to state that while they establish local footholds in Switzerland, they must at the same time maintain transnational ties in order to be able to continue to circulate. Dancers eturn home on a regular basis, and some dancers regularly send remittances to their children or to their families at home. We could speak in this case of transnational families dispersed

llr :pce, r, r r r plr usisir r g t , ir <t lhr t t lr is idt 'r l t yPc, likc t ypc t lut r t bcr kinship obligat ions. will it r rlt r clc t r at r snat ional r.;rrur r d r r sr r ally f,' danr.crswith rrrorcindividualiscdprojectsalso send their money but thcy intcnd to invest t later in their country of origin, mostly lltt' iclca of building up a small business. Again, what counts is rrrolrility is used her in order to improve lifestyle and social standt l tom e. lnally, it is important to note that we did not find any kind of ethnic interviewed. lUp firmation processestaking place among the women can be important for these women, but it is expressed on an Jal level and there was no collective ethnic group-making among Russians or the Ukrainians or other dancers on nationalist grounds. in nature and fily .ottr".t in Switzerland was essentially professional so on. Tansnational netfuL ptr." with oer dancers, clients and on the other hand, were either of a family character o estabindustry. khe.l *ittt oe actors embedded in the transnational sex migrantsin Switzerland Albanian-speaking

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of Albanian&klng a historical perspective on the migration pocesses it is interesting to note that lpeskng migrants from former Yugoslavia, it .rn ot r"*" different types of transnationality that have developed In fact, we can titr the course of is group's migration to Switzerland. above. In a first phase, g*ntify several of the ideal types discussed circulating be#banianr arrived as temporary and seasonal workers, as in the third ideal type *reen Switzerland and their places of origin, families to dl:cussed above. Later on, they seted down, brought their transnatona.Itype. Finally, Sfltzerland and developed a localisedmobile Ver the last few years, we have witnessed the emelgence of elements diasporctransnationalforunations. localsed Until the r9-8or, Albanians who arrived in Switzerland from former lfugoslavia as seasonal workers were mostly young men' They- came jobs and often fforn rutal and poor regions, worked mainly in unskilled Their objective was to earn llved in barracks with other foreign workers. lAgney to overcome economic hardship at home and to return after a fWyears to their families. At that time, their transnational way of being wes marked by mobility in many ways. First of all, they had a seasonal prmit at forced them - like the dancers - to circulate between 'Switzerland and their homeland; after nine months of work in witzerland, they had to leave the country for at least three months' econd, e migrants often did not migrate only to Switzerland, but Worked in other countries as well (e.g. Germany) or in the northern republics of former Yugoslavia (e.g. Slovenia). Their radius of circulation included thus dierent regions andlor countries (Schierup 1995; Mesic

64

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ll(ANNArrrrr\/\l

(' r 992) .' l ' h i fd , tl rt' ya rri v t' di n Sw i l z t' r' l :rrrrl rrllyrtougl ri t((l l l i ti nl i l n( r' i , rrr;ri l neighbo u rs o r o th c r i rrn i l y rrro rrl rcl s w l ro l ul trrrl 4ctl l s rr tl rr,rtr. fol A gain, a s i n th e c a s eo f th e d a n c c rs ,t l rt' yoi crr crrrrr,l xrcl < lw or' k or t< the same enterprise the following year, lravirrgt.slablishcdlocal irol holds that allowed them to stay mobile while maintaining the epccrrllr, of their life in Kosovo. Fourth, we are dealing here with transnatiorr;rl families, as the wives or e children of the workers stayed behirrrl (Dahinden zoosa, zoojb; Von Aarburg zoozl. A fifth and nal element deserves special attention. In the first phlst, of migration, no strong Albanian ethnic or national group formatiorl could be identied, nor were these workers categorised by the Swiss p<r pulation as 'Albanians'; ey wee seen simply as Yugoslavs. This is mir rored, for instance, in the fact that it was not vrrIll r97g that the first Albanian association, Perparimi, was founded as a section and its meetings were held in the already existing premises of the Yugoslav Association in Zurich. Soon, however, the transnational formations of the group in questiorr started to change. From the r98os on, the political and economic situation in former Yugoslavia overall, and specifically in Kosovo, deteriorated drastically. In the afterma of Tito's death in r98r and the abohtion of Kosovo's autonomous status in 1989, the ensuing political unrest directly increased emigration pressues. At the same time, with the shift in immigration policies in Switzerland, and specifically with the implementation of the 'three circles' model in r99r,5 the recruitment o' workers from former Yugoslavia was no longer possible. These immigants wee now categorised as members of the third circle and had no right to obtain work permits. As of that moment, immigration to Switzerland from former Yugoslaa was possible only through seeking asylum or through family reunification. Confronted not only with economic hardship, but also with increasing political unest at home, the Albanian workers slowly abandoned their plans for returning and decided instead, whenever possible, to bring their families to Switzerland. Meanwhile, many of these workers had experienced a kind of 'permit career'; after a few years as seasonal workers, they received an annual permit at entitled them to bring their wives and children to Switzerland and, later on, a residence permit, a mechanism that has been very accurately labelled 'the seasonal"opensesame"'(Leuenberger & Maillard ry99: zz). As a consequence, since 1989 there has been a steady increase in the Albanian population from former Yugoslavia in Switzerland through chain migration, and a feminisation of the migration flow has been observed(Piguet zoo5). This was thus the first sign of the development of a locqlisedmobile trransnationallly.Albanians did not stop circulating between their piace of origin and Switzerland; such movements were interrupted only by

obligation as the situation I reciprocity.This support turned into an after 1995' In addition' from r98o Kn*,,un increasingly teriorated could be observed' Members wor,l, politically motivated immigration Albanian.students were i"t1t*tl^c]lf: tU. tit,io"alist elite among Europe' and esp.eecl and forced to leave iorouo (Malcolm 1999)'

This and siblings' thr:ir t<>warcls parcnts i n, t,ttit arnilyobligalions and mutual support family relations clclrclic mainly on rrrutronal

llr r r t igt 'lt t t ls r ilt lhcir 0 Otttl rr t . r li llr r . wlr r lit lt 'r ot t . lt t dt 't 'd,Allxr t liir r on wcr lr t r cl t t t lr t 'r cr t : gular ly holidays s( erii rt l( <lsovo, 't ll t 't 'lt t illlt r t t 't 's

established y witzerlandwith its alreadv fb"tol: -Y:S:'J]i; c' *iwng-fromformeryugoslavia. I seekers ilJ;;rri-"ryr" *1 of formerYugoslavia : ,oT LrrE diferent fFlrF wltlrllr *i,fti" the urrrLrLrrL republics ---- 6 "emigration'"

to a phase of mass ieak of the war in Kosovoin 1998led r99s triggered new (syrnbolic and social) The developments in the former Yugoslav migrants along eurrdary--aking pocesses ^orrgth of a strong Albanian-nationalhni. hrr", ande saw the "pp"'"ttt" one)' Ethnicity was now e language' ij* ltt well as a strong Serbiin action by the migrants wi re*.:n.y and category rr"d to legitimate with regard to the events in btlt ffrd to their lives in Switzerlan' "lto based on ethnic criteria - a ili, tor""r"nd. A new form of solidarity _ and culminated in the mass na"a sohdarity of destiny developed in hometown association projects, obilisation of Albanian -igr"rrt, projects' long-term nationalist ollective remiances and hrimanitarian and political work' During this time' a part iiio"t as well as lobbying *iled and resided in Switzerland, and f tbratrim Rugova,s iot.'", and Kosovo rough the political actors worked between Switzerland associations' iletworks of e Albanian

Inshor t , over t hisper iod, t woelem ent st hat ar epar t of al'ocalisedd aFirst' we witnessed the ,poir"-rro"t"otionat frmaton cleatly emerged' in the sense that the rise of ethnic .orrr.o.rsn.ss (which was dialectic' e Swiss as 'Albanians')' Kosovo Albanians were now also identified by

elongwiththeappearanceofeno.politicsandnationalismandthedevel op' -"t t t of anet hnic'gr oupness''Second't hesepr ocesses\ M e eacnetworks, also an companied by an institutinasation of transnational The l(osovo f"tor" of diasporic transnational arangements. il;; with humanitarian l"rri"r* formed l0cal and international networks agencies and so on (Iseni zooS)' A decisive inrtitotiorr., development a 'diasporic' aspect was moment in the crystallisatn of the ^wiout for the inorganisations. Jo"rri,rr" lobbying of Swiss and international a cereKo"sovo.A furer illustration is to be found in of f"ta"n." Diaspora' - as 'Kosovar *rry ,o which I was receny invited b1 the was themselves in eir invitation letter. This ceremony in"y ia""tined populatiorr Albanian org'""lr"a by the elite representatives of the l(osovo thcir' and the Republic of Kosovo, who shed to express in-switzerland

66

lANlNl

l)AlilNl'l

ll

l ,YN AM l ( l i 0 l r Ml (; l t A N l f i '

l l i A N l i N A l l l rN A l

| | rl t \ l A l l rl t ' i

bl

l t hank s t o th e c i ty o f ' Z u ri c h l r s rrp l l or' l i ttgl rl trl tl t' pcl l (l (' l l ((' ol l l c l l (osovol tt' si rl t' ttl i l l trtri IS ci tl i rt D Republi co f I(o s o v o . u ri n g th i s c v c n l, thc Swiss trtirrislt'rirr brt'igrr;rl prsented the Zurich city council and iairs with a memorial tablet in the name o'thc l(.sttvrr Diaspora. we should note, however,that while 'diasporic' elements can bc itlt'il tified in e discourse of Kosovars, particularly in regard to politit:rl transnational practices, in other realms we observe fewer transnatiorr;rl practices. Many of the Kosovo Albanians in Switzerland are affectt'tl lrv conomic marginalisation as well as discrimination. Despite an incrt';trr ing number oi targeted integration measures, this migrant populaliorr an their children are affected by strong discrimination in the lalrorrr market (Fibbi, Kaya & Piguet zoq). some live in precarious circttttt stances and many are unemployed, especially women. Furtherntot,', although more and more Albanians from former Yugoslavia are bt'irr1i given itizenship, a large segment still lacks Swiss nationality. ln llrrr; tlr;rt "rrr", *" cod speak of the absence of 'sedentarising' capital for the fact at transnational fields are lx'irr1i might be responsitle soriewhat hesltantly developed in only a few domains by Albani:rrrr; rlrl For instance, in the economic realm, aside from remittances, we wht'llr(.r transnational and ethnic businesses. only a very few specifically th, in e Swiss or in transnational contexts. These immigrants ofterr (financial, rights, etc.), locally or transnatiort:rlly, not have the resources to build up such transnational fields (Dahinden zoo5b)' We might t'vt'tr say that the most marginalised of them have developedno more tlttr 't mobite transnationalty. they are neither well irrlr' foim of weqk loalsed. local structures nor, most importantly, do they circrrl;rl,' grated into the (l(' "t ."r, the two countries. They are transnational kinship goups as scribed by Faist (zoooa), but they do not build up stable transnaliorr,rl fields, and lack local anchoragethat could explain the 'absent transali.tr alism' in, for instance, the economic realm' In sum, this example points to the possibility at different itlt',rl t' types can coexist simultaneously or can, over the couse of time, rt'llllrt ott"r. what the future will bring - assimilation, long-term llotttr,l "".t. maintenance or something in between - is not yet l<rtowil ary Furthermore, the example of Kosovo Albanians in Switzerland sltowr: that persons do not,naturally'form a 'grol1p'in a sociologicalsenst' irrrrl slrr,lv b"."rrr" they come from the same country of origin.. This casc the fact that it is not only the context of immigt:rli,,rr also highlights that shpestransnational formations, but also the locality of the c<>rrrrlrv r'l of origin. For instance, so-calledethnic conflicts in I(osovo had llrt'ir lo llrc lttrtl tottlribtrlt'cl fects the Albanian community in Switzerlancl i l tl c o f d i a s p o ri c l c m c n tsi n thc l nrrtstt;tl i ott;tl i l tF(' l t(' l rl :l dev elo p me n t

l,t,l

in migrants Switzerland ant) diuspora newArwteniun l'hc Armenian character of'the processual aspcct anothc:r higlrlights fre lhirtl t'xllttrplc time dimension to t" n'p"tt thaiis related a f tratlltritti.nalrrnraticti, lcality'Migrantsarriving consecutively *d tltrt'sliort,nf nrot'iiif'and ""a"p di#erentkinds of transnational futlu ,,''.' rtrtdthe ,"*";di;; -ii,itri.,"t, which cancause within thesesamegoups' tensions

of In rlrt't:ase n'-tl*' *.llll,,:i.#ililoor

r'5 million Armenians' but also reri. t,,t i. death of "ffto*111t"]r enwhich.today diaspora, gtoua'Armenian lulte(l ir rhc formatiorr" migration movediasporastahrs'ronically' the most recent ifri tt,**i.' toi"tid" *itft the creation of an indepenFetttl lrom Armema h"u" in of aftermathof the collapse the USSR &ilt Arrncnianstate;" a quarterof of Armenia' l9gr, Sirrrcthe-independence "pp'o*i*"t"1y Kamm' teft the county (Bachmann' Dahinden' lS poprrlation has & lleulratrt'r Perrinzoo4)' of Armenians also arrived from Itt Switzerlana, 'igincant goup of " ""p" the brutal events e war' brhey dtrringtr.r"r9zJs,-seeftitt!.to the couse of the migrants a1lved over * secorrdgroup of Armenian migrant rr'it j'o"p *"J.p"{ of the flow of rurkish g;; ;;i;e7t' third movement of Europe' The ffittrel's looking to' "-"ploy-ent P primarily-9f.:'""t to iwiizerland is composed k*rertilrr rnigrants Armenia' Unlike the of .Republic fon, llrc newly li"p""a""t as Turkish guestworkersin the ,""tnJ-i-it"'t"" *to A:tlettilrrrs 'new' Armenian migrants were ;il tg7os,the most recent or ; immigration policies of with the lrr.r""rirrgty ,estri.ctive Blttrorrtt,cl liberal admission t:ountries.s*t'"tf""'ieplaced its relatively utt1t",,tt new policyofferededucaand the pllty irr r9ll9, as mentted earlir' to exclusively. highly,qualifiedforoppo"-""iti"' ettsl arrd *ur,. "l*o't Armenian immigrants have Deen since 1989' ig;t;. i'.,t,r,,qrrtty, lit".o, a quite dissimilartype of miof', ;r;i"*i" dtlrrr rrrr.rrrlrors conditionsin *cekerswho live under very different $ttl: ltsylrrrrr thr-ee goups of to distinguish ltarrhrrrd' lt is now fossible

t: migrationt-l",T.P:1ry:n:r.:""; led war p"." durllgwortd I notonlv

g i!tt*','',,- Iivi.n in' i*it"J"nd' mirrorint,t* i:*1"";*:i,:]l rhemst'Iv identifying g t9 *ffil;:,,ii,'r,"*,ans belongin highly qualifiedpro'ss r;rrr ^na i''; l

; ;n r rth tlre Ar.rrt,'ia. di;;;;;", :rtlrtilr musicilrtrs' in slrrclyitlg Switzerlna tf specialists' frrllng ot' (l);rlrtirrli asylumseel<t'r's arrivedas ,, Hologists ,,,'.1 g""f,' who

* u lilli , " s' s r .c . ' 1 ; 1 s l1 A t t t t t ' t t i r t t rv l t ts t t c k ctrh ef i r s t l : ' , ' : l : 1 .l'l:' ', : : : "''' :

l l t l r e I y l r e r l |1 l t't'tl ttl w i tl r w l r i cl r tl r cya r ca d m i tte d t<l Sw tl ;l :||.Itl It|!1l . I l i l |||Fl l r r ,|.i .r .tsl tt l Itt'l r t'l i vi ti t.s th cy a r t'l t||r r w t..I T h I e l r ;i t1i tr tl r r l l ,|;tr r l a tttl l u tttsttl tl i o tl l tl w l r y o l l r |tl i Et w r .l l ;ts o tt l l tt'i t h e l t r sw i l ze r l ;r r r r l ;r r

l ) Al l l N r ) l ,N 'AN l N l i

I t i (' t Mt { ; l { A N ' l s ' l ' l { A N s N A l ' , l ( N A l l r()R f A l l (, N r

ac t it 9 .' l ' l tt' ttt' tti a tt s y l tttns t' t' l i c rri r pol i r.l n i n i t sl rrrl y Arl a w torrrl rrrr.rl l in z oo3 (B a c h ma n rr t a l . z o o 4 .)s rr t.r' t,rl c ronr l l rt- l urr' r' r.l i ri rl y l l rr,rr o' situation, which in some cascs hurl llsrt,rl r.r' yt'lrls. 'r'rrcy ot'rr t,r presseda feeling of shame,inferiority ancl isolirliorr. was not [rt'r'lrrlr ll of their 'Armenianness' that they felt inrior arrd urrcasy,howevt'r., lrrrl because of their legal status as asylum seekers. They had no pr.r,' sional or oer prospectsin switzerland, ey were not locally anch.r.t.rl, they could not circulate or be internationally mobile and, at the srrrrrr. time, they did not develop stable transnational relations with their c.rrrr try of origin. We might speak in this case o{ trqnsnatonal outsiders. The type of transnational pattern developed among young, higlrlv skilled Armenians was different. They defined themselves first as ;r,,, fessionalsand it was their professionl networks that were of relevarrrt, for their daily activities, as well as for their identity classifications lrrtl symbolic boundary work. They spoke several languages, had well-prrirl jobs and, should the job require it, were willing to move to other corrrr tries - as some had already done. They worked on multinationar tearr*; and could be called highly skilled globetrotters. Their aspirations ' staying in switzerland were professional in nature and based on a trr. sire for professional qualifications and selrealisation. The capital irr question here is educational, but also the potential for being mobilt.. We could say that they represenl the trqnsnatonal mobile type. Finally, we have the so-called Armenian diaspora that in our typolotrly represents the localised diasporic transnational type. These Armeniarrs make considerable ideological efforts in order to conceive of *reir conr munities as ideally continuous wi the populations of diasporas irr other nation-states and wi the homeland. They lobby the Swiss gov ernment on behalf of eir homeland (for instance, for oficial recogrr tion of the genocide), and they devote funds and human resources ro assist or influence the economy, culture and politics of the homelantl. The actors of is diaspora are embedded in an institutional network that is very dif[erent from the one in which the highly skirled are rrvolved. Not unlike the dancers and their placement agencies, the latt.r rely on different sources for recruitment and placement, whereas tht, institutional network of the diasporic actors is more governmental irr characte' In other words, they actively engage in syrnbolic boundary work based on ethnicity, despite the fact that their daily networks art' not characterised by ethnic homogeneity. They are locally integraterl into the social structure; mostly they are swiss citizenr or r".o.rd- u,. third-generation migrants. This example us not only shows the possibility of different transn'tional morphologies exisng simultaneously within one and the samt' group of citizens, but also how these forms can become contradictory. First of all, as Bjrldund (zoq) has written, Armenians in the diasporu

o t ht 'ir dispt 'r ir pt cliir l aai ly ( ) llr r , r , slxr I it , ollk') r t ' lt , r npk'clt ( )l lir r l< . l. ng r un. O nly ir ir r s t,. . , . 1r t , , 1r 1,,lr t , slxl't ^r r r lr r r l t r r t cr r a6lc r t h. the survival of the Aftnerrilirr Artrtt:nilt will ltc ablc to guarantee ,lirrrigrantArmcnians' arouse therefore mixed feelings,as Erlutrs. be stated !rlalts lr( not 'supposed' to be emigrants' Second,it can with the new the established diaipora has but little in common arr rnigrants, both historically and th regard to their contemand li, aboad. Few close contacts exist between the diaspora pornts out Frw itnmigrants from Armenia. What Ishkanian (zoozl as Los Angeles ulor citieJwith huge Armenian communitiel, sulh new Armenian dett'llrancisco,also applies to Switzerland' Although communities and' ituttr* tlu" in places itttittg established diaspora

from establiihed diasporainstitutions and organisai*r*, t as "".At BF,they generallyremain on the margins of these communities life' The n,' uisld"r, iarely, if ever, participating in communal who are new to the host .otttry are sometimesdisappoiniedto
is to admit that cultural distance from contemporary Armenia among new immihigher among members of the diaspora than USSR cnmmurritiesl As the Republic of Armenia was pat of the in Armenia. exn11ito becoming independent, thoe who lived livd more thanTo years of comrnnist rule, whereas Armenians influence' Armenians ln the diaspora wee not expdsed to Soet ively perceive this factor io be otte of e causes for e dierin'culture' or'mentalitY'.

Conclusion

ideal types of_transnational forlblr chapter,s attempt to establish four and locality is intended to utor* based on ttre dimension of mobility in contempotary migtat,lr.r, what sffikes me as a pressing problem too often focus either on u ,"a mobility studies. Migration studies dimensions simultanut iliry or on lcahty, but foiget to look at- bo qpology I propose here.might neortfy and at eir articulations' The of ;, to think rough 'mobility lenses', in line with the ideas ii; emphasising the complex iry 12o"7; and his new mobility paradigm t .t*."n different mobilities. However, we also need constantly ii.iio"r analysing these transnab b.", in mind that locality is as important in ends in the development of onal formations as is mobility. Mobility but in ord,er to ipecin. ffansnational forms after or during migration, touch down somewhere' From !ao*. 'transnational', migrants must and formations the case studies, it appears that transnational practices to the constraints and opportunnot develop separaiely but are linked residence permit' for ities i-pore by specific contexts' Not having a

twr

l A N l N n r^i l tN t)t!N

i t i (l ! r Mt c l l A N ' . l s ' ' l ' a A N S N A l ' . l o N A l

l ro l i M l l (l N l i i

71

c x a npl (:, i g h t a l l o w a rr t,th n i c g ro up cons(i orrsnersto cft,ve1l p, rn l l rrl c ould hi n d e r th e d e v e l o p n e r'< l 's ta bl t' tnrrrsrrl l i orri rl ds t r.l i rr otl rt.r realms. Transnationa migrants are, so to spcal<, rrrrabk'to cscapctlrt,ir local contexts. By reminding us to track mobility and rocality simultaneously, thc ry pology can provide concrete ideas about the articulation betwen trarrs naonality and integration. For example, in the current debate over h<lw pocesses of migrant incorporation in the host country and the estarrlishment of transnational spaces are related, transnaonarity is oftcrr seen either as an alternative to integration or as the cond,ition of beir13 'integrated' in the host country and the country of origin at the samt. time (e.g. Dahinden zo-o9; Waldinger & Fitzgerald rool4y. The rlpology reveals that we are in faci'not dearing here th ,"ro-rrr- game: th,, " best-anchored social actors in our aarysis - for instance, iasporic, Armenians - provide evidence of a high transnational engagement'even while they are themselves not particularly mobire at att. ner telling example is the case of localised mobile transnational formations that displlr a contemporaneous and double integration within two contexts simultaneously. My final remark concerns the regulatory power of e state. The case studies reveal that e state is a principaf for all of e ideal ".to, tFpes examined. The conditions attached to the 'dancer's permit, are not only a result of Switzerland's enicised and gendered migration policy they are simultaneously crucial for the forr.rtion of e ecific transnational arrangements of the dancers. The same can be ia or Armenian asylum seekers, but also of the Albanians. while I do not mean this result to be interpreted as confirmation of romantic primordialism, or as a sign of longJasting or dormant ethnic or national feelings, it is important to note at the state and related ethnic and ,racial' categories (still) possess considerable power to inflect heteroand auto--identication processes in e modein globalised world and to produce processes of exclusion and inclusion. st"t", may be losing sovereignty with regard to eir ability to reg'late socio-economic iealities or social networks, but when it comes to membership and identification (and access to territories as well as the rights that go with this), they remain determinant. Likewise, nation-state and ethriic categories ae not things of the past, but play a major role in shaping the" corr_ tempoary world, even under contemporary conditions of gloialisation. This means that we have to take the 'nation' in transnatinalism very seriously indeed.

{ I

trans nati onalmobi i ty l Thern in arrol l u,r' y l x , l l ti rt :rri s t,s-ornI i :otnbi nati ono' l ow However, it is not related in*t t,tgt, lcvt,ls , i.,.,r1u.,,l,urag" in the receiving country. but to a low or altogether iu u ,rri,"g c.llct.tivc cthnic and/or religious consciousness, new country' This case rbre,t ,,,,.- or to iclentifcationwith ethnic categoriesofthe as the ideal typical form of assimilation according to the dimene0ttkl lu,consiclcrecl of a 'transnational :lt,rrn .lcvclopccl by Cordon (1964). Here we do not speak ior. fbrnral & 'l'hln rcction is based on a study carried out in Switzerland in zoo5 (Dahinden aoo6), in which we conducted 7o intewiews with cabaret dancers and twenty ttanlr agencies and *ttt t."y p.rrorls from federal and cantonal authorities, employment The dancers came from eleven different countries, with +q being from llglt.ltibs. l {url ern E urope. America '[,lte interviews did in fact reveal that, in contrast to e dancers from Latin an above-averagelevel end 'fhailand, dancers from Eastem uropean countries have that most of the o'education; some even had a university degree' This means from a middleantern European women working in cabarets in Switzeriand come background, i.e. fiom families with high cultural capita' eluns CHF r'ooo a Our inteews reveal that through these services, they earn an exta on average (approximately 6oo)' $onth of immiThc three circles model established regional priorities in e admission uS, canada, grlnts as follows: from EU and EFTA states as the 'first circle" from the oforiustralia and New Zealand as the 'second circle' and fiom ai1 other countries gln as the 'third circle'. programmes, a sigii should be noted that after e war and in the context of retum nicant number of Kosovo-Albanian asylum seekers did return home'

ttm"l

Chapter 4 for diasporas development: Inrtrumentalising policydiscourses ' International European and
Wenaf Agneszka

lntroduction
rcent years, politicians from many countries have seized upon dia' as a migration policy actor. The recent upsurge of research evishowing the policy relevance of the nexus between migration and has contributed to this trend. A growing body of oficial of United Nations agencies, policy recommendatons of the Organization for Migration (IOM), World Bank studies on OECD work and research conducted by numerous acainstitutes has turned the attention of policymakers to the role uin migrant and ethnic communities and individual migrants play development of countries of origin. ,' The High-Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development ln September zoo6 allowed the UN to play the role of facilitator between home and host countries. Discussions were then moved forward by the lobal Forum on Migration and Developmenr (zoo7 in Brussels, zoo8 la Manila;. This, in turn, has generated a world process for regularly diseussing the ways and means to maximise migration's development beneflts and minimise its negative impacts. Diaspora actors perceived as orgailised entities are patners in this debate, although their representation rnd legitimate denion still pose a challenge. A recent IOM survey (IOM zoo6) meant to help governments of developing countries identify weak points in their diaspora policy demonBtrated how the governments often had dificulties determining who 'their' diaspoas wee, and were us unable to put successful targeted policies in place. From a policy perspective, there is no homogenous definition that could be translated into a statistical toolbox and support the creation of a socioeconomic profile of o diaspora. Unforlunately, in the policy realm, diasporas tend to be identied with ancestry without regard to existing academic definitions. Moreover, it seems that diaspora has gradually come to be identied with transnational community. The discussion about the blurred borders between transnationalism and

Ar ,l J l l r :,/l ( A W l i l N AI

( | l N ti 't't{tr M ti N I A l l i i l N { I I )l ^ l i l ' ( )l { A l l l ; ( )l { I )l i v l rl )l ' N 4 N I

i dias por ai s a d d re s s e dn s e v e ra lo th e r corrtl i l )l rl i ()l l lri l l ri s l rook (i rr o summaries see the chaptersby Faistand Baubi)r'l<), lrr,slx'yclndllrc yr'l scope of the present chapter. It is important, howcvt'r',lo rcr to tlrt' place these concepts hold in the discourse on migration and develo;r ment policies and to observe the complex interests that lead to the pn' valence ofone over the other. To grasp its full meaning we need to see the concept of diaspora as ;r category of practice (see Brubaker 2oo5). The perspective often applic<l - i.e. the practice of the given group creating itself through practices needs to be reversed here, however. International and supranational <lr. ganisations have offered 'themselves as entrepreneurs framing 'dirr spora' in several ways that challenge the academic discourse. They havc been shaping the image of migrant and ethnic groups as actors of dt'velopment policy. This creative input of international and supranationrrl organisations is inscribed in their perceived role as producers and gurr' dians of a nom in various areas of public policy (see Barnett & Finnemore zoo4). In this chapter I will analyse the emerging functional definitions ol diaspora against the policy-basedindicators that help set its boundarit's within the field of policy practice. My objective is to understand how diaspora is framed as a migration policy actor, and the EU case serv('s as an example. The migration and development agendas have been orrly recently drawn together in the European policy context. The new corrr ponents of the comprehensive European immigration policy, traditiorr ally associatedwith restrictive measues, include a number of elemerrts linked to the development agenda, such as mobility partnerships arrtl circular migration, in which diaspora plays an important role. It rt mains to be determined, however, which policy actors are needed tt, meet the policy ends, and us how diaspora is defined. As such, this chapter will look into exemplary documents product,rl by international and supranational organisations to see how they frarrr,' the actors of development policy. My discussion will focus on differt'rrl uses of the terms 'transnaonal community' and 'diaspora'. I will ulso examine several European Community documents pertaining to tlrl subject and analyse the role that diasporas have in the European conl prehensive migration policy.

4.2

Diasporaas the emergingpolicy actor

For many decades,diaspora was typically defined as somcthing o'r r orr l c t ex t in wh i c h a p e o p l el i v e d ' s c a tte re d s a resul l < l ' rr l l rrrrrurl i l ri sl orr a l t;rurr;rl i c trt c al ev ent' (C o h e nrg 9 )i rl . T h c n o ti o n o vi < l l t' rrcr' ;r:r;t tol ol t iv e ex pe re n c e l i u n i rrt' s c l rl ' x rb l t.t' l t' rrrcrrl l l r rl r' l i rri l i orr(;rrrrl w

as Ar l exerrrl rl i r .lt ly t lr t 'f r . wislt ; t t t cl t t t t 't t illt t lilt sllot 'l. ls) , wer e t he sent it of and a st r ong senSe links t o llt t 'lt olr t t 't ot t t lt r y ct Itrenl ultr t t cl t t oli<lt t lt l that populationswere dishkrrrging. Most dcnitions also suggested perst'd ltctwccn two or more host countries. When discussedin this traditional scnsc, diaspora refers to all extreme casesof dispersion,e.g. Tamils and l(urds, but does not include oer forms of the Pslt,stinians, corlcmporary migratory experience, such as economic migrants or Itud(nts. l)cspite the impressive broadening of this definition over the last twenty years - from the particular paradigmatic experience of a few edlc groups to an expanded and more flexible understanding of the term (ree Brubaker zooS; Faist in this volume; Bruneau in this volume) iron,, of the existing definitions could meaningfully inform public polleyrrraking to help define the functional boundaries of diaspora. The ind[:ators proposed by many scholars are not easily translatable into pollCy tcrms. The classic definition of diaspora rests basically on Sheffer's (ru8(r) three proposed criteria: the dispersed group must hold a distinctlVe collective identity across international locations; the group must hHv" som" internal organisation of its own; e group in dispersion fftrxt keep ties with the homeland, be it symbolic or real. Adjustment p clranging realities allowed for modifications of this understanding of dlarpora, first, by introducing a notion of voluntary migration as in the diasporas (tqg5: g) or Cohen's dasporc of r' Sheffer's ethno-national (tggZl; and, second, by easing the requirement of internal BQmmunities as Cfgarrisation, proposed by Cohen, for whom it is a collectiveidentity kceps diasporas together in contemporary times. It was still unthal lepr, however, whether migrants involved in transnational practices can be nlcn as members of diasporas. Safran (r99r) dened diasporas as thn'minority communtes,as opposed o mgrant ommunities,focusing tltert'by rnore on the degree of settlement of the group. He proposed a nlutrlx.r o'indicators to define diaspora including e triadic relation:lti1r 0 lhc communities to a homeland, a host country or other countfler ()'rJilsporasettlement (seealso Vertovec 1999) as well as a shared errror.y/vision/myth of the homeland, alienation from the host country of' nd 1tt'r'rrntrt'ttct' the'myth of return'. in f{eccrrlly,ltowcvcr, a growing body of literature succeeded reformuon fiaming diasporaas almost any population. the tlrt.clt,rriliorr, letlrrg rtnrl tto lottgt.r lttrring to the specific conlext of their existence 1Ovr, Vcrtovcc& Cohen 1999; Castles& Miller zoq)' (:er Sllrrr:rp;x'r'r()()(); ,iller'" is llrrrs h'ss lr,i'rt,rrcc rr cxample,the Chinese the diaspora n to, Van Hear , Pieke diaspor a. w r rtn t r '; t r lt t t ot 't 'o t 't;l r lxr t t lllt t ' ( 'hinr 'sr : | t t i rJ V e r lovt , t ( t , oo4. '.1) pt ovir k. lt t t lt ll- t 't tot t r plr ssingdef init ion of dl ae1,,, t , r ,

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and analysis Method of research

rllowt'd irt tny rt'scarch involved a combination of nretlroclol<lgy :lrt's. 'l'hc main trcus was on qualitative analysis of documents' nirrg to the European migration policy. The material consisted of relt.vanl preparatoy documents from the years 2ooo-zoo7 $.e. n Commission proposals and opinions, iniatives by member FIU Council common positions, legislative resolutions of the Parliament, opinions of committees, other opinions and rerndations) and relevant EU Council conclusions. Supporting &cuments include decisions issued by the Executive Council of the filcan Union, UN resolutions on international migration and developl?int, UNDP project descriptions and IOM policy recommendations. ?he analysis is based on the assumption at the 'migration and develpment nexus' really means at migrants or people with migrant origlns participate in implementing development policy. This participation lnekes them actors of development policy. I was interested to see, first, how these actors were defined in migration policy terms, and I thus looked for indicators based on e standard migration policy categories: legal status, citizenship, enic or national origins, duration of stay in the host country accessto legal employrnent, level of skills, remittances. $econd, I assessede extent to which the above-mentioned documents respected the classic academic denitions. In the texts I thus looked for tpecific indicators, such as membership in a diasporic organisation, rubjective feeling of belonging and'triadic' relations. The basic research material was supplemented with information on EU assistance to migration and development (e.g. an AENEAS report, Thematic Programme on Migration and Asylum ocial guidelines). To get a better understanding ofthe institutional and social context ofdiaspoa engagement in the framework of the European migration policy, several targeted expert intewiews were conductedr and supported by additional questionnares. in 4.3.1 The deftnitionof diaspora public policypurposes the for arena international '.. It is dicult to agree upon who firsf used the term 'diaspora' in relation to the development agenda, especally given that international mi gration and development have been joined in the discourse of international organisations for well ove a decade now. There is no doubt that e UN, in particular, made an effort to intensify debates on these issues. In their numerous resolutions,a international migration has been consistently linked to e development agenda.

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S t t r p ri s i rl g l y rrrc(o l tl ri rl y l o c x l x ,tl ;rl i orrsrri st' tl ry l, l l l l l rrl rl i t.rl i st.11rrr,ur., . t he lan g u a g e ' U N d o c :rttrtt' rrl sv o l vt.s l rl rtl' l r.rrri si rrti rl rrl o n' ur< < ' orrrrrrrr nit ies ' a s th e ma i n d e v e l o p rn .n tp o ri cy actrl rs,' .1 cri asp,ras.' ,' r' rr. Report of the SecretaryGenerar6olg7t of'rr May zoo6 on inrt,r,rr;r tional migration and development devotes several sections ,trarrsrr,r to tiona communities', which are referred to as the actors trr d(,vt,rrrr ment policy with an important impact on the home countries. Trr,' r,. port does not prode any straightforward. definition of the tt,r.rrr Nevertheless,by giving examples of successfirl members of trarrsrr;r tional communities, it describes a development poricy actor as a rorli term legal resident of the host country, wih ethnic and,lor national lit,r; to the hom^e c9untry, wh.o is employed legally and possesses funds or skills to offer for its developm"rri. 'ih" citiznship or membt.r ".Lr', ship in a diasporic organisation or subjective feerings ofelonging a,,. not mentioned. If e UN has been prudent in avoiding multiple terminology in its oficial texts, other organisations have ued the terms ,transation,l communities' or'migrant communities' and'diaspora, interchangeably and abundantly in their policy documents.6 The IoM has been e most vocar advocateof wid.ening the definitiorr of diaspora. Ionescu (zoo6) offers an eaustive discussion of the term based on the IOM report .survey o engaging diasporas for develop_ ment' completed in zoo6. when derineang the concept, Ionescu uses several indicators based on the migration ph.y statistical toolbox. she argues ultimately for the utilitarian criterion: diaspora is a resource and thus the ultimate defining indicator is whether the actors i., d. velopment policy. Diaspora incrudes practicarly anybody witria"migrant ".,g"g" background who contributes to e evelopment of e home counrrv Such a person can be included regardlessfhi, o, her legal country of birth,T does not need to be established in the hst "il;; country as a permanent resident, does not need to have citizenship of the counrry of origin, does not need to be involved in any migiant association (although it helps, as collective bodies can be ,rroit be engagedas ""rily partners for policy projects), but should maintain primarily not necessarily political or sentimental, ties with the home "rio_i., counrry. Consequently, she defines diaspora as .members of ethnic and national communities, who have left, but maintain links with, their homelands' (Ionescuzoo6: ry). ft is noteworthy that the uN and IoM approachesdefine actors in development policy as individuars - e notin of co[ective identity is less important, a community member acts on a voluntary basis, followrng his or her own values. Both see these individuals as linked r""g", rry " traumatic experience or symboric ties, but by a pure and positiveeadi ness to act in economic terms.

tl t.l i l x't;r l i o r r stttt l tt' l t'vcl o i r tl t'ttr l r ti o tl l tlo r g u tti sa ti tl tts l ta d a r l : t o i l r i l l i o l ttl g o vt'r ttttl t'tr l s, t'.g . tl r c l 'h i l i p p i r ttl s a ttd l n d i a , w h i ch bet,Orrrcirrcrclsingly intcrcstr:d irr thc linl< between migration and

durbs tlr., word in this context).The definition was then elaborated and eventuallyofiand consultations, g a *,.ri"*, of expertmeetings Clrllyrclopted.r were focusedon four principles:African diasporamust Tre clcbates must by k lencd bloodline or heritage(African,not country-specific), of migration and must be historicallyinclu5e llnkcctto the processes goals. ifVe llrrt exclusivof people not committed to the development

rrt.ttl.I lowcvcr,it is thc Aiican Union (AU) that offers arguably belcxurrrplco'an organised responseto the issue of denition. poliub,saft1ran African countries, the major target of development and development renpondcclto UN calls for a migration l"**:.by :hirig a processto define an African diaspora. In its decision," the xeciitivc Council called for an elaboration of the definition by exlotn the AU member states and 'Diaspora' (the AU always capita-

Thr clcnition nally agreed upon states the following: 'hc African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin ling outand llde tlre continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality to e development of e continent and *hn ,r. willing to contribute in the re building oithe African union.'o The definition is very broad, proposed by international organisations. Moreover, it plrit of th one link to irmantles anothe classic element of academic definitions the A pan-African approach is a basic feature of the E nation or ethnicity. diespora with which the AU would like to work' .rhis wide approach is not necessarily shared by members of diaspotlc organisations, who would prefer to see the pool of participants reetricte - mostly to people who feel a genuinely strong link with their who origins (they indicat a hreshold up to the third generation) and, national or ethnic identity. Pan-Africanism is not always hsL rLottg " present in this discourse. ,o debate these issues and also to determine further steps, the AU has held a regional consultative process in various parts of the world (including Euiope). The AU's curent efforts are focused on shaping he regional representation of the African diaspora. The sear for an lnterlo-cutor who would fit the definition has proved to be challenging, yet necessary for progress on e migration and development agenda'" tn" nU has also ioncretely translated this commitment by having diaSpora repesentatives elected as members of its Economic, Social and Cultural Council. Interestingly enough, in the international arena, the distinction is made betwerr, otr the one hand, diaspora as an actor of developmenl policy and, on the other, diaspora as a potentially destabilising factor or

A( ;N l ti s T KA W l ;tN .1fr ^l

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c o l l i e r & H o c c r z o o o ; r(oi rrovrr l rri svorurnt.).,l ,rrr,rn i rr s t r um en ta l i s a ti o o Id i a s p o ra a s a rr a c t.r' dr.vt' r.Jrrr,,r,, n puti .f i grrrrr,,, security issues and the historical record o diapoi;rs irr r,,rr flicts in the home coutry Such an approach "nei*i, i ; ;";r";"r?" ,,r rt,,, fact that the discourse has been fr"me mainry by developm.rir,,t ,,,, gration specialists.Focusing on the positive ,ia or ar"Jf"r""nt",u,,,, tion, they largely ignore its possible ngative impact. The discourse of international organlsationshas blurred the mearrirr;i of diaspora and merged it with e characteristics ascribed to transrr;r tional communities. The uN's initial attempt to use the term ,transrr;r tional community' to describe migration d"u"top"rripti.y has not been taken yn br e. giowing "tr ".,,,,,, number of pofl.i ir.i'ri"riu,,r. Most interestingly, it is now.quite accep-ted that the *i-:i"rfr", ,,, fers to bo migrant and ethnic communities. Diaspora t", it-.r, t,, come an all-encompassing concept, the boundaries of which are stirl being negotiated by various poliiy actors. International organisations acting as policy entrepreneurs favour a broadening td;p" ut 'diaspora'. "f Diasporaas an actor in Europeancomprehensive migration poricy The EU entered the fierd of migration and deveropment poricy onry recently. Its position has been influenced strongry by a""ir"p"", aircourse' The largest group of migrants from dev"eioping .orrr,ri"r-r, ,rr" EU are from Africa; they arso have the strongest visit itity dr" to media focus on human traficking via the Mediterranean sea. The tragic events in ceuta and Merirla in zoo5" have opened up discussins with African countries on migration issues and, given the A""f"pment context of e root rauses of migration, have "-"g pushed ," f U a wards a policy approach that would acowledge rtr.'i-f""""or,n" migration and development nexus. Thus, the"n".a to.tu"ry'irivorve diasporas came to the forefront The problem wi this engagement lies in a clear division wiin the European comprehensive migration poricy between an internar and an external dimension. Both focus, to an important extent, on migrant and ethnic communities and involve em as European policy actors, but their scopes differ. Moreover, they use different terminoogy when addressing e,respective target groups. This dide is ," e relation between integration phcy and the "rp"ffi,iri" migrato" ment field of the so-called ,globalpproach to "a'J"*r"pmigron Integration of admitted immigrants (though ,iot ,efugees) has been the hallmark of more consoridat European'responses to immigration, 4'3'2

(rl('tl('tll t llld( ' r t illill . 1 lx ' it ( ' ( ' in llr c c or r r r l l y o o l i g i r r , u s s l r r r l i . t l l r y r . r r r pa rativc polilic al s c it ' r r t is t s t r t r c l it r lt ' r 'n r l i o n r r l r l t 'l u l i o n s s r , l r <l l r r 's 1r;c,, c ollier z o o o ;

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ln r E U , tlr t 'ir socialulit 'r ur t iorlr r d pot t 'r r t ial br r adicalisat ion. t he discriminatcd and vulnerablegroups of dayx, tlrt' norr-intt'gratc<J, tln lrrcl groups o-migrant origin were seen as potential security (llrrysrnans zooo). The integration project, therefore, was a eIo tlrc perceiveddanger of disrupting allegedly stable and homosrx:ic:ties. Though not directly anchored in the Amsterdam ty ol the Hague Programme,'3 two directives especially strengthen torrisationin this area of intergovernmental policymaking: those on lly rcunification'4 and those on the rights of long-term residents''5 'eovcr,legislation prohibiting di,qdnination and promoting equality alno been high on the agenda.'" , Orr rc; November zoo4, on initiative of the Dutch presidency, the EU &utrcil adopted its set of Common Basic Principles on Integration, ldticlr were later elaborated in the Common Agenda for Integration.'7 I uurnber of practical tools, such as the network of National Contact Folnts on Integration and the Handbook on Integration, promote a conrolldated agenda in this field, and e Integration Fund provides finanlcl support for the implementing actions. 'Ihc Common Agenda for Integration addressesin many of its propolEls the members of migrant communities, i.e. people with direct mi grcnt experience. Ethnic communities made up of EU nationals of ethnlc background are not included in is perspective. The most importEnt feature of the EU approach is thus a distinction between EU cltizens and non-EU citizens. The dividing line is the legal status of an lndividual in the host country so that, as a result, migrants are defined g third-country nationals within is framework. The term 'migrant eommunity' as used in this document is thus signifcantly narower than an ethnic community (the former includes only migrants and their descendants who are non-EU citizens, while the latter includes both). The integration of EU nationals of immigrant origin is not a matter fo [U immigration policy but for EU social policy (hence social cohesion policies). Thus, the public policy response to potentially threatening diasporic communities is distributed across different fields. The documents pertaining to integration policy usually focus on individual rights and individual efforts to integrate. Migrant communities as collective units are not pesented as the policy's principal addressees In the ecent Report on Integration,'o which lists successfirl progammes on integration in the member states, immigrant communities are explicitly mentioned only twice.'e They are, however, implicitly indi cated as partners more often, e.g. with regard to initiatives concerning religious communities. Since this policy targets internal actions, it does not deal with migrants as purely transnational individuals. There is no clear interest in a

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comprehensive and coherent mechanisms that address ,"rrg" ,,, migration-related issues, enriching "-ro"i the lustice and security policies wit' a development and external reratiJns gi" ,o enhance diarogue and co_ operation on migration with third "t couitrres. In the first stage, it ocused on the counrries of Africa th" tra"di,"*""""r. ar'?, lrr, zooT conclusions, the EU Council ".rd under the German presidency ex_ tended this poicy approach to e eastern i ird countries in migratior, "r"g"-"nt, ,rpporfing the fight against illegal migration and migration a"u"to_"rr,. ", "" Diaspora is perceived as a crucial ere'ent of the third dimension. Prior to zooz, in the EU documents, ,diaspora,was tt"-.r* used in so-called Country Sategy papels or specific country reports, primarily on economic subjects. There, diaspor was mentioned as a source of revenue and an important factoi for stabilising fo."f-"r;a"lniorr"f

tion with third countrie,s, h3rlesling t"-b"n"nit r" ion,.-, The policy' whichhas. "r beerideveloiea ,irr." zoo6, aimsto formularr.

dias p< lr i c o to rti rr, trru s rro rrrr.(' o u rrl y p royi ri l i esrt. l ror l ri gl rri gl rt.rr l rrr t his f r ame ' T h e i rc u s i s o n th c c rrl trri ;rl rrrrdl rrr' i ;rl i sri rrc.ri vt,rrt,ss el rl r,rl may precondition incrusion in the rrost srr:it,ry. orrry trrc ,'',t. i,.,r*,r.,, an individual or his family and the destinatroncourtry is of irrrporrrrrrr .where t. it exists' the community in which migrants participate crrr rr. come an important interlocutor of integratio poh.y, ,, it"grntl,,,, ,,, dened as a two-way process. Diaspora emerges only in the context of the external dimensor*l European migration policy. It becomes a rea policy actor in the Gr.rr;rl Approach to Migration, defined ." d.*."d, glotl .ofr"'r"rr, ,,1, proach' covering poricies to combat ", "rra illesal immi rgratton*a, ir, ."p.,,,

of legal status, tt {fo h,rrr.,lrtr<1). does not directlyaddressquestions

r in The de lit ior r o 'clilsllor l givt , r r r olt t olc 7 o t his cot r t t nt t t t icat ior ( by is ur r cl ir r t lr c spir it o 't lr c idcaspr csct t t cd I or t escu zoo6) . lt broacl rnt,rclyon thc clucstionof'birthplace and nationality (although link to l:o rrnclcrlincs the importance of an individual's emotional

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fr"""rn, "g;;",;;;;; i"-n:Fl li '"o"" pr"v :"ffi#:i:"".:*':':i'",5:'"1*". shirtdr,om";;,";"#:.fl:d,i,":"1reseniaon

A mantra of EUJevel documents fo, ,"u"r"t years now has been to create a triple-win situation: the host country gains through rabour, the home country gains t{r1or1srr ."_;;.1";;;"t and the migrant gains through supporr for individuar initiativesli ,o.r* on the development agenda as a major innovation to the tradition"t r"rt i.l"" r.* been further pursued in a commurri."tiori-o' "por"ir. circular migration and mility partnerships between the EU and third counkies.,4 The zooz commnication'5 mentio;;-di";por" in the context of its possible role in development. But only in the September zoo5 commu_

growth." The nexuswi

g" a"u"top_"rri

an organisation. 11pl,,yr,,"trt,skills, duration of stay or belonging to the actions proposed in e text to mobilise diaspora for *evoril,"l,,*r, precise characteristics foVsl,,pttt.tttt delineate the concept and give quite rr"* policy actor. dlhe this Flrrt, the diaspora is seen as a transnational community, and it is intrsnutional character that guarantees the success of development relaonship. Itletlves. Such an approach echoes the traditional triadic is }lOreover, the transnational character of diasporic organisations in furthcr accentuated when it is a matter of eir political engagement the coun&e dgvelopment strategy of the home country at three levels: The members *y o'origin, the EU cuntry of destination and the EU. need to be recognised in the EU legal system to be of such "-di"rpot" to the U level. They would therefore generally have fble to get thrugh mito lle E citizeni or long-term residents, not tempoary or circular grents who are ird-country nationals. - Second, according to the text, diaspora members are not necessarily as $igrants themselves. People with a migration history are framed of ethnic background rrmbers of migrant communities; and people Cre labelled as members of enic communities. Still, it is not entirely di:, elear in the text whether migrants are considered something truly of the communication, it ferent from diaspora members. In some parts lc stated that currently active migrants and diaspora members could be eonsidered as development policy actos so long as ey are active' Third, legal status and resident status, in particular, is introduced as an indicatoi of membership in a diaspora. Among other initiatives, the liuropean commission proposes mapping and mobilising diasporas. ttrui it must be underitood at it refers only to those staying and working legally. The proposed data collection on diasporas implies actual conts rather than estimations. Interestingly enough, there is no discussion of how to define diaspora in order to gather the relevant data, or even from where the data can be gathered. V/hen discussing ,migration profiles' (a proposed data gathering tool described in Annex 81, ihe communicatiott do"t not put forward any proposal to this end

nicationon migration nd devetop^"'1, ai"Jpr"n r ,r:*"il* its meaning circumscribed Euiope",poi., ,r". for

either. The fourth trait of diaspora is the organisational side. The constant use of the term 'member of diaspora' juxtaposes individual and atomised migrants with the diasporic community. This is an important aspect, as t" E,rrop""n Commission invites member states to identify representative interlocutors in the diaspora to engage in development

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t5

plies to second and third generationis "pas wen. In this context, the European commission pro-t"r the idea of temporary ,"torrr-o? qr"rred diaspora members. Although the communication points out the voluntary character of diaspora.mlmbers' contributions,'it is imftea tnat the emotional link to th country of origin and e readiness to contnbu e ag9e key elements of diaspora idntification. In all other relevant EU documents, ese characteristics of diaspora members are implicit, especially in discussions of the instruments of migration and development i.e. circular migration an mobility partnerships '"7 rn the ca-*eof-policy, migration, circular diJspora members (defined as residents o, of enic co*-rrrriir"r; _long-term supposed to work for the deveropment of the -.-be, "." country of origin rough temporary outward migration from e EU, white i"_po.ry migrant workers (who are not seen as diaspora members) _i""gdi;;*"ra gr_ation.By contrast, mobirity partnerships'8 propose"to"mobilise .o.rro_ lidated diasporas for development policis. still, it is not entirely crear who wilr be the final user and.implementing.actor of the policy. Rooted and established diasporas *ry "" r.*" nothing in common wi newly arrived migrants, and subsequent y"u"r_ of migration create distinct and closed"commu"i;J.*i;;;._, e idea for the migration and development agenda is to overcome these differences, to have a ress diverse set of interlocutors on the other side, united by a common goal. The.main problem wi the way in which diaspora is conceived in , these documents is ,h-"j g* ideal iype applies to very few migrant and enic groups in the EU. The conditi"t ofniglr levels'of internrg"rrisaon-and regularised legal work and residence status are probably met by only a few settled communities (e.g. the Turkish diaspra aro some well-established goups within tre "r. African aarpr. n.rJ.tiu" immigration policies encourage undocumented migration iro^ r^r^*^y countries or the pendurar (shuttre) migration of regavisitotr rro- ,riglrbouring countries who engage in unocumented work. The real chal_ enge lies in reaching outt these peopre to foster migratiorrand development and to create an interlocutor pro."r, similar to what the iir, AU is pursuing)' Another difficulty ir th" " focus on the nation"pp"r"nt state as the unit ofanalysis, and consequ"" necessarycondition for "

but alsowith e *"TTl of sk'rs andprodu"cti""

pr oic : c t s ' ' l ' h t:y trs tr' (' p r(' s (' tttrr o rg l rrisi rl i orr tn a l l ral i s el i gi 6l t., urrcll ' rs enough- au th o ri ty , b e a p a rtn c r i rr i rt' crt' vt,rr)r)rr(.rr to cour| u,ri ,:y,r:i ts try. such organisations should be trustwortrry rrrcr wt,il t,starrrished, or partnershp in projects usually means uncJing. the diaspora members are seen as a source -"rr"ging of contributions to , lifth' their countries of origin. A substantial part of e text is devoted to financial remittances, associated with rst generations (i.e. -iiil;h";.r,, migrants),

.ri.i,

r r r iglr di asporl r.lr t r ilclinpi. 'l'lrtis tpost 'll pt r r lllt 'r rit t t lt c t : usco r cccnt r t t t stateswho do not wcak or v(ryr(wrntrltirrati<lnal grurrlsrorrrcxtrcrrrely sce thernsclvesas members of the national community assonect'ssarily ciatt'rl with their home country (Schwartz zoo7l. EU support for diaxport within the boundaries circumscribed by the indicators discussed al()vc could influence directly the self,identification of diasporas and tlu'ir members. It is probable that as a result of this processere will be a pr<llibration of more or less standardised organisations competing for thc nancial support, as has happened in several other policy areas. It remains to be seen how the availability of funding and the importance given to the role of diasporas can change the existing diaspora groupings into fully fledged actors of European migration policy who serve the migration and development goals' A recent EU-funded project lmplemented by UNDP focuses on strengthening diaspora as an actor o' development in sixteen countries included in the European Neighbourhood Policy and in sub-saharan Africa. Not many of them have clearly defined diaspora communities in the EU, and those who do have so far not engaged in a process of dening representatives and legitimate interlocutors. The incentive to organise can have positive impacts on many migrant communities at, to date, do not perceive themselves as diasporas and have weak internal structues. Inevitably, the divisions not only between internal and external dimensions but also between migration policy and social policies are blurred, since diaspora as defined and used in e documents consists to a great extent of EU citizens. Most prominently, for policies within the external dimension, e same migrant or enic groups are no longer perceived as a security threat, but as a valuable asset. The 2oo5 communication on the external dimension of migration policy'e stresses the importance of recognising the link between members of the diaspora and their country of origin. Similarly, the communication on migration and developmentlo of the same year indicates integration as a part of a diaspora mobilisation policy.

4.4

Conclusions

This chapter has explored the current use of the term 'diaspora' in EU documents in its most common public policy context: e development and migration agenda. This discourse shapes the understanding of e term by policymakers and average cizens alike. Diaspora is seen here a category of practice that can reorient existing selidentication of the relevant groups. In the scholarly literature, the paradigm of diaspora as nation-in-exile went throush several transformations. This has left us with a set of

A (i N i l i sZK A tN A I Wti

l l l l tl l M l i N l A l l s l N ( ; | )l A s l i { )l a ^ q l r()l l | )l v l rl o I ' Ml i N l '

It7

ar r bi { uo u c h a ra c :l t' ri s ti ci s ,_ rrc l i rrgr t' rl i sl x,rsi orr s n r:l rl ol rr grorrpsl urri rr6; a c om m o n n a ti o n a l o r.e th n i c o ri trl i rr.r' r.ss rw ' .r rrr' rt.pac.s, trrr, maintaning of a network inking ail destirrati.rrs, syrrrxlric rear rinr<s to the. home country and emotial identification 'r wir it. Th; .o--n,, complaint of academicsand researchersis that a definition all ese aspects is too vague to be usefirr rot th"ot"ti."i;;;;;r", "rr-_p"rr1ng for empirical operationarisatin. It arso overlaps ", too tr.o"aiy .,rrrent appoaches in the eld oftransnational 'rh studies. Policy documents adopted at the international revel have an impact on how the distinction between transnational community is. framed in public discourse. In fact, their "rrJ-i"rpo., impact ,"_, to be the elimination of any such analytical distinction, ,kansnationar as community' is not a part of the discursive game. It is e 'diaspora, th"t h", been assigned all transnational traits- and characteristics. This .orr..p_ tion of diaspora is inclusive and refers to migrant and, ethnic communities. In general, it arso establishes only three important conditions for becoming a diasporic actor of development policy first, an ethnic ur national origin; second,.a capability to contriute io a"u"iop-"" i" ,rr" country of origin; and, third, a readiness to do so. fn" _riirrrport"r,t dimension of diaspora is the economic one. The ties to the homeland l9-ne_er syrnbolic o^rpurely political: ey need be gan no_ ," fr" fr""n.irf, rst of all, for the country of origin and, secondly, to e diaspr" _"__ bers emselves. such an apprJach brings to light trr" i*p'ort"rr." or transnational networks and everyday transnationr practices of individuals and groups. This treatmeni of diaspora as a esource mav seem limiting, as the central values of cultural identity, ,;;ii; rr"iJr,gr"g, sentimental ties, etc., ae not accentuated. migration policy, e migration and development nexus ,^^1", !"-O"an nas- Deen recenily promoted as an important area of intervention. The tools ofe Global Approach to Migraon, including .it.J", or mobility partnerships, focus on daspora as a pohy actor. In-ifr"aio' thl, .orrtext, diaspora is defined r,"rro*ry than by i"t"rrr"t"i-"rg""ir"tions: apart from the importance of national -or" oi enic origins, ,n" capability and readiness to contribute, membership in ai"ipo* " org"rrisations is required' on this basis, European policymakers'can anrr" their target group and provide support for its ctivities. It is quite important to understand, ough, that while d.iaspora is *"l.oire European migration policy actor in its external dimension, in the ", " .ortext of cooperation with third countries, it remains marginal - or is perc-efvgdas a problem - in the European discourse o' tli" integration of third-country nationals. what must be stressed is that e division between migrant communties and diaspora that is pesent in some academic dis.orrrr"r, ar-*"tt as in EU migration policy, has been blurred in the contexf of the

!f blr 4.r

loytment policy attors as de,fnedhy the United Nations, the De.ve organzaton Migrationand the Europeancommission lnternational for

stltus Lrgl

rrship ltl:e

or Ethnlc national orlglns of Furrtion stay In hostcountry employment Lagrl lklllsto ofer to Funds ofer in Membership an isation or8en of feeling Subiective belonging rrnsnational stics racteri cha

rel ev ant i (res i denc en hos t country) unc l ear(i f rel ev ant, it is of the country of ori gi n) relevan temporarymi grants excluded relevant retevanr relevant unc l ear unc l ear

i rrel ev ant

i rrelevant

rel ev ant i (res i denc en hos t country) irrelevant

relevant al l i nc l uded i rrelevant relevant relevant i rrelevant relevant

retevanr temporarymi grants excluded relevant relevant relevant relevantor funding irrelevant

' tri adi crel ati ons hi P ' ' tri adi crel ati ons hi P ' ' tri adi creati ons hi p' for rel ev ant undi ng i rrelevant i rrelevant

migration and development agenda. Given the framing power of internatonal organisations and their role in norm diffusion, the increasingly vague or unclear division between diaspora and transnational communiiies could soon overtaken by a process of essentialisation that is policy-driven. Governments eager to follow e highly political and subslaisea migration and development agenda have recently embarked on identifying and delineating e target groups. More research is needed to see if the noms created at the policy level will have a real impact on the sellidentification of diaspora organisations and their members.

Notes
r z 3 I would like to thank Rainer Baubock and Thomas Faist for their helpful criticism and constructive suggestions. In this chapter, I present only the final results of the analysis. For a more detailed analysis and full list of secondary souces see Weinar (zoo8)' The interviewees eomprised two representatives ofintemational organisations, seven epesentatives of African diaspora and migrant organisations in Belgium an<l the Netherlands, two representatives of African diaspora organisations in the uK and one epresentative ofan African migrant organisation in ltaly'

FF

A GN i l i sTK A WItN A tr l t r ' t ' x r r rr r p lt., lt' s.lr r ti..s 4 .g lr .t' 1t r ( ) r ) .(crrl x,r rr)r).1,5()/l i .r .l o r)trt,rrrl x.r t 9 9 5 , 5 2 1 t8 9 o l r tl l) t' l' n r lx,t tg 9 ,/,5 4 .1 t,r:, ol .r.r l l l rr.trrl rr rr,19r;, l /.l ol l or .r1 5l D e c e m be r 2 o o 3 , Sg lz4 t o f zz Dctcn r lr t,tl .r1 zo c >4.,(rl ;,::/,, l ),,,,,rrrx,r'eoo5. I n t h e co n te xt o f th e UN in itia tive ' Dig its l tl i uspor-in('tw ork i rr A i ca ancl tl r,. r Caribbean in North America and Europ;,,diaspora'is usecl as synonymously witlr 'expatiate population. This is the onry place *e." th. term ppeers in the ofci;rr reports. See Report of the Secretary-General 6ol3.3 of 3i Augusi zoo5 on human r.r, sources development. See, for example, Conclu-sons Migration of Conference,Brussels t5_tt, and. Developrnent March zoo6 (bodies involved were te govenment of Belgirm,-the IOM, the Workl Bank and the European commission) nd e Grobal commission on Internatonirr Migration report ,Migration in an interconnected world: New directions for acuorr, October zoo5, available at www.gcim.org. A case_in point, one way of courting d.ipora is by including migrants who are regis tered through instruments suth as Mexiios Matiicula Consular, an ID card accessi, be to undocumented Mexican nationals in e US. Decision Ext/EX/CLlDec.6 (lII) of Executive Council, Sun City, Republic of Soutlr Africa, zrz5 May zoo3. Decision of e Executive Council on the Definition of e Diaspora (EXlCLlzzt

l N 4lN l A l l \ l N t ,

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l rc l to l tl rr Itrt rx;rrrr.1rlle, l t,1x rr' l orrr l l rc (i rrrrrrri s s i on l l rt' l i rrl o;l t,:rrr ' ;rr' l i rrnrt,rrl :rrrd (l rttttr i l l i tttrrl x ' ;rtr p;,t' rrt ot l { n otrs l tttr' l i otr. rrntrrl l l t' pot' l z ooo, C OM(z oor); y A l i l rporl i orrr tl rt, (l orrrrrri s s i ono tl rt, l l rrrol x ,rrnl )arl i anrc ntand the C ounc i l on the

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r5

r6

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'Report of the Meeting of Experts on the Definition of e Afrcan Diaspora,, Addis Ababa, Eiopia, rr-rz April zoo5. Often one condition for accessingmgration proiects is met by in_ and development volving diaspora groups identified by e home country parmers. In September 2oo5, large numbers of African migranislried to climb over fences se_ paating e Spanish encaves from Moroccan tritory At least six people died rn casheswith security forces. The Hague Programme: Strengthening freedom, security and justice in the European Union, Oficia1 ]ournal, zo o c" 5I y I or. Council Directive zoqlSlC of zz Septbe 2oo3onthe right to family reunifi_ cation, Oficial fournai L z5r, qlrclzoiz: oorz_oorgl Counci Directive zoqlrcglEC of z5 Nvember zoo3 concerning the status of third_ country natonals who are long_term residents, fcial yournal L o16, 4lorl 2 o o 4 : o o 44 - o o 5 3 . council Directive zooolTSlEC of z7 November 2ooo establishing a general fiamework for equal treatment in employment and occupation,official iorrl L 3q, o,2l rzf zooo: oo16'oozz. council Directive zoool4;,lc of 29Iune zooo implentirrg the pri,nciple of equal treatment between of p.rro"r irrespectiue raciar or'ethnic orrgin, Oficial Jounal L r8o, ryloTlzooo, oirz_oor6. Communcation from the Commission to the Council, e European parliament, the European Economic and Social Commiftee, A Common Agena for Integration _ Framework for the Integration of Third_Country Nationals th" Errrop"; ;;", C O M ( z o o5 ) 3 8 9 . Communication from the Commission to the Council, the European parliament, the European Economic and Social Commitee and e Committe" of th" Regions, Third Annual Report on Migration and Integration COM(2oo7)jr2. Ibid: r7. European Council Conclusions December 2oo: 1. Communication from the Commission to e- EuropeanCouncil on e Global Approach to Migration, and Communication from th Commission to the Council and the European parliament _ The global approach to migration one year on: Towards a comprehensive European migation piicy, coUlzo;o735.

o A IrrrIl errr c nl i rl i orr Ma< :ro' l i i rri rrrti als s i s trnc c to Thi rd C ountri es i n z oor, C om (.roo,r,)1 52. 11 Ser, lirr r,x:rrnpk',Cornrnission Communications: Integating migration issues in the llrrlolx'ln Union's relations with third countries * COM(zooz); Policy Coherence for l)evt'loprnent * Accelerating progress towards atteining the Millennium l)evt,lopmcnt Goals - COM(zoo5)i34; Migration and Development: Some concrete rrri r,rrl :r l i onsOM(z oo5)39o. C a4 (:orrnunication from the Commssion to the European Parliament, the Council, e l4rrlopcanEconomic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions - On lilcular migration and mobility partnerships between the European Union and ird rrxrrrtri e sC OM(z oo7)o248. , (irrnrnunication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the -! lhrropean Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of e Regions lrrkrgrating migration issues in the European Unions relations with third countries, COM(zooz)7q. 16 Communication fiom the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the liuropean Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of e Regions Migration and Development: Some concete orientations COM(zoo5)39o. lf (bmmunication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the Iluropean Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions - On clrcular migration and mobility partnerships between the European Union and third countries, COM(zoo7loz48; Council Conclusions on circular migration and mobility partneships of December zoo7. It 'loint Declaration between European Union and Republic of Moldova' and 'foint Dcclaration between EU and Cape Verde', both signed on 5 June zoo8. Communication fiom the Commission to the Council and the European Pariament - Priority actions for responding to the challenges of migration - First follow-up to f ampton C ourt, C OM(z oo5l 062r:7. l0 Communication from the Commission to the European Pariiament, the Council, e European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of e Regions Migration and Development: Some concrete orientations COM(zoo5) 39o. The divilion between e two dimensions is, however, maintained, as the text sends the reader to the Communication on Common Agenda for Integration for details on integration policv.

r9

Chapter 5 and conflict Power diaspora: Interrogating migration in Peruvian

KarstenPaerregaard

tlarpora" ,diasporic' and 'diasporisation' have become trendy terms advocates 31iong anthropologists, sociologists, migration scholars and

multiculturalism in the past fifteen years.Among the most pomrtlrinkers wiin is trend are Gilroy (1993)and Cliford (rgg+b\,

influential works from the early r99os triggered a wave of new tion studies with a focus on the transnational and diasporic di,ons of contemporary migrant populations.' The contenon of authors is at culture cannot be examined as a geographically construct but must be studied as a dispersed phenomenon, a that leads to the argument that all people are diasporic, at least poTruly, diaspora 'has become a global word that fits the global '(Dufoix zooS: ro8). Such use of the concept of diaspora offers ' possibilities for understanding contemporary social change in an lesingly globalising world. But it also raises important methodologi fnd cnceptual questions concerning the definition of the terms \Me in oui analyses and the many political and moral agendas they

niel. tn effect,migration scholarsfacethe predicamentof addressing conceptthat, in e real world, is often employedin divergentand heil wavs and, within academia, is associated with emancipation diversity. As Amit and Rapport state:

lf primordialism and essentialism are key elements in the efforts to dene the ideological rationale and boundaries of diaspora, it ls ironic to see cultural theorists, who have so denounced the exoticisms of the colonial and orientialist gaze, now embrace them as vehicles for subaltern political liberation. (zooz: 541

and other puposes.In Brubaker's(zoo5: rz) words 'we should

of diaspora in the first instance as a category of practice' that

, using e concept of diaspora, migration scholars consequently be explicit about how they employ e term analytically and, at the time, distance themselves from its use by other people for politi'

K^l t1 | Ir N l Atr i tl tl i ( ]A^| i l |

R (r(;A ' l ' l N (l )l ^s l ' t [i A ;

t r ' c lt ' n t' s :rrrtl rrri rl < t'ls rc l rt.w o r' l tlrrrrtl' r,rrl yl l rrrr ;nk w l rt.l l rt,r'rrrtll row , l, it c an iu i ti rl l y b c u s c d u s :r c l rl t.g ,o lo l rrrrrl ysi s' r;rti s, l o tk,s< ' ri l rt,rrrr, y ll, world. The aim of this chapter is to scrutinist' tht: prcdicarnentsthat rlrr. scholar faces when applying the concept o'diaspora by discussing ir' usefulness in e study of global migration. My suggestion is that di;r spora serves as an analltical categoryto study particular aspectso'rili gration processes rather than as a general term for all forms of hybrirl ity and mobility in the contemporary world. More specifically, I propos(, that we use diaspora to explore migrant populations as communitit.s that are constantly negotiated and contested and that exclude as mr(rl as they include, rather than as entities that are bounded and homou,, neous and that automaclly embrace all migrants from a particular ir;r tion. To illustrate this, I draw on my own peruvian migration data t'x ploring how diasporic networks and ties shape the conflicts, comnril ments and organisations in which migrants living in the united statcs, Spain and Argentina engage.I develop this analysisby first discussrrrli the analytical problems of using diaspora as a general concept to und.r stand social fluidity and identity construction in a globalising world arrrl suggesting an analytical framework to explore global migration. I tht'rr investigate three kinds of power struggles and contestations amorrli Peruvians in the US, Spain and Argentina. My particular focus is.rr the role that the bilateral ties, which migrants in the three countries crt' ate with Peru, and the multisited ties, which they establish wirlr Peruvians in oer parts of the world, play in these power struggres a.rl contestations. Finally, I discuss the possibilities of using the concept , diaspora to understand Peruvian migration. I conclude by proposrrrll that it is primarily the Peruvian migrant elite who claim to blong to ,, diasporic community and that well-off migrants construct such "nld",' tity by excluding large numbers of working-class and less privireg.tl Peruvian migrants. My data indicate at diasporic populations often ae very heterogt, neous and that diasporic activities tend to be based on social class. These insights resonate with a recent study by waldinger, popkin a.rl Aquiles, who found that the hometown associations of Sarvadran mr grants living in Los Angeles are torn by a double loyalty to both tht. sending and receiving society and are therefore ridden by conflrr t (zoo7). My data complement these ndings, however,by showing thar whereas the transnational dilemma of belonging to two places t on., and the same me tends to generate stress within small cross-bordi.r migrant communities, such as the Salvadorans, class and ethnic corr flicts within the migrant communities - as well as between these conr. munities and the state of the sending country - are the main source . conflict in larger diasporic populations.

l,l

Diasporaas an analytical concept

unlike it s t win conceptof a tJBltrtttirlionalisnr,term coined by US scholarswhose main research Inttrest lit:s in migration processes between the US and Central Atnelicu, Mexico and the Caribbean. Quite the contrary diaspora has a hng lradition in European political and cultural history and it is only Geeutly that migration scholars have taken an interest in the concept fFrrbix zooS: 4341. Semantically, the two concepts refer to different fet ovcrlapping social phenomena and processes,which explains eir 9ften inconsistent and confusing use in migration studies. ettsnationalism, on e one hand, indicates the links that migrants esbblixlr to their country or region of origin, which allows them simultallAously to create new lives in the receing society and maintain strong Herrtity relations to the sending society (Portes, Guarnizo & Landolt fggq). Although it is true that transnational links are far from new in $le history of international migration, modern technology makes it pos$ble to make more systematic use of such ties and maintain them *1ueh longer than previously (Smith zooo). Diaspora, on the other hand, means dispersion and indicates the lany bonds that - in response to either discrimination or assimilation $ the receiving societies - bring together people who share the same history but are scattered in dilerent locations. In its classic nition, diaspora implies a people retaining a collective narrative of &ffering based on an experience of persecution and dispersion in their ical homeland that continues to make up a central point of referbee in their creation of identities (Safran r99r). Moreover, diaspora is G$tnonly understood as a people or historical collectivity defined in fms at once historical and religious, such as the fews, e Greeks and *1e Armenians. Typically, they themselves refer to an origin myth vested llth an almost sacred value, which gives e term a strong ethnic conFtation (Stratton 1997). Diaspora has also conventionally been assonted with certain economic and social activities in e host sociery. tre was at of the merchant and another was that of the intellectual, hth giving rise to the image of diasporic minorities as intermediaries, labelled 'middleman minorities' (Bonacich rg73:' see Schnapper After 1968, the meaning of diaspora was broadened to include comities that scholars had once labelled immigrant, nomadic or exilic. the words of Tllyan: '.Where once wee dispersions, there now is ' $996: l). On the one hand, this change in use of e term is ftly the result of a reorientation of identity from within the commu-

tD l anl l orir 'is r r <ltlir nit t 'd t <l t cr dt . nr ic usc,

that increasinglyembracethe diasporicdiscourse. #tles themselves As llfbrd (rgg+bl remindsus, membership a diaspora now viewed in is

t)4

I FA l ts'l 'tN trtt ti (;A A ttt t'A t,t

xi^l'lN(l

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o l )(,(i i ils il s t r ill (,g () (,rrl x )w (,r' rr(' n l ru ri ( ' t'l nl l i l s l l re rrrol ri l i sl rti orr i rrl t' r y nat ionals u p p o rt rn d i n trt' n t:t' l ro l l irn l l rc l rorrrr.l ;rrrtl tl tt' l rosl srr i rttcl i :r o c iet y .O n th e o th e r h a n d , th i s rrc w p ro l ii ' r' rrl i orr l l rt' l t' rrrr' tl i asl xrl rr' also due to a shift in paradigm that took placc in thc r99os, instigrlirrli as scholarsto explain ethnic relations and identity proccsses the outcorrrr of globalisationand transnationalisation.In efect, a growing numbcr' ,, scholars exploring migration, multiculturalism and ethnicity have rtr';rsl their work as diasporic studies; this simultaneously allows them to crr;r ture e deterritorialised and fluid nature of modern life and accoun[ or the local embeddedness and particr-rlar circumstantiality continuing to shape people's lives in the twenty-rst century. Nevertheless,precist'ly because diaspora is associatedwith origin and primordialism as mlr( ll as with mobility and hybridity, it implies an immanent tension betwt'r'rr belonging and travel. The concept has therefore erroneously compellt'tl many scholars to study migrants, refugees and exiled people through tlrr' same analytical lens that anthropologists, sociologists and other scholulr, conventionally used to explore small-scale and marginal populatiorr goups (Amit & Rapport zoozl. As a result, diaspora has become a new buzzword for culture arrrl identity as well as a conceptual vehicle to claim rights on behalf of pc, ple who suffer from oppression or discrimination. Indeed, unless w,' want to lump together in one category all forms of migrant comnrl nities and identities, we need to be more specific when labelling glob;rl movements and networks as diasporic. Does doing so actually help tr:r understand e changes that take place within the migrant communitit':r we studyl Or, does it lead to reification of transnational migrant groul):i as homogenous or static social units and representation of their engal(' ments and concerns as the mere replication of national and ethnic idor tities on a global scale This again raises critical questions regardirrll the definition of our analytical unit and, more importantly, how wt' study the process through which societies and communities emer[]r' and evolve into self,conscious constructions. As Amit and Rapport poirrt out, collective identities 'whether defined in terms of nation, ethnicity, occupation or political movement, are all too often invoked to ll the v:r cuum of location once lled (literally) by place' (zooz:3). Thus, wht'rr labelling particular emigrant groups as diasporic, we need to asl. whether we are referring to the mere demographic fact that a certairr fragment of a national population lives within a territory controlled by other nation-states. Or, are we implying that this group has developt'tl its own political and cultural communities and created its own form ol identification (Vertovec rggT)? In this chapter, I argue that although modern technology prompts :l growing proportion of the world's population to move - making travcl ling and migration a dominant dimension of modern life - this dot':r

lt fl ot i rrrl rl yllr ; r l r r ll socit 'lics r 't li; r slt or ir 'or llr r l r t ll t r t lir lr r s<lt t ullur qs l ick'r r t it it 's. r r llr clt r ur rt 'r nployingt hc r t ot ion o 'diad,ius; r or ic ntrr;rl ( lo o rt and ident i i ntl isu'inr ir ulcly ull l<ir r cls t r ansr t at ional et wor ks l pul a I prrrposc wc: bllow llutlcr, who identies an isolated set of catetie:, applicableto all diasporasso as to help us not only galiex lirl rrrralysis rom other movementsof people,but also consid dasporas dlxtlrrgrrislr therrr r iamework for the study of a specific process of community f frtnatiorr (Butler zoot: 194r.In Butler's definition the following di calettxiotts o'diasporic researchare particularly relevant as analyLical the reasons for the dispersal, the relationship wi the hometsgtuit's: lettd ;rrrclthe host lands, interrelationships with oer communities in tltr tlilrspora and comparativestudies of dierent diasporas (zoor: r95). I :uggt'st we use Butler's approach in a slightly revised and reduced frlttt, lrr rny approach,to be diasporic implies that a migrant population of ol1ir{l$ communities in several countries or cities outside the homearrd that these communities, on e one hand, maintain a degree htrd B'et:orromic and political autonomy as an immigrant community in the hl rocicties and, on the other, create networks and ties to not only the unlry of origin, but also migrants in other parts of the world. r:errtially, this makes e global web of relations linking migrants in ultlplt' destinationstogether the glue of diasporic populations. Hence, $ eontrast to the notion of transnationalism, which I use to explore the Hlcteral connections migrants construct to their country of origin, I un&rctand diasporic networks and engagements as e multilateral netlkr arrd ties migrants create across regional and national boundaries Ut:leletheir homeland (Faist r9g9: 46-471. ut lrow do we operationalise such an approach and apply it in em$llcel rcsearch? Moreover, how do we identify those aspects of a miand those that are non$cttt population that actually are diasporic To answer these questions, I shall try to apply this approach ruporic hl rry ,r*n study of Peru's migrant population and discuss to what exlt tlrc ties and networks Peruvian migrants create ae diasporic. I furefort' devote the remaining part of the chapter to the analysis of Sfep crs,rs of power struggles that have instigated Peruvian migrants to ate and engage in multilateral networks and ties. The first case h I label 'diaspora and politics', involves a political conflict caused e lel)our migration chain to the US, stretching back more an three . The second case, 'diaspora and solidarity', deals with a sense )uitment that propels migrants to collect and remit money to their fellow countrymen in Peru. The ird case, 'diaspora and ', examines the networks and institutions that migrants create in

lk US, Spain and Argentina. Although the data I draw on were colshedlight on ongoingpocesse kd r.'v"r"l yearsago,the threecases in if pwut struggles Peruvianmigration at continue to causeconflict

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.too(r; l t' tg l i rrri a d lc r r s i o n i rrl o r' rl .l g rrrrl s (s c t ' A l l ;rrrri r' ;rrro P ac r r c ga a rd o o 5 ; l t' rg &' l a tn u l 3 tto , toer(r;Mi tti sl t' r' i o t' l t' l ttci orrrr; z tl tl E x t er ior e s e l P e r 2 o 0 5 ).' A c o rn rn o rt rt' tnt' tttntti ttg trortgl ty i rni l d tl lysis is the fragmentednature of Peruviarrs' diasporir:rclationsarrcltlr,' practicesthat tend to divide migrants anywhere they scttle. Morc spt'rr cally, the three casesshow that, on the one hand, migrants' atterrtpl l, construct a unifying identity as Peruvians is ridden by ongoing ctlrrrrr and class tensions and, on the other, their transnational engagemerrlrrr their homeland reproduces old political conflicts with the Peruvr;rrr state, and generates nevr' ones. In effect, the case studies pompt us l') ask: politics for whom Solidarity for whom? Diaspora for whom

5.2

Diasporaand politics

Over the past jo yeas, over 3,ooo Peruvians have worked on US sht't'p ranches on the basis of an H-zA visa. Currently, almost 2,ooo are wot l( ing as sheepherders in the US for e Western Range Associatrotr (WRA) and other agencies. Many of them have worked on as many rrr five contracts each lasting three years. Their labour migration meets clil ferent economic needs and links distinct lives between the First Workl and the Third World. At one end of e migration chain, the econonrir and political crisis in Peru generates a constant supply of rural workcts in desperate search for alternative sources of income. At the other entl, the sheep ranching industry in e US looks for cheap labour to rlr work North Americans will not accept. The two ends are conneclt'rl rough a network of Peruan herders who travel repeatedly betwet'rr e US and Peru. In the North, the ranch owners, the WRA and US irrr migration authorities control the flow of Peruvians who enter and leavt' the US on H-zA visas; in the South, an informal network of family arrrl household relations assues the reproduction of the labour force arrtl provides new recruits (Paerregaard zooz). A critical aspect of this nri gration chain is a patron-client relationship between the herders anrl their employers. Not only does it spur Peruvians to continue working irr the US and call upon new family members, but the dyramics are ust'tl by US ranch owners and the WRA to discipline the herders to endult' harsh working conditions in the mountains and the desert and to dett'r them from running away. Although this relationship creates anxiely about upsetting the ranchers - who often exploit the herders'fear 1,, scare them from complaining about their conditions, cluitting the job or returning to Peru before the contract expires - it also instigates sonrt' herders to protest. In 1995, a group of Peruvians ling in Bakersfield, California, wer',' led bv ex-herder Victor Flores to ceate the Unin de Pastort's

o s ol llr vej eros, {r r not glt t t isr t liot t t lt ' t 'r r t lir r g t 'r 'ig, lr ls [ t t 'r 'dt 'r r t t d disir it t ir r t r ut t iotullot r l lJr t 'it 'silt t lr lir lr tr t hc US and Pcr u. The r l tl l l u;rl i nf fl l ott rt' c t 'ivt 'dpt r lllit lt t t ct t t iot tit t l, <lsAr t gt llcst he sam e year it was f9fttretl lx'r'uttst:l)c'ruviannclwspapcrPer de los 9o began publishing a ltiex o'urf ir:krsabout the herders' situation.a The news caused an inwithin the Peruvian community in California about solue cliscrrssion irong fellow migrants and the moral and legal rights of immillderity $ferrtn in thc US.5To many of them, it came as a surprise at herders &orrr lcrnote villages in the Peruvian highland were working as legal flnigrants in the US in human conditions worse than they were used l tt l ' t' ru . 'f 'lre scandal widened when Per de los go reported that the Peruvian ancul in Los Angeles previously had ignored the herders' comglaints. while The nt'ws also reachedone of Peru's major dailies, La Repblica," a weekly rnagazine in Lima, reported on ill-treated Peruvian E&retus,'t krders in the US. Lima telesion channel Canal 4 produced a docuFlFntflry on Peruvian herders in California in which tvvo repoters inter*wecl l Basque ranch owner who revealed the conditions in which his krttvian employers were living. The documentary sparked yet another rndal among politicians in Lima, where President of Congress ilertlra Chvez referred to the herders' situation in a heated debate lbut human rights in Peru. Similar eports on SpanishJanguage televidtt channels in the US caused moral indignation among Hispanic ttlnority groups. In ry96, the Peruvian ambassador, together wi oldr rorn the US Department of Labor, paid a personal visit to several Fehes cmploying Peruvian labourers. Tlte dcbate about economic exploitation and human rights abuses of kruvlan herders in e US that emerged in e wake of the Bakersfield krders' union formation and Flores' accusations against the WRA rekte tlru economic and social complexity of global migration networks. &ee lhr, Peruan community in Los Angeles, the media in Peru and fo tlS and politicians in Lima engaged in the controversy, the herders' fuation became the concern of economic, eical and political interests ff very different kinds. Whereas the Peruvian consul in Los Angeles the sttprrrseded, editor of Peru d'elosgo won an award for its covero'llrc conflict. Meanwhile, Chvezplayed on national sentiments in accusing the US government of double standards because it critithc hurnan rights politics of e Fujimori government while acng sheep ranchers' abuses against Peruvian herders. For its part, political opposition in Peru traced the cause of e tragedy to the of the Peruvian government in solving the country's economic . hhough Flores received the most attention, he was not the only exder to articulate the interests of the herders in public. In 1989,

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' li' or loc i <r' (' l ulft(,c lk r l ' r' rr u i t,r'l rl rvi rrploutl )l (.k.(l l l rrt' t,-yci rl orl i l ( ;r w c ont r acti n tJ rc U S . U rrl i l < t' l rk l rt' s , l r o t;tl l t.rlorr l Jrr,U S and l ,t' rtrvr,rrr : w authorities to keep a closc cyc o Arrrt'rir'irnslrr,t'11 rarrchcrs' rrst,ol Peruvianlabour and, if necessary, bring it to a lralt,'Tbodocio argrrcrl has in favour of Peruvians taking work as sheepherdersin the US, wlritlr he thinks epresents a unique opportunity for them to earn Amclrcrrr dollars. In Lima, he made friends with the Peruvian engineer in chirr1i,. of recruiting herders and occasionallyofered him advice and supporl in selecting new candidates.As the public debate of the herders'situ.l tion in the US became more heated in the late r99os, Teodocio aurl ,r group of ex-herders in Huancayo waned that Flores' critique o'tlr,, WRA and the sheep ranchers eventually would encourage them to Lrol, for herders in other countries. Together they formed an associatior ()l former WRA workers, e Asociacin de Ex-Trabajadores la Westt,rrr de Ranch Association, with the aim of speaking in defence of the WllA and the ranchers. ln ry97, Teodocio was inted to pesent his vrt'w points at the committee for human rights formed by Peru's congr(.sr He also met with Flores and representatives from the Peruvian govcnl ment to discuss the future of the migration programme. At the mt'r,l ing, an informal ageement was made among the WRA, the enginr,t,r and the Peruvian government to espect the herders' rights, and it wln decided to allow e migration programme to continue th .w changes.s Within a short me, the pnbti. and political interest in rlrt. herders' situation faded away and the number of herders travelling to the US continued to increase. The labour conflict and the scandal it caused involved a broad rarr1i,. of actors including migrants, journalists, oficials and politicians oul side as well as inside Peru. At one point, e conflict also caught the rrr tention of other Hispanics, which prompted Peruvians in California to create multilateral ties outside Peru and think of emselves as belorrli ing to a wider immigant community in e US. Once Peruvian iourrirl ists and politicians engaged in the dispute, however, the matter w;n transformed into a national issue of contention in Peru. In effect, il changed meaning from being a multilateral engagement concerning :rll migrants to a bilateral affair between the herders and the Peruvi:rrr state.

5.3

Diaspora solidarity and

Many Peruvians feel obliged to contribute to the material wealth of thcir countryTnen in times of scarcity and crisis. This is expressedin their or ganised attempts to collect financial and material help from tlrt' Peruan government or from public or private institutions in Perrr.

l ?hl g l rcl r r r r r ,t . vit lt . r r it t t t , yr lllwlr t 'r r lil Nio lr it ( lut t r lr l t r t r clSout h ( ut lsir r lllt t t gt ' lt t t t t t lt r tklsst 'sat t d t t r at cr ialdam agc in Per u. A nel i ci r, lx'lwt't'rt cilit's o'thc: northcrn coast and the rest of fud r'orrrrt't'liott rotrrrlry was intcrruptcd, lcaving thousandsof peoplewhose homes fte tild lr.lclslrrcl bccn loocled beyond the reach of emergency assistance The tlisrrsk'rcausedby El Niflo also jeopardisedthe government's policy ts spark cc<lnomic growth, and created uncertainty about whether the urltry's rcccnt economic recovery and its emergencefrom a recession ld lx' sustained. News about El Nif,o and images of its devastating lfeel r;rpidly reached Peru's emigrant population around the world and in Itlrrrul tttany migrants. Peruvian associations the US began to collect orr lx'half of Peru's victims of El Niflo. Initially, indidual migrants li tsetetl in an ad hoc way, encouraging friends and neighbours to join &eil t'lirrts to help countrymen in Peru, but soon Peruvian associations ruttglrout the US followed their example. In Miami, a number of FEfuviln migrant associations organised a collection of clothing, food, tledlcinc, tools and money that was sent a e country's national carfr st thc time, Aeroperl, and several private Peruvian freight compales, l)uring the collection, which took place on 14 and 15 February lggff at a small plazain front of a shopping centre in Kendall, Western lfletrri, l<nown among Peruvians as Plaza Per, representatives from pa"ttt Peruvian associations and the Peruvian consulate in Miami Ge prcsent. To attract the attention of the Peruvian community in several celebrities were brought in - including a famous Ilrnti, hruviarr model. According to one local Peruvian newspaper, more than ienty tonnes of clothing and other items were collected over the twofrt aflair.'r Other newspapers labelled e collection a success because ft F|lc,rurag"d cooperation in a common cause by a broad variety of ?futi,,t' associations and institutions in Miami, which might otherwise hve a.t,,d on their own and with different agendas.'" Likewise, many fttltlpunts also expressedtheir satisfaction at Peruvians in Miami lG ttt,,ttrg"d to arrange a collection of such dimensions in collabora *n with the Peruvian consulate. Mlgrants in other parts of the US also planned collections to aid the *tlnrn o'El Niflo. On zz March 1998, the Asociacin de Instituciones Ftuerms en los EstadosUnidos y Canad(AIPEUC), an umbrella orgaI cncompassing all Peruvian institutions in the US and Canada, a nationwide telethon. It was organised locally by each of FEUC's chapters, in Los Angeles, San Francisco,Miami, New York' ago and Montreal. The president of the Los Angeles chapter, which f3pferents one of the largest Peruvian organisations in the US' inted I Yefiety of Peruvian artists, musicians and dance groups to entertain ut a rented banquet hallin Holllwood. Alongside the mandatory ffrt: trcn." fee of twenty dollars, participants were encouraged to make

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dot r at iorrsA rrra i o l i l yd i s rrrtrl y tl ro p ;rr.rlen- or.tw t.rrty-ckrl hrr.Ii lilrr . l s c ollec t io n o x c s ,[ru t a i ' w p a rti c i l x rrr l w t.rr.i rrvi tt.d on tl rr.st0g(.t(l b s rrp hand ov e r th e i r d o n a ti o n si n p u b l i r:. ' l ' l rt,st' r' .rrtri brrtors w crc al l srrr cessfulbusinesspersons, professionals and l<rrown members o'thr' l,'g Angeles Peruvian community who each donated up to a thousancl tltrl lars. Simultaneously, other collections were arranged by indepenrlt,rrt Peruans associations in the area, such as the Arequipa club rrr orange county. To stimulate competition between peruvian comrl nities acrossNor America, the leadersof the AIpEUC updated orgarrr sers and participants on the results of the campaign in other "r""r,'tl',,l., fostering a sense of simultaneity and shared commitment am.rr11 Peruvians in North America. The outcome of the many contributi.rr:; was later communicated t Peruvians in different parts of the uS arrtl Canada through local newspapers." The migrants' sense of solidarity, however, was directed towards rr.l only their countrymen, but also peruvians living outside pe^r.'' Periodically, this concern would trigger debates and campaigns withirr the migrant communities as they sought to demonstrate soharity witlr Peruvians who suffer social injustice and discrimination in the host s, ciety or otherwise fall victim to misforhrne. In fanuary 1998, a group o Peruvians in Miami formed a committee with the aim of supporrlrti countrymen who struggle to regularise their undocumented status irr the us. The committee was founded by the editor of Miami's peruviarr newspape El chasqui and the leader of the peruvian Americarr c_oalition which, inspired by the success of the cuban communiry rrr Florida, urged Peruvians in the us to use their right to vote to elect ;r countrFrnan to congress.'l The committee's political message was thul legal immigrants have a moral obligation to help undocumented imnrigrants because illegality is a universal condion that may affect the livr.s of all immigrants. By e same token, some of the organisers who ust, local immigrant newspapers in spanish to communicate their messag. contend that such a sense of solidarity should transcend national identi, ties and include immigrants from all Latin American countries.'4 S, far, however, the resonance of these attempts to create horizontal tics across social classesand ethnic groups and incite the formation of a national identity among Peruans immigrants in different parts of Nortlr America has been limited. In other parts of the world, similar movements have been formecl among Peruan migrants to create a collective consciousness of therrrselves as a sepaate demographic unit and to mobilise for political purposes. In Argentina, the Movimiento de peruanos en el Exterior ('Movement of Peruvians Abroad') was established in 1999. In colla_ boration with other emigrant communities in the us and canada, .s aim was to promote the candidacy of an emigrant in the zoor elections

'l'lt polilicalr r r cssagc: t hat beis for [' erttvir t r( bt t gt 'r 'ss. '1 t 't n<lvt 't t t ct t t 's Gugeo ttrigrartls' r:otttributiottsto l)cru's cconomy through remithas a moral obligation to support nc:ex, llrt' l)cruvian govcrnrcnt ttuggk's against discrimination and marginalisation suffered by immi lltttl ir [hcir new countries of residence. Such a messageencourages *tlgrarrts kr think of themselvesas a politically homogenous group who lhere th( same interests regardless of where they live or who they lre,'(' Other Peruvian organisations in Argentina are also concerned rlth thc welfare of their countrymen, though for very different easons. ln tlrt, r95os and r96os, hundreds of young Peruvian males went to Atgentina to study. Many returned to Peru, but oers stayed and either l?rricd Argentine women or brought their wives from Peru to sete in Argentina. Some of these women who today are well established and ingrated in Argentine society have formed an institution called the Agociacin de Damas Peruanas, which does charity work for newly ardyed Peruvians in need of help.'7 Migrants' efforts to collect aid on behalf of the victims of El Niflo in Fetu and support their country of origin in time of war and internaonal conflict recurrently encourages them to come together and create llaks to Peruvians in other cities and countries, thus forging multilatrl ties outside Peru. These attempts, however, often cannot be susllned for very long, partly because migrants are internally divided and pftly because they distrust the Peruvian state. Furthennoe, although llgrants' engagement in Peruvian domestic politics has prompted Fruvians in some counies to establish connections across national kundaries, these ties are ridden by class conflict and focused on mipents' involvement in Peru raer than in the countries where they Ve, Hence, rather than compelling migrants to create diasporic nett?rhs and ties, their sense of solidarity makes them turn attention toerds their country of origin.

f-

Diaspora and class

ln many of *re communities that Peruvians establish outside Peru, miFnts reproduce the power relations and ethnic tensions that divide kruvian society into economic and social classes.This is evident from Se many migrant organisations and associations that Peruvians create 'Whereas some of these institutions b their new countries of residence. ts open for all Peruvians who want to come togeer - to play football, &nce or watch folldore shows - others recruit their members according elther regional origin or socio-economic class. The latter are erefore ore exclusive, which'has important implications for their capacity to tge diasporic networks and ties. In cities such as Miami, Los Angeles,

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Nc w Y or l <n c ll )i l 1 (' Is o r,o w J t' rs t,yrrr i gl l l rl $()eri rrrrrorgrrri srrl i orn i N , bas ed on th e i r rc g i o n a l l tta c h rn t' rrli rr l )t' r' rr. ssrx' i uti orrs A rrrrryl x. tl i v ided alo n g tw o l i n e s : th o s eb a s c d< l n r rri gnrrrts' al l ar:l rrncntthci r rr;r kr tive village and those based on attachmcnt to thcir lromc provinc(:or tlt, patment. Village-based associations are, aboveall, committed to thc rrrr grants' place of origin, often being engaged in an intense relatiorrslrilr of economic and social exchange with their fellow villagers in l)('r'u Organisations based on migrants' attachment to their home provinct' or department, on the other hand, tend to attract a more -heterogencorn group of migrants of both urban and rural backgrounds.'o In contrast to social, cultural and regional institutions, class-basedor ganisations normally recrult their members from Peru's urban middh' or uppe classes,being of mostly mestizo or European descent iorrr Lima and other major cities in Peru. These institutions can be of variorr:; kinds, ough are usually private clubs, professional organisations, chambers of commerce or charity organisations. They exist in plact,ri with more establishedPeruan communities such as New York, Miarrri, Los Angeles, Barcelona, Buenos Aires and Santiago, places that havr, been the destination of Peruvian emigration for almost half a century, Thus, during the r95os and r96os, hundreds of young men frorrr Peru's middle- and upper-class families travelled to Spain and Argentin;r to study medicine, law, agriculture, etc., at universities ere. Malry decided to stay. They eventually married local women, got good jobs rrs lawyers, physicians or veterinarians and became part of Spanish anrl Argentinean society. However, most of em maintained their Peruvrurr identity by forming associations. During the late r98os and early 199os, Spain and Argentina received a new \/ave Peruans headed by a larg,,. of number of working-class migrants from Peru's urban shantytowns erni grating at a time of economic and political crisis. Today, many of thos,, once newly arrived live on the margins of e host society, forming rrrr emegent proletariat of immigrant workers in Spain and Argentirr;r. Hence, their migration and livelihood experiences are radically differcrrt from those oftheir predecessors, difference that often leads to strir, a within Peru's immigrant communities in these countries. This variety of migrant organisations reflects Peruvians' possibilitit's for creating multilateral networks. Thus, migrants from Peru's rur':rl areas and urban shantytowns tend to organise in regional and ethnic us sociations, which serve as vehicles to sustain ties to their place of origirr and engage in transnational relations of exchange with their relatives irr Peru. Rarely, however, do they develop links to migrant communities irr other parts of the world. If they do, these bonds are usually not orrly secondary to e relaons that link them to the homeland, but also tal<t. the form of trans-state rather than transnational connections (Waldingt,r & Fitzgerald zoo4: n8z). Migrants from Peru's better-off strata, on tlrr,

wit iu( ther l ri u r cl, 'r r or ( 'likcly lo t 'slr blislr t 't 'laliot t s lt ot lt cr nligr ant t gfol l l )s l lcclr t t sc lt t 'ir sot ilt l ar t cllt r o i'ssi<lr t st at us in Per u easest he ul o ptoblerrrs obtuining stay and worl<pcrmits in host countriesand be:une tlcy sufirr lcss rom social and cultural prejudices than other Fenrviarrs.'"hcir privileged position enhancestheir mobility and allows migrant institutions, based on class and profession, and thetrt t,, c:rt:atc folrn rrt'tworks with Peruvians from their own strata in other parts of &e worlcl. This is clearly evident in the Peruvian American Medical lecirty (PAMS), one of the oldest migrant institutions in North Anterica, bunded by Peruvian medical doctors who migrated to the US worl< during the Vietnam War.'e Today this association has around f;ioo rncmbers with its own office in Chicago and a number of local hepters in the US."" Similar institutions wee created by Peruvians llho rtudied at Spanish and Argentinean universities in the r95os and Ipfios and ultimately stayed abroad to establish families. In Spain, miItnttlx rrmed an organisation called Convencin Nacional de Mdicos Hl:puno-Peruanos. which comprises approximately 8oo Peruan doctsf: and has seven chapters in Spain's major cities. In Argentina, Fetuvian doctors are organised in the Asociacin Peruano-Argentina de Hdlcos, which is also divided into local chapters. The main chapter in foentrs Aires represents between two and three ousand Peruvian doc$e, Apart from the annual meetings these institutions organise nation'or their members, a global gathering for all Peruvian doctors living Peru has been arranged on a number of occasions." [ scveral North American cities, an exclusive group of male ians has formed associations for former students of the Leoncio Military Academy, Peru's most respected military school in " These associations function as institutional anchors of a global of ex-studentsof Leoncio Prado - so-called Leoncioprqdinos' today are architects, engineers, doctors, bank directors, businessetc., living in e US, Mexico, Panama, Venezuela and different who want to emigrate in ol' liurope. They also help Leoncopradinos jobs and getting adjusted to their new environment. Thanks to ng upport they receive from the network and their frequent communifeel I on the internet and by email, many former Leoncopradinos at home in their new countries of residence as in Peru. As $ueh tch graduate explained it:

wi good we because are all professionals Te arc verywell organised

Wc use the internet and communicate by email. We help each whenever there is need. They help me nding a job and later I

else. Fomebody
this exclusive secto of Peru's emigrant population has created :teble network of diasporic connections at allow migrants to feel without'sustaining active ties to their homeland.

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A Peruvian diasporal

This chapterhas exploredhow l)eruvirrrr rrrigrurrrts nt'gotiatcand orgrr;1,. in three types of conflicts and power struggles and investigated lrow these negotiations and engagements compel them to forge diasporr, networks and ties. The first case examined a political conlict tlr;rl emerged because of the economic exploitation and physical abust' r,l Peruvians who work as sheepherdersin the US. It discussed how tlr,' conflict caused a scandal within the Hispanic media in the US arrtl ;r critique of the Peruvian state because it failed to prode the herders 1,. gal and moral assistance.However, even when e scandal reached itr; peak and became an issue"of contestation- first, between the Peruvr;rrr consulate, the press in Los Angeles and media in Lima and, later, lrt' tween the Peruvian and the US governments - the networks and ti<'s rt activated were mainly bilateral. Rather an mobilising Peruvians rrr oer parts of the world and thus prompting migrants to engage in nrrrl tilateral networks across regional and national boundaries, the conlir t became a tense issue between migrants and the Peruvian state, thert'lry forging transnational ties at the cost ofdiasporic ones. The second case focused on Peruvians' commitment to help tht,ir countrymen in Peru and other places. This commitment prompts thr.rrr to organise collections of aid to help the victims of natural disasters il Peru and to arange campaigns to suppot fellow migrants struggling to regularise their illegal status in a host society. Such activities generat(' ;l feeling of solidarity with Peruvians not merely in Peru, thus reinforcinli ties to the homeland, but also in other parts of the world. As such, tlrt,y provide migrants wi a notion of simultaneity in time and homogerrr' ity as a social group. Peruvians' awareness of constituting a global soci;rl unit, however, is susceptible to the vicissitudes of politics and dominrt ing rhetoric of nationalism in the homeland. During times of polit<rrl conflict in Peru, the Peruvian govenment often plays on the patriotisrrr of the country's migrant population and its loyalty to the homelantl, which tends to lead to its division, rather than unication. In effect, nrr gants' feelings of unity and shared national identity seldom last ionli Although many support wi great enthusiasm the humanitarian assis tance campaigns that Peruvian organisations launch from time to timt,, tensions often break out once e aid and solidarity become an object ol political controversy. The third case examined migrant institutions and the social class rt, lations that transcend em. Whereas some social and cultural organrsil tions are open to all migrants, others recruit Peruvians according to class, ethnic and regional aliation and therefore divide rather thrrrr unite em. In fact, the only groups of migrants that have developt'tl mullateral networks linking Peruvians in several locations across

o m l r r llr ?egl oturrr r r r lnlr lionr rlxlr r r r dr r lics r '<' t 'ussociult 's 'pr o cssional t l in org r r r r isulior rst t cltas t t t cclit 'al s, associat ions t he US, Spainand S fnl networksof former sturtttd thc tnorc conned and exclusive Argetrlirru schools and military academies.In Peruan rnigrapntx rr'l)t'ru's clite ott, ilrt,n, diasporic networks and ties emege from the same conflicts lntl rtnrgglcs that divide Peruvians in Peru into social classesand eilc gnrrrps and remain a privilege in the hands of the most powerful tors o'the country's migrant population. Indeed, to this small group 3f train('d professionals and ecoomically well-off Peruvians, it may be gued that the idea of diaspora exists in the form of a cosmopolitan er*ity (see Hannerz ry96: roz-rrr). This notion of a dispersed ethnic gtlrunity united by a shared loyalty to the homeland is based, how!t?r, orr the exclusion of the vast majority of fellow migrants. In other ffirds, it is the identity of an urban elite from upper-class neighbour|pod:r ln Lima who often claim descent from European immigrants. As Hlcatcd in this chapter, eir successin mobilising other social classes l&d ethnic groups has so far been limited. i Thc act that only a small group of Peruvians has created multilateral ltworks and ties and engaged in diasporic activities can be atibuted everal factors. First of all, Peruans tend to disperse across many rics and cities, which undermines their ability to establish orgamigrant communities in the receiving countries and to create economic, social and political ties with their country of origin or n diferent migrant settlements. A second factor is that, with the ion of e US, which has been the destination of Peruvian miitc since the mid-r95os, it is only twenty yeas ago that Peru's exo$ained momentLlm. In addition, Peru's migrant population is exbre hetcrogeneous and includes migrants of both sexes, as well as of t all social strata and ethnic and regional groups. Moreover, unlike governments in the Caribbean, Mexico and Central America that mlgration on the top of their political agenda, the Peruvian state only recently begun to show concen for its emigrant population & Tmagno zoo6), a concern at makes it into e headlines of : public media only rarely. In fact, the flow of information between eutry and its migrant population is surprisingly thin and, except rcurrent estimates of migrants' remittances and their impact on ountry's development, e only news that appeas in the Peruvian lR are occasional reports about migrants who have been caught by police or immigration authorities because they have broken the law

illegally. avelled

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Co n c l u s i o n

I t is now p e rti n e n tto re tu rn to th e o p crri ng< l rrcsl i orrl ' l hi schapk,r'l:o < ask what kind of networks and ties Peruvian migrants brge whcn tlrt,v engage in conflicts and power relations. The material discussed irrtli cates that Peruvian migration is characterised by few if any, diasporrr aspects and that these are restricted to the exclusive activities and rt'plr. sentations of a small group of migrants. Considering that the major itv of Peruvians who have emigrated in the past twenty or Jo yeas bekrrrll to an emergent working class of immigrants in the First World, this olr servationundescoes Schnapper's(t999: 33) point that'proletarian po pulations are undoubtedlyJess likely to maintain themselves as a clr;r spora'. Moreover, my material demonstratesthat migrant communiti(.:t often constitute exlremely heterogeneous populations divided by class, ethnicity, education, gender and age, which provides support irr Brubaker's (zoo5: rz) suggestion that rather an essentialising tlrr, term 'diaspora' by giving it a specific meaning, 'we should think of cli:r spoa not in substantialist terms as a bounded entity, but raer as rrrr idiom, a stance, a claim.' Finally, the material reminds us that, as sclro lars, we should be careful not to use the term'diaspora'to portray tlrt, life of contemporary migrants in ways that pull the wires of a politic;rl discourse to serve the interests of exporting companies, remittancr, agencies,politicians, development planners and journalists rather thrrrr those to whom e term actually refers: the vast majority of migrarrt:r struggling daily to cross national boundaries, legalise their papers, firrrl jobs and create new lives in foreign places.

Notes
r z Ong stetes that diasporic studies '1ook at the subjective experience of displacemorr, ctimhood, cultural hybridiry and cultural struggles in the modern world (1999: r:,) I collected the bulk of data between ry97 and, zoor, with supplementary data gallr ered between zoo3 and zoo5. I used a multisited strategy to conduct field resear.tlr among Peruvians in e US, Spain, Italy, Argentina, Chile and fapan. The muiti-sirrrl approach alowed me to explore global relations and diasporic identities through irr depth ethnographic studies in selected countries and research sites. The union is associated with the United Farm Workers of America (UFWA) of tlrr. American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). Peni d,elos9o Vol. 9: z, 3, 4 (February, March, April i998). See also los AngelesTntr'. 17 August zooo: A3+Az3; Oregonq The West 15 fuly zoor: Azt + Az4. Many Peruvians iving in the US have either entered the country illegally or ovu stayed a touist visa and live and work as domestic servants, gardeners, waiters, cotr struction workers, etc., in the big cities. La Repblica16 August 1996: Local. Caretas fune 1996: No. r4r9. zo

3 4 5

Wl rrre;rs l rhrrc riw ;rs :rurrr.s s l rrli rr l rl l i npl l l rr' prrl rl i r' ' s rl l (,rl i on l o l l rt' rrurl l t' r, l rt' o i r l ai h.rl to rrrol ri l i s r,l l rt' s rrp;ror' l l rr,rrl t.rsrr l l rr,tl S rrntl l ,rrr. l ' l ror.rglnrl ny agrc c d l l rrt tl rc r;rrrtl r rorrtl i ti orrsw r,rr.rr' prr' l rc rrs i l rl t,, y al s o s hrred Tbodoc i osc onc err l l rc tl r;rl l l rt.(()nl rov (' rs yj trrl x udi s t,dl l rt.i r rl rrl c pros pec tsbr w ork i ng on l abour c on s l rl t l l i r r l l rt' tJ S , l o thrrs s uv cc urri taland c rc atcan al ternati v e ourc eofi nc ome. The tlirprrt,', llrcrr, not only disclosed the predicaments inherent in Flores' strategy tlrrough rncdia attcntion and with the help of Peruan politicans, to organise the irr Ircrrlt'r's ghting the WRA and, in so doing, to fight the US sheepherding industry rrrr llrt'wlr<>lc- but also demonstrated the complexity of economic, social and political nv l l rl r'rr,s l s ol v edi n gl obal mi grati on prac ti c e. Ii l ('l nty u N o. 3: 98 (Februaryr998). l,rrl Nrrurs No. z (March 1998). llhitttu llora Vo1.r: 5 (April 1998); El PanamencanoYol.5:72 (April 1998); Aaualid.ad 13 V rrl .(r: tJ z (A pri l 1998); P eruv i anTmes Y o|.7: (Marc h 1998). |,nrrrvirns also showed concern for eir home country during e 1995 war Peru lrrir'ly ought against Ecuador over the border separating e two countries. Rather llrurr rrniting migrants, as happened in 1998 when Peruans collected money to aid llrr. viclims of El Nino, however, e conflict with Ecuador tended to divide Peruvians Irrto two groups: those supporting President Fujimori in his martial rhetoric against ttriglrbouring Ecuador and those in favour ofa pan-American - rather than national irlerrtity,seeking a peaceful solution ofthe conflict. r! A rirnilar movement, called La Plataforma Socio-Poltica Peruana Americana ('f)errrvian American Socio-Poiitical Platform) was created in California n ry98 (Peru dr kx 9o Vol. 9: z (February 1998)). No.5:42 (lan\rary ry981, El ChasquiNo. S: 98 (February ry981: Peru News ,1 l,u (lrt5nca N o, z (Marc h 1998). ll Iluuld.o d.elPeru No. 3 (October zooo); Gaceta d.elPeru No. zr7 (October zooo). l6 ()rre o'the movement's leaders is brother to former Peruvian President Alejandro 'lbledo. The candidate promoted by the movement as candidate for Peruar Congrcss was the owner of the biggest Peruan remittance agency in Argentina, Argcttper. t7 liirnilar institutions exist in most US cites with a major concentration of Peruvian l nrrni grants . 'l'lrir division ofregional associations is reflected in migrant institutions that evolve rrrrr rural-urban migration practice in Peru (Paerregaard ry97: 65-7o\. *9 ftAMS also has a few Peruans dentists in its membership. l llrrtrrc members of PAMS deplore e fact at e institution attracts few new meml*.rn, 'l'his can be attributed to e growing dificulties encountered by Peruvian docIorr who have studied in Peru and later emigrate as they try to revalidate their acarlerrric degrees in e US. In effect, PAMS is increasingly becoming an institution for ttrldclle-agedor senior doctors that in time will fade away. It [)tt rcveral occasions, the global gathering ofPeruan medical doctors in the US has lleerr held in Lima to support the development of medical science in Peru. al Irr l,os Angeles there are two such institutions: Asociacin de Ex-Cadetesde Colegios Mllitrres del Per and Asociacin L

rt

6 7

Chapter 6 migration: on A globalperspective transnational migration withoutmethodological Theorising

nationalism
Nina Glk Schiller

f,l

Introduction

here is currently a large and growing body of descriptive studies of lilnational migration. These studies document the many ways in migrants and their descendants live their lives both within and the borders of multiple nation-states. Often these studies seem disconnected from both social theory and a series ofpowerful eontradictory narratives about migration and its consequences. In narratives, migrants appea as destabilising or even criminal ininto nation-states, or as coveted global talent, or as the last best o'homelands whose development depends on migrant generated Ittances. Rather than addressing these contradictions within the of social theory mainstream migration scholars, especially those rned with public policy, respond to contemporary attacks on mita and migration by adopting the perspective of their respective na. Arguing for the need for, or providing evidence of, the longlrcnds towards integration, they accept national borders as the boro'society and as e necessary institutional nexus for citizenship, :ratic rights or a social welfare state (Alba zoo3; Esser zoor). For part, many scholars of transnational migration, despite their deons of cross-border pocesses, have also displayed what Wimmer | (Wimmer & Glick Schiller zooz) have called a 'meodological talst' approach. They have responded to critiques of dual nationalnd transnational social felds by assurances at migrants with ties and loyalties can and will rapidly assimilate (Portes 1999; ka zooz). In so doing, scholars of transnational migration conto the assumption - which has been foundational for much of rn scholarship - that the migrant/native divide is the fundamenehellenge to social cohesion and the stability and welfare of the ltr which migrants sete.

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po o t' l\ 4c ar rw h i l t., l i ti ti u rrsl rrrtlj o rrl rrrrl i slls i rrri rrtl r' ;rsi ttplxl t' ttlrl i tl r l l v de nd th e r n ri g ra n t/n a ti v cd i v i c l t' l ry pl oj tr' l i rrg rrrr i nurgc o l l tl tr l trr nat ion- s ta te s a n o rma ti v c c u l tu ra l corrtrrrrrrti l y. i ' xl tnJrl c,i rr l l rl a United I(ngdom, former Finanql Tmesiournalist and bundcr o llr,' David Goodhart, argues the followirrli. cuent affairs monthly Prospect The justification for giving priority to the interests of fellow citi zens boils down to a pragmatic claim about the value of tht' nation-state. Without fellow-citizen favouritism, the nation-stalt' ceasesto have much meaning. And most of the things that libt'r. als desire - democracy, redistribution, welfare states, humatr rights - only work when one can assume the shared norms antl solidarities of national communities.' In this chapter, I argue at if migration scholars set aside their mr'llro dological nationalism, transnational migration studies can contribult' l' social theories that elucidate the mutual constitution of the global, rr,r tional and local. Migration scholarship can provide a global perspecliv. on powe that explains the relationship between the contemporary corl tradictory narratives about migrants that either demonise them or ct'lr brate them. Raer than being evaluated as either good or bad, migr;r tion can be discussed as part of broader transnational processeswillrirr which nation-states are enmeshed and to which they contribute. In the first section of this chapter, I elaborate a critique of the tai<t'rr for-granted use of the nation-state as a unit of analysis that underlrrlr much of migration scholarship including that which addresses transrnr tional migration. In the next section, I look to the literature on r('r) liberal restructuring of capital accumulation wiin specifc places. I :rr gue that by highlighting transnaonal processespast and present urrrl addressinginstitutionalised power, this literature can serye as a con(('l) tual starhing point for new perspectives on migration. Finally, I skt'ltlr some of the ways in which a new perspective,which I call a 'glolr;rl power analysis of migration', can bring together e various apparelly contradictory trends wiin migration discourses and scholarship, ;r; well as explain their simultaneous emergence and relationships.

6.2

\)eaknesses migration of scholarship

Building on several decades of scholarship around the construction arrrl naturalisation of 'national communities', I use e term 'methodologir;rl nationalism' to critique e tendency of migration scholars to conflrrlc the nation-state with a concept of society. By methodological nationrrl ism I mean an ideological orientation that approaches the study r,l

bor wit l i ci ll l t(l lr islor ir 'lrl) t '( x( , ss(lr s i llr t 'y wt 't 't 't ot t lit it t t 'cl lr ir rt lr c 's ar o ' t r ost :st at ( s c assum ed M nlit er:i o' i rrdiviclr r al ir lr r - sllr lt 's.t 't t t lx'r s tO gl rar.t' 1( 'or r r ohist gr y and sct o 'values,nor m s, socialcust om s borders as ltd irrxlilrrtigns(leck zooo; Chcrnilo zooT). Taking state that makes immigrants the createsa mode of logic ta[lFlal lxrttrrclarics ftrtlatrrr.rrtalthreat to social solidarity natives are assumed to share gttllort rrly (:ornmon social norms. Becausemethodological nationalists plrle(]t t.ach state as not only historically discrete sovereign states but with particular l:,i r"1r.rrt" societies, they portray migrants as arring theory consistentlydisredlcthrciivc national norms. Much of migration cultural divisions within each nation-state, as $ardr both the social and iell ax t6c experiences, norms and values migrants and natives share, they re embedded in social, economic and political pocesses, beserrs., and across lltworks, movements and institutions that exist both within Itate borclers. many migration scholars accept this kind of bounded thinkBerrarrsc mi Ing entl cmploy a container approach to society, our relationship-to an unquestioning acceptance of the ungftlorr clebtei often leads to Migration iierlyirrg premises of a politics and public policy of exclusion. are discrete national economies and as :tf,iUr* speak as though there or primarily of if whar happens on state territory were a product solely as Castles notes (zoo7), migration fgte p'lice. More fundamentally, social theory. It 4eory*tnnds apart from more general developments in studies that examine global movements t l'Orthis reason that migration af peopl., have been strangely silent with regard to recent developments sophisti h :n.ul theory. Such developments include an increasingly past and present periods of globalisation, a theeFcl r.,holarship about gfl:etlun of a glbal network society, discussions of a second modernity, nationalism and advocacy for methodologiEltl,p,,,r of -ethodological zooo; Castells zooo; Latour 2oo4; Massey' l esrt''opolitanism(Beck r99r)' Anttgr,, Hugo, I(ouaouci Pellegrino & Taylor 1998; Sassen transnational migration or diaspora have often Evrr schlars of national or ethnic identities. bUneltheir unit of study along the lines of migrant local failed to link their descriptions fuy hru. generally -of to analyses of new flexible modes of capiS'trans-border connections and e contemporary neo-liberal restructuring of $ cc,'*.rlation modes of social legitimation. The end result is that their t, self and ol'analysis - often described as a 'transnational community' - beby communal culaff a migrating population dened and delimited that define a 'transnational space'. It is for this reason, I *C1 iclcntits migration fltnu., that so much of e scholarship about transnational formation or its persistence acoss borders (Levitt b Cl ,urt identity have led scholars of Gat; lrr:ieszoo; Faist zooob). These weaknesses migration into two contradictory equally untenable and *n:national

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s ol ( [ ir ('s i tttttl l a ttt' < ttts rr' l tl l x rs i l i orrs:l rt. t' t.l t.l rr;rl i orr rrri gl l rrrl s l ly l o' built r em i tta n c cc c o n o rrti c s n c ltl rr.c l t,st pti orro' rrri gr.l rrrt u ri tnrrrsrr;rl i oi r alism as an ephemeral rst-gcncrati<ln plrt'nor(:nonthat por.lt,rrrll eventualassimilation.It is no wonder,as llaub<icl< (zoolb: 8) has rr,tt,rl, that policy discourses recognising transnational migration ar('r() contradictory There seems to be little reflection on the diversity of orientatiors within migrant groups at do not identify themselves as dilsporas. Moreover, there is little awareness of the tension betweerr testing individual efforts at cultural integration as a condition o admission to long-terr4 residence or citizenship and the hopt, that transnational ties can be instrumentalised for co-development and reducing emigration pessure. Frequently, ministries in charge of foreign relations and development pursue agendas that conflict with policies promoted by ministries of justice ancl home aairs. In building a global power pespective on migration, e concept o transnational social field allows for more conceptual clarity, Transnational social elds are networks of networks that link indivr duals directly or indirectly to institutions located in more an one rrrr tion-state. These linkages are part of the power dynamics thro'grr which institutionalised social relations delineate social spaces (Bastlr, Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc 1994; Glick Schiller 2oo3, zoo4, zoo5l. The term 'field' is used not metaphorically but, rather, as a means o'kr cating individual migrants within territorially situated social relatiorr ships: taxation, employrnent, education, policing, property ownershiP, law and public policy, for example. The transnational sociar fields of nri grants can contribute to, be shaped by or contest the local o transil tional reach of various states' military economic and cultural power.s. The concept oftransnational social fields I am advocaLing does not ,,ti lise Bourdieu's notion of fields as discrete domains of power. Instearr, building on classic social anthropology and geographers' recent intercsl in networks, I focus on social relations at intersect and transform dis cete territoially based and historically specic social spaces of locrrl communiry village, city or state (Epstein 1958; Mitchell 1969l. Geographers have theorised the social construction of space in relatiorr ship to transnational networks, but their work has not been adequatelv utilised by migration scholars despite the popuiarity of spatiar-,,'"t,,phors in transnational studies.

l,t

frameworks of theoretical Theconstraints current

st'ttst'o'thc: cotttradictorypoliciesthat highlight and yet imfr ntal<t' pde lrarrsnationalmigration, as well as to place migration within social leory iu u way that is conceptuallyunconstrained by borders of nationlHter, wc need a global power perspective on transnational migration. A lrsrrsrrationalperspectiveon migration that discards meodological etiotralism and begins from a theorisation of global power has the folbwirrg rrrerits.First, it situatesmigration as one of numerous processes gt both cross state borders and contribute to e constitution or reof rlctiorr state powes. Second, it recognises the continuing impor'We cannot curBlte o'states as actors wiin and across state borders. lntly ciispense with states as instruments to ceate and protect rights, 'ts redistribute wealth and to potect public goods and services. The lelel regimes, policies and institutional structures of power must be acfuiowlcdged in our scholarship and examined within a global power pertpeclivc. Third, this perspective recognises that states constitute only n Bet of institutions of power that extend transnationally. Financial ngkrmerates,NGOs, religious organisations, treaty-based organisa Onn and corporations are also institutions of power that work across ltcte borders. Finally such a perspective builds on, yet also critiques, &porisations of global networks positing that e world has been transrmed into a space of flows. Ttr date, the eoretical frameworks used by migration scholars have been lacking in one o more of these four domains. Many fail to ad?err po*.r. It is strange at migration scholarship has had so little to f/ about the global exercise of power, since the question of power !uetures whether or not we even define a person who moves across Bte borders as a migrant. Clearly, those who have rights as cizens in tes or confederations of states that dominate the world militarily and lconornically - namely the United States and the European Union hve lrcen able to move to the rest of the world with few barriers. keple from the rest of the world have not been able to etun the fa9ur, 'Ihis makes them migrants and the subiect of migration scholartlp. tt would seem, therefore, that migration scholarship requires a $obal perspective on power beginning with is basic disparity between l$tes to examine what combination of forces fosters and maintains is (Grosfoguel & Cervantes-Rodriguez zooz; Cervantes&quality lodrlguez zoog; Castles2'oo7; Mittleman rgg4. Even migration theorists who specifically acknowledge theoretical fraileworks that look beyond the nation-state - world systems, world soleff or Braudelian world-scale eories - approach the global in ways *Ct ultimately negate a global perspective on migration (Wallerstein o4; Luhmarrr, rgg7; Braudel r98o). They negate is perspectiveby

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t laillt iliti rtl l i s ti ttc l i o trsl t' l w t,t.tr ,v t,l sol l rn;rl ysi s. rl i sti ncl i orrtrc c l h A t weenlev e l so ' a n a l y s i ss c o ttt' c p l ttu l liy rdt,rprl rtt,irrri grrrl i orr utl i r,:, i nl rl sl f or s ev e rare a s o n s . t p e rp e tu a tc s i g rl i onscl rol arsl ri ;r' s nr:l tl rrt or l l n pt' l discussingthe connectionbetweenstatesand rnigrantsas one o'prrslr pull raer than as a single set of globe-spanningprocesses.A conrr';,r of levels of analysisultimately reintroduces methodological natiorlrlisrrr and, with it, the assumption at pocesseswithin the boundaries o tlr,, nation-statecan be analysedwiout reference to globe-spanning instr tutions of power. For example, by arguing in terms of levels of analysis, Massey rrlti mately dismisses a global perspective from his multi-factorial effort to synthesise contradictory rnigration eories (Massey et al. r99,,i) Massey focuses on a 'migration process' with internal dynamics tlrrrt constitutes a discrete eld of study. Rich in data and insights into pro cess,his approach encouragesmigration scholarsto disregard the w;ryl in which global institutions of power shape, and are shaped by, sor.i;rl relationships in specific localities. Employing a similar logic Portes (zoo6: 8), a pre-eminent US migr;r tion scholar, in a recent pape on migration and development states; At a higher level of abstraction, we find world-systems and oer neo-Marxist theories that view labour migration as a natural response to the penetration of weaker societies by e economic and political institutions of the developed world. The concept of 'structural imbalancing' (Portes and Walton r98r) was introduced to highlight is process that takes multiple forms - from direct recruitment of workers to the diffusion of consumption expectations bearing little relation to local lifestyles and economic means. Iflooking beyond the nation-state is conceptualised as a higher level o abstraction - that is to say, a macro-level analysis - then we ae unabk' to observe and theorise the interpenetraon between globe-spanning rr stitutions that structure imbalances of power and migrant experienct.s within and across states borders. Yet, this imbalance of power botlr shapes the circumstances that compel people to migrate and simultl neously constitutes the conditions under which migrants attempt to scl tle and develop transnational social felds. The signing of NAFTA, which Portes (zoo6) in e same paper consigns to the macro-level, is not an abstraction. It represented the power of an imperial state - tht, US - instituting its agenda through its control of finance capital anrl military force. Capital is at its core a social relationship that links peopk, together unequally within and across national borders. Notions of levers of analysis obscure this basic transnational aspect of daily life arouncr

slt llut als<l r pcs dist ir t ctt r lis whit h r r ol r lr r ly; t t . nr . lr r l( .slit l( , s & c H l ol x., soti ul t 'ldslcr oss : r r t dwit lt it r st alt 's. ffettl who speakof'world societyhave tended to Iiven llrosc social thcrrrists lJrcir concerns about migration on their own nation-stateand its fOe:Un lnrtitrrtional nexus in ways that make that state their unit of analysis. pol exlrttple, Bommes (zoo5) claims that, following Luhmann, he is replecirrg'a concept that understands societyas a big collective/collectity relationship between ese fu a corrcept of modern world society'. The systems and the world society, however, remain under-delitlorr-state Atedand unclear in Bommes' migration theory leaving the door open s r.ontinuation of methodological nationalist framing of debates on l3ttnigration. For example, Bommes' arguments about migrant assimihtiun are accompanied by a list of institutions, many of which - even ln thr: context of the EU - can only be sensibly read as remaining embe{dcl in national regulatory systems such as the welfare system of inlvldtral states. 'l'lre main point of reference for assimilation is dilerentiated social :yFt('ns: organisations and functional realms like the modern economy' law politics, science, education or health but not goups of (majority) societies.(Bommes zoo5)

The weakness in Bomrnes' theorisation is not his insistence on the connuing significance of nation-states and national institutions. Rather, Se problem is a failure to address the way local and national govennCeand the workforce have been reconstituted within a transnational lastitutional nexus to serve the broader needs of finance capital. Even those social eorists who begin by embracing methodological lndividualism privilege the nation-state as their unit of analysis when &ey discuss migration. For example, Esser (zoo4) champions a,rational hoice framework that builds on methodological individualism. HOwever,Esser places e onus of assimilation on the rational choice of *fe individual migrant who must come to terms with e structural condltions of the societies he or she faces. Generally, 'societies' for Esser e discrete countries that he describes as sending and 'host' societies. ilence, transnational ties are simply a sign of 'ethnic capital'. As Esser {roo4: rrJ5) argues: Immigrants have (or should have) an objective interest in assimilative actions and investments in receiving country capital, like formal education or the acquisition of the host society's language, and one would expect the same investment strategies to apply as for the indigenous population. The problems migrants

N tN A ( ;l l ( l K l i ( l l l l l I l 'l r

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l a ( and t h c i r o ]s p ri rrg ) c t'(i rr rc l l rl i o r r(, nt(' l l sctl i orrso tl tt' i ntl i l genou sp o p u l a ti o n )a rc o b v i o u s :w l Irl l l rt.y rrrl ri ttl ytl tvc at l l rt' i r' dis posa li s e th n i c g ro u p c a p i ta l ,l i k c l l rt' scttdi trg country' s l rtrr guage or ethnic social capital. Howevt:r, t'tlttlit group capital is clearly less eficient than receiving-country capital. By complrti son, it is, in most cases,specific capital, becauseits usability dt' pends on special circumstances, such as the existence of an cllr nic community or a transnational network. 'Transnational'for Esseris simply another term for segregaonbctrtttr;,' he cannot conceive of incorporation 'beyond' the nation-sl;rlr' Simultaneous incorporatiori in more an one nation-state and so<ir'lv build on transnational social fields that connect various scales o 1iov enance (Levitt & Glick Schiller zoo4\.

ol tltc lts pllttt's tltt'ycrltltrilrtttt'trl stll)starlialion Fqpl" irr lrlrIlittrlur' 'l'lrislitt'raturc out otcrtlcs o'theanalyrurtiir.-statcs. arrcl [cll, t.u,,tiiy concerned lt gi,r5alisati'n. has 6ccn lcd by geographers i't'"i"t,:ti'u of the governance' processes capital of Jth tl," rrt'o-lilxralrestructuring citiesand urban life' Wi few exciirt,,,t,,ti.,.and the reinventiig of this scholarshipdoes not ;1,;;;, such as the global citis hterature, researchand eorisation conthe &rur* rnigration.Nvertheless, a i,, this literatue can prove useful to the proiect of developing [le,l gitut accumulationthat, beginning in the r97os' sought to reconstiicluding the organisationof labour' ;;,.;;i ;"iations of produJtion, power' goue"'""t' membership and military -zoozJ' r;;.,it,i*r";, ha: Neo-liberalism (Harvey,o'o5, Jessop fvereignty 1 "oo6; by destroyingand replacingprevious .r""on o wealth iir'tt generating " lutsof production,consumptionand distribution' us economicsconliiu,, d"rtrrr.tion" Thre are alwayswiin capitalist frst to construct'and en to replace'prelclions betweenthe need
arrangements- and ,fy "l social relations, ideas, values, political and prote-t capital' The accumulated lJriot t that regulate, circulate therefore' more lirrms f desire. The neo-hLeral agenda reflected' accumulation characterised by Y", 7 iol pro."rr", of capital tbtl power perspective on migration of ."r, be define as a series of contemporary projects niujtif.r"tlr-

6.4

Towardsa grounded global Power framework for migration studies

There are several bodies ofliterature from which to draw in order to rtl velop a global perspectiveon transnational migration. They can illrrrrrr nate the current contradictory narratives on migration, but havt' ttol been used to address transnational migration within global fields o rrrr eclualpower. Scholars such as Castells (zooo) and Latour (zoo4), wtro trace networks of interconnections that are not confined to nltliolt states, provide the basis for an analysis of migrants' transnational srx i,rl fields within the current historical coniuncture and eir transrrrrr,r tions of human relations. However, neither has addressedmigratiorr ,'r migrants' encountes with regimes of borders, racialisation and clt'lrrr manisation. Beck (zoo7) provides a critique of methodological natiorr,rl ism that privileges a global perspective and the role of migranls 'l; transnational actos. He assumes that transnational migrants ar(' t o:; mopolitan actors who necessarily and properly destabilise natiottrtlt:;l projects. Beck homogenises migrants and echoesthe opponents o tttt gration who argue that migrants' transnationality threatens the rt'p1irrr,' of nation-states. Migrants ae not necessarily transgressive in llr(.rr transnational social elds. They may engage in nation-state-buildirrlirrr one or more nation-states.They may reinforce or contribute to, rltllrt'l an contest, neo-liberal projects. A global powe pespectiveon rttilir,r tion must address the various positionalities migrants have assttrrr,',| within attempts to implement neoJiberal capitalism and the tyPt's ol contradictions these positions are currently engendering. unequal power and con('(ls rrtl There is a scholarshipthat addresses cial forces that extend beyond individrral slll('s lo lllc t'xpt'rit'tttt' r,l

projectsand the poli rct of the traniformations wroughi by these them can be calledneoJiberalrethat end technologies "..o*p""! institute the transformations can be policies t
,r"", rvftff" the rd the neo-liberal agenda.

us of severalaspects it ihe term 'agenda'is useful because reminds the moment and pr-oduced curcontemporary r- have stmturedthe prjectshave taken e form of specific f"J .titit. Neo-liberal imple,' id"", and policies thai miy or may not-be successfi;1ly
defended and contested flh'cl. These ideas have been held, shaped' - including social scint5t1 -.wh;th range of actors .o:,i::,trh:l the not

involved iust d;."Iy linked to policy.Th"ebroaderproiects but also politics, cultural practices'ideas about rain oi economics and "a irt" p-d,,.iio" and disseminationof images ;;;.*.t clualityof affecr the riiu.r. In ierms of specifcsocialpolicies that
restructuring has infor migr"rrt, and ntives alike, neo-liberal a diversion of pubad a reduction in state services and benefits and servrce-oriented industries ,nonies and resources to develop private called 'publicm health care to housing lsometims in arrangements

a relentlesspush towards f"r"rrt lps'). It his also constituted Ju;;^lough the elimination.of ':"t: li:"T:*:i the Finally,:*: term uruno-i. issues- from tarifs to workers' rights. exploring the in 'fi"td agenda' and the work of geographers

I tll

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ir r r plc rn c :n tu ti < lntl rc s crg t' rrc l u ss rrsr.rrlx.< ' rrrrst. o i l rrr,o-l i l x' rrrlroj t' t tr; ll ar e im pl e me n te do n th c g ro u n d a rrc cl i l ,rt,rrti ul l ycl t,pcrrdi ng j rrsl l rrot on diferent national policies,but orr spt'cic kx'ul lristoresinc:lrrrlirrll that of migration. By conceptualising the global restructuring of capital accumullrliorr and its relationship to urban and state restructuring processes,rrrilil,r tion theorists can examine e ways in which the migration proc('ss r:i shaped,in turn, shapeslocal spaceand is at e same time reflectivt,ol, and contributes to, transnational processes.They can address Casth.r;' (zoo6: r) call to analysethe way in which 'migration plays a central loh, in current global processesof social, economic and political changt", ;r:, well as his observation that 'migration is both moulded by and helps to mould these global transformations'. At the same time, migration sr lrrr lars will have an analytic perspective that does not dichotomise mao,, level versus micro-level analysis,does not speak of levels of abstracri,rr and does not make the nation-statethe exclusiveunit of analysis.'l'lr;rt analltic perspective allows us to put migrants into the spaces w[rt,r,, they live and to which they are connected through various sot i;rl networks. Of particular interest in this regard is a debate in geography alxrtrl the meaning and utility of e concept of geographic scale (Brenrrrr 1999; Herod & Wright zoor; Marston, Hohn & Woodward zoo5) Previously, geographers worked with a concept of scale that portrryr,rl the local as being nested within larger encompassingunits, which ot,rr have political boundaries - municipalities, sub-state administratrvr, units, nation-states, geographic regions such as Europe and the glotrr, Over the past few decades,geographershave had to confront a restnr( tured world in which the implementation of neo-liberal agendas tlirr rupted fixed notions of nested and territorially bounded political unrrs Cities became dynamic players within global fields of power and flowr; of capital and labour, globally marketing their urban brand and, in sorn,, ways, creating their own foreign policies and alliances (Brenner ,\ Theodore zooz; fessop zoor; Peck 1998).They competedin an eorr to atLract flows of capital and a mix of 'new economy' industries. Nt,w economy industries are ones that produce services demanded willrrl the global economy, including the very consumption of locality in tlrr. form of tourism. Central to this new economy are 'knowledge' in<Jrr:; tries, which produce the workers, skills, technologies and consumpt ivt. patterns necessaryto organise, aggregate and concentrate capital. Geographers and scholars of the urban began to describe the rr,,,, liberal rearangements of govenance of territory as 'rescaling pro cesses'through which localities change the parameters of their glolxrl, national andlor regional connectedness so at they 'jump sclrh,' (Swyngedouw rggz).The term 'rescaling' emerged as a way to addrt':;r,

r o ' reposili<>r r ir r g llt t ' slalt r slr r r d sigr r i cr t t ct 'l 'cit ics, b<lt hin r elainstituo' rip to stalcs and withirr glollal lricrarchiels urban-based pow(r. lathcr than understandingthe local and global scale as levels of social activities or hierarchical analyticalabstracdisc:rctt: lts in previous geographiesof space,'the global and the local (as I ar thc national) are [understood to be] mutually constitutive' ('r 2ooI: r)4-8il. Tlte thcorisation of rescaling provides a way to analyse quesons of nce that neither ignores nor prileges nation-states. It allows the acl<nowledgementthat state sovereignty - neve an accurate detlon of the dierential powers of various states - is now more I than ever. But states remained players within neo-liberal reuring. States were rescaled to play new roles by channelling flows felatively unregulated capital and by participating in the constitution

globalregulatoryregimesenforcedby the World Tiade Organization TO) and internationalnancial institutions. At e sametime, speci:tstes such as those of the US and Western Europe remained the

br globe-spanning nancial institutions such as e World Bank the WTO. Currencies based in these states remained necessary for transactions, albeit linked through the restructuring of nance tgl to investment strategies of China, fapan and Middle Eastern oil A broader range of states including Russia and China, which tained their position as military powes, contribute to the global ic through which capital accumulation is secured or protected. Ag I have indicated, discussions of migration and migration policy lly have not been part of e study of the neo-liberal restructuring and localities. While there are geographers, such as eryne Mitchell (zoo3), who have approached studies of single cities this perspective, e firll implications of this framework have not broadly applied to migraon studies. The one significant exception the global cities literature (Friedmann 1986; I(ing r99r; Sassen noted ). Looking at a small handful of cities, urban scholars have their prominence has been linked to their dependence on the mion of highly skilled professionals and on migrants who staff the reservice sector of the new economy. Global cities, however' often been described as exceptions, as if all other cities and migration reflect onlv the dvnamics of national terrains and policies. Yet, the rship on neoliberal restructuring noted that all localities began to

peteglobally.

onstantly drawn into discussions of national migration policies, rs of migration have not paid suffcient attention to the way in h the neoJiberal restructuring of specic localities shapes the way *hich migrants live in a specific place. Neither urban geographers migration scholars have examined how migrants become active

N IN A ( ;l l ( l K

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agc r t so ' rc s c a l i rrg l o l i ti t,s i rs tl r(.ysr,i l k. i rr s;xr.i c pl ar:r.s.)r.;rw rrrg l l f r om t h e l i te ra tu reo n u rb a rr rc s tructuri rrg und rcposi l i < l ni ng, rrgl r,rr (l and I (Glick Schiller& aglarzoo9, irrthcorning;click schilkrr,(ilpir,' & Gulbrandsenzoo6; aglar zoo6; Glick Schiller zoo5) argue tlrrrttrr differentiate and understand the dynamics of migrani inorpo'rrrr,,' and transnational connection in different cities, it was necessaryto sirrr ate migration within an analysisof the neoJiberal rescaling process(,s, v/hile combining the scholarship on the neo-liberal structurirl,i ,,1 spacewith migration studies in order to speakto the current appart'rrrly contradictory migraon policies and their accompanying discouises .rr,l polemics, it is useful at the same time to draw on the emerging critirlrrt. of migration and development. An increasing number oi,holr,* some in migration studies and others in development studies - hav.. ,,. sponded to current celebrations of migrant."-tt"n." economies by ,l fering a potent critique of the policies of co-developmentand mignrrrr:, as k"y agents of international development (Delgado Wiit. ,\ covarrubias zooT; Faist zoogd: De Haas zooT\. These siholars havt, r;r ken to task 'the global lending community': the world Bank, the lrrr.r American Development Fund and other regional banking intert'srrr According to these major institutions, which structue e trms unrlt,r which two thirds of the world's countries have been abre to obtairr rr nancing, migrant remittances can serve as a major source of capitalis;r tion for growth in less developed states (v/imaladharma, percc fl stanton zoo4l. Those critiquing this development strategy examirrr how Europe and the uS in previous eas of imperialism, as we[ as rt, day, have drained wealth from less powerful regions of the world (Glir l. schiller zoog). T?ansnational migration reflects this transfer of wealrlr It is a strategy through which families from exploited regions attelrr)l to meet their needs for housing, education, health care. critics of rrir gration and development policies look beyond methodological natiorrrrl ism to understand the context of international migration as a producr .l uneven fields of power. However, ese critics have not sufficiently rrrr dressed the specific and varying roles that migrants have been playrrrli in relationship to neoJiberal restructuring and rescaling in both loc:rl ities of deparhrre and settlement or the forces that configure migranrs' agency. Nor have these scholars analysed the contradictions betwcr,rr migration and development policies and the efforts of states through.rrl the world to control migration and access to residency and cizenslrip as well as subject migrants to neo-liberal labour policies.

ng Explaini contemporary contrad ictorydiscourses

tiorr scJrolars can lrcirr kr addressthe seeming contradictionsI ttecl irr tlrc bc'ginnirrgo'this chapter if they pay more attention to glollll rolc o'power holders - including financial institutions, orgaorrs and statesthat serve as base areas ofcapital. All ofthese centtl'p<lwer play key roles in reconstructing and locally reconfiguring brms of capital and labour. Facing ongoing contestation, those Itold power are intimately involved in the legitimation of their reo'truth through national anti-immigrant discourses, the celebrao'migrant remittances by global financial institutions and the poli that divide global talent from e apparently unwashed and un. We can add to this list a number of new issues, locating ns within, and resistances to, implementation of the restructuring s in specic places, as these localities are affected by the introof new migration regimes. Furthermore, new stas for migraresearch open up to explorations of e multiple, significant roles by immigrants in the localities where they reside or to which gre transnationally connected. First, in order to examine the undercoherence of apparently contradictory aspects of migration disr:e and policy, I review the relationship between neo-liberal estructhat was instituted globally and its intertwined migrant regularegime. I en speak briefly to some of the variability of locality, and neo-liberal restructurins. will beein with neoJiberalism and the anti-immisrant rhetoric by so many countries. During e nineteenth and most of e centuries, state-based institutions provided a common naI infrastructure that materialised and legitimated the claims of the to constitute a single national community of shared norms and . Beginning in the rg7os, these trends were reversed as a wide, alough variously implemented, neo-liberal agenda of pri tion. The diminution of public services, moeove, eroded the Ity of life and social cohesion of nation-states and public life. By the ing of e twenty-fist century as discrete realms of economic wee ever more integrally linked to production and conn pocesses elsewhere, state narratives and citizenship regimes reinvigorated to stress once again the distinctness and exclusivity al identities based on cultural difference. In short. nation-states become identity containers that maintain and disseminate images the nation as a society. These national narratives bear little resemto the complex web of the contemporary transnational institustructures within which social life and relations of power are acproduced. The fewer services and rights states provide for their ciand the more they produce citizens educated to identify as

NINA

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(' i t;rl c us t ol r (' rs l n l (,s l (' (lrr t rrl l rrn ' so t otrsttrrrl rl i ort l rct'l l uttt w i l l rti i l or m s o ' c i v i c a rrd s o c ri l lt' rrg l rg (' n ( ' nll,rr' rrrorr'l l tcst' sl l tt' s l )l ornol r' 'l r:otnttttttti ty.' l rt' i rrsi tl r r,l o dis c our s e s f s o c i a l c o h e s i o na d n a ti ori l 1 that national identity container is increasinglyconstructt:dlry rrrrrrrrli foreignersas the causeof disruption, the decline of'social servitcs ;rrr,l the deterioration of community. The larger the number of citizt'r*; rrr statesaround e world who find their futures circumscribed by povrrtr or lack of social mobility, the more they are told by political leadcls llr,rt the problems are caused by persons from elsewhere. None of this is new nativism and anti-foreign sentiments havt' lrllrr an aspect of successivestagesof nation-state-building (Higham zo<,.'; Anti-immigrant discourse is a historic component of e natiort-sl;rll building pocess. Through this ritual of renewal, citizens of statt's rl. fine their loyalty to a country by differentiating themselves from stipirrr,r tised racialisedothers. Movements of national renewal are currently l;rl ing place in the wake of e growing negative consequencesof scvt'r.rl decades of neo-liberal restructuring. In this context, they have fuerllt'rl ,r revitalised nationalism that has distracted public attention from tht' lr,,l lowing out of the state and e growing disparities of wealth and pow,'t facilitated by neoJiberal measures. By providing a foundation for n,'w migrant labour regimes, anti-immigrant discoursesalso have contrilrrr ted to new souces of profitability for investors in a situation of llirrtr profits. Worldwide competition in the last few decades of the twentieth rlrr tury led to the development of global assembly lines mong indusln,rl production away from North America and Europe into far-flung tegiotr, where labour was cheap and unregulated. Tariff barriers were dettt,,l ished and untaxed export-pocessing zones were establishedthrouglrorrt the world. At the same time, first in e US and increasingly in Eurt,;,r', sewice jobs in restructured cities geared for consumer industri,'r, Meanwhile, tourism or agricultural jobs that could not be exported wlr,' filled to some degree by undocumented migrants, who provided qrri,'r, cent, hyper-exploited and flexible labour (Anderson zoo7l. In sorrr,' European countries, such as the UK, asylum seekers and refugees - l,'11 ally or illegally - provided this form of labour. Undocumented mignrrrlr, working in non-union sweatshops kept industrial production clost'r 1,, US consumption centres (I(wong 1987). Agricultural and industrial corporations based in Europe and Nor llr America have increasingly faced a contradiction in their production pr,, cesses- the balance between near and far production. This contrrrlrr tion was intensied by the rise in oil prices and the prediction of fulrrr,' oil scarciry which means it will become more profitable to locate pr,, ductive processescloser to the areas of high consume demand. A', many obsewers in Europe have pointed out, the low birth rate rrrr,l

ol will S l ttg< ott t llosilion lir r r r r pt 'r rrtr r r t lNor llr Ar r r t , r 'it lr n llopLr lat ions l by , in hel gl rtt' rrlt cst '<or r lllt lir 't ior r s r r lr kinl; lr lxr t r rsr : ar cc: t heser egions (Eertk's.eoo(r). Irr rt'sporrsr',lab<lur reginrcs developedthat were more suited to the pfoclttltiotr rrccds o'neo-liberal economies and their inabilities to reali:r xrrstaincd profitability. These provide workforces that are cheap, Gtrlrolllblcand relatively nearby. The crisis of profitability unleashed fu tlrt' :,ooti downturn only increases the pressures to obtain such a *trklirrcc, even in the face of dramatically rising unemployment in tulo1x' and the US. Integral to this transformation are the contemporIt] rlcnigration and criminalisation of asylum seekers and the undocuJenlt'd as well as the new enforcement regimes of bio-surveillance Fesrrrrcs that limit mobility. The new labour regimes once again offer llmtt"a short-term 'guestworker' contracts to pesons of various skill lelg who migrate from states at cannot sustain the workforce they fodut:<l and educate. Part of this new conguration is an expansion of &c litl labour market, offering the most recent accession states policy lnltlqtives emphasising the merits of circulating labour. It seems likely Set wt.,are witnessing a shift to a labour regime made up of circulating hborrt rom within the EU and new, very controlled forms of contract hbour rom elsewhere.As Vertovechas ponted out: 'circular migration ,,, lming advocated as a potential solution (at least in part) to a numtr'challengessurrounding contemporary migration' (zoo7: z). Dehumanised through e rhetoric of national diference, policies of )rm contractual migrant labour meet the needs of neo-liberal tgendas and their clrrent profitability crisis more eficiently than the use of family reunion, asylum and the undocumented to supflexible and politically silenced labour. In many countries, new imrltion regulations grant work visas, sometimes with timeJimited racts, only to persons with technical and professional educations. le regulatory labour regime complements, rather than contradicts ovcrall thrust of anti-immigrant narratives. The discourse highlighta 'global war for talent' commodifies skilled workers, denying their to family life and firll personhood. lf'we examine the relationships among the neo-liberal restructuring espital, its proftability and legitimacy crisis and the emerging reof controllable and flexible labour, then e underlying unity bethe various seemingly disparate trends in migration policy and urse becomes clear. Nationalist rhetoric and exclusionary policies the way for production regimes that rely on highly controllable lar, Faceless migrating labour is portrayed as invading borders, ially lawless, and so requiring restriction, regulation and contracconstraints that limit the rights of workers to change employers or lenge working conditions. The depersonalisation of labour as

l?4

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tt y c ont r ac tu i ls c rv i ((' s l l o w si rl l u l l o rrr ' pol i t'sl ;rl t' tttcttlis w l ri cl r l l rt' rn' l a par at io no ' w o rk c rsr< l rnh o rn c a n d i rrni l yw i l l rorrtl i gl rts o scl l k' tttrttl and family reunion become good cc<lrtorrric lxrlit'ics.Dcpcrsonltlis;rll.tt of the process highlights the category o' the unskilled, despitc tlrt' l,rrI that many such workers have relatively high levels of educatiorr.'l'lrr' willingness of the university-educated,teachers, health professior,rl'i, engineers and architectsto migrate as 'unskilled' labour has evcryllrlrll to do with the structural adjustment and privatisation policies itr llrlrr home localities at initially led to the depression of wages, to ttttlttt plopnent of professionals and, increasingly, to worldwide crisis. liv'rr within the EU, the dilerential right to migrate for work granted by v,rr ious'Western European statesto accessioncountries in the short lt'rrrr has created a regime of controllable, exploitable labour (Andrijrrscvr, zoog). Meanwhile, labour contracts offered to workers from states wttlr full membership, such as Italian construction workers in the UK, torrri' with restrictions and fee structures that, beneath a cove of lcg:rlrtt, make migrant workers more malleable - and exploitable. Legitimating e migrant/native divide, scholars and policy anrlyll',. alike, justify legislation that excludespemanent settlement by migr,rrrt wokers and their families in the name of the importance of maittl;tttt ing famlly cohesion and community cohesion in the sending coutt I r ir". These migration experts report that circular migration increases llrr likelihood that both countries of origin and destination can make gains frorrr migration according to their respective preferences. Many nri grants and eir descendants also prefer to move back and fortlr between their ancestral and setement countries. At their best, circular migration policies align the objectives of origin courr tries, destination countries, and the migrants who comprisc these flows. (Newland, Agunias & Terrazas zooS: z) Portt's (zoo6: 95) goes even further, emphasising how returnees arr' much more likely to save and make productive investments il home; they leave families behind to which sizable remittanct's are sent. More importantly, temporary migrants do not compro mise the future of the next generation by placing their childro r in danger of downward assimilation abroad. To the extent thrr sending country govenments provide the necessary educationrr resources, ese children can gow up healthy in their own cou tries, benefiting from e experiences and the investments ol their parents. When migration scholars emphasise e benefits of transnational trrt gration and remittance economy developmentto all concerned- willr,rrl

l ;$dressi tt gllt c st 'vt 't t 'r r t t rlt ut t ur r r cr r lt 'slliclior ro r ight s llr at ir r cr cas l i rccor r r pur t his ir r r r ro lulxr ur- t hcy suppor ta r cgim e of hyper ry l agl y lab<lur c<lntracts resurrectolder forms of inden*ploitltirlrr.Slrrlrt-tt'r'rn with linritcd rights and mobility. Condemning workers to a regime Fgre f ghorl-lcrrn cortractsonly means that they get caught within a system 9f lrrrrg-tcrm f'amiIy separation without rights, protections or benefits ftattr thr.rstates whose infrastructure they are building with their labour, Frvitcs and taxes. When families are separated by migration regulaann tlrat allow no family reunion, they reproduce a social life at great rnal sacrifice: parents live separated from children, spouses are diiom each other and elderly parents are left to survive without the nce of children (Constable rg97). Thc global system of power in which this new arrangement of labour ;rlace - and its human costs - are all too rarely addressed within ion studies. While potent critiques have been made about each nd of these contempoary apparently contradictory narratives, inng significant critiques of the migration and development paathey remain within separate migration literatures and thus have irnpact. It has been far too easy within the different streams of reh to take for granted neo-liberal restructuring, rather than quesIng the underlying values it fosters and the human toll it exacts. reemingly disparate scholarships and narratives about migration rethe implementation of neo-liberal restructuring in dilerent cities tatesaound the world. By globally examining the felds of power ptituted by transnational processes,migration scholars can develop a rch agenda that both calls attention to human costs of neo-liberal ing and traces the various tral'ectories and resistances it cleveloping this perspective, it is also important to note that global institutions have made migrant remittances a growing indus. at the moment when many migrants may be less interested in fust strategies. To some degree, transnational migration has a 'hedge your bets' sategy on the part of migrants who were re of the long-term welcome they might receive in the states where were settling, even if citizenship rights were available and utilised , Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc 1994). Migrants sending remitto be invested in homes and businesses makes certain assumpabout the viability of local economies in sending states. They asthat there will be suficient security of persons and opportunity for those with capital, such that investment is a viable strategy hnet them or their families. Increasingly, in many regions of e these assumpons no longer hold: regions of states or entire have become destabilised as a result of structural adiustment polithe hollowing out of national economies through trade agreement

N IN A ( i l l ( l h

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pr ov is i o n s u (l r i l s N Al i ' l A l rrrtlW ' l ' O t(,nl t' i (l i ol ts,rt.gl ow l l rol i nl (,1!t;r s tl t ionaa rrttsa d d fl tg trtc k ' rrrd tl rt' i rstt' r' i ng l l roxy rrri l i ti usrrrl w .rr o l T he r e s u l t i s th a t mi g ra n ts i o rn s o rrrt' r(' gi ors tl tt' w orl cl rni gl rl prr, in fer settlement,family reunion and unilaterral, rathcr tharr sirrrtrllturt'orr,,. incorporation, at the very time that this strategy is being trrr'<krsr.rl t,, them. Transnationalmigration and connection are not inhercrrl i'lrtrlr.r. of migration but reflect conditions in localities in more than orrt, st;rtr A global perspectiveon migration also highlights the varied rolt'r tlr,rl transmigrants have been playing in relationship to the neo-lillt'r';rlri. structuring and rescaling of localities. Migrants can be'scale nr;rl.r'rr who reshape places as ey integrate them within transnationul sot r,rl fields of familial, commercial, religious, political and organisatiorr:rl rr, lationships (Glick Schiller & allar zoo9, forthcoming). Migrants' rrrrrl tiple and contradictory transnational incorporations into localilils nr more than one state cannot be analysed by reference to globalis;rlr,,ir from below - o tansnational social spacesor communities - i tlrr',r= terms direct us to sepaatethe analysis of migrant agency from otlrr,r aspectsof the structuration of a transnational social field: class positr,ir ing, localised economic and political opportunity structures, crrltrrr,rl politics, racialisation and non-migrant actors. The multiple positiorr.rl ities of migrants cannot be encompassed within analyrical framcw,,r l ', that approach migrants solely within a context of resistanceto urrcvr'tr globalisation, as ethnic communities or as labour, whether skilk'rl nr unskilled. Instead, building on the growing body of data on transnational rrrilir .r tion, researchers can specify a series of dilerentiated roles thlt rni grants living within transnational elds have been playrng within r.l, ,rts to implement neo-liberal agendas.These roles include, but are nol lrrrr ited to: r) agents of neo-liberal neighbourhood gentrification; z) r'xcrrr plars ofneo-liberal values; 3) significant actos in efforts to revitalisc rl ban centres and deindustrialised cities; and 4) links to transnatiorr,rl flows of capital (Glick Schiller & allar forcoming). These roles rrr,rf r= clear that migrants can be agents of dierential development or r'(,:;rh tance to neoliberal agendasin specific places and at specific poirrts ,l time. The roles migrants play in localities around e world have lx.,,rr shapedin the past few decadesby the interpenetration of the neo-lilx,r,rl agendaand local histories and structures. Hence, localities difererrti,rllr, inserted in the global economy offer different opportunity structlrrr,r:, pathways of transnational connection and barriers to incorporation. In cities and towns that are not among e select handfirl of glob;rr, r ties but have been very much subject to, and active participants rrr worldwide flows of capital, migrant activity is ever pesent: in lulnrrr and property markets, in the establishment of small businesst's, rrr neighbourhood gentrification or in the attraction of international crrprt.rl

vilr M igr l l eli rr' rast r r t clr t t t 'invt 'slt t t ct t l. '; t t t it t pt t l t t lt yl) r ov( l t <lt hc c (, s(\'ond-ti('rt:itit's lrt f('slftt(ltlr(' arrd rtlpositiottlemselves refglti 'l'his gcncral statementappliesto localrrationally and globully. llorrully, Itlex uround the world. On the one hand, the impact of migrant connecons lrrcl the range of roles migrants have been able to assume within thesr' localities varies in relationship to the local ability to successfully gllrpcte and rescale. On the other hand, migrants' participation in, and lhaping o transnational processes are integrally related to larger flows lnd rcdistributions of capital - economic, political, social and cultural. ln some instances, corporations with a stake in maintaining their in.tttents in a specic city have worked together wi organisations of ttsrnigrants to recruit and retain highly skilled technicians (Brettell ftrtlrcoming). In other cases, migrants and persons of migrant backfiound may serve as crucial middlemen linking a deindustrialised ftfuggling city to foreign capital (Feldman-Bianco forthcoming). By con, in some localities, migrants contribute to restructuring and rescalby proding primarily low-wage factory and domestic labour (Salih Riccio forthcoming). In cities where work is scarce, migrant busimay provide crucial economic actities as well as necessaryproand services to natives and migrants alike, who are faced with spread unemployment and impoverishment as a result of the detion of local industry. Drawing on transnational supply networks to businesses and on transnational family networks to supply inexive labour, migrant businesses may fill up oerwise empty storets near the city centre, contributing to the vitality of a city (Glick

ler & aflar forthcoming).

y utilising a global powe perspective, we can trace the transnational | fields within which migrants appear not as foreigners to be differted from naves, but as actors that connect local people to global . An industry that has become as commonplace as that of keshops, which provide inexpensive food for urban populations Europe and much of the US, is but one example of the utiof'this perspective. It is possible to trace connections within the inry all over the world: websites in Spain ofering kebab ecluipment; an factories producing grills, knives and spits; meatpackers in var' fiuropean cities serving the kebab industry middlemen, shop ownand clerks who have migrated from North Africa, South Asia and Asia; and consumers of all backgrounds throughout Europe. in the network reap sizeable prots, while others toil long hours low wages. The transnational networks of production, distribution eonsumption are simultaneously part of the restructuring of localthe re-imaging of local cultures and the reconstitution of the local, and global.

t/l

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kx M igr u rrt-s t,rrd i rrg ' l rl i l i t' sl l rl rl p ro vi rk' l l rt' l l rl xrttt ottt' o l rl tttstt.r i ttl tl t ional s o c i a l c l d s h u v t' a l s rlt' x ;l t' ri c t ttctl tt' vt' tt t' vt' l ol l tl tt' ttltt tt' l ,r pol adi t ions hip to th e g l o b a l e c o n o my a rtcl strttt:l ttrl tl trstrncrrt i tt,' r, ;rrl drrring thc strttc:ltttlrl stateshave withdrawn public servict:s Because iustment process,those localitiesthat have been able to recciv('r'('rlrrl tances have developedto the detriment of other municipalities rttttl tr' gions. In some states,such as Mexico, govenment policies of matt lrrrrli emittance-based electrication or other public-service improvt'ttrt'ttl:; differences between towtt ;tttrl with government funds have exacerbated regions. Remittances have not brought development, but rather, girow ing disparities within and across a national terrain (aglar zoo6)''l'lr,' dierential success of those localities that do send sizeable numllt't't; ,,1 migrants also opens diferent possibilities for return, investmenl ;rrrrl transnational connection. Significant investment or eturn depends ,,lr local and regional security, itself an outcome of the balance of powt't t,,' tween sending states and larger global institutions and powerful sl;rlt'r, and their congurations of power including their drug and lttttt,, industries.

6,6

Conclusions

Within these brief profiles of dierent trajectories of local restructulirrg' it becomes obvious that migrants occupy a ange of positions in tht't r ties where they sete, including unskilled labour, cultural promolt'tr;, city leaders, small business people, global talent and transnational trr;rt talists. It is also clear that migrant transnational social fields contrilrrrtr' to the varying positionality of migrants and to the restructuring antl rr scaling of cities. These transnational ties and the resultant local devt'lo;' ments have been part of a global migration regime in which move{'rrl and family reunication was possible, often legally and sometimes tlt' spite barriers to movement. In general, most states where migrants lrvl have allowed some form of settlement with rights either at the tinrt' .1 entry or as a long-term aspiration and realisablepossibility. If migrlrlit,rr is restricted to those wi short-term labour contacts or professiorr,rl skills, migrants will not be able to play the varied roles described in llrri chapter. Their multiple positionings in relationship to the restructulirrll of localities stems from their ability to travel, obtain rights in multipl' states and establish transnational social fields. In short, a global powe perspective on migraon allows scholars l,' speak to a series of integrally related pocessesthat cannot be ul(l('t First, the proiection of migrants as undesirable 'otht'r',' stood separately. revitalisesnational identies and loyalties of citizens whose relationslrip to the state as provider of services and social supports has lr,','ti

'r r l ls. ' * i del rrri rrr r l lr y r r t 'o=lillt 'r pr of t 't Al llr t ' s; r r nrlir r r t ',llr c c. lt 'hr r r r u. r n as lr g, lr ar & n ol rrrig, r '; r lir r r xlit 's llows ir r t lr t 'il ir r st 'r t i<lr r r dcor r t r ol var ious ?tttx o rr r r r . tt.or r lnr t t t 'd lalxr ur . M car t whilc,m igr ant pr of essional ey be wt'lcorrrcdin spccic placcs as contributors to the neo-liberalrecan Itfltrtrrrirrgrttd rcscalingo'variouscities.And migrant remittances k rdit,tl ol to transmit foreign currency to families, localities and re$ttrer k'i bchind, enabling their inclusion, however unequally, in gloItl pullt'r'rrsof'consumption and desire. Migration scholars need to put all rrrns of methodologicalnationalism so that their units of anathrough which capitalism is rlo rr<llobscure the localisedprocesses tlnrmlly restructured,reproduced, experiencedand contested.To unncl fhe dynamics that surround us, we need to examine simultanly thc culrural narratives of everyday forms of nation-state formatlrt' global efforts to reconstitute capital and facilitate its flexible aculaion and the struggles of people around the world to live their with dignity and justice. y clt'veloping such a framework, migraon scholars will be able to irrto the policy arena with perspectives that do more than follow well-worn path of sterile debates about e effects of immigration ocil cohesion. We can speak to factors that truly are eroding varhuman experiences of social solidarity as well as highlight the ay experiences of openness that bring people together in their 'or life with meaning, espect for all varieties of human dierand opportunities to explore their shared humanity.

Enodhart, D. (zoo8), 'The baby-boomers finally see sense on immigraorl., The Qbsrrvcr,Sunday, z4 Febntary zoo8. www.guardian.co.uk/commensfree/zoo8/feb/ l4/ i rrrmigration.immigrationpoicy.

Chapter 7 Towards comparative a Bridging divide: the kin for framework understanding stateand politics migrant-sending diaspora state
Myra A. Waterbury

by the coincidence or convegence of global events, the past decadeshave seen a signicant increase in the number of states enng members of eir national communities who reside outside the 's borders. As such, there has been a concomitant explosion of acaic interest in those transnational and trans-state relationships. More more states are constructing ties to populations abroad, and those tations are making more assertive claims for recognition of their ue status as members of cultural and political communities bridmore than one sovereign state. In the post-communist world, e tion of politics and the end of Soviet domination brought reattention to the relationship between potential kin states and the border ethnic goups created through the dissolution of multinaI states and empires. And in oer areas of the world, political and mic changes have encouraged states to reink eir previously inor even exclusionary stances towards migrant populations resid-

ebroad.

Thanks to a flurry of fascinating case studies and eorising about phenomena, some progess has been made towards understandhow, when and why states structure increasingly complex ties to poabroad. Yet, as the debates in the literature over the meaning terms such as 'diaspora' and 'transnationalism' continue, we see at questions remain unanswered. How should we understand role of the state in shaping transnational pracces What causes to increase their engagement with populations abroadl What are risks and benets of policies that seek to extend sovereignty and to those outside the state? A significant barrier to further protowards a firll understanding of these dynamics is the prevalent ical separation between studies of kin state and migrant-sending policies towards external national populations. By maintaining this ion * whether self,consciously or not - analysts of both sets of

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( ils ( ' slr (' l o s i rrg o rrl o rr p o l t' rrl i l rl l y r ri ttrlrrsi gl rl s l rrrl rrrrry rr,1.1,rrrr,,l r' i l l r or r r c t rg a g i rgc ro s srt' g i o trs n c l l ristori t' i rl l t' ti t i l i r.s.' l ' l ri s r l r;rptrr i u sl r ec ons i d e rs e u ti l i ty o ' th i s a n a l y l i cul l l ul l rl i orr th st' uncl usl < s l url rrr,rr w be gained by constructinga broadcr comparativcramcworl<irr wlrr,lr to understandhow and why statesact on behal'o-mcmbcrs ol ;r rr,r tional community residing outside the borders. The chapter begins by comparing the analyticalusage of diaspor;rt'i minology in e migration literature with that in the literaturt,orr f lr statesand cross-borderminorities, then discussing how the two s(.t:;itl 'literature can learn from each oer. The second section uses insililri', and examplesfrom bo sets of literature to construct a compar;rliv('lr,l mework for understanding the relationship between statesand poprrl,r tions abroad. This framework addressesfour main questions: wlro tlrr, state targets, why and when states increase their level of transrlrlrorr,rl engagement, how states create and maintain ties with those abroutl ,rr,l what barriers there are to integration of the diaspora into the honrt,l;rrrrl state political community.

7.1

The definitionaldivide

In general, the literature on diaspora and transnationalism derrt,r;,r diaspora almost exclusively by its migrant origins or the far-rearlrrrrg dispersal of an ethnic community to multiple points, reflecting cl;r:;rrrr cases of diaspora such as the fewish and Armenian ones. This typt. rl definition tends to exclude casesof trans-border ethnic groups crt':rtlrl from the shifting of borders or the dissolution of states and empirr",. such as ethnic Hungarians in East Central Europe or Russians irr llrr, near abroad. For many authors, the diaspora phenomenon is unic;rrr,t, the situation of people moving across borders. As Sheffer defincs tlr'' subject of his book on diaspora politics, 'an ethno-national diasponr rr,,r social-polical formation, created as a result of either voluntary ,,r forced migration' (zoo3: 9).' On the other side, those who study the relationships of kin sl;rtr',, with 'stranded minorities' acrossthe border have not, for the most l);ut, adopted the diaspora terminology. They generally conceptualise tirr.u universe of cases as a discrete set with unique conditions. Unlikc rrrr grant diasporas,external kin are the product of borders moving acrr,:;,, populations. Migrant diasporas form gradually and voluntarily, ae k.r rr torially dispersed and members often maintain the citizenship of tir,'rr country of origin, at least through the rst generation. 'Accidental' rlr,r sporas, on the other hand, happen suddenly and largely against the wrll of their members, tend to be more territorially concentrated and ot,,rr have the citizenship of only their new state of residence (Brubulirr

st t r r s ir l ooo; 1). 'l'lr t , st 'pollr r llr lior r r it y lsolx, r r r or r 'lt ot t t t clo llt t t ir lt <lst alc at o = frd l avc k'ss t 'xibilit y t t t t 't r r lr t 'r slr ip ld physicalm obilit y - beo ust.tl rt 'shi ing bor dcr so cn coincidcswit h t he shif t ing of t heir irr citizcnship iom the homeland to the host state. Ptorp(.cls 'lrc term 'diaspora' is often politically problematic as well. Diaspora lg llrrngary, Poland and other kin states is most commonly invoked lhen cliscussingpolitical and economic migrants who seted outside of $e rcgion - and historic territory - of the mother country (Tth zoo4: 'diaspora' is used to describe communities of ethf/1), When the term kin in Eastern Europe, it is equated wi weakened bonds of ethnic il. Etd linguistic afinity and the triumph of assimilationist pressures on 1e rrational community. For example, ethnic Hungarians described as $ving in diaspora in neighbouring countries are those in a 'state of lbandonment': they did not migrate, but are ling outside of 'ethnic btOgr' and therefore are in the pocess of losing their cultural and linnation (Ilys zoo6: 46). ln contrast, more $fxtic ties to the Hungarian national communities 'beyond the border' are reachable funr:entrated Fd critical components of the national project' Calling them 'diaspora' *uld indicate that they were 'logt' to ose in the Hungarian state' l.ho would see them as a crucial sorce of cultural pride and influence. 3y this logic, even those ethnic Hungarians who leave their ethnic kin mmunities and emigrate to Hungary become part of the 'intensicaof diasporisation due to assimilation and out-migration' (Toth

: roo).

Ttc separation of migrant-sending and kin state casesbased on these umptions of difference has led to distinct terminologies, eoretical and analltical debates. However, bringing the two sets of litre into dialogue with each other prodes a much more complete r:e of the role of the homeland state in shaping transnational pracFor example, migration-centred analysts have begun to rethink conception of 'transnationalism as subversive and transnationalists of states' (Waldinger & Erassroots actors challenging e hegemony igerald zoo4: 1186). More attention is now given to the homeland as an agent in constructing diasporas and shaping the memberp of those abroad in social, economic and political spheres between ueland and host states (Fitzgerald zoo5a; Itzigsohn zooo; Sherman ). Analyses of kin states and trans-border diasporas offer a wealth ical and contempoary examples of the state's role in structuties to those abroad, which can aid in creating useful models of transnationalism. The state of national origin is often a key in shaping trans-border ethnic ties, particularly in cases where homeland state is the politically and economically strongest actor in triadic relationship between host state, homeland and trans-border

ity (Brubakert996: 6Z'ZG).The actionsof kin states,such as

N 4l l AA . W nrR ti l i ||

I lr r ngaryl ttrc l(l t' rtn u ttyl l rto rrg l ro rrll r t' tw t,rrl i cl l tt' rrl rrry, t' rrrotnl r,rl r. l r rl a r angc o ' c l n g a g t' rrtt' n ti tl r ' s tri trrc l t'rrri rrol i l i t' s'orn rl i pkrrrrrrl ir,l tl w , t f or t s t o g u a ra n te e c i r s c c ttri ty n c l l l rc o' t' ati orr govt' rnrrrt,l rl th a o rrrrrri tries for information gathering and cultural urrding, to dircct lrrlirrr,rl and economic support as well as ethnic repatriationand natrrralisrrtr,ir (Brdi zoo4; Wolff zooo). IGn state casesalso demonstratethe potential dangers of'sl;rlr.lr.rl transnationalism: the instrumental use of cross-borderties to fustiy rr redentist ambitions and nationalist politics (e.g. Serbia in the wrtlr .l Yugoslav succession);the security dilemma created when a horrrt,l,rrr,l state claims residents of neighbouring states as citizens (e.g. Rrrs::r,r',, military intervention on behalf of its 'compatriots' in South Osst,rr,rt, and the negative effects on inter-ethnic reiations created by f,',,,,, ,,1 minority fifth-columnism or disloyalty to eir state of residencr, (r.pi ethnic Germans and Hungarians in Eastern Europe after Worlcl W,rr II). The dark side of transnationalism is an aspect that migratiorr lo cused analysts are beginning to grapple with as well. As Zolberg;rrr,l others have pointed out, states attempt to control both physical ;rrr,l syrnbolic boundaries. Therefore, all efforts to construct states ancl rr,r tions involve some kind of exclusion (Zolberg ry83; Filzgerald zoo,;lry The extension of the national community beyond the borders thr.rrprr exLraterritorial membership and other tools can be understood ;r:r ,r form of 'trans-border nationalism', whereby the homeland governrrrt,rrl pomotes a specific denition of the national community for its owrr purposes (Fitzgeraldzoo6a: 99). Many of the cases in the migration-centred literature, on the oilrr.r hand, usefully demonstrate the contingent and instrumental natun, ol state policymaking towards diaspora groups by tracing the proc<.s:ir,:, through which policymakers increase their level of engagement witlr those abroad over time (Brand zoo6; Smith zoo3; yaradarajan zoo,,) This perspectiveis a much-needed correction to the kin state literatrrrr., which often sees ties of ethnic affiliation as enduring causal facto's rrr domestic politics and foreign policy decision-making. Analyses of rr,, dentism and trans-border ethnic conflict often assume that state acr.rr respond to the plight of co-ethnicsand act accordingly in order to slrtr, fy the demands of ethnic affiliation (Ambrosio zoor; Davis & Moor,, 1997).YeI, the numerous examples of fluctuating levels of engagenrt,rrl with cross-border populations within and among potential kin stlrtr,:, have shown the need to look at domestic political interests to untr.r stand the intensity of dasporapolicymaking at different points in tirrr,' (King & Melvin 1999; Saideman & Alres zoo8; Waterbury zoo6).

l,f

framework A comparative

ltlrrgirrg logi'tht'r'tlrcsc insiglrts iotn l<in statc-and migration-centred llrt' rt'rnaindclr o'the chapter outlines a comparativeframework Fes, why and when statesincreasetheir engagementwith fgf rrrrclt'rstanding poltulrlions abroad and what factors alect the implementation of dialpoll (rgagementpolicies. The framework focuses on e actions that Itetex tal<eto engage populations abroad, raer than on the origin of &e population. It uses evidence from a wide range of casesto develop hur s"tr of arguments. First, while states often utilise a rhetoric of enggirrg the 'global nation', their policies taget specific populations lbroad, depending on what these populations can offer the homeland !ttc, Second, states increase their engagement with specific external populations becauseit serves a specific political and strategic purpose. pleuporas represent a set of uniclue cultural, material and political re!urccs, which homeland state elites come to recognise and seek to capfure, Third, states expand the boundaries of citizenship and memberlhtp in order to co-opt and control accessto diaspora resouces. Finally, I nrguc that because this new engagement involves the expansion of the polltical community, the development of diaspora policies is often a gfltested process, which can lead to a backlash against diaspora enbetween rhetoric and the substance of $Eement and a disconnect

plicies.
l,l,r

targetedpolicies Global discourse,

Ia looking at the entire univese of potential diaspora members for any $ven country it becomes clear that many states cannot so easily be clasllfed as either 'ethnic kin state' or 'migrant-sending state'. Many states lllvor current or historical relationships with popu!+ions in other counler for various reasons, including the redrawing of international hundaries, sporadic and voluntary dispersal and state-sponsored emiof primarily as emigration $tion. Some states that are usually thought have had the potential to act as potectos of members of e naftltes I community who reside on territory that was once part of the naI homeland (e.g. India, Haiti, Mexico). And many kin states also substantial economic and political migrant populations (e.g. Ungary Poland, Germany). Some states have policies that extend to cross-border minorities and migrant communities,' but most have n to target only one or the other for specific puposes. The targetreflects what the homeland state wants from its engagement with in diaspora populations, as well as the feasibility of integrating excommunities without riskine tensions with other states.

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lllr ili l rrl tl l rrd i l rtrl t' l w o r' ;rs t' srr w l r i rl r l l rr.sl l rl r, rrs t,xp;rn< l r,tl ,,i r i l i l :r gager ne nw i l h rl ri g rl rrl c l i tts ;l o rr l o p rrl rrl i ons, l rl s r.t.j r,t ;r t p l l rrl l r.rl ;16l r.1 t ial r ole a s k i n s ta te to th o s t' rc r.s s rl rt' l l .r.cl t,r.. l i rri ti , l l r. l rr rr.:,1 Duvalier governmentof Aristide macl. <Jiasp'rrrt'lati'ns a rrll 1l'i'rrrr,, even going so far as to call the diasporathe'Tenth Dc-partnrt.rrr,rr rrr,, government.But becauseof historical tensions with the nciglrlrrrrrrrrrr Domincan Republic over their respective boundarieson thc'slrrrr..,l r,, land territory and the need for help from economicaily prosper.rrs ;rrrrl politically connected diaspora members, the focus of Hait|s Drrir r,,.. was Haitians in canada and the united states,not those across th,, r,,,, der in the Dominican Republic or throughout the caribbean (rtzigs,lrrr zoo3). Similarly, even ough the Indian goverr rrr,.rrl .ro,goi o*ard hailed the'global Indian fao'ily'in the r99oi (vardarajan zo5: r91, rr.. expandedpolicies to engage Indians abroad targetedpiimarily h" ;,, ,u, leged professional-class diaspora working in hgh-tech jobs in th. lrli and v/estem Europe. India's recent raws regaring 'peopre of rrrrri,rrr origin' _specifically excluded citizens of neighboing'pakistan rr.,r Bangladesh,reflecting fears of inflaming reginar t".rrr, (Lalr zoc,l rzz). Kazakhstanand Hungary on the other hand, crafted policies foc.s,,,l moe on the integration of ethnic and linguistic kin thn on enga_rrr| with migrant populations. I(azakhstan'sdecision in the years fodw,,,11 independence to offer ethnic repatriation to ethnic Kazals was r;rr geted not to those who had migrated to other former Soviet repubrrr:r. and would therefore likely speak only Russian, but to those outsidc rlr,, Soviet sphere in smaller lGzakh-speaking communties who ,w.rrrrl most effectively contribute to the cultural rebirth of Kazakhslrrrr (Diener zoo5: y4).In Hungary the country,s first post_communist lt,;r der claimed to be the prime minister of fteen Hungarians, ,r number that included those in the western diaspora as well athosc -i[io' i,, neighbouring Romania, Slovakia, Ukraine and Serbia. Hungary,s rrrw granting special benefits and national identification cards to etnrrrt Hungarians (the controversial 'status Law') was valid, however, only ,r those ethnic Hungarians in the neighbouring countries, not for tir.s,, assimilated Hungarians in the Western diaspoa.l 7.2.2 Motives and triggers diasporaengagement for The targeting described above suggests that the state crafts differenr rr, lationships to its various external populations, depending on what a dc. per engagement with a potential diaspora group could offer. Clearly, homeland state elites ae not passive only by feelings , "totrtirrd national afiliation or by demands made on em by those abioatl Instead, shifts towards increased diaspora engagement are driven rrr

o d l rgt' 1r;rltlr y llr t 'inlt 't t 'sls r r r r t l1lt 'r 'r 'r 'plior r s lr or r r t 'lar rst at c polit ica A s I will discr r ss r r r r or t 'clt 't r il,t lr r , scr n<>t ivtcan be gr ouped ir :s el i tes. lftto llrrt'r' tturitr scls <l intt'rcsts and 'rcsources'representedby diapol'ls: tltc cxtraction of'material resourcesfor economic gain, e crea tlott or rnaintenance of domestic and international political legitimacy tul llrt'utilisation of those abroad as a culturo-linguistic resourceto be urecl in defining the boundaries of national identity. Murry states, however, initially resist opporLunities to forge extensive tlatrsnationalties, suggestingthat diasporasrepresent a host ofnegave Fpe('tsand potential dangers for homeland states as well. These negatlve connotations can manifest in representations of diaspora members 3 'tritors' who have abandoned the homeland, painful blights on the nglional psyche or outsiders trying to take away jobs and resources Mass emigration can be a sign of state weakness and a threat to regime legilimacy, causing resentment of those who left (Brand zoo6: 33-34 Fltzgerald2oo5a: 7). When those abroad come home, they may be pereived as being tainted by their unique experiences and therefore too dlli'rent to be reintegrated successfully into the homeland state. In addltion, if formerly excluded diaspora members are given access to horneland state resources and membership, they are often perceived by perrnanent homeland state residents as unwelcome, resented competitors for political influence, subsidies and even jobs. Finally, diaspora populations can embroil the homeland in tense relations with the states of lsnidence, thereby jeopardising the homeland's security and other foreign policy goals. The dual nature of the diaspora issue permeates debtcs over the state-diaspora relationship in kin states and migrant:ending states, often leading to domestic opposition against increased levels of political and economic integration between the homeland state nd those beyond the border. Becausepopulations abroad can be sources of risk and political unertainty, there are often barriers to elites perceiving certain diaspora 'We must, therefore, also explain ommunities as positive esources. What causes that perception to change: a moment in which the diaspora goes from being seen as a liability or a population that can be ignored, to an important resource that should be cultivated, and even exploited zoo3a: zr9; Shain & Barth zoo3: 45o1.Moments of {Ostergaard-Nielsen 'tedefinition' are often triggered by large structural changes, such as dramatic shifts in the regime or political system, often occurring simulteneously with important changes in regional relations or economic reatructuring. These changes allow space for a redefinition of the boundries of the political community and a rethinking of the state's relation:hip to e diaspora. Such a redenition could also result in a decision to disengage from a previous policy commitment regarding a populatlon abroad, as occurred when the German government phased out

I Jli

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l lt lyo i ts p o l i c i t' sl o w l tttl st' l l trri t (i t' r' rrr;rrrs l i trsl t' r' rrrrl ol tt, i rr li ;rrrrll l r,= f or m er S o v i e t U rti o rt i n tl rt' c l t' u tc k i rl l ow i rrgrt' rrrri l url i orr, l rrrrrrrl , ' i rrt ' t he pr om i s e o f a u to m a ti cc c rrn a rr r:i ti zt' rrsl ri l' ll . l rr,pri rnuryx rrs i rt,r,' however,is to provide a picture o'thc motivcs and pro(:css('s r..rrru,l ling a shift in perception that subsequently triggers incre:ast.cl ('nli,rli,, ment with diaspora populations. Diaspora communities are often sources of important mati.r'i:rl rl sources through remittances they send back to the homeland strrtr.,rrr e form of diaspora-ledinvestment or by ofering the homelarrd :rr,rrr. expanding markets for its exports,cultural output and even a tel)()r,r\ labour pool (Barry zoo6: z8; Itzigsohn zooo: n43). Most migranl-st,rrrl ing countries, like the Philippines, Turkey and many Latin Amu.rt,rl, Middle Eastern and Sou-Easten European countries, rely heavily ,,rr the emigrant diaspora working in richer economies to contribute r. rlrr, country's GDP (Newland & Patrick zoo4l. Economic interests play tr,r;,, of a role in non-migrant diaspora situations, particularly wherr tlrr, homeland state is more economicallydevelopedan the diaspora. livr,rr the promise of possible future economic gains, however,."n L" us('(t ir,, a justification for activist diaspora policies in these states.For exanrPl,., in Hungary the ethnic Hungarians in neighbouring states have lr,.,.rr described as a potential resouce for businessesin need of labour ;rg ,r selling point for Hungarian policies towards co-ethnics (Melegh zo<,1 rzo). Similar arguments have been used to justify repatriation pro grammes in Romania and Russia. The state's integration into economic and trade organisations rs ,r process that may compel or deepen neo-liberal restructuring o' tlr,. state's economy, leading to a desire to stabilise and increase the flow r,l diaspora remittances and investment (Varadarajan zoo5: 6). Growirrli economic opportunities as a result of regional integraon and increust.rl foreign investment can also lead to a search for easily assimilatecl r,r bour migration, which may make the diaspora an attractiveprospecl. trl fact, it could be argued that Spain has invented such a diaspora for rlrr, pupose by ofering retun opporLunitiesto the descendantsof Sparrislr migrants in Latin America (Padilla zooT). fapan has also used secorrrl and third-generaon Brazilians of fapanesedescentto fill out its lab.rrr needs without challenging its exclusive, ethnically based definitions r,l citizenship (Fitzgerald zoo6a: roz). Diaspora engagement also plays an important role in political legrrr mation, both domestically and geopolitically. Reaching out to thor;r. abroad and establishing cross-borderties can be a way for govenmelt:i and polical parties to redefine the bases of their legitimacy at times r, economic or political crisis, or when the sovereignty of the state rr, being weakened by external forces. In describing the history ol Mexico's changing policies, Sherman argues that the state extended it:r

lcgit ir r r ac l tattrl 1., llt osc r r llt oir rtl lr nir r g 'nr ol r ( 'nlsin wlr it lr 1l<llilical ; rrr w as l x' i tt1 r lr t cslion<'cl, r dllr t 'slult 'wus t r yir r gt o consolidat e par t lcu a or l er i rrsl i l r r t ior r ul dcr ' ( r gg9: 847) . M aint ainingt he loyalt yof em igr ant country, and thereby securing accessto those commuttt llrt,ir lr<lrner ttllir.s und their resources,can be a vital'part of the process of nationbrriltlingand maintaining elite dominanceat home'. l'opulations abroad are also strategicallyimportant because of their eulltrro-linguistic function, particularly their role in state-building, natlonll identity construction and cultural reproduction. The diaspora can lervc prominently in the construction of national myths, which are [:ed to legitimise nationalist political agendas and the modes of inclullott and exclusion at designate who will have accessto political power ettd the resources of e state (King & Melvin 1999). External populatlotts are often incorporated into narratives identifying forces that threatett the survival of the cultural or linguistic nation, broadly defined as extr.nding beyond existing state borders. The continued existence of a gr(xrp beyond the border at maintains its cultural identity and connectlotrs to the homeland by resisting assimilationist pressures offers a debnce against fears of cultural dilution and a source of national pride. For cxample, in the case of Mexico: Itlhe new Mexican ideology holds that by creating and maintaining a distinct ethnic identity within the United States, albeit di brent from Mexico's indigenous culture, Mexican Americans are preserving their national heritage and proving that Latino roots are much deeper than Anglo-American influences. (Shain zooo:

68t\

ln addition, such populations keep the influence of e homeland language and culture alive in territories that were once part of the homelnd's empire or colonial holdings, recalling the diaspora's ties to historically signicant moments of past greatness and tragedy. Threats to these groups, therefore, are framed as reats to the unity, status and :urvival of the nation embodied by the homeland. This type of resource hes been particularly important for Hungary a small, linguistically isoltcd country with a history of empire (I(rti zoor). One of the main triggers for utilising the diaspora to bolster state legitimacy is political liberalisation through institutional or regime hange, which subjects control over the state-diaspora relationship to nore intense political contestation. The diaspora resources become prizes to be captured within the context of domestic political competitlon. The opening up of political competition after decades of dictatorial er authoritarian rule triggers the search for new souces ofpolitical support and legitimacy by new political actors on the scene. These actors

|4(l

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J r av tlit tl t' g o v t' rtti trg x 1 l t' t' i c tttr' , n l ry rrl sol urvr,i ,w orgurri s;rl rorr,ri : t' rrrrtl r es our c e s r a tra c k rc c o rtlo i d t' o l o g i crlposi ti rl rri rrg. .urrri rrg;rr,, o l {r' rl c our s eo f th e n a ti o n a n d n a ti o n a li d c rrti tytl rut i nvol < cs l sr' l rt,yorrrl th< l l rt, border can provide a unique sourceo'legitirnacyfbr thcsc ncw P.lirrr,rl actors. They can position themselves as 'nationalising elitcs' or ;r:i ri.r viours of the nation who can now right the wrongs of' tlrr, p,r,,r Emerging elites can also utilise diaspora populations as potential t.'rr;ri tuents, who can affect domestic political outcomes through trans-lr,rrlr.r media connections or eventually through gaining the right to v.rr, ,r have special representationwiin the government. At times o'prlirrt.rl transformation, the diaspora'may come to be considered by, ,,,,* ,,, gime as e key population for domestic transformation' shain 2,r,,,,

rrs , llccar nr: or eccr I anotl rt'r '<. xr r r r t plr ,ils lir r r opcln I Jnion r r ct : t , ssion tl rt' rc; r lisuliorglcw t hat llr r r r gur ywould soon becom et he east er n t * 1n, bard"r o' tlrc Schengcn visa regime. This meant that many ethnic Hutgarirns would be le on the wrong side of a new Iron Curtain, for 1e Sclrcngen chapter of the accession treaty would have prevented lgnranian, Ukrainian and Serbian citizens from crossing the border lato I lungary without a visa. This prompted a search of new ways for Hungary to maintain cross-border ties, culminating in e controversial &eision to give members of the regional diaspora ethnic identity cards {Vatcrbury zoo8). Poland and Romania also crafted legislation to deal tdth the stranding of enic kin outside the Schengen borders. 7,2,3 The tools of engagement

66s).

For example, in post-communist Hungary engagementwith thr, r.tlr nic Hungarians in neighbouring countries has been a crucial org.rrl,,r tional and ideological resource for a party like the Alliance of-y.rrrli Democrats (Fidesz), a relatively new right-wing party that lacked r rrr. bilised base in the early r99os (Waterbury zoo6l. The parry r;rrrr paigned actively in e ethnic Hungarian communities in slovakil rrrr,l Romania, not for votes, but to win the battle of public opinion trrt,r. that would be reflected in Hungarian state media. Domeitic polirir,rl strategiesinvolving the diaspora have also been seen in a numbcr,,rl other cases, including Mexico, El salvador, Haiti and e Domirrrt:rrr Republica (Itzigsohn zooo). Al1 these countries have seen ele<.r.r,rl campaigns spill over into diaspora communities, with party elites lrr,1r ing to capture the endorsement of diaspora leaders and their for.rrr;rl and informal organisational networks, as well as to control the rr*; course of national interests and priorities by embracing the diasporr. External actors and e actions of the state in which diasporas rcsrrlr can also cause shifts in the opportunity for elites to engage th.r. abroad. If the degree of accessto, and availability of, diaspor rrour,,,,, becomes constrained, then e homeland state is likely toncrease its h, vel of engagement. For example, if homeland state elites see that .r'w integrationist or assimilationist policies are being put into place by h.rr states,they may espond by hying to'pull'the diaspora back to rlr,, homeland through transnational connections and feelings of loyalty. Ar; Brand argues in regard to e Tunisian and Moroccan diasporas rrr Western Europe: as European states successively changed laws governing immi_ grant integration, the Maghrebi states faced the prospect of declining loyalty among their nationals. In esponse, new institutions and policies were put into place or existing ones were rede_ fined. (zoo6: z:'6-z17)

3e now turn to consider how the engaged homeland state creates, and alntains access to, these diaspora resources. Tking examples from both the kin and migrant-sending state cases, we see that homeland Ittes have better accessto these resources when they are able to craft lnd, to the extent possible, control ties with those abroad and their orllnisations. In order to shape these relations, states extend their soverflgnty and redefine the boundaries of citizenship and membership to laelude targeted members of populations abroad rough institutionallred packages of 'engagement' policies. In a tricky, often unsuccessfirl, balancing act, state elites attempt to push these policies while keeping ln mind the demands of e diaspora communities, who may or rnay lt respond in kind to these overnrres. n both e kin state and sending state literature, institutionalised enggement with populations abroad is recognised as a tool of co-optation tnd a way of building clientelistic relationships that go beyond the borers of the state. In the case of Hungary party elites have vied to co-opr dlaspora leaders and to create clientelistic relationships that extend lCross the border. Fidesz, in particular, used the tools of patronage and ellentelism to develop its power base and establish its structure of alli llces and institutions (Waterbury zoo6: 5oo-5o3). Similarly, in Mexico, re Fox administration (and earlier governments as well) attempted to :hape the message and the loyalties of organised Mexican migrant com*runities in the US (Martinez-Saldana zoo3; Garcia-Acevedo zoq). According to Goldring, state-led progammes in the r98os signaled e state's attempt to construct transmigrants and eir organisations as one more in a series of corporate groups that the Mexican state could co-opt by engaging them in corporatist and clientelist relaons. (zooz: 68\

t4)

l v \'l l A ^,

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M iddlc li l rs l t' rtt tl ttt' ss ttc l rl rs ' l i rn i s i urrrtl Mortx' to,;rl sorrl i l i sr,tl s , tonrr s elsand e x p a tri a tc i rso J r:t'u s i rrs l trl rrt.rrlo r' ot' rti onl rrrcl orrl r.l a s s r' in order to satisfytheir own sccurityobjt't:tivt's (llrarrcl zoo(:). Homeland statescreatesystemso'patronagcand control by'r.t';rsrt,rl ing sovereignty'over those beyond their territorial boundarics (lr,rrrrl zoo6: z6). They do so by crafting policies that'(re)produce citizt.rr::,, vereign relationships with expatriates,thus transnationalising govt,r rr mentality' (Gamlen zoo6: 4-5).All stateshave availablea similar to,l[rr of policies they can choose from in shaping relations with populrrli,,l,. abroad. Homeland states can: (r) seek to change host state polrrr,.,, through diplomatic advocacy or teaty protections; (z) fund dius;',,r,r community organisationsand the creation of educational,cultural, pr,lr tical and entrepreneurial institutions; (3) oer full or limited trrrrr:r,,1 political citizenship, such as voting rights, special forms of epr(,s(,nt.l tion, dual citizenship or dual nationality (41 of{er firll or limited irrrrr,, of social citizenship through welfare state and labour market access;rrr,I direct subsidies to diaspora members; o (5) extend the benefits o trrr tural and symbolic membership through rhetorical inclusion, ctlrrrrr identity cards and trans-border cultural exchanges. The most powerfirl - and controversial - of these policies is thr.r.r pansion of citizenship through dual nationality legislation, giving rlror,. abroad preferential accessto entry and the state's political commrrrrv Both types of states utilise citizenship options, with some variatiorr rrr the purpose of the flexible membership. Kin statesuse 'ethnizenslrr;,, which Baubck defines as 'external quasi-citizenship' for those who rlr, not reside in the country granting e status 1zoo7b:496), as a irrrrr of symbolic membership and nation-building that may o may tr,l translate into real benefits and mobility. Or ese states may allow ,,r multiple citizenship or preferential naturalisation for ethnic kin rrs ,r form of minority protection, providing an 'exit option' for natiorr;rl minorities facing discrimination and assimilation (Iordachi zoo5..z4tl In Hungary a failed attempt in zoo4 to provide extraterritorial dual t irr zenship reflected the 'ethnizenship' model, whereby ethnic Hungari:rrr, in some neighbouring countries would have the option of 'citizenslrr;r without resettlement'. In zoo5, the left-wing social democratic govt'rrr ment, which had rejected the ethnizenship model, simplified nahrralis;r tion requirements for ethnic Hungarians, creating a stronger frarrrc work of preferential naturalisation based on individual application, rror a collective right to ethnic citizenship (Ministry 2oo5). In migrant-sending states, extenal citizenship is meant to create a rr. lationship of rights and obligations with emigrant non-residents in or der to tie potentially reluctant or increasingly distant (in time and spar,,1 populations abroad to e state or origin. Citizenship is thus ,a substr tute for physical pesence in the home state, and grounds emigrantr'

:bl l l ty l nd t 'vt 'r r r r ct 'd lo ( 'r gi H( 'wit lrit r r r r rr r ir r '( llar r y zoo( r : zr ) . ur t v<lt ing ight s is t hus r l $l ow i rrg or r r r r r llillk't r lt ior r r r lit y r cl 'vt 'nt 'xt t 'r r r ul 'in f, wey irl slutcs to t'xtcnd tlrcir sovcrr:ignty the absenceof coercive btttr-stirlc powcr' to (sure continued accessto diaspora resouces l Gl ntrrl t'zoo6: 5) . rr Tlte policyrnaking process for diaspora engagement, particularly hrrr it irrvolvesthe expansion of citizenship, takes place in a context teught with contention and debate.The context of citizenship policies fiirrly differs between kin and migrant states,but the policies trigger $rnllar lcvels of debate and contestation over changing the boundaries tlre political community. Policies must go far enough to provide populeliorrs abroad - both migrant and ethnic kin - with realistic incenves rr maintaining loyalties that correspond to what those populations let lil<ely seek from the homeland state: some combination of in!cred economic opportunity (eier investment, tax-free remittances, Propcrty ownership or access to improved labour markets and subsiler), symbolic and cultural membership (ethnic ID cards, support for *lnority language education, cultural exchanges and events or rhetoril lnclusion as positive national members) and protection and advocacy lnnsularand diplomatic services,pessure on host statesregarding mif!ilt or minority rights). Yet, as I will demonstrate in the following leetion, policyrnakers risk going too far, thereby provoking backlash l3clnst the expansion of the political community. Contested outcomes

I,1,4

lhcn a state increases its engagement with the diaspora, this process #eessitates an expansion of the homeland state political community. At I minimum, increased diaspora engagement involves the reordering of &teign policy priorities, redistributing state funds and restructuring tsvernment institutions to include agencies, commissions or ministries ts gdminister the new policies. Debates over diaspora policy increase in lntensity as those abroad are given accessto membership in the politi l community of e homeland state and new policies expand e boundaries of political membership beyond the state borders, thereby popardising the 'coherence of the cizenry' (Barry zoo6: z4). As Weldinger and Filzgenld rightly argue: 'The terms of national belongl1g are almost always the subject of conflict' (zoo4: rr79l. lite rhetoric of ethnic kinship or national belonging, therefore, does ot always reflect the reality or acceptance of a particular national proffft. Such projects are often contested, and there may be widespread rellltance to accepting members of the ethnic diaspora as 'real' members f the civic community who deserve the full rights and benefits of citi Senship. Thus, even after diaspora esources have been identified and

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s ol ( ' l)o l i (y rl u rtrl -1 ,r' s i rrrp l r,rrrt,n l t,tl rruri rrl ;ri ni t,s w i l l r l l rt.rl r,r l rrt' lo l ts s por a,cl b rts t< lp ro v i c l t' rto -t' l l ttti rrlrt' rxrcli l l r i rrl l rcruttcss l o l rol rl i w c al m em b e rs h i pa rc o i c rr n rc t w i tIr rt ' si sl rrrtt' Orrct.cl i sctrssi ort rtr.r, . ol pe ac c e s sto me mb e rs h i p i n th t: h< l rnt' l arrt.l i ti cal (ol nl untt\' r,. pol opened,tensions are brought forward, stcigiorn thc dtlrl rr,rtur, of the state-diaspora relationship. Those legitimately opposcd [o t.xl,,rn,l ing the reach of the state may ask severalquestions.lfhat is tlrt' t o:,I r' the stateif diaspora members acquire a unique legal status, giving tlr,.rrr increased political and even economic influencel What are tlt' rorr',,. quences if they are allowed to choose among identities and loyultit,::,r', they pleasel Are they - or ae we - the authentic representativcsol nrrr culture and ou nationl What may be lost in terms of our e(on()rnl and political stability, even ou foreign policy goals, by extending rrr,.rn bership beyond our bordersl Examples from the casesthat follow lr,'11' illustrate the dynamics of this tension over the incorporation o rlr,r spora members into the homeland political community. Despite the popular rhetoric of historical responsibility and ethrrit ,rl filiation, the Hungarian public has consistently shown ambivrrlt,rrrr about the Hungarians across the border, particularly in relation to r.tlr nic Hungarian labour migration and citizenship (Csepeli & rkr.rrr ry96: z8o). This ambiguity was reflected in the failed December .r,,,,.; referendum on whether Hungary should provide non-resident dull r rtr zenship for the ethnic Hungarians in neighbouring countries. Orrly r per cent of eligible voters turned out for e referendum and, of tlro:r,' support for the dual citizenship agenda was only slightly more tr:rrr,,r per cent. The low turnout invalidated the results - by law, 25 per ct'rrt , ,l eligible voters must support or reject the initiative. Many expressecl srrr prise that so many Hungarians would vote against the measure (l(ov,rr '. zoo6: 6z). Tken in the context of a broader compaative underst;rrr,l ing of state-diaspora relations, however,the outcome of the referenrtrrrrr makes more sense. Fear of a 'wave' of ethnic Hungarian migratiorr ;rrr,l concens about the political and economic consequencesfor Hurrgi,rrv were the main arguments put forth by the centre-left governing co,rlr tion against granting co-ethnics citizenship. Such arguments prov('(l t. have traction amongst votes axious about Hungary's economic ;rrrrl political stability. The willingness to vote against expanding citizenslrrl' clearly showed the limits of cross-border ethnic attachments rtl Hungary when they compete with other concens of the citizenry ;rrr,l opposing political elites. A similar debate went on for years in Polrlr,l over the Charter of the Poles,which gives ethnic Poles in neighbourirrli eastern stateslegal recognition of belonging to the Polish nation, irr ;rrl dition to a wide range of rights in Poland, such as less restrictive cntr\ requirements and accessto some educational and social services.'llrr., 'semi-citizenship' included a Polish identity card to be issued l,r

clicl y 5fi 1l i r l( .wlr it lr wor r kl lr r nrlion r r st r li t 'lir r r cr r lr lior llr litvislr ,l>t r l s, Cr ( (li<ilr r y, zyr nala- l( az owsk r l l ol ;rl krw or 'pt 't ' , r 'r 'r r lit r llr lt t llt lis; r t ior and opposi. l (o| y & Wcir lir r2oo7: r 58- r 61)A cr t r ] y ycar so 'debat e was nally passedin September tlon, llrr. llw 0n tlrc l)olish Chartcr rtrrdcat r t cint o ef ctin zoo8. per7 lrr Mcxico, the clual nationality issue spurred a public debate'about frlr;rl il cans to be Mexican' (Barry zoo6: 48\. As more integrative pollr,irr wr:re discussed,it became clear that there was 'no consensus in Mexito about the precise terms of the membership that should be o fbrerl to the people of Mexican descent' (Gutierrez r999t 567)' ln ry97, the Mt,xican government introduced a constitutional amendment to allpw Mcxicans abroad to take on a second citizenship without being :lrilrpcd of their Mexican one. This was seen as a crucial move to keep the'iiaspora in the US from assimilating completely and losing their tien with the mother country and thereby to ensure a steady flow of rellillinces and investment. Oppostion to the new citizenship law, howVrr, cxposed concens about the migrants' polical loyalties and the poterrtill for Mexico's independence to come under attack. As one analyst this fear: desr:ribed When migrants return home, ey carry with them an assortrnent of q-uestionablebeliefs, values and habits acquired in the United Sttes...Allowing em to participate in e national electoral process paves the \Mayto the degradation of Mexico and the of l<rss independence. (Martinez-saldana zoo1l. 46)

Reluctance about granting vong rights was also expressed by entfenched political interests, most notably the previously hegemonic lnstitutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which feared that diaspora votIilg would shift the political balance against them (Garca-Acevedo ,oo)i 543\. However, once diaspoa resouces were rediscoveed and tlre peiception had shifted, the political loyalty of Mexicans in- e US became a political prize lo be won, reordering the nterests of various party elites. The PRI, once reluctant to incorporate the diaspora polielly, shifted to using its version ofrevolutionary nationalism to criticise the Fox govenment for not doing enough to help those beyond the border, an the dual citizenship legislation eventually went forward zoo3: 38). (Martinez-Saldana ln Kazakhstan, the government's ethnic repatriation plan also triggered backlash over the issue of national belonging. After Kazakhstan's independence from the former Soviet Union in r99r, the government ectivly sponsored the return and repatriation of ethnic Kazakhs in what It called the 'far abroad', meaning primarily ose in Mongolia, Turkey snd other parts of Asia. This policy was part of a nation-building

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t(' pr o( : ( . sd c s i g rrt' d o l l l rl rrrrco l rl l l r(' rlt' rrropp;rpl ri r i rl i l yl l rl rl l (;rz;rl ,l rn s l t' l l tt' rl [(' l r.l o l lt' l l rrri t trr;rj ot y i n l (;rzrrl < l tsl l ttt: tt' w l l r' s wer e an e x trc rr(l y sl :l rrs s i ;r rr )(' i rl ((' r' s w (' l l l ts t' l l ttti t l )ri l r" , lar genumb e rs o f n o n -Ka z a l <lh G er m an s a n d o th e r re g i o n a l n a ti o rrl i l i (' s.A l l t' rrst 5oo,ooo t' l l rrrr, lr.rr lry in Kazakhscame to l(azakhstan therr99os, irrcltrccd repatrilrliorr permits, lrttr11rr,r1i, efits such as free air flights, expedited rersidency couses (in Russian), job training, housing and potentia ecortottttt ,'1, portunities. The process of incorporating the ethnic l(azal<lts lr,,rrr abroad proved to be difficult, however: cultural tensions betwcur llr' culturally 'pure' Kazakhs from the diaspora and the 'Russified' trttllt.t land resulted in distrust of those coming from outside (Currurrrrrli', 1998: 4r-t45). Political tensions over the denition of the politit irl r ,,rtr munity and to what degree it should be defined by ethnicity lt'd 1,, rrr complete policies that left many repatriating Kazakhsin a legal rntl ,', ,, nomic limbo. In 1995, dual citizenship - which previously had lrt'r'rr,rl lowed only for ethnic Kazakhs - was abolished,forcing thost'lr,,trr lr abroad to give up eir existing citizenship in order to apply for l(;rz.rf naturalisation. However, the paperwork necessaryto formally rcrr()rrr(i' one's citizenship and gain another proved bureaucraticallycumltct's,,trr, and costly.As a result, by t999, almost 90 per cent of the replrln.rlr", from the diaspora lacked Kazakhstani citizenship, and therefort' t,ttl,l not vote, own property or run for oce (Diener zoo5: y9). In acklilr,,rr many repatiates were not receing their promised allowances ot |rr':l their benefits because they neglected to register properly with [,,,r1 authorities or failed to stay in the areas designatedby governmertl ;tlgltt cies as suitable for resettlement (Cummings 1998: r44). As hus lr,','rr the case in a number of statesthat have allowed ethnic repatrittliotr ,l specific diaspora populations, the state uses the influx of cultrtrtl r;tl' lings for specific purposes, and shapesthe terms of their incorpot;tlt,,rr to benefit the perceived,often contested,needs ofthe state.5

l lir llr t 'lt ot r r t 'llt t t tsllr lt 'it r t cl ir l t lr cr r l fl l rer' l l t:r rtrr syt r r lxro wclr l<t t t 'ss l lt lvc llccn ident if ed l( 'sot lr ( : ( 's t s. W rrpol i l i t . ul r gt 'r r r llrO r r t t 'llr t 'diit slr ot lt potentialthreats uncl policy debates' irito politicalcliscoursc rul by the homeland ''.'rgt*t in activism tg tlrt'ir lccc'ss are rnet by an increase (llrrnges in external conditions - such as realignments-9f power ttatc. and geopolitical alliancesln inl('rstat; relations and shifting economic control their relationship ,,0i,,' ,,ppurtunities for states to stablish and to these challenges,statesexwlll t,xteinal communities. In responding oundaries of state citizenship terrrl trr:ir sovereignty and redefine the in order to ceate' co-opt and maintain tes to ri,i ,,.tiott"t implementation.can' how-"nib"ithip utrrrllrtionsabroad. Policy consensus and to incomplete and contested disrupted - leading il;:, ;; ;h"ng"a "tta political - y the overe*tension of vereignty' -domestic =i,H,,gr.,-"rr, redefinition of the political comcuir,lrt"tion and a backlash against e borders' Aurtrityto include those outside the state 'l'lrcre is still much work to be done towards a comparative, framecases without diminishing or *,,i't. tt" way to talk about both sets of be to work towards a tlpology ig-,ti imprtant differences would populltion; road (e'g' diasporic b,,'a o"" targeting specific types of attdpolitical migrants' unorganised .i,,tu-i. mlltant*s, i"rpo'it exlles types of css-border co-ethnics after independence)and e -pr,.i*t, those populations' Such a typology state uses to engage !oi,,i., the eorrl cl helpusseepossiblep"t t "''''t om at chm ot ivat ion( what st at e with- action' Some comparative lit,'r; *"nt from cetain poiulations; by those looking at one type of p,,i"gi"t tt""e already beLn generated one type of population (e'g' migrant ri,,rr"1..g. external voting) or at to incorporate bo aspects (Gamlen but few ;;;;'il#i"t), "il"tpt n e introduction of new types of citioofrt Cfr"ner zoo61' Work particularly promising model for irn*nip and membership options is a analysis (Baubck zooTb; Faist -z-oor)' ross-reglorraland cross-type framework would also uture research towards a Lroader comparative role of host state policies' As tte,,*t from a deeper investigation of the

7.3

Conclusion

Looking at the similarities in the structure and political dynamics ol rtr,r spora engagement by a variety of kin and migrant-sending statt's, llrr', chapter generated a broadly comparative model of how and why sl,rlr'', make policy towards their national populations abroad. In sumtruttir;rtr1i this model, we see first that populations abroad represent a st'l ol tttr ique cultural, material and political esources for homeland stuk' t'lrlr", This model of 'diaspora as resouce'offers a useful frameworl< r,r ,'r with, th<lst'ottl:;t,1,' plaining the motives for, and modes of engagement homcland stateclitcs cotttt' lo tttt stateborders.Within this frameworl<, p i der s t anda n d p ro mo te th e d i a s p < l rr o pttl l tl i ottrs i t sotl ((' o sl tt' rrl i l l r

luentioned,achangeinthediaspora'spoliticalandeconomicincorporaby homeland state elites totlon in the host state can triggei a reaition Host state policies re*ards more intense transnational engagement' or migrant populations also shape how and to tarding kin minority *n"t kinds of connections they diasporas will orianise, ih"t "tta ""rrt determining wheer or not will ,".t from e homehnJstate, thereby to be mobilised as a re potential diaspora population is available state resistance to homeland orrrce. Furthermore, ih "-ot"tt of host tateactivismcanconstrainolopenoppor|unitiesforextraterritorialpo licies to develoP. using the term 'dialn terms of d"rritional distinctions, although gpora' to dene a population beyond the border may be problematic'

adoplir lgth t' p l trl rs t" c l i l s l x rt' l ro l i l i ts ' l o ck,st' r' i l lsti tl (,i tcl i otrrrtltl rr, t. ll c ont ent i o na ro u n c lth o s t' p o l i c i t' s u y l rt' rrst' rl w l rt' l ht.r l rrri gl rrrrl rn . 'i other externalgroup can rightly bc crrrrsicjcrt'd <Jiasp.ru r b<lgs rl,,wrr irs in t he r a th e r fru i tl e s ss e a rc hb r a n o bj ecti ve sct o' cri tcri a.' l )i ;rs| ' rrr,r politics',however,may representa stancetaken by a potentialhorrrt.l;rrr,l or kin state that focuses on the ntentionaltyof treating an t,xrr.rrr,rl group as if they were a bounded, distinct group with ties of loyalry ,rrr,l afiliation to e motherland. In this way, I believe that diaspora prlirir,, can be a useful catch-allto define a constructed relationship and irrrr.rr tional set of policies employed to keep those abroad connecteclr'ilrr, homeland. clearly, there are important empirical and analyticalnuances thrrr ;rrr, lost in the attempt to create generalisationsfrom such vast divt'r':rrrr. Instructive differences between casesmay include the ethnic malit,ru, of the homeland state (degree of homogeneity), whether a prirr;rrrly emigration state has kin state potential tied to a specific historica k,rrr tory (e.g. India, Dominican Republic) and the relative economic and ;,r, litical strengths of the external population compared to the homt,lrrrrrr state. Yet, there is clearly analltical ulity in looking beyond the p'r,v,r lent type-specific distinction between kin states and. migrant-serrrlirrp states. By engaging both sets of cases,we are forced to question t.lr'r. and region-specific assumptions, leading to a more nunced urrtr,,r standing and broadly applicable theorisation.

8 Chapter the politics: Utilising and Olasporas international for creedof liberalism particularistic universalistic and nationalist PurPoses
Maia Koinova

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Notes
some authors have crafted broader definitions of diaspora that include trans-br:rr|.,r k i n m i n o r itie s ( Sh a in & Ba r zo o 3 :4 5 o : Brubaker zo5; li foppke zoo5:3o; I(i rr11 Melvn r999). Italy, Turkey and croatia are three examples ofstates that have developed polici.r; r,, engage both ethnic kin populations in neighbouring countries and migr.rrrl diasporas. other countries wi special legisiation targeted only at kin minorities inrlrr,l,. Germany, Poland and Russia. Sheridan, M. B. 'salvadoran leader embraces diaspora', The washinglon posi Bor ,r October zooz. other cases using targeted repatriation to move ethnic kin into specific, often rr,, nomically depressed regions ofthe country include Greece. Russia and Trkey.

te growing pace of globalisation in the first decade of the twenty-first ntury has prompted scholars to seek a better understanding of the lle of non-state actors in world politics. Transnational social move!nts challenge states on international issues such as global warming 11td global inequalities. International NGOs criticise states for disrelpecting human rights and lagging on democratisation and developent. Terrorist groups use violence to advance transnational ideological lnd religious creeds at transcend the state. Diasporas use institutions f their host state to advocate causes for their home states. All these AoU.state actors are relatively autonomous from the state hey live in tnd its material esources; they are transnational or linked to more than ne state, and they seek to affect political change. Analysing diasporas as non-state actors is a relatively new trend in pglitical science. While diaspora studies first emerged from cultural stules, anthropology and sociology, political science followed this trend Itcrting in the r99os. (Sheffer zoo3; Shain 1994-995 2oo2, 2oo7; tng & Melvin 1999; Byman, Chalk, Hoffman, Rosenau & Brannan .Wayland zoo4; Adamson 2oo5a, zoo6; Brinkerhoff loor; IGldor zoor; zoo6; Smith & Stares zooT). 10o6; Lyons zoo6i stergaard-Nielsen lnterest in diasporas grew after 9/rr because foreign-born nationals livl1g in Western states were behind the terrorist attacks. There is a growlag understanding that during this era of globalisation, diasporas are llot simply migrants in the eyes of host states; they are linked simultalleously to many political contexts through cheap communication and ensportation networks. Diasporas are becoming political actors with lgcal and transnational agendas. To theorise about diasporas in polical science means facing a number of challenges, including the conceptual ambiguities surrounding

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t lr t ' t t ' r t t t' d i trs p rl t' l r' . l ri g l rl i g l rl r,tl rrrorr,rk,l l ri l st' w l rt.n.i rrl ri r;r,,r As i rr r,l l lum c , p o s i ti v i s t c < l ttt:t' p l rra l i s u l i ol r rs urvt,so l l rftrrrri rl rl t' d tr, l i ,,l ,l tl v iewing d i a s p o ra s s m u l ti g c rrt' ra L i onal a groul )so' rrri gnrrrts l r.l sl r;rr,, w ,r similar identity and maintain recurrent contactswith thcir <:oulrtrv ,l origin (Esman 1986; Safran199r; cohen r997; Sher zoo)i rl'rrrr,.,rrr this volume). Alternative constructivist accounts have recenly lrt,r.rrr,, more widespread.They treat diaspora as 'a cetegoryof practicc, I l)r()lr,r claim and stance,rather than as a bounded gioup'(Brubal<r.r.ro,,,,; Nevertheless, conceptualisingdiasporas as a global political pht-rr.rr,.rr on requires more than mirroring classic disagreementsin the litt,r.;rrrrr,. on how to define the 'nation' (Gellner 1983; Hobsbawm r(),),, Anderson r99r; Smith zoor). Diasporasin ttr gtobat age diffcr r,,rrr nations of the modern age becausethey have multiple ntional i<h.lri ties and loyalties and are interlinked across e grobe. rhe origirrrrrrr.r tion is no longer'homogeneous'. Dual citizenship and multipleoy;rrrr,.,, abound but are not yet conceptuallyintegrated into the term',diasprr,r' These conceptual deficienciesobscure the unit of analysis in polirir ,rl science.The questions asked, methodologies used and generasarrorfl reached are affected by whether a scholar considers a dspora t. lrt, ,r bounded group' a conglomerate of elites and individuals functi.rrrrli that bounded group, networks or enduring discursive pattt'r rrr, 1'rthin Positivist views facilitate asking questions about the impact of dasp.r,r,, on the state and political processeswithin it, e us of compar;rriv,, and statistical methods and the concepon of diasporas as uniary ,,, tors or elites with a shared identity. such research esigns simpliy rlr, complexity of a diaspora by ignoring generaonal, g.rd--., and tcari.' based diferences, but examine correlations and cusality between rrr. pendent and independent variables.In contrast, a constructivist view rrl diaspora enables more complexity. It asks questions about how rri;r sporas emege, who belongs to them from various generations and gt,rr ders and how identities - in general (rather than a specific group .r elites) - affect the political world or are affected by it. is hne-of sr lr,, larship is closer to the humanities, where content and discourse irr;l lyses are often the methods preferred. without trying to resolve the conceptual debate about the term'cli;r spora" I adopt in this chapter a definition used by Adamson'rrrl Demetriou to address the contours of a'diaspora'in the global sp:rr,., which contains both positivist and constructivist elements. A diaspora can be identified as a social collectity that exists across state borders and that has succeeded over time to r) sustain a collective national, cultural or religious identity through a sense of internal cohesion and sustained ties with a real or imagined homeland and z) display an ability to address the collective

's o Irrl t,n.st s nr r , t t t lt t , t o llt t ' sotit t l <ollt 'tlivit y t lr r ot t glra dcvcllinks. l< lr t ol tt' cli tr lt , t 't lt l<lr glt t t izlr t i<t ttilt l t t t 'w<lr and I r ansnat ional lzooT: 4<171

science The rt,corrclrnajor problem with theorising diasporasin political 'non-state actor'' ItAttrs iotn the non-consensualdefinition of the term Alllrorrgh I have outlined three major traits of non-stateactors- autonopolitical change Fy liorr the state, transnationalism and aspirations for = iel{if irnate questions arise about all of them. How autonomous is a of NGOs, if ApI.*trt. actoi if state programmes are often the sponsols and if trxnational social movements are penetated by state ocials are embedded rrorist goups - such as Hezbollah and Hamas - and glflrin stte institutions? How transnational are non-state actorsl Are ,rooted cosmopolitans' (Tarrow zoo5) embedded primarily in one $1ey Aclitical context while maintaining links with others across the globe, or political contexts ife f l'"y embedded simultaneously in several social and some non-state actors, such as international ipuru,,. r999)t Finally, iiCl*, rnay have a clearly defined agenda for political change. Diasporas bCve no clearly unified agendas. Their institutions, powerful individuals ,lnd transnational networks are capable of steering political change, but ,ften advance competing claims. Thus, political science scholarship on has much conceptual and theoretical work ahead. his chapter will focus on eorising the role of diasporas in world itics, thugh \rill concentrate specifically on diasporas in liberal :racies l-inked to homelands experiencing limited sovereignty'' the end of the Cold War and the growing pace of globalisation, tories of limited sovereignty have proliferated due to secessionist other intra-state conflicts. Their ambiguous international status ns considerable political opportunity for international actors to intere in shaping domestic developments. Diasporas are among these acbecaus oith"lt connection to kin in the homeland and the signifiI arnt resources that local elites ae eage to capture. In this chapter, discourses and procedures in utilise democratic Ue that such diasporas The fdu, to pusue ntionalist projects related to their land of origin. filter global pressures for gechanisms used relate to how diasporas

Theoreticalaccounts of diasporas as radical and moderate actors

on lecent scholarship on diasporas and homeland politics has focused and post-conflict reconstruction in &e role of diasporas in conflicts reir homelands. This interest has been prompted by two maiot

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r r c lir rg s . z o o o , u s tu ri s ri c rll ;rrg r ,-N rrtl yorr l l rt, t.t.< l rrorls t i vi l l rr sl y war dem o n s tra l .ctl ra t t:i v i l w u rs w i l l r strl nl 3 cl i usp< l ru d i rrvol vt.rrrr.rrl ,rr,, highly likely to continuc to pcrpctuat., cspccrialry i'thc clirsp.r,;rlr,*, large concentrationsin the united staters(collier & l-locr.. ,1 .r.,,,, Kaldor (zoor) arrived at the same conclusionfrom a difrcnt rlrt.rrrrr cal perspective;juxtaposing 'new' (intra-state)vs. 'old' (interstatt.)w,rrn. she found that diasporaswere crucial in sustaining the intra-stul,,*.,,0 of disintegraon of former Yugoslavia during the r99os. In tlrt, r,;rrlr 2ooos, other studies made similar generalisations,mostly derivinli rrr ternal validity from case studies rather than external validity lr.'rr,r many cases.occupying scholarly attention have been the Tmil 'r'rpi.r,, and the conflicts in Sri L4nka, the Albanians and the conflict in l(.s,v,r in the r99os, the Kurds and the conflicts in southern Turkey ancl ,;r;, among others. As a result, diasporas have largely been consitlt,r,,,l 'long-distancenationalists' (Anderson 1998) that participate in a wrrli. range of nationalist and conflict-perpetuating activities becaust, rrr,.1, lead comfortable lives in the industrialised world and do not far.t,rlrr, consequences their actions. Diasporasthat emerged as a resut or of |,r, Iitical conflicts, rather than from economic or other types of volurrr;rr1, migration, maintain traumatic identities attached to homeland terrrt,n, and the myth of return,barnng them from seeing potential avenut's lrl confl_ictresolution (Faist zoooa; shain zooz; Shefer zoo3; Ly,tt zoo6; Smi & StareszooT; Baser & Swain zoo8). v/hile they lirlrl,1, their homeland governments, organise peacefirl emonstrations ;rrrl provide humanitarian aid, they also oten mobilise for radical caus(,s ,l the transnational space.They broadcasthate speechand nationally irrr,l erant messages, engage in fundraising and sponsorship for ratlit;rl groups and often take up arms to go fight in the homeland (Bym.rr ,,t 'Ada'rs.rr al. zoor; Hockenos zoo3; Biswas zoo4; Wayland zoo4; zoosa; Fair zoo5; Lyons zoo6; Orjuela zoo8). More recently, other scholars have noted that such accounts are ()r(. sided, not capturing the peaceful practices in which a number of r.,,rr flict-generated diasporas have been engaged. while the Boston-blst,rl Irish diaspota fot years helped perpetuate the conflict in Nortlrt.rrr Ireland by supporting the Irish Republican Army through fundraisirrli activities, it was able to moderate its stances after intervention from tlr. clinton Administration in the peace processthat led to the r99B c,r,rl Friday Agreement (cohrane 2oo7; Anonymous r zoo8). Mor-recerrrlv, the Ethiopian and Kurdish diasporas have been promoting moder.:rrr. politics in their homelands ravaged by internal wars (L/ons zo<,,; Koser zooT; Natali 2oo7; zunzet zooS). Diasporas have been ablt, r,, promote liberal ideals and participate in the democratisation of tlrt,rr home countries before e end of communism and thereafter (shrrrrr 1999; Biswas 2oo7; Koinova zoog).

sr is st o N everl h r 'k'ss, 'lr ollr r slr i; r slill ir r llr t ' pr r 'lir nir r ar y ag( s 'undcr rs lut r nakt :diaspor as agent sof l rrg tht . c<lnclit iorar r d r nt 'thur r isr r rts lltc rrdic:rlisatiorr tlrc: rnock:ration oolitics in their homeor o' , l,illlt' comparative work exists, and much scholarship describes ir practices in different cases instead of building theory. This ptrr go(s beyond taking sides in a cluster of arguments maintaining diasporasare either 'nationalists who perpetuateconflicts' or 'could noek'rate actors'. I argue that diasporas in liberal societies linked to experiencing challenges to their external or internal soverty rcact not simply by endorsing nationalist rhetoric and activities. ,r, they act in a more sophisticated way they filter international ruresfor democratisation in a world where e liberal creed has no lfcant ideological opponent after the end of the Cold War apart radical Islam (which nevertheless has incoherent ideological mesacross a variety of internally divided communities and organisa, l{ence. diasooras use the universalist creed of liberalism instrutally in order to increase their political clout with Western governwhile simultaneously pursuing nationalist projects related to , peace and reconciliation and z) occasionally endorsing minimal ratic proced.ures. They do not, however, promote a full-fledged verof liberalism and they fall short of supporting liberal democratic

aboutdemocra r countryof origin. They do so by r) using discourses

I build this argument on the basis of numerous interviews that I conbetween ry99 and zoo8 with representatives of Albanian, ian, Ukrainian, Serbian and Lebanese diasporas in Washington, , and other locations alone the East Coast of the US, Kosovo and .' In this chapter, I expand my agument based on literature interviews conducted among diaspora rerrnees in Macedonia in umme of zoo8. While I am aware that these diasnoras do not ret the entire universe ofcases. thev are nevertheless reoresentative diasporas generated by conflicts and severe tensions in deeply di societies. I limit the scope of this chapter to diaspora linkages with homelands do not experience acute violence. Non-violent periods allow domesBnd external actors - including diasporas - to make choices ranging moderate to radical in order to affect domestic change. The gamut choices is foreclosed during periods of violent warfare in the homewhen diasporas almost unconditionally support the local actors lrest advance nationalist goals (Shain zooz). Under violent condiradicals usually hold more political clout. In order to avoid simplifications when generalising diaspora behascholars should examine diaspora mobilisation and attitudes durdifferent stages of e political processes in the homeland. On the

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r os tl) i rs i (l t' v t' 1 ,:r l i u s p o l uri H l ll x ,(orrrt' l x' l l i gcrt,rrll rt,rrvi ol t,rrrr' .rl c l w ec t sit s c th tti c b rc tl rr' (' nl , l l l x ' to rrrt. rrrrrcl r )l rrrorr,(otstru(l i v(,w l rt,rr l l rt, v iolenc es to p s .B c rc o v i tc ri g h tl y u rg uccll hut u cl i asporr' s rrvol vt,rrrrrrl h i may vary depending on the conict-cyclc tht'hontclarrcl (zoo7: .,,,'; in However,his accountconsiderscycleso'violenceiom a ltegirrrrrrr;i t,, an end, ignoring the fact that in stateswhere sovereigntyis dcr'ply rlrr tested - e.g. Lebanon, I(osovo, Nagorno-Ikrabakh - conflicts rrr;ryl,r,,l for decadesin some parts of the country while non-violent relatiorrsrrr|,,i predominate in others. Thus, a diaspora connection to the horrrt,l,rrrrl may not be related to a conflict cycle, per se, but to the violerrt.t.,rrr,l non-violenceensuing during larger processesof secessionism,sllrlr.r.l lapse and contested sovereignty. The Albanian diaspora provides :r 11,r,,1 example. It supported the radical Kosovo Liberation Army (I(tA) clrrrrrrgq the most violent years of Kosovo's secessionist struggle, 1998-lr,1,1,1 The Albanian diaspora acted more moderately, however, prior to tlrr, conflict and following NATO's 1999 military intervention in St,rtrr.r This moderation occurred despite the fact that Kosovo did not enjoy rrr ternational state sovereigntythroughout that time and gained indr,1,,.rr dence only in February zoo8.

8.3

Diasporas the liberalcreed and

Socialisedwith liberal values in Western societies,diasporas miglrt lri expectedto be interested in promoting such values in their homel;rrrrl,, Indeed, this often occurs in the transnational space. Diasporas k,;rr li their extended families and friends about democratic practices, sut lr ,r,, how to vote for local government and to develop gender equality nor rrr - a pocess termed a transfer of 'social remittances' (Levitt z<lor; Moreover, there are deep-seated reasons motivating this trarrslcr Voluntary migrants chose a democrac political system over livirrl1 rrr their original societies, whether autocratic, semi-autocratic or dcrrrl cratic. At first glance, conflict-generateddiasporas may look dif'rr.rrt from voluntary migrations because they were dispersed by violencc ;rrr,l could not proactively make political choices. However, is perceptiorr ri not entirely accurate. Political exiles - such as many among tlrr, Lebaneseand Albanians from this pool of cases- were given asylrrlr becauseof eir pro-democracyinclinations. Even refugees dispersctl l'1. violent conflicts and settled in'Western states- such as refugees .orn the wars of disintegration of former Yugoslavia - have interacted witlr the political culture of their host country for extended periods of tirrr, and internalised some of the liberal political values. Moreover, polirir ,rl pluralism allowed many migrants who did not have a political voict, rrr their homeland to form political groups and societiesin their host larr,l,,

l ttxorrr oo. l) " 'l'lr t , sr,ir lr r ut lions i; r lisr . <l r igllr nls h t lr c dur no sot rr wit r t l r vl l rrcso it r . cklr ro s; x't . lr ur r t llr ssocilr lior r . , Enrpiricully, lrowcvcr,w(' ci.ustill obscrvc a wide range of diasporic activitics, aggrcssiveand passive nationalism as well feetlct,s:rac.lical S inlerr,st in promoting democratisation.The Polish diaspora, for ex$rflple, wrs consistentlyanti-communist and pro-democraticlong before fu errd of'communism. Thus, it would not be an analytically crucial t:p lirr r'lucidating easonswhy - and ways in which - diasporasmight te to democratisation during the age of globalisation. Diasporas ked to homelands experiencing internal or external challenges to sovereignty would be more analltically significant because ese t.tr14cs make them more prone to act on the nationalist and radical o' the spectrum. If they were to act with moderation, however, should be clear-cut reasons explaining this behaviour. Challenges the homeland's sovereignty subject diasporas' engagement \ rith the I creed to what social sciencescall 'strong tests'.3 lergue that diasporasof this kind utilise the universal creed of liberbr particularistic purposes. They are neither simply nationalists rrimply democracy promoters. They claim a middle ground by ing democratic discourses and using democratic procedures to adnationalist goals. Situating their claims in this central space, they the existing global opporrunity structure of liberalism to advance related to their country of origin. Teleological statements that deracy signals 'the end of history' and an end-point of man's ideologi evolution after the end of communism (Fukujama r99z) would be in this discussion. Nevertheless, acknowledging that liberal racy has been the most poweful ideological creed for the past decades would be an accurate description of its place in the global space. Adamson even argued that liberalism has become a I opportunity structure in the international system (zoo5b: 547). However discredited by the US-led pre-emptive wars in and lraq during the early 2ooos that were justified in the of 'democracy', democracy promotion has nevertheless long been bedded in the foreign policies of major powes such as the US and European Union, as well as global institutions linking democracy notion with development aid, such as the World Bank and e

onal Monetary Fund. Thus, almost everycountry in e world

even if not sincerely interested in promoting democratisation within borders - has been exposed directly or indirectly to elements of the creed. One could rightly argue that Marxism lost its curency as an ideology th the demise of communism, but economic inecualities within soand across the North-South divide are growing and creating for new ideological creeds to emege and channel such

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gr i( v i. ttt(:(' s .' l ' l rt' ttrrti -g l o l x tl i s lo t.i lttrrrovr,rt(' l llllN l l grt' w i rr ;rl t,,rr s tl i o rl ti danc e in th c r9 9 o s h a v c l l r.r.rr n (' v(' l u(, l o ucl cl rt,ssrt' rtr,l rrrl l l rry o tl lacked a clear ideology and havc krst sornt. signir:arrr:t' ('llltow Hadden zooT). Thus, the majority o'gricvanccshavc bct:rrclurrrrrr'll,.rl through religious-basedmovements making claims on behal o poprrl,r tions of various nationalities living in multiple states.Isanr, irr p;rrtrr rr Iar, has aspired to such a global ideological reach (Adamson -,,or,,,1r) While ambitions for a global Islam certainly exist, the actual lr,irrlr ,,1 Islamic organisations has been confined to certain world regions rrr, lr as the Middle East, e Caucasus and Central and South-East Arr,r Islamic goups are stronge in Europe than in e US and Austr,rlr,r with no real footing in Latin America.

8.4

Democratic discourses particularistic for purposes

One way in which diasporas linked to homelands experiencing t lr,rl Ienges to their sovereignty engage with the political projects in ttrlir country of origin is to frame sovereigntywithin discourseson derr,,r.r tisation. In order to demonstrate how they do so, I use theoreticrrl rrr sights from e literature on framing, an integral part of scholarship lrr social movements. Works on transnational social movements - aclrlr,,:: sing antiglobalisation, environmental, feminist and other movem(' r|| ri originally engaged wi theorising on principled action based or url versalist claims raer than on particularistic prol'ectsof identity-lr;r;,.r1 actos such as diasporas (Keck & Sikkink 1998; Risse, Ropp & Sil<liirr[ 1999; Della Porta & Tarrow zoo5; Tarrow 2oo5). However, a numlrt,r ,l scholars have incorporated ideas from this scholarship into their worl'.', seehng to capture dynamics in diaspora politics. Most notably, tlrr. opening of political opporfunity structures - such as the onset o'w;rr.',, withdrawal of foreign troops and the political opporfunities availablt, rrr the host country and the international environment - have lrr,r,rr deemed important for the political mobilisation of diasporas (Wayl:rrr,l zoo4; Adarnson 2oo5a; Brinkerhoff zoo6; Smith & StareszooT; Nirtirli zooT; Skrbic zooT; Koinova zoog). Political opportunities both rorr strain and enable diasporas, determining to a certain extent their idt'oro gical and strategic choices (Biswas zoo4l. The choice to frame pr,, sovereignty claims in democratisation terms deserves attention as ;ll important characteristic of diaspora mobilisation. A frame is an 'interpretative schemata that simplifes and condelr:r,'', the "world out there" by selectively punctuating and encoding objct r:,, situations, events, experiences,and sequencesof actions within <lrrr"', pesent or past environment' (Snow & Benford r99z).Effective frarrr,." demonstrate that the existing status quo is not natural, identiy,r

( pottsi l r k'l) ir r lyor l) ir r li( 'slr r r t l pr o; xr sccr t , cliblt , solut ions l( cck & 'alignm entpr o. plact 'ukr r r gsiclc r at cgic st l l ki rrk tt19l1) lr r lt t r ir r gt ul<r 's G:t.tt',unrolr!lwhich 'iarnc briclging'is the most common (Benford& tnow .looo;. lirames do not operate in a vacuum but are dynamically latetl lo political and cultural opportunities and constraints. In the Clt:trltional realm, local insurgents capture distant imaginations and rttpport of international actors by successfully matching five shared lterrts with their international counterparts: substantive goals, cusSnery tactics, ethical precepts, cultural aitudes and organisational x (l l ob zoo5) . I will ilustrate how framing of sovereignty is linked to democratisaea by comparing the cases of the Lebanese diaspora linked to e tgoo-zoo5 movement in Lebanon and the Albanian diaspora linked to Se r999-zoo8 pro-sovereigntymovement in Kosovo.aThe largely nontt episode of contested sovereignty in Lebanon began in zooo *hetr lsrael withdrew its military forces from the country's south and :ltcd with Syrian troops' withdrawal in zoo5. The Lebanesediaspora to Lebanon mobilised to restore the country's internal soverand the ability of domestic institutions to function without pepeinterference from Syria. In Kosovo, the period started wi the end

NATO'smilitary intervention in ry99 and the arrival of the United

ns Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) on 's territory and, to a certain degree, ended with the proclamation I(osovo's independence in February zoo8.5 The Albanian diaspora rtrongly connected to the pro-sovereignty efforts of local elites and utions that chose an 'institutional path to independence' over prestrategies of non-violence and guerrilla warfare. The Lebaneseand Albanian diasporas used the process of frame bridto connect sovereignty with democratisation claims. The process to the 'linking of two o moe ideologically congruent but structuunconnected frames regarding a particular issue or problem' brd & Snow zooo). Sovereigntyand democracy ae ideologically t because national self,determination has been a ma.ior part of .Woodrow democratic creed since US President Wilson formulated f'ourteen points at the end of World War I. In both cases, diasporas sovereignty and democracy, aspiring to esonate with US policy's I promotion of democracy. While often contesting each other and ng without sustained coordination, Lebanese diaspora organisations adopted a similar pro-democracy stance: 'Help Lebanon to in its place among democracies of the world...' appealed Hassan El, a prominent diaspora individual, to US President George Bush (Najjar zoor). Delegates of the World Maronite Congress, a tion and anti-S1.rian gathering of iournalists, exiles and diaspora members in zooz in Los Angeles, joined forces to

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' s l) ( f al( i th l l (:o tl l o l v o i ((' i u (l w l o rrrl vocrl t,rrl i r.r,r,rrrrtl .vr.rr,rgrr S Lebano n ...freto c rc c t a c h rrrr.c r.a ri r: e g ov(.rrr(.rt rrt,rc;ri l ' rt, rr;rr;rr, w ( LF P z o o z ). s u p p o rte rso ' o n e o ' th c rn< > st vc acti < 1i asp' ru i rrrs, rrr' cl Free Patriotic Movement (FpM) of Micher Aoun, exireclin Frarct,, ,r;r.rl its political influence. in the us to emphasise Lebanon,s partrt,r.srr;r with the us in building democracy in tile Middle rart lerrnfror:r =l zooT)' Individuals linked to the Lebanese Forces, another prrirrr.rr g:9up strong diaspora pesence,linked sovereignty lu'th claims by emphasising how human rights abuses "rJ",i,u,,,,,, shourd not be r.rt,r ated in Lebanon. They argued at atuses occur because Syria srr;r pesses domestic opposition (Anonymous 3 zooT). These claims w(,r. made keeping in mind that their leader samir Geagea*", i-f.ir,,,,,,,r in Lebanon. Like eir Lebanesecounterparts,Arbanian diaspora organisations irr the uS held personar and institutionar rivalries, but they rro ,, clear stance-linking Kosovo's international "opu"r sovereigntyto a democ'rrir discourse.The president of one of the most influeitia di"rpor"-rrrtir,, tions, e Albanian American Cic League (AACL), foe Diouardi, corr gratulated Kosovo-Arbaniansfor their 'd"isciplined favior, in th zoo. municipal elections and claimed that it esrished at .Kosova is reacry for a democratic society and selgovernance., Aough DioGua.li maintained ties wi ress moderat" p.ti", in Kosovo at merged fror, the former IC"{, including war u"tlr"nr, he nevertheless craimed th'l he wanted to 'see leaders ho ,""dy io demonstrate at Arbanians "r" are,ready.tosolve probrems...',thus'speding Kosovo'sdemocratizatio, and solidifying international suppoi for its independence.i n,,, National Albanian American couniir, a washingto", nlc.-"r" organrsation more closely related to parties in Kosovo"that had the non-violent Democratic leigue of Kosovo "-"rj"-f.or' during tf." ,99of sised the need to develop e rule of law, thus "_pfr" huchi irogr;^^", for the democratic education of Kosovars to "g pave the way to indepen_ dence (Anonynous 4 z.oo6). diaspora groups shared a rejec_ +l""4 tion of the united Nations policy oi'standrds efore stahrs, - eu"t oped n zoo2 Io give leverag to ihe international community in soeed_ ing the democratisation process and including ."t;"; b', rights - ey used the democratic creed to -ir""ry their'own rogil-;"i.rrt iustify this policy' They argued at, regardress of intentions, 'standards bebre status' de facto prevented Kosvo from becoming more democratic. Selgovernment without membership in internatonal instutions that open opportunities for economic devel0pment is dificult to sustain. one could argue that democratic disurses can be t cause there is no cost to advancing them "aopt"a and commitments ""rity not are "'sticky'. 7hi1e such observations ro,rrrd almost commonsensical, e riterature on democratising an Eastern Europe of e r99o, n"r' ,t o*r,

ilr thgt rl rr.l o liur lt , r r llulr r r r t , rrrrl r iglr l lr t 'r r r r r t 't 'llr t r isr r r ur t lr cr dcr r t o ( St : lr ir r r r nt 'l i'r r r r zoor ) . l t 'put at ional,at her t han m at eing r fcti ccl ra ngt ' paid i'orrc dcviatcsgrcatly iom rhetoricalcommitments. ial, t'ostsurc :petriallyin Western societies,reputational costs matter. Diasporasthat efetr want to be viewed as 'good citizens' (Biswas zooT) also want to void increased securitisation measures after the terrorist attacks of 9/ il (ludolph zoo3) and various stigmas related to their connection to a corrllicrridden homeland. Th.y cor-rldface reputational costs if they do not adhere to their discursive arzuments.

t.S

Democratic proceduresand unresolvednationalist goals

Diasporas do not only use democratisation discourses, they also pronote minimal democratic procedures in their homeland. These practices are mostly related to electoral pluralism and rotation of power of local elites rather than to liberal aspects of democratisation associated with human, minority or gender rights. Diasporas advocatethese demoeratic procedures for nationalist and other particularistic purposes. vidence from diasporas linked to e democratising region of Eastern Europe during the past two decades could well elucidate this point. Serbia was a chronically disintegrating state from r99r and did not enjoy full internal sovereignty over Kosovo during e r99os. Local poli tical institutions, economic life, educational and medical facilities were mirrored by the parallel structures of the secessionist Kosovo shadow state. In this time period, Serbian diaspora goups in the US focused their efforts - however sporadic and uncoordinated - primarily on supporting Milosevic and some parties of his opposition. Interestingly, the diaspora promoted groups that were often no less nationalist than Milosevic. For example, Chicago-based groups stemming from old Chetnik organisations rendered limited support to both opposion leader Vuk Draskovic and his ultra-nationalist rival, Vojislav Seselj (Hockenos zoo3: rz7). The influential Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) initially backed Milosevic during the war efort in Bosnia-Herzegona, but changed its attitude after the rgg1 Dayton Peace Accords. Thereafter, Milosevic was briefly considered the 'peacemaker' of e Balkans' in US circles, but e diaspora considered him an opportunist who had jeopardised Serbian interests in 'Greater Serbia' (Hockenos zoo3i ro9; Anonymous 5 zooT). The Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) supported opposition groups that could oust him from power and sponsored some of their leaders to travel to the US to testify before US Congress. SUC president Michael Djiordjevic often acted as the official representative in the US for Serbian politicians Vuk Draskovic, Zoran Djindjic and Vesna Pesic (Hockenos 2oo3: r7t-t7z).

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A s t t t c ttl i o l tt' di,rr l l tt' trts t' o l l (o s o v oi l w ;rs rtol i rrl r,r' rrrrl , l )ul i l rl (.1,n;l t ional, le g a l s o v e rc i g n ty a t w u s rri s si rrl -1.' r' l rt.tl i .spr' .'(,rgi rg(,l r(,.1 th s with the homeland'sunresolvecl nationaristg.ur was rr'r simpy't. rir,r, claims between sovereigntyand democratisation, but to engag i,, ;r,,, moting certain procedural aspects of democratisation. Ke"epingrrr,,ir eyes on l(osovo's future independence,the Arbanian diaspora adpt.rr ,r pragmatic attitude with the understanding at if demo.r.y is the ,.rrlv game in town' for achieving independence, then it will play rl (Anonymous 6 zoo6). Diaspora organisations regularry provided m.ri tors for electionsin Kosovo.They oficially disapproveor *ou violerrrr. in zoo4 when Kosovo-Albaniansinjured ana ktea a number of serrr:r and destroyed Serbian cultural monuments. Th"y arso did not activt,ry stand in the way of e Inernational criminal Tribunal for the fornrt,r Yugoslavia (ICTY) when it indicted for war crimes Ramush Haradinuj, once a KIA commander and then prime Minister of post-war Kosovo.T Challenges to the internaonal legal sovereignty of Nagorno_ Karabakh have been responsible for the rmenian dspora's limiied irr volvement with democratisation. unlike Kosovo, for which indeperrdence is de facto a reality, the conflict over the Armenian enclave ol Karabal on Azerbaijan's territory is considered, 'fuozen, after a ceascfire that ended the war between Armenia and Azerbaij rn ,9j4. nl, ^n Armenian diaspora has had few real incentives to promote docrat c behaour, knowing that a resolution of e Karabak-hproblem is not orr the international community's current agenda. It nevirtheess engage.t with promotion of democratic procedures in the most minimalisiways in order to meet general international pressures for democratisation, for example, by providing monitors foi elections (Chouldjian zooT). After the violent electoral outcome during Armenia,s zoog presid.entiar elections, a few diaspora individuars became proactive in supporting the opposition represented by former president Levon Ter-petrosiian. Finally, the Macedonian diaspora based primariry in Australia used th^edemocratic procedure of the referendurir to chailenge the adoption of a package of laws aimed at alrowing Arbanians rivi"ng in we'ster' Macedonia and other territorially concenated minorities enjoy rarger rights. This package emerged, from e prouiriorx of 1"1g_9u:.-"-ent the ohrid Framework Agreement "t the brief iniernal armed "ttdd conflict in Macedonia in zoor. During the conflict, the guerila Albanian National Liberation Army charged the internal sovreigrrry of e state. At that time, e territorial divislon of Macedonia into areas populated primarily by Albanians and Macedonians was strongly contemplated among both Albanian and Macedonian elites. Thus, t postwar decentralisation package became highly politically charged.'flre November 2oo4 referendum was organisd by the ntionarist Macedonian opposition and sponsored by diaspora contributions

t M ; r t 't 't l<lr r iur r r gr css bascd ln Cor hanrrt' l l t'cl lr r or r glr llr t 'Wollr l M to willr ckr st ,r : <lnr r cct ions t he diaspor a Ma(' t.drl rr ia. lr r y M lct 'clor r ilr r s activities to advocateparticillecnrrrocngagcd in widr:sprtud grassr<xrts pelion in that rerendum. They attackedthe upcoming redistricting of mrrrricipalities,which they considered as favouring the Albanians. Both the lU and the US made extraordinary eforts to campaign against this relirrcndum, regarding it as a tool to promote Macedonian nationalism rctlrcr than liberal democratisation. It is common knowledge among tcholars and actists in the region that the referendum would have had high chances of succeeding, and therefore preventing Albanians of Macedonia from beneting from the Ohrid PeaceAccords and its envireged devolution of power, had e US not committed themselves to reeognising Macedonia by its constitutionally defned name, Republic of Macedonia. With this move on the eve of the referendum, the US boosted the established Macedonian government's position and the legal framework envisaging under the Ohrid Accords. This example illustrates how a diaspora can be instrumental in boosting nationalism by using a common democratic procedure, the referendum.

E.6 \lhy not promoteliberaldemocratisation

The discussion thus far demonstrates that diasporas linked to homelands experiencing challenges to their sovereignty use democraltc discourses for and can pomote procedures the democratisation of their homelands (polical pluralism, electoral change, referendum) in order to advance unresolved nationalist goals in the homeland. Unlike violence or clandestine activities, these discourses and methods allow em to promote the homeland's political goal through democratic practices acceptableto the international community. Why, nally, do I then argue that diasporas ceaseeir pro-democratic support when a promotion of liberal valuesof democratisation enters the picturel I will validate this argument after putting the diasporas' behaviour to test on one issue of great importance for e liberal values paradigm: e tolerance of ethno-national diversity. Among the casesI have researched, only the Ukrainian diaspora supported some aspects of liberalism in their homeland, including interethnic cooperation throughout the r99os. I have argued elsewhere that this difference owes to the fact that the Ukrainian diaspora was linked to the newly independent state of Ukraine since r99r (Koinova zoog). Unlike Poland, which alongside fapan is one of the most internally homogeneous states in the world, Ukrainian society is deeply divided between Ukrainians and speakers of Russian in Ukraine. Thus, the Ukrainian diaspora provides an appropriate shadow case to demonstrate that challenges to the sovereignty of the homeland are what predicts

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f;

wht ' t lr t ' ra c l i a s l to rlw i l l t' rtg rrg t' i rri rl l -l t.rl gt,tl orrreti .,rr tl rt' l i l x.r,rl t l pl 9 c r eedor w i l l s to p s h o rt o ' p ro rtro l i rrg k' rrxrcri rl vul ut.s. i tl rgut c ic W 1,t,;rrr r es ear c h n e c o u l d e x p e c tth a t th c c th rro-l i rrgLri sl .iic si 6l s o cl vi i 1 U l < r' rrrrr,, would give the ukrainian diaspora an incentive to support prirrr;rrrr' western ukraine, the territory from which its ancesiors origirrrrr,.rl unlike in Macedonia,however,these divisions had not become irrt,r,rr,rl challengesto the sovereignty of the state. For the Ukrainian diasP,r.r, which had supported state independence since worrd war I, it bex.rrrrr. of utmost importance to preservethe integrity of independent ukrarrrr. This meant that, in a political neighbourhod dominated by Russia rrrrrl pone to conflict, the diaspora was interested in keeping the loyrrrrv among Russian speakerstowards Ukraine intact. Thus, i"rpor" grorrl)r, provided occasional support for dialogue among parliameniarias mayos of ukrainian- and Russian-speakingregions and 'r,l supporr.rl other initiatives that cut across the ukrainian-Russian internai iui,l,, (Andrushkiw zooT). None of the other diasporas linked to homelands experiencing chrrl lenges to their sovereignty was inclined to consider r.rpprt for mnoriry rights and ethno-national diversity. Lebanese in the diaspora have tracii tionally engaged in Arab-American causes and often joined demonstrlr tions advancing the palestinian cause in the Arab-Israeli conflict. B,t challenging e Lebanese system to ailow more rights for the displacetl Palestinians in Lebanon would have been considei"a higlrty inappropri, example, e zooz World Maronite Congress ,"i".i"d _Ly ou"r_ lot "f. whelming majority - a proposition to discuss e state of palesnians in Lebanon on the grounds that many christian Lebanesehord them responsible for 'the destruction of Lebanon, (Najjar zooz). Similarly, Albanians in e us have adoptd a zero-sum game attitude towards the national question. rhe aAr was opposed tJthe international community's vision at post-war Kosovo ihould becorrre a 'mrrlti-ethnic society' through the return of large numbers of serbian refugees (DioGuardi zoq). Most of the potically active diaspora goups either remained sient or made pro forma siatements against the sporadic violence in March zoo4 thal inflicted serious harm Jr the Seian minority in Kosovo. As he most influential Serbian diaspora organisation, the SUC has been openly anti_Kosovar.From a total of z9 is_ sues of the Bulletin of the serbian rJnity Congre.ss, issues (sixteen z3 from 1998-1999 and thirteen from zooo-zo7; ontained at reast one arricre ''war-mongers, dedicated to Kosovar 'terrorists' and or to keeprng Kosovo as an integral part of Serbian teritory. The Armenian diaspora has remained hostire to any reconciriation with' or moderation towards, Azerbaijan and Turkey. Mreoveq the diasporic trauma of the Armenian genocide has perpetuated continued hate speech against Turkey and increased lobbying to prevent trrt "y

t ffOrrrt,rrtt 'r ir r glr t . liLJ t lt 'r lt t tt 't t lt 'r ir t git t lo t t t or c am icablc r clat ions cxample of how a diaspora lr Arnrcrria propcr. locornirr11 tt,xtlxrok Willr lrarrn conflict rcsolution in thc homeland (Libaridian r99g; esn 'Itfllyarr zooo; Papazian zoot; Shain zooz) is the case of former President Ter-Petrossian,who was ousted from power in 1998 after tr0ng intervention from the Armenian diaspora because of his inclinatlons to improve Armenia's relations with Turkey. Ten years after this evt'nt the Armenian diaspora has not changed its attitude.

t,l

Conclusions

This chapter has sought to demonstrate major modes of thought about diasporas in political science and the challenges this scholarship encounters. Political science inquiry currently focuses on considering dia$poras as non-state actors similar to antiglobalisation, feminist, environmental, terrorist and oer movements. Maior challenges arise from the lack of a clear conceptual understanding of how to treat diasporas. It is also unclear to what extent diaspoas are indeed autonomous from the state as non-state actors, if various diaspora groups have competing claims driven by both diaspora and home-state circles. Theorising about diasporas as identity-based actors requires critical scrutiny of existing theoretical approaches on transnational social movements that have dominated this new scholarly eld. This scholarship has built its insights mostly from principled, rather than identity-based, transnational actiotr. It could thus make claims about universalist, rather than about particularistic, ideological projects. Another goal of this chapter was to review major theoretical accounts wi respect to the question of wheer diaporas ale actors of radicalisation or moderation of homeland politics. It identified two major clusters of arguments. One argued that diasporas often pepetuate conflicts by way of their traumatic identities, mlth of return, attachment to territory and various practices such as fundraising for radical causes and taking up arns to fight for the homeland. Another line of thought found these statements biased towards certain diasporas (Tamil, Sil, Albanian) on which scholarly attention has been focused. Some scholars deemed these cases not be representative of all diasporas, even those generated by conflicts. They argued that diasporas could also be engaged wi moderate politics and with peace-building and democratisation activies. A few recent accounts have shown how to go beyond is dichotomy, demonstrating that diasporas may relate dierently with respect to diferent phases of a conflict cycle in the homeland. These works do not take into account that homeland conflicts often are 'ftozen' (Nagorno-Karabakh), have multiple spirals (Lebanon) and are related to

M AR IA K( 'IN ( VA

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discussed above are good examples"and the pool of cases could be- potentiarly expanded to iiasporas rio*"a to trr" democratising political environments of Eastern Europe and Latin America); 3) transnational poritical participation of migrants .*,i"g sentee ballots in a democratic erection. This phenenon .orrl "rrb"

ling in liberal states areengaged rrJ""i"'ai, at *fir to their internal or externat sovereignty"(the ff::,:jll.l"1l."lt"r uKralnlan ancl polish cases

lar gt r u. rrd c rl y i rrg r,r' t' s s t' s rrc rri rs s t.r.r.ssi .rri srrr p s (K ,s< 1v.,N ag' r.rr' K ar abak h ), ta tec c l l l a p s e c rb i a )o r tra rrsi ri orr s (s drrri rrg Jt,11gc:rati sati ' rr. < I have offered theoreticarinsights that iilurnirratc trrt. act that c.rias''r;*r are not simply moderate or radical actors, but actors that engagJ str.;rr.. gically in homeland projects. I have limited my theory-buildig"to , ,,,,, verse of casesof diasporaslinked to homelands."p"ri"rr.i.rg l"i-it",r ,..,, have argued at they use democra tic dscourss and prol ];,1t"gll_]pusue aures ro unresolved particularistic nationalist goals relatecJ r, their homeland, but do not furly endorse democratic varues.I derivt,tl ths argument on the basis of multiple interviews with representatlv(,rl of the Albanian, Armenian, Lebaese, Macedonian, Serbian urrrl Ukrainian diasporas. This chaptei contributes" to the existing literature . on diasporas arrrl homeland politics in several ways. First,t focuses ,.not1r-"i"rrti,,,, on the need to discuss diasporas not in generar, but how tny ,.i"t" r,, particular political contexrs in eir homnds. Second, *f monstrates that diasporas are not sjmply identity-based "i."rrr,r,, actors driven nationalist or-ideologicar claims. rhey ian act instrumentally when a1r 'y proaching political issues in their homeland that ,r""d .rriprrfro,,, eir host land or the rarger international community. The need for tht, recognition of the emerging Kosovo stte is a good exanr_ l1t1X"]t:T] ple or a malor incentive for the Arbanian diaspora to formate dem.cratisation discourses on its own, to promote democratisation proTd cedures and transform its own radical beiraviour from r99g_rj i"u, one tlrat makes moderate claims. Third, this chapter offe a r ,o^. parative approach to the study_ofdiasporas against the backdrop ofth. single-caseapproaches that still domite the -field. Thi, .h;p;";'th"r"t y contributes to meso-revel theorising on diasporas and world politics. My theoretical account faces some limitaiions due to the serection o cases of diasporas in riberal states linked to homeland, limited sovereignty. It remains to be tested ""r"rr.irrg wheer my theoretically informed findings could be generalised into a broad", th"ory of diasporrc support for democracy by extending the analysis a .""'",rr"r-.rr,""_ tualised comparisons.'These tiai"rforas linked to homelands ex"t"t rcrienci.lg- challenges to_trreir sovereign-ty but residing in non-liberar states (Lebanese in Africa, e.-erri"ns in Syr"ia nd Iran and Palestniansin the Middle East would be good examples); z) diasporas

gtudi ccl oss t t t 'vt 't twit lt . t t t r t it yo ct r st 's r cluding izensof t r ansicit ir it a('r rcgimes,but also expatriates arrtlr<lritariarr tiorr courrtricsor r'<ltttpt.tilivt' o'libcral democracicsrcsiding ttrroughout the globe, including increasIng numbers of individuals enjoying double citizenship.

Notes
r International legal sovereignty designates the judicial recognition ofan international legal entity. Domestic sovereignty denotes the ability ofdomestic authority structures to control activities within eir territorial borders (Krasner zoor). In-depth comparative studies on concete conflicts can be found in Koinova (zoo9, forthcoming). A'strong test' is one whose outcome is unlikely to result from any other factor except the operation or failure ofe proposed theory (Van Evera 1997). For further in-dep discussion about framing, access and shifts of foreign policy with regard to ese cases, see Koinova (forthcoming). One can rightly argue that challenges to Kosovo's sovereignty have not been compe' tely resolved wi the February zoo8 declaration of independence since, as of |uly zoo9, Kosovo had been recognised by only 6z of e r9z UN membe states. Nevertheless, this maior event paved the way for UN rule in Kosovo to be significantly downsized, as well as for furer development of statehood structures, including diplomatic missions in maior countries at have recognised Kosovo. Most notably, it created widespread sentiment among Kosovars that their sovereignty goal has been finally achieved. Zer, A Strong Man on the Side of Kosova: Interview with Former Congressman foe November zoog' DioGuardi,', October 2ooo, www.aacl.com/Diaspora.html,accessed Haradinaj was acquitted by e ICTY in zoo8. While the referendum is a democratic procedure, it has been widely used to enhance the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes, and democratic regimes have used it to support non-democratic policies. This discussion demonstrates that diasporas could potentially be part of a pooi of actors who utilise e referendum for non-democratic (here specifically, for majoritarian) purposes.

;l 1 4 5

6 7 8

Chapter 9 Diaspora, migration transnationalism: and from the studyof second-generation Insights
treturneest Chrt*ou Russell Kngand Anastasa

9.t

Introduction

ln an era of globalisation and accelerating and diversifying mobility, certain'new'types of migration escapethe attention of statisticians and demographers. They become 'known' through anecdotal evidence, qualitative research, even newspaper reports. Such is e case with the particular migratory form that we discuss in is chapter: the 'return' of the gecond generation to their parental 'homeland', often independent of their parents who remain in the 'hostland'. In the United Kingdom, newspaper articles have recently picked up on is phenomenon, describing it as 'going back to my roots" or 'home from home'.' Wajid (zoo6) describes the growing number of British-born Pakistanis, especially women, who are settling in the parents' country of origin. She identifies two dilerent t1pes. One concerns young women taken back, gometimes against their will, to arranged marriages in villages in Mirpur, the main area of origin of Britain's Pakistani community. The other features university-educated caee women who migrate to Pakistan's cities to pusue professional carees. In Karachi or Lore, they enjoy a greater measure of freedom than they would have been allowed by their family and community in Britain, as well as being free of the racial discrimination still characteristic of British society. Our aims in this chapter are, rst, to bring this phenomenon of second-generation retun into focus and, second, to explore its theoretical and conceptual implications. The chapter comprises three parts. The rst deals with conceptualisation and definition: of e narro\Mphenomenon of second-generation return and its constituent elements (second generation, return); and of the broader theoretical frameworks that are central to this book, namely transnationalism and diaspora. In e second section, we demonstrate the significance of second-generation return as an empirical phenomenon by pinpointing ree geographical

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s c t t il . lsw l rt' r' t' l l rt' l rl rt' rro rrt.rro rrr;rs l rr.t,rr l r,scrrr.r.l rl tl ;rg1rrrr,1r, l l: B r az ilian so r N i k k e i j i n ,l l ri ti s h -l x l rn ' r' (' tul r(,(' s' l l rt' ( j l rri l l l rt' l pr to ;rrrrl G r eek - A m e ri c a nre l o c a ti n g Gre c c c . ' r' ht' asl < l ' tl rcsc s to l thrct,(rs(, srrl dies draws on our own research.l In the third and concluding Pur.r.l the chapter,we use the second-generation return optic to refleit br.it.v on the broader theoreticalapproachesofdiaspora and transnationalrsrrr

9.2

Second-generation return: A new migration chronotope

The stripped-down definition of second-generation return is unambisrr ous: it is the'return'of the second-generation children of first-gent,r;r tjon immigrants to eir parents'country of origin. It is a tim-sprr,. phenomenon, or chronotope, defined by genealogical time and by lw, places- origin and desnation - which are the reverseof those framirrl the parental migration. complications arise when we adopt the enrit gaze of the second-generationers themselves, for whom the 'destrrr:r tion' is_alsothe 'origin'- 'going back to their roots' (wessend.orfzooT). A similar reflective ambiguity surrounds the notion of home: they a*, relocating from one home to another, except that e retun to the plr ental home place has a diferent cadence - the home is the homelancl. The same holds true for return: strictly speaking, if e migrants wert, 'true' second generationers, i.e. born and brought up abroad, this is n,r the return migration of migration statistics. et, ior the protagonisls themselves, it is very much a real, ontological return to the land Jf th"i, ancestors. These, then, are some of the nuances at emerge when we excavat(, the apparently straightforward term'second-genetion rtor.r'. other difficulties arise when we break the term down into its constituenr parts' we quickly appreciate the rigidity of definitions in the face of th<' messy evidence of reality. The term 'second generation' is a hostage to foftune. Its pure form is clear enough, but all sorts of complications arise when we scrutinisc the concept more closely. Ego may be foreign-born to immigrant par_ ents' but if the parents were married before emigrating, there may be other siblings in the same family who are not, in the pure sense, second generation, i.e. born in e host country. Some dnitions of second generation include children born in the home country and brought to the host country at an early age, for instance, before the age of iix years in many European studies, though later in American iesearch (Thomson & crul zoo7l. The well-known studies bv portes and Rumbaut take the threshold at twelve and relax the definiiion of second generation even further by allowing one of the parents to be native-born (Portes & Rumbaut zoor; Rumbaut & portes zoor). Home_counrry_

llr lr l xl l rr r' l ri lclr cn or r glr l y t lr r , irnr igllr lir r g ; t r '( , lt ar c also l<nown t he as l) ls t,5 1.1t' r r t 'r ; r t ior rlr or r glrlr is t lt , r r it ir ) l( x) can lr e ver y loose,r anging alt , t t iottt vcry young babics to tt't'nugcrs, with consequentdifferencesregirrding educational experience, acculturation, linguistic competences etc.'l' 'l'hree further renements of second generation phenomenology can ht' noted. First, interesting questions arise when the second generation is the offspring of parents of two diferent immigrant national origins. 'l'he transnational allegiances and diasporic identities of such indivi .We duals have yet to be studied. signal this as a major gap in the literature on the second generation. Second, how does one define host-country-born individuals when one parent is first generation and e other secondl Given the practice among many ethnic communities of seeking spouses for the second generation in the home country and then 'importing' them through 'marriage migration', this category of offspring is becoming increasingly common and is sometimes labelled the 2.5 generation. Third, how do we describe individuals who are born in the host country but are then sent back to their 'home' countries for part of their schooling? Many reasons may lie behind such a course of action: e need for both parents to work full time and to be relieved of childcare duties, taken on by grandparents or other relaves; the desire ofthe parents for e child to absorb the home-country language and culture; the wish to have their children educated in a safer and more supportive environment. Each individual case will vary and depend on the ages at which e child is sent 'home' and brought back, as well as the frequency and quality of parental contact during the separation. Ultimately, these 'transnational children' (if that is an appropriate term to describe them - we ae not sure) are dificult to regard as 'pure' second generation. Their evolving identities, career options and subsequent migratory paths are unlikely to be unaffected by a period of schooling in the home country. Moving now to 'return', the meaning of this term is clearly stretched when we consider individuals who are relocating to a place they have never lived in - although they may have visited it frequently. The point has already been made, however, that there is an ontological sense of retun to a point of origin, a homeland. The literature on return migration, which is now quite substanal5 but under-theorised (Cassarino zoo4l, says very little about second-generation retum, although it does acknowledge a subspecies of return, 'ancestral retun', noting studies on such groups as fews 'returning' to Israel; Aussiedler, ethnic Germans resettling in Germany from Eastern Europe; and the Pontic Greeks, similarly relocating to their ethnic homeland after generations of exile in placessuch as Georgia and Kazakhstan(King zooo: ro).

lll":;l'l

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l rr r' W hat d < x ' s J ri srn t' u rr l l rr' l l l rx rtl clrorrtcrrl rrrl kl sol l ri ursrr;rl rrrrr w alis m and d i a s p o ra lSo rn t' a rrs w c rs i l l l x' gi vt' rr i n tl rt' rrrrl url o l l rr' , ;l to chapter.For now, we signal rel(vantpt'r'spt'r:livt's llr. l<t'pl irr rnirrrl during the intervening empirical section o'our account. The rst generalpoint to make is that none of'the four mairr lilt'r.r tures that ae constitutive of the themes of this chapter - thosc orr llr' second generation, etun migration, transnationalism and diaspor',r has much to say about second-generationeturn migration, wlrrr lr seems to slip into the interstices between these literatures. Thc litt'r,r ture on the second generation - dominated by US scholarship- is lrcrr'l by the assimilation paradigm that derives from the historical sr'll narrative of the United Statesas a large, welcoming country'madt" lrt immigrants who become, eventually,'Americans'; 'return' is thus torrrr ter-intuitive (King zooo: z9). Meanwhile, recent comparative surv('y r' search on the integraon of the European second generation fotrrr.',, largely on their educational and employrnent trajectories within hosl :r(, cieties, not on links to the parental home country (Crul & Verrn('lrt{'rr zoq). Likewise, in the now-exensiveliteratures on transnationuli:;rrr and return migration, scant attention is paid to the second generali,rr the returnees, on the one hand, and the transnationally active, orr llrl other, are overwhelmingly portrayed as e first-generation migrants, There are some exceptions to this last generalisation, but only i'w Leichtman (zoo5) has documented the second- and subseqrrt'rrl generation transnational links of the Lebanese community in Sent'11,r| On a broader front, Levi and'Waters (zoozl have edited an imporl;rrrl volume on the transnational lives of the second generation in the tlS, many of these contributions reveal that strong tendencies towards ;r; similation can coexist with significant participation in transnational so cial elds. The kinds of second-generation transnational activity rrro:;t commonly depicted ae return or homecoming sits that are design,',| to link up with family roots and to exposethe foreign-born to the'r'llr nic culture' of their parents' country of origin. Such visits usually do r,' , inforce the emotional link to the parental homeland, but they can irt:r, make the visitors realise that they can neve relocate or feel at horrr, there. In Kibria's contribution we hear of feff, a Korean-American wlr,, went to l(orea on a study-visit after finishing high school (Kibria zoo.,. 3o43o;).Flying into Seoul,he felt a deep connection to his 'homelarrtl' I remember flying into Seoul... I could see these little houses. farms in the country... Something about it felt good. I remember thinking... 'this is an important part of me.'

rr l Tl tert,tl i s lr ll; xr inl r t 'r rst , l ir r : 'l'lrt'rrativcsl<xll<cd down on us bccause lot of us couldn't speak a l(orcan... thcy were basically saying, 'You're so stupid. You're l(<lrcan,but you can't speak Korean.' There were some isolated irrc'idents where we were... yelled at, harassed.

lfur Jc and others like him, the homeland visit sewes only to accentLt of atr dlJrences culture and nationality, and to reinforce a heightened erfs(' of their Amercan idenlity (Kibria zooz'. 3o7). A definitive eturn out Fe(,rs of the question. l)iaspora theory on the other hand, posits a somewhat different relatlonship to second-generation retLln since, according to most definitlorrs of diaspora, return is part and parcel of the aetiology of the coneept. lf we subscribe to Safran's often-quoted criteria for diasporas, we flnd strong relationships to the homeland and the aspiration for return prrlrninently featured. To paraphrase, diasporas maintain a collective ttr.nory (which, however, may be mythical) about their homeland; their eonsciousness and solidarity are importantly defined by their ongoing relationship with their territories of origin; and they see their ancestral horne as their 'pure, authentic' home and as a place of eventual etun (Saran r99r: 83-84). In this sense, 'ancestral return' or 'counterdlasporic migration' (King & Christou zoo8) represent the logical closIng of e diasporic cycle: e final, longed-for return 'home'. This is onsistentwith Van Hear's observation (1998: 6) that, if diasporas have become more widespread in ecent decades, for instance, through onward or secondary migration, so too has the 'unmaking' of diasporas, through'in-gathering' or're-grouping'. But return is perhaps questionable as a defining criterion ofdiaspora. Some diasporas do not desire to return. The Parsees,mainly resident in Western India but also scattered in many other locations, have no ideolegy of return to their original homeland, Iran, which they left in the elghth century. Gypsies or Roma are a different case (Safran (r99r: 87) eplls them a 'metadiaspora') because their nomadic diasporisation is an xpression o idealisation of their existential condition. African Americans, products of the slave diaspora, do have a 'homeland myth', but it can no longer be precisely located and only a tiny minority have 'teturned'to Africa. A complicating factor with any attempt to frame second-generation feturn \ryithin diaspora studies is at the definition of what, exactly, constitutes a diaspora has inexorably widened (Brubaker 2oo5). On the Whole, we endorse Cohen's (rgg typology of diasporas into those formed as a result of persecution, labour migration, colonial settlement tnd trade, not least because this makes us realise that counter-diasporic

t12

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dur llr l g rr p< l p r r lr r liot t r r lr t t t ivr , r it t lr r k'r 'okr t t izir tr r t clr opolcl ing an t o t' ra o ' shi ir r gt t nclt 't st ut t dings ' llt t 'ir nat ion's r elat ionshipso liurope [whcnl...thot'olonial cra lwas] quickly fading in signifit:ance. (Smith zoo3: 3r)

Althorrgh Smith's book is careful to avoid homogenising the colonial retlrrnees, there is almost no attention paid to eir generational specificity. ln the rest of this empirical review section we examine three case etudies where the particular issues surrounding 'second generationness' re more prominently foregrounded: fapanese Brazilians, British-born ln the Caribbean and Greek-Americans.

9,3.1 JapaneseBrazilians

9.3

Studies second-generation of return

second-generation return is a rather specific migration chronotopt' within the wider movement known as ancestral or counter-diasporic rt,. turn (King & Christou zoo8, zoog). Studies of ancestral ,"tur, .r,. quite numerous, if scattered, and include a variety of cases from different time periods and different pats of the world. Earlier we noted fews going to Israel, the German Aussiedlerand the pontic Greeks. we ca. also point to various 'retarn'migrations of colonial peoples, such as th. 'Dutch Indonesians' who repatriated from e Dutch East Indies after the independence of Indonesia in ry49, the ped.snors who settled irr France from Algeria in the early r96os, the portuguese retomados who 'came back' from Portugal's African colonies in e mid-r97os ancl British colonial seters who came to the uK after independence was achieved in India and East Africa. Andrea Smith calls these post-colonial returnees 'Europe's invisible migrants' and estimates thir numbers to be between five and seven million (zoo3: rr). In terms o' European demography, this migration, concentrated in the three decades after world war II, contributed to the continent's shift from a site of population export to one of mass immigration - an immigration which is moe commonly studied by a focus- on ,foreign, immilrarrts, some of whom came from the same ex-colonies whence came the colonial repatriates. Their etun was relatively invisible because it was an ambiguous and problematic relocation: they were

Compared to other highly developed countries, fapan was a 'late-starter' as e country of emigration and as one of immigration. During e frst two thirds of the twentieth century, around J5o,ooo fapanese emigrated to Latin America, mainly to Brazil but also to Peru, Mexico, Argentina end Paraguay. By 1998, according to the fapanese Ministry of Foreign Afairs, there were r.5 million Nikkejn (people of |apanese descent) living in Latin America, r.3 million inBrazlT and roo,ooo in Peru (White zooJi 3r4). When fapan's industrial economy started to run short of labour in the r98os, Nikkejin were prioritised as immigrants to fapan, lling 'frottom-wage' jobs in factories (Sellek 1997: r8z-t83). A new immigration law implemented in r99o allowed Nkkejin up to the ird generation and their spouses to legally enter, reside and work in fapan, initially for ree years. Employers were keen to hire them, partly because they were ethnically fapanese, but also because of fear of prosecution for employing illegal migrant workers from within the Asian region (the Philippines, Thailand, Bangladesh, etc.). By zooo, there were around 25o,ooo Brazilian Nkkeijin in fapan, 47 per cent of thern nse (second generaon) and 37 pe cent sansei(thhd generation); their age range - more than half between z5 and 44 yearc old - reflected their primary function as labour migrants (Tsuda zoo3: 98-ror). How has the encounter between the Brazilian Nikkeijn and fapanese society worked out The comprehensive ethnography by Tsuda (zoo3) provides detailed and nuanced answers to this question.o Tsuda explores how e migrants constitute their identities in ways that 't' neither the country of origin nor that of destination. This is partly because e specication of origin and destination is ambiguous for the fapan-bound second (and third) generation, and partly because of the way fapanese cultural nationalism devalues those who are not firlly fapaneseby virhre of their signicant time spent abroad. Multiple status

t4

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ar ld ic lc rl ti l ,yh i i s a rt' i rrv o l v t' d , o rrrt.o l l rurr t:orrl nrcl i ctory. s s l rr.errr rr tl p , a d ) apanese e rs p e c ti v eN k k e i j i n rc rt.g urcl t'us' i rri rri or' rra vul i t,ry,l reasons;their historical origins as lowcr-class who t:rrrigr.;rlcrl Japarrcse to Latin America out of povertlt their present empoyment in w'rliirg class jobs; and their 'non-fapaneseness'including poor Japanest.lrrrr guage skils and 'Brazilian' cultural traits. From the Nkkeijn persl)r.( tive, moving to fapan, initially on a temporary basis but increasrrrlirv long-term through family migration, involved both a return to ther ,t,rlr nic homeland' where income prospects were much better tharr rrr BraziT,but also a loss of social status since most nse and.sanseih;ttl achieved middle-class status in their birth country. In fact, in resporrrrr. to their socio-economic -marginalisation in |apan, many Japarr,,s,, Brazilians have strengthened their Brazilian cuitural and nati,onirli:rt sentiments. These 'Brazilian counter-identities' are deproyed, a reaction to rlrr. as ironic situation in which, from the point of view of an expected conirr mity to rigorous fapanese cultural standards (which demand total rrs similation for those of fapanese descent), it is easier for the fapant,sr. Brazilians to pursue a strategy of marginalisation rather than attptr,,l gthnc adjustment (Tsuda 2ooi: 274-275). 'Acting Brazilian' involvt,ri displaying a moe assertive, convivial and outgoing lifestyle, includirrli public displays of embracing and kissing, wering tight jeans and 'r' shirts with the Brazilian flag or slogans, affirming t^z'li^n first namt,s and organising samba festivals. However, it is evident that many ,l ese 'Brazilian' lifestyle components are either exaggerated or mercly symbolic constructions of Brizilianness: they are .culturally decontextualised and reconstructed' so at they have ethno-natiorrl meanlrl only in fapan. Thus the samba is a 'performance' that is actually rathcr a pale imitation of the 'real thing' - the costumes are amateurishly home-made and 'unauthentic' and few returned. Nikkeiin know tht, dance movements (Tsuda zoor:67-7o, zoq: 283-zg9). on the other hand, ere are strategic advantagesto such 'Braziliarr' comportment, since it is a way of pre-empting negative judgements based on failure to conform to expected yapinese cultural stanJards. I' the words of two of Tsuda's interviewees (ioo3: z8o, zgz-zg3): It is easier to live in fapan if you... reveal your Brazilian identiw... and give up trying to be fapanesebecause,this way, you can escape the pressue to act fapanese...If I try to be fapanese,they will judge me by their own standards and this wilt read to discrimination... Instead I can say ,I,m sorry I,m Brazilian so I come late to appointments...'

Or, prrl ttt<lr tr' 'r t t dt 'ly: llt:y, l'rn llrazilian artd l'rrt goittg to act Brazilian in fapan. And i'you don't like it, screwyou. to It rrcreds be emphasised that the situation of Nikkeijn in fapan is :tructurally different from the two cases which follow. British-bon Caribbeans and Greek-Americans are, by and large, migrating to their ethnic homelands out of sentimental and lifestyle choices rather than purely economic considerations; they are moving from highly developed economies to ones at are somewhat less advanced; and they generally sttain middle-class socio-occupational positions in the homeland. fapanese Brazilians were recruited to fapan as guest workers and remain socially positioned as such; their fapanese origins gave them prebrential treatment in terms of their immigration rights, but their Brazilian birth and culture disadvantagethem within the fapanesehegemonic eno-nationalism. Although at arrival only z-3 per cent of Brazilian Nikkeijin intended to make fapan eir permanent home, nowadays more an half are committed to staying long-term and 6o per cent are with their families, including children (Tsuda 2oo3i 377378). These children give an interesting, final twist to the story they are, in a sense, 'the second generation of the second generation', and their own assimilation into fapanese schools (where the educational curriculum and their socialisation pocess blot out their Brazilian heritage) leads em to deny their Brazilian roots. This sets up a generational tension betvveen parents and children: both are second-generation returnees, but the parents are also, in a way, first-generation immigrants to fapan holding on to their Brazilianness in the face of the impossibility of fully becoming fapanese, while their children are pressed to assimilate and have the capability to achieve this, but can only do so by shedding their Brazilian parental culture. 'returnees' the Caribbean g.3.2 British-born to

The Caribbean has been a classic locus for migration research, including studies of return. Until recently, however, most of the published work on eturn migration focused on the first generation (see, among others, Byron 1994; Chamberlain rg97: Gmelch r99z; Pessat 1997; Thomas-Hope 1999). From this literature it is apparent at return as a 'homecoming' project is not a unified social process but a versatile culhrral experience characterised by diversity, complexity and ambivalence. The return can be a souce ofcreativeness and ingenuity that expresses strong agency and ambition, but it can also be a socially conservative act linked to later-life refllrn and retirement. For bo first- and second-

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gc l ( ' r ill i o tl (' l tl l ' l (' (' is l l rt' (l l rl i l rl x ' i u l ()rl (,l i tn(1, l rr l l t(,(.xtx,r.i (,n(,('rrl ()l gr at iond c l e srto t n c c c s s a ri l (' l d w i l l 11' l ul n: rrrrrsrl rl i or' 1rl y l l i rrks11,rr,,r ally c onti n u e .u n l i k e th e Bra z i l i a r a parcs('rctrrni rl , cari bl > r,l rrrs,.rr .f 1i er ally en j o y e n h a n c e ds o c i a l s ta tu s in the horncl ancl .' ' hi si s rr;rrrrr through e various kinds of capital (financiar, social, cultural, clc.) rrrr.1 have acquired through migration, and also through time spcrrl irr tlr,, colonial 'mother county'. As Chamberlain $997: Zo-Zrl points ..t, tlrr 'sacred geography' of empire remained intact in the cribbearr, srr,lr that emigrants leaving for Britain in the post-war decades felt, rrr ,r sense,that they were heading for a kind of 'home': an imagined sp;rr r.. 'remembered' through school and colonial propaganda,wh"ich was tlr,, heartland of their imperial world. For many, the reality of emigrrrrr.rr brought disillusionment, above all through the racism that they w,,r, subjected to, but also the dificult conditions of work, housing, ix,,l and climate. some of these negative outcomes have been inhertctl l,r, the second generation and form part of the nexus of push factors rrr,rr have stimulated a substantial return of British-born in iecent years. According to the pioneering research of potter and his associatt,s rrr Barbados,T seems that second-generation it returnees are a positivey s,. lected group in terms of education and ambition; hence. hese inclivr duas are seen, and see themselves,as agents of social change and t'r ,, nomic development. Plenty of work and business opportunits exist ,r qualified retunees, reflecting a strong economic p"rfo.-"r." driven lry tourism, light industries and offshore finance. Typical secor(l generation retumee jobs in Barbados, according to potter (zoo5: 22,,, zzr) and Potter and Phillips (zoo6a: 9o5-9o9), are found (for mles) irr mechanical trades, catering, computing, sales and management, arrl {for females) in administration, accountancy, personnel, clerical worr,, heal services and retailing.S Potter and Phillips (zoo6a) see second-generation return as a mairrly middle-class phenomenon: nearly all their interviewees had been to crl lege and more than a third were university graduates. There was a ter dency among those returnees without qualications to 're-return, r. Britain (Potter zoo5). However, returneei' class position in Barbadjarr society (and presumably this holds true for othei caribbean countrrr.s involved in migration to Bitain) is only partly determined by their ed, cational qualifications. The returned second generation occupy a strur. turally intermediate position as post-colonial hybrids: they are botlr black and - because of their British birth, upbringing and accents - symbolicallywhite (Potter & phillips zoo6a).In Fanonian terms, they reflect a black skin/white mask identity. Intewiewees articulated tht, contrast they felt between how ey were treated in Britain (racialiserl because of their Afro-caribbean ethnicity, stereotyped as low-achievers and potential trouble-makers) and how they were perceived., and wer.

dnr sscdgo- gt : t t cr it llt !l e l o l rosiliot r ct t t sr 'lvt 's,r ll; r r 'lr ; r t losit s st t t lt r lly it ot w l ro l rrrrlt 'cl t llt t 'ir 'lir r glislr t t t 't t ls ( l) ot lt 'r '&l) [ r illipszoo6a) ' unCOvere WerealSO h<lwcver, Vit.ws, urrt.l Motc r:orrtnrr.littory rrrtrtttr,cl 'Baian-Brits' (Potter & Phillips' Itr llrt. <'rrcounterltr:twccn rcturncd ancl the island's still racially stratified society.Returneeswere surter,rrr) prist.clthat, in contrast to 'cosmopolitan' London, Barbadian society still of elrlxr<Jiedthe acceptance 'white hegemony', segregatedin a form of where, effectively,whites and blacks rarely mixed soqrrirsi-apartheid .:iolly lPott"t & Phillips zoo8). The returned (black) second generatklnt.rs were put - and saw themselves - in an intermediate and ambiglurrrs position in regard to this colour-coding, as noted above. But they trlro cxpressed oer negative feelings towards the way local society fi[rctioned. They complained about the slow pace of life, lack of profesni0nalism in business and poor public services. Barbadians, for ther palt, fashioned a trope of 'madness' as a means of 'othering' the Baian'Brit returnees, thereby positioning them outside mainstream island soeit:ty.The 'mad' label derives from two origins: first, the Bajan-Brits' obterved behaviour (rushing around in the heat, talking quickly, obsession With punctuality, etc.); and second, stories of high rates of mental illness among Caribbeanmigrants in Britain (Poer & Phillips zoo6b)' Although Barbados dominates the existing research on secondgeneration retun to the Caribbean, other islands ae not totally overiooked. Reynolds' (zoo8) research in famaica and Guyana provides a omewhat dilerent slant. She focuses on the role of social capital and ramily narratives in sustaining an ideology of return that, when not actualised by the first generation, is transmitted to the second as a kind of lnherited duty. In her words: So central to e family narrative was this dream to return to the country of origin that their parents' narrations of home and return became part of the second generation's own narratives in terms of understanding their personal identity and senseof self. (zoo8: ro)

Key to Reynolds' analysis is also the social disadvantage and poor eco' nomic conditions encountered by many British-born Caribbean youth. Roystone,interviewed in famaica, put it like this: I was born in England but I always felt unwelcomed in my own country so I can't call England home' if you mean home as a place of warmth and comfort... prejudice and discrimination was always there... in London you grow up constantly looking over your shoulder... I was always getting stopped by the police'.. now here [in famaica] I'm comfortable in my own skin. I'm a very hard worker... and if you come to famaica with that attitude..'

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t hc r t " s ro r' (.o li)l n s l o l ru i l rll l l ) y () l u()w l t l )l rsi r(,ss. i rr l r l rt.l o l ' ru t er po s i ti o no w [o i n v c s ti n a rl rrr r' rl rrryi rrrri l y. i In his last remak, Roystonehints at another ctor lvouring rr.ttrrrr looking to the subsequent generation and the judgement tlrlrt tlr, Car ibbea n ' h o me l a n d ' i sa mo re ' s e c u r e' pl aceto rai se chi l drcn. l rr tl ri words of Monica. nterviewed in Guyana: You make your life for your kids... I can see how much the nrovr, has been good for the kids. They love it here and have senk.r really well... they walk to school on eir own, they're always orr, playrng on the lane - .J would never allow them to do that irr London... I have peaceof mind becauseI'm not constantlywony ing about eir safety. With these interview quotes Reynolds (zoo8: n, ry-r6l highlighrs rlr,, emoonal and psychological satisfactions of returning to the part'rrt,rl homeland - something that also looms large in e Greek-Amcrir,rrr case. 9.3.3 Greek-Americans Although e colonial aspect is absent in the Greek-American cot(,\t, this example of second-generation return has severalthings in contrrr,,rr with the Caribbean case,though rather less with the fapanese-Brazitr;rrr one. In all three cases,e first generation's memories and stori<.sol the diasporic home were passedon to the secondgeneration, often r.t'rrr forced by periodic visits that'were a prelude to the'final'return. n tlrr Caribbean and Greek cases,we observe a post-wa mass emigratiorr ,l poor, mostly uneducated labour migrants, followed by a selective sr., ond-generationreturn made up of young men and women who, for tlr,. most pat, were much better educated than their parents and aspircrl t,r middle-class or professional status upon their homeland relocation. The 4o oral and written narratives collected by Christou (zoo6) rrrr,l the further accounts obtained in a subsequent phase of researclr l,l King and Christou (zoro) confirm the highly educated profile o'rlr,' second-generation returnees. Unlike their parents, whose emigratiorr rrr the r95os and r96os was economically driven, the returnes migratr, t. the ethnic homeland primarily for emotional, life-stage and lifestyle r,,,r sons. Of course, economic considerations do play a role, but they rrr,. not the prime pull factor for return; raer, the situation is gener.;rllr, one of subsequent dificulty in finding sufficiently remunerative, srrrlr[' and intellechrally rewarding employment for those (the majority) wlr,, are seeking work. Good, well-paid jobs are hard to attain in Greece,rrrr,l

t d lo el l l oo olt 'r r r t 't t t t t t t 't 's r r cllt t 'r 't 'ss st t t lr ylost s : lr lal<t :in cor r upt ior t ln rrr' ;xr lisr r r . llr t 'wot cls o ( llt r islot t 's( zoo( r : lz8, r 3r ) t wo m ale l rl It!leIvi('w('('s: I st.rrt rny resum to a few companies that I would see advertiserrrt,rrtsthat would fit my qualications, and got really discourlugcdwhen I didn't even get a esponse back...They put an ad in llrc paper and even before it's been published the job has been lllcd by somebody'snephew or cousin. Working here is hard... To start a business you have to bribe half llrr: population... you have to 'pay for air', as they say...I want to livc here, I love this country but it's dificult to start from scratch. You either have to have connections or you got to have money. This is not the only disappointment faced in the homeland. Two other tltettrcs repeated themselves in interviews: the lack of care for the envirlucnt, and the changes brought in Greek society through globalisatlon and immigration. On the environment, Lucy said: We still get frustrated about the things we neve noticed before lwhen we came to Greece on vacationsl. We didn't notice the grati, or the garbage on the beach, and we can't undestand why they just can't keep their environment clean, you know, it rcally bothers us... lrt, issue of immigration into Greece is more complex in terms of retrnees' reactions. Some returnees ae surprised, even shocked at the alcof immigration into Greece in recent years, particularly the influx of half a million Albanians; this has compromised the pure, ethnically homogenous Greek homeland that they had held as an ideal in their return project. Christou and IGng (zoo6: 826-82fl have documented opcnly racist eactions to this change in e composition of the populatlort. For instance: When I was in America I felt Greek and was Greek. Unfortunately... at this moment, this specific time period in Greece, I don't feel Greek. I feel like a stranger, like a foreigner in my own country... A lot of foreign immigrants have come to Greece, especially illegal migrants... It has made a big impression on me...I don't like it, I haven't acceptedit... It has upset me... and... yes, it has made me angry.

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O t lt t t t ' r c tttttt(' ('l s l ti g l rl y tri ti c rrlo (i n.t,l <r;rti sl ul l i l rrck,sow rrnl sr1r tt(' l m igr ant s ,e s p e c i a l l y rt' w a y tl tc (l rc t' l <rrrr,cl ii urrrt. l rt' rnso rrt' gl rl rvr,l 1, tl rr l According to another interviewcc: Sometimese media spend too much time [on immigrarrtsl... This morning... on TV... they were talking about a polish rrrurr who was on a bus and he was drunk and being aggressivcurrtr threatening... And the news presente was going on and on... I mean, hey,what kind of news is thisl Big deall I mean... if he wt.rc a Greek, would they spend so much time discussingitl No. Thcrt. is a phobia, it's obvious,a phobia in Greece[aboutimmigrantsl. Yet another dimension of the migration story is the way that the rr,rrrr nees themselvesare treated as partial outsiders by Greek society - rr rr. action also noted for returning fapanese Brazilians and foreign-lr,,rrr caribbean resettlers. The fact that the diasporic hearth does not.r,r the anticipated welcoming embrace is a major disappointmerrr r, Greek-Americanswho have bought into e ideal of the Greek h,rrrr. land as the'place to be'. we have treated this particular diaspo*r rrv namic in a separate paper, from which we take the following twl quotes: the first from an older long-term resident of Athens, the sec.rr,l from a younger, moe recent arrival (Christou & King zoo: Bz9). Being a Greek-American in Greece has a lot of drawbacks. Tht, Greek people are not that ready to accept someone who is ncr really Greek. Even ough I speak Greek, my dad was born ir Greece, I am married to a Greek, I've been here 35 years, the;, have not acceptedme... I feel that being American or halAmerican or raised in thr Statesis not accepted at a1...I still find it kind of hard. I feel thar I stand out even though I love Greece... and I speak the languagc much better than when I first got here... It's not like I walk around with the American flag draped round me... But yes, I still feel like... I don't fit in. And yet the strength of attachment to Greece, and of the motivation r, 'return' and resettle, seems almost overpowering in e Gret,l. American case - at least among those who have retrned. Time arrtl again, our participants stressed the importance of relocating to rhe pal t t da, rhe fatherland, and how this final, myical eturn 'closed the cicrt.', not only of their own lives but also e migration cycle started by tht'ir parents halfa century or so ago.

t,4

Concludingdiscussion

chronotope shed on the Wlrat ligltt dot's tht' second-gcne'ration-return lrcorisationof'diaspora and transnationalismand on the disbloatk'r tltrrlirrrr bctween these two overlapping conceptsl As a particular for:rn return should be conel lorrrrtcr-diasporicmigration, second-generation first within e study of diasporas and, as such, here we Frptrralised pick rrp some of the issues raised earlier. (lhssjc denitions of diaspora (e.g. Clilord r994b; Safran r99r) and lro their subsecluent refinement and deconstruction (e.g. Anthias tggt; Brah 1996; Brubaker zoo5) tend to portray a rather static entity historical process of spreading and scatteing to produce a particular 'diasporic con'ellrnic' population distribution and a 'state of being' or ieiousness' that likewise does not stress further movement, except pehnps in terms of a 'floating' liminality and hybridity (Mitchell 1997). ven if the (often mythical) return to the diasporic hear is written into the aetiology of diaspora la Safran, few scholars have paid much attentiorr to this final phase, in which the diaspora is 'unmade'. It is almost tr though the very definition of diaspora assumes that diasporic populatiorrs aspire to but ca.nnoteturn. This may indeed have been the case in the past, and may still be so in some diasporas for whom the point o'origin no longer exists or cannot be identied. Increasingly, however, I combination of the maintenance of the diaspora's ethnic (or other) ldentity and improved means of long-distance travel enables a eturn to the land of parents and ancestors to become a reality. According to Fortier (zooo: 16o), e association between diaspora nd dispersal produces three dualities that lie at the heart of e inhernt betweenness of diaspora: here and there, homeland and hostland and indigenousness and foreignness. These binaries emerge from conceptualisations of culture and ethnicity at are deeply connected to history, territory and language, but which also produce mixings and crossIngs of the dualities, such as e notion of being 'at home abroad' or the condition of the second-generation 'immigrant' or 'returnee' who flo longer speaks the language of the ethnic goup. Second-generation return demonstrates the blurring that exists over these dualities and even challenges how they should be framed. Our three case studies of second-generation eturn reveal both the cmmon features of the chronotope, but also some key difflerences in how this movement is conceived and motivated in diIerent historical and geographical contexts. One of the strongest similarities is the reflective tymmetry of 'strangerhood' when 'here' and 'there'; in other words, the rrtun turns the feeling of being fapanese in Brazil into one of feeling Brazilian in fapan. As Lucy, one of our Greek-American interviewees said:

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l, t ' [ r n t' p rrt i r tl ri s w rry ...w l r.rr (,w(' r(,i rr rrrt.r..rri r.cl w srrrt.sw r. wer e c re c < s , a ' d rro w tl ra t w ("v(' cor(' r. (l r.t' r.t.w (' ;rr(. Americans, and that's what wc'vr: rcaliscd- w.'r(' r.ithcr. 14..r1 here nor there! Also common is the strength of memories from homecoming visirs rrr,ri makes the'homing'vivid and a step towards a more definite ,rr,rrrrrr of course,the return, whether short- or long-term, is very much r rr,,11,, tiated and constructed experience ltered through cuitural nlrr.rir.r.. images and events. As for the differences, e following can be highlighted. The r.t,rrrrrr of the fapaneseBrazilians to fapan wai orchestratedai a labour r(,(,rl ment within clear hierarchies of socio-occupationalclass, global ,.,,, nomic power and hegemonic fapanesecultur: the resurt wa a kirr.r ,,1 'reactive ethnicity' whereby the Nikkeijin reasserted their Braziliarr(,r;,i in the face of the fapanese marginalisation of them as ,impurr. fapanese.In the caribbean, there seems to be a'culture of migrari.r, through which most families have implemented. a migratory"nr.tr,.l based on economic necessity and flexible mobility for iarious arrrrrr members: a combination of individual autonomy oi-ou"-"rrt witrr ,r mily loyalty and sharing of responsibilities (sucir as child rearing) rrr,rr enables frequent journeying home, including second- and r.5_gr,,,,,, tion return. The selectivity of this return (mainly available to e"bt,rr,.r educated) combined with lifestyle choices and a developmental .r rr:, tend to make this casea broadly positive experience,albeii framed wirrr in post-colonial hierarchies of race and 'Britishness,. The Grt.t.l American case,like the caribbean, arises from a history of poverty rrrrrl mass emigration in the post-war years. This is set not wi a coiorri;rl context, but involves historical and ideological links between natiorr;rl ism and the cultivation of a strong eno-ntional identity as part o'rlrr. modern Greek state's irredentist policy that suppots clams ior co-t'tlr nics' repatriation to the Greek homeland. T?ansnationalism fits into our analysis in three ways _ {rst. in rrr,. maintenance of meaningful links to the homeland during the pre-rt. turn phase' especially etun sits; second, in the maintenJnce of t},,,*,, links in the oer direction in the post-return phase; and thid, in rrr. way that second-generation host-country entrepreneurs invest in tlrr. 'homeland' without resettling there. second-generation return is a r.t, flection of the strength of transnational sociaispaces (see Faist zooolr), and can also act to strengen them, arthough this does not always .t cur, particularly if the return involves a reiective detachment from tlr. place of birth and upbringing.

Notcs
l l Wi rj i rl ,S , (r,oo(> ),' (l oi rrgr:ttl < o ttty tttol s ' , l hr: (uurdun C 2 2J Oc toberz oo6: r8-r9. re'l 'l ri s i s tl rr, l rc rdl i nc o l rt arti c l c dc tl i l i ng v c c as es tudi esof' s ec ond-generati on

i f rrl rr't.rrl rrrc dn l ' hc C uardanz z May z ooti . S rt'(l hl i s k ru (z oo6), C hri s tou and I(i ng (z oo6), K i ng and C hri s tou (z oo8, z oog). migration is funded by the Our'crfct researchinto what we call 'counter-diasporic lll( Arts and Humanties Research Council under their'Diasporas, Migration ano I tft'rrI i tics' progremme (grant no. AH/E5o86or/XI), zo o7 -zo o9. l{rrrrrlraut(1997) has proposed a graduated system of r75, t5 and r.25, respectively t.li'rring to children arriving: before age six; between six and twelve; and bet'ween lwt,lve and seventeen. lrl kcy studies see Bovenkerk (1974), Ghosh (zooo), Harper (zoo5), King (1986) lurrdMarkowitz and Stefansson(zoo4). I;or other worthwhile studies see Lesser (zoo3), Linger (zoor), Roth (zooz) anc Ylrnanaka (zooo); on returning iapanese Peruans see Takenaka (1999). Str, especially Potter (2oo5), Potter and Phillips (zoo6a, zoo6b, zooS), as well as llrt'selection ofstudies in Potter, Conway and Phiips (zoo5). 'l'lrcse findings come from tlvo surveys totalling 9r interviewees of whom, however, 'J4 werc females and only seventeen maies; it is not clear to what extent this predorrrinance offemaies reflects the real gender distribution ofsecond-generation return, xince there are no official data for comparison.

ro Chapter publicor both Private, and impactof transnationalism On the scope lives everyday in immigrants'

I
lo.l zoo7l.

Paolo Boccagn

OVer the last decade, research on immigrant transnationalism has lhtfted. It has gone from being primarily concerned with 'transnational lrigrants' - aiming to identify specic groups of people (or even comlltunities) that somewhat qualify as transnational (e.g. Portes, G:ularnizo * Landolt r99g) - to a wider focus on the transnational features in im-

lives. This new emphasismay shed more light on grants' everyday

opporrunity structures and subjective experiences' as well as on ongoing interdependence with countries of origin (Levitt &

ll ilil1

Nevertheless,the use of the term 'transnational' as a general theoretil category in sociology at least, still shows relevant ambiguities rbock zoo3; Faist 2oo4; Waldinger & Fitzgerald zoo4)' One lies at core of this chapter: an implicit conflation of quite diferent objects ff immigrants' involvement at distance, namely, eir mothe country and their earlier life. {Or local community), their family From a bottom-up, acto-centred perspective (e.g. Levitt zoor; Smith foo6), I have developed upon certain implications arising from my vrn doctoral fieldwork for the theoretical consistency of the transnaI approach (Boccagni zoog). This fieldwork has involved a tvvo, ethnographic and biographic study of a relatively recent and unured migration flow from Latin America (Ecuador) to Northern It allowed for an in-dep analysis mediated by *y systematic rela. ^:-- c^-^^:1-, * ^.^l-^-with Ecuadorian immigrants and with their family members It tro*". Within a limited translocal case, I have generally found little of transnational social ties. These mostly apply to the practices transnational care ging in families set apat by migration. ional ties are quite sporadic and less effective, however, in the to social relationships linking immigrants or lUblic sphere with respect

l rrtl [ ] r c ir gr o rrp sto s < l c i uilrrs ti l rrl i o rrs < l rorrrc i .r' . tl rt' l xrl i l i ti rlsyrl crrr. m ar k et a n d c i v i l s o c i c tyi tt tl rc c o u rtt l y o ori gi rr. l rl otrt l l ti s V i t' w l rorrrl by l im m igr a n ts ' h o me s i c k n e s s d p (rs i stctttl t' l otrgi trpi al t' xtt' t' tll l t,' a scopeand the relevanceoftheir actions at distance. I In this chapter I rst focus on the meaning of transnatiorr;rlirrrr will then interpret findings in my ethnography, highlighting llrc v,rrr able relevance of transnational ties in the everydaylives o'tlrt' irrrrrrr grants (and their significant oers) whom I personally met, fiorrr llrrr', complementary vantage points: an indidual level, a family levt'l ;rrr,l ,r wider social group level. In the conclusion, I will raise tlvo key ctilir;rl 'against the dominant theoretical framework of transnational migt;rltrtr r) the poor fungibility betlveen social action at distance and in pr.oxrrrrilr (especiallyin the affective realm) and z) the need to distinguislr l,.' tween private and public features of immigrants'transnational ar'liotr

ct l livcs l gci tl ,:r ( 't t ivt 'lr t t d t t ot iot t ; rlit . s, it t llr t . it 't . vr . r 'ycllr y away ior n hetrt", urnourrtt<lassr:ssing whether their orienta']tis dot's rot rcc('ssilrily rr.lationships and practiccsarc more or less transnationalor inHttr, localised in the receiving countries, whatever their wishes feaHirrgly expcctations.The real point is a deeper and more significant one: ld *hethcr and, if so, to what extent social relationships at distance - befiffeetr rrrigrants and their signicant others left behind - may oset the |gk r,'physical proximity, o even substitute (or replicate) co-pesent ehtlorrrrhips, in the life courses of those affected by physical distantiation Q thr. result of migration. This also involves examining in which life tttains such replication takes place, and for how long. I will therefore plonr, through multi-sited ethnography within a long-distance migra&n ow (Marcus 1995; Fitzgerald zoo6b), the perceptions, utilisation gd ntaintenance of transnational ties in immigrants' daily lives.

1o.2 'Transnational ties': A window on immigrants' everyday lives Given e risk of using (or abusing) 'transnationalism'as a catch-;rll,'i have developed a working definition of the term that aims to bt' tttnr. accuate. It is better applicable to empirical research than the crrrlin standard notion introduced by Basch, Glick Schiller and Szantort ll'rrr, by (t994:6): 'e processes which immigrants forge and sustain rrrlll stranded social relations that link togeer their societiesof origirr ,rrr,i of setement'. At the same time, my proposed definition is widcr' llr'rrr e well-known definition by Portes and colleagues(1999: zr9): 'otr ri pations and activities that require regular and sustained social conl:rrlir over time across national borders for their implementation'. The latter definition, though valuable for its greater empirical li1i.rii, may be broadened to include immigrants' attachments at distarrtt' tit e affective and the emoonal realms, insofar as they fuel systt'rrr.rlrr relationships of mutual communication and support not groundt'rl il physical proximity.' I will approach Ecuadorianimmigrants' daily lives, therefore, thlorrlllt the notion of transnationql social tes. Such ties imply any social relrrlt,,tt ship and practice'at distance' (along with the identity orientations llrrr build on) that allows immigrants to exert relevant influence on tlt' r,rr cial lives of those left behind and. vice versa, that allows the latter lo rttt pact the life course of the former in signicant ways. Building on :;tt,lt an 'agential' approach to immigrant transnationalism (Kivisto .,,oi,l Morawska zooja; Faist zoo4) - and centred on the differential invr,lt',' ment-at-distanceof ordinary social actors - I will explore immigr';rrrt:-

On weightand usability transnational in immigrants of ties lives:Fromself to familyand to one'swider everyday community
research is built on participant observation of e daily social lives e bw hundred Ecuadorian immigrants in a local immigration context Northern Italy and of their manifold exchanges with those left bein Pasaje,Ecuador (Boccagni zoog). For one and a half years, I out ethnographic research both 'here' (Italy) and 'there' lor).3 After a critical period in which I negotiated access to the I became familiar with e immigrants' informal social events eer-work acties - associational meetings, parties, religious ser, sport and cultural events, or simply going out togeer. I intersome 35 of em in depth. I was also hosted, while in Ecuador, a few of their family members left behind in Pasaie. 9y meeting these immigrants and gradually entering into their al places of sociability, networks and public events, I explored the rections between the 'transnational' - as a theoretical construct * their dailv behaviours and experiences - as reflected in their self insofar as they refer to a persistent tie with their and. In what follows, I explore the immigrants' own 'transnational social ' (Levitt & Glick Schiller zoo4) from three vantage points: at an inlevel, in the realm of family relationships and in a wider public . Each is explored in terms of accessibility, relevance and impact transnational ties, assuming that such ties do exist and endure, as I will show, is far frorn obvious. While these three ewpoints

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c r is s ( : r o s is rrx rrry u y s i rr i rrrrn i g rr rul s' ol rl i nrrry rr w l i vr.s,i l i s sl i l l w ortl r dis t ingu i s h i n g c tw c c nth c rn o n u rrtrlyl i grorurrl s. b c to.j.t The individual level:Belongings, cognition and communicaton ltrtrtr a transnational vantagepoint A first terrain of analysis concerns the actual relevanceof transrr;rlrrrrr.rl ties and the potential to keep them alive by examining immigrarrts' prr sonal attitudes. From this perspective I will look at their identitit.s ,rrr,l belonging, as well as the actual scope and depth of their comrur{,1 tion wi the motherland, or in any case at their ongoing intcrt'st il any - for the social life and current events there. Most Ecuadorian immigrants I met, whatever eir 'integration' trr Italy, still feel overtly and proudly bound up with their mother (.ounttr, Many would regard ltaly, or their local receiving context, as littk, urolc than'the place where I work hard'to savemoney to send bacl< rrrrrli,, lay the foundations for a future better life at home. Though argulrlrlvr,. lated to a time factor - most Ecuadorian emigration to Europe lr;rvrrrg occurred only within the last decade (fokisch & Pribilsky zooz) tlrru finding is not without practical import. 'Italy', in the immigrants'own accounts,is basicallya resount,tlr,rt one (and one's family) has invested in for the sake of attaining sonr(,rtt gent or non-deferrable key objectives. In everyday life, 'Italy' is thc pl;rre where one might feel either exploited and misunderstood, to varyinli rL, grees,or helped and supported, though in any caseunable (indet'tl, rrrr allowed) to lead a normal life with regard to carrying on with on("s (,,r1 lier habits and lifestyle. Almost no one among the rst-generatjorrrrn migrants I stayedwith would ever claim to belong'here'rather tlr;rn trr their home country (or village). Apart from selidentification, the unbroken relevance of the nrotrrlr land often emerges in their accounts. V/hether f"- members lr;rv,been left behind or not, it emergesbo as a source for nostalgia urrrt,re an implicit standard according to which one makes sense of valucs, tr,r bits and life experiences in the context of immigration. Homesickness for Ecuador concerns, first of all, immigrants' t,rrro tions, perceptions and feelings related to their former everyday nrilrcl While their self-identication, on an abstract level (or in patr.iotir terms), may remain intact, reminiscence of the sensoryfeatures o tirr.ii daily lives at home - colours, tastes and smells - may easily fade rw,rr, To the (limited) extent that they may be reproduced by immigrants, tlris is a result of repeated social events with fellow countrymen here, rttlr-r an of the continuous relationships with co-nationals there. As S, ,tr immigrant reunited with his wife and children (and thus showinli ,rrr apparently good 'functional adaptation' to life here), puts it:

I Tl te l o t t t r lr 'tsllr y lt t . r r , , r , r r r olt 'I kr sc r r r y iclt 'r r t ily not nlally llr I ' trry i c lt . r r lily', kr r ow wlr ut lur r r - . lur r r lir : uador ian; lose. . . he I t pl el rsr r r t 'o 'shying r r ny own lan<1. . . 1 loset his t ast e,I m ean ir 1, I wherr you bc:lright thcrc, don't youl Yeah,it's like when you gel ttp irr tht' rnorning [here],you get up and breathe...you can smell ll wlrcrr it's spring, when it's autumn, the smell of the leaves... firr rrrc'it was different, I used to wake up and there were banana plirrtationseverywhere...and it smelt of wet land, of guavas,of colli'c... (S, 16, in Italy for six years)

* rpecial reference to one's earlier life - irreducible to a vague feeling d patriotism - can be found in most immigrants' accounts, including tmong those who have actually built or rebuilt a regular family life kre, 'l'he relevance of one's continuously Ecuadorian identity, should Ft, however, be reduced to only a matter of reminiscences. ltt irnmigrants' selawareness,still feeling Ecuadorian results in an tlderrtity reservoir' one cannot be stripped of, whatever the difficulty tttay face in *re country of setement. Hence the unwritten convictltat one's own values, habits and lifeswle can still make a relevant tril:ution for oneself and, even moe so. for one's children. r, there is a sense of moral duty - going well beyond a merely ivc habit - not to lose them. Reaffirming one's national identift as an obvious fact or as a souce of pride, is a means of self, lnction from the all-embracing identity of immigrants' - or, in its atising Italian version, ertraomuntar - that one feels being imby the receiving society. Whatever regret or disenchantment refding the 'ever worsening' situation in Ecuador, one's persistent naidentity is the basis for personal consistency, in the face of the ic changes that result from migration. The central position of 'home' in immigrants' mindsets manifests itirr their future life projects as well. These reportedly remain, with a exceptions (basically relating to mixed marriages), strictly linked to tnotherland. Nearly everybody among e inhabitants of Pasaje m I met in Italy would like to build a new house at home, is buildit now or - in the more successfirl cases - has already done so. llding one's own house in Ecuador is a clear marker of the expectato return there 'soon'. It is also a matter of maintaining social staan.d a simple investment strategy for the money saved here - that a complementary form of remittance, which gains increasing salonce non-migrants' daily needs are satisfied. Nobody would really deny the intention to eturn home, albeit postto a 'future' they are unable to determine. Indeed. a covert but

sive 'myth of return' (Anwar ry7) is manifest here. A good illusis found in the account of H, a woman in Italy for almost a

t()() i trrl i l ytrtt' rrr w dec ade fro i s tl rc trs t l i trk o i t tl ti l i tl i l ttl ttrl i rrg;ttl ozt' tt l g,l tzt' sttttl tl pp()ttttti sl l r.ti ' i ber s . T h o u g h a w a re o f th c a ttl l ri v l t l r' ttl llack ltorttt',ll s<)ttttds lrs rlr'l|.l whcn ittsl sponses rriigr"nt encounters otrh t " of her country fellows to rcturtr soocror lak'r'itt mined ",the fruits ofher labour and sacrifices abroad' to enjoy -oit it's diffeent, it's no more tht's:tttt''' [When you retun home], :.o, th"y think we've come here and made big money' wlritlr.tr' 'Yott wlt" not - and they look at you, they ask you for monel some money! roo' lend m(")'().' come from there, lend me so, one tells them 'no" and thcy 11'l 3oo,' and as is is not ttp:;''t' t""-"d up, they dont look at you anymore, one is nearly it's no more the same' ["'] Wt' wrtrt' 'coz it's you own people... to wor l' ' to eflrrn, as v/e say, our life is there, we've come here we are young, and then we'll go llrt'rt' we make sacriceswhile (l I, we don't know how life will teat us, but we want to go bat:l(. 38, in ltalY for nine Years) imttrilit''trl" One may wonder, however,what the primary object of the e home country is. As tht'st' (lllolf i! persistent self-proiectiontowards s ugges t,i th a s m u c h mo re to d o w i th thepastofone' scountry,()| .| | i tt a few selectedgood memories related to it, than wit6 llrr rrlr "ff"*,f" of its afairs. Apart from specialemergencies(e'g' politit 'rl'le ,"rrt rt"t" immigrants' interest is generllly wi''rf heavals, natural disasters), is torrtltttc'rl Scepticism and mistrust - especially,as far as politics quite widespread' (Boccagni zooT\ - are ' ttt Ecu-dorianimmigrants can and often do communicate at disl;trr'. ar elat i v e l y e a s y w a y .C h e a p p h o n e c al l s,' thesoci al gl ue' o' i tttrrrtgt' rti l soti;tl |li't' transnationalism (vertovec zoo4bl, are a pertinent cuent the family realm' Still, as a wider srrrv.v,rl tice, especially within r('l('v'rrrllrl Ecuadoiian immigrants in ltaly suggests (Boccagni zooT)' (i't' l'rrrrllr formation on e motherland involves one's private sphere much more than the public one. Accouttls l)v lrrrtl members left ere) irtt t":r ltt migrant kin play a far more signican role than immigrants' Irr tlrc the internet - or to any other channels of information availlrrlt' immigration context. o ittl'ittts It is an open cluestion whether is selectivegathering ^more-from lack of interest and disenchantmet t't'11'rr'lirrg on results atttl ,'}ttttttii oublic life at home or from poor accessto information ol itttttrrl|'r nication technologiesand 'ethnic media' in the country lil ttl tion. The fact remains that the appaent real time accc:ssilrilily ltt 'lll 'tt formation on public life at home certainly does not alotlll .information involvement' o[ trtost immigrarrts, rlol lo ,r t'+l tual interest in it.

;LI

i rl ,rl i ; M6rt.11 vr ', r r rlr llilr r t lt 'ist 'or r sit lt . r 'rl1it nst ut liot t <lr r ly it involvcs tfbel i rrg t ; r r lr lly l lt ot t t t 'ir t llollt t or t t t lr it 's', : c<lr ding t he r at her deto at r. it ( o r tatxl i rrg : r it t 'r iot t 'llallt 'r at t cl I 'ar r dolt zoo5) ,one m ust objectt hat il trrndition is hardly fllcd by the people I have met. Their attachItklr lllerrl lo thc cquntry of origin by far exceedsthat to the setement one. ?te ;rlrovc definition, which suitably applies only to a restricted and minority of 'cosmopolitans', underestimates the relevance ;glf"rrt.lt'ctive tlrt, pcrsistent (though vague) orientations to the moerland emerf gltrg irr my case study. The transnational projection of Ecuadorian imhlgr,,trt*, as far as their identities and life projects are concerned, can berdly bc regarded as a merely symbolic (Gans 1979) or abstractly paiotic one. Quite the contrary eir homeland orientation may exert a tglevant impact on their patterns of consumption, their ways of sociabil|fy, thcir values and narratives underlying children's upbringing and &elr future life expectations. 'l1rc fct remains at, in terms of 'actually existing' transnational relaonxlrips and practices, the family domain is the only one where - for ttne time, at least - systematic interactions between migrants and the lrerland could be empirically detected in my case study. The realm of rily life, therefore, warrants a deeper investigation in its own right.

;l

is there'a- a real case 3,2 Thefamily level:'Yourbody is here,your heart (and its shortcomings) for transnationalism

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eny widespread social practice within the migration flow I have sturnay qualify properly as 'transnational', it is that which is related to rocial life at distance of family members pushed apart by emigraBuilding on the framework of transnational families (e.9. Bryceson Vrrorela zooz; Landolt & Wei Da zoo5), I will focus on the interacbetween migrant parents and the children who are left behind.5 k set of phenomena includes their personal expectations' the pracr of 'filling e distance' (both in emotional and material terms) and dilemmas parents and children are bound to face. I will shed light the everyday practices of here and there that fuel and reflect reciproeommitment and obligations, rather than emphasise the structural tures of the families involved. The notion of a 'transnational family (Sorensen zoo5; Smith zoo6; Banfi & Boccagni zoro) may be

ially helpful here.

in transnational mothers' accounts, providing for the livelihood of r children stands out as the only explicitly stated, selconscious mis" of the new life that begins after leaving their children behind material gains from emigration may lessen the relevance not the suffering, of their actual affective loss:

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rupposedlyfor a short period. The emphasison e significant ex-

i i Y < lt r r' l s tro rg (' rs y o u s rry ':W r' l l , l ' rtt w otl < i ttg rr l l tt' ttt l otrr" r' i tl , c hild re n l e b e rh i n d l ... n t' s u l l !' ' Strorrgt' r' 'Itttcun l l utl ... yort t hink:' Wh o a m I h e re ' o r I th i nk: i ' l w as al onc, w hul ' s l l rr point of staying here Why do I stay here, rnaking sacritt'ri, staying alone...whyl It wouldn't make sense.t..l I - l lovt' rrry child, but I'm compelled to stay here. Coz you need mo('y, l(. help him. But if you are alone...who are you fighting for) (N, -,, in Italy for five years) Unless the hope of an approaching reunion can be sustained, w()rrr'ri struggle, according to their own accounts,to find meaning and ftrslilrr,r the reastttr.;tl tion in the practice of mothering-at-distance.'Whatever or compelling them to leave, whatever their efforts to l<t'r';rttr ducing touch and the self,sacrificesthey make, transnational mothers lrrrr,llr' deny that they are missing something important in the realm o rrllri tion, in their capability to raise eir children, in eir very toh',r. mothers. This role may shift towards being that of a female brcrrlwtti ner, while those who care for the children left behind take centrt' sl,rlir= in the children's affections.A few interview quotes may be helprl irr il Iustrating each ofthese issues. I've lost so many major things of my life... for instance, my rr mily, which now... exists no more. My husband, for instance. My children, who are growing up without me, which is still wors('., I'm even losing my hope to see them growing up...[...] The orrly thing I will really complain about, till ny - rny last days, is... rrry children. Not being with them, right now. (1, 45, in Italy for vt' years) Most of them [immigrant mothers] - well, they don't really 'or get': they trust those who stay here with their children... I know only this, they get used to staying without them. They forget tlrrrl they are e mothers... [...] They think all is settled with tlr,' money they send back. And it is not... (D, +t, former immigrarrl, interviewed in Machala, Ecuador) M"yb" you can reproach yourself... I mean: I went away, I didrr't see my children growing up... I've completely lost their chiltl hood years. But at the same time you're satised, as your chil dren... never behave badly... I tell them: 'If you behave well, il you keep on studying, if you don't grve it up - I will be always proud of you.'And I think they, while studying, have a good <'x ample of a mother who, from afar, can give them what - whrrt maybe she couldn't have given them at close range. [...] Vy

glowit r g t t p it t llt t '( 'ounlr y,wit lt r ny par cnt slur t:l ti l drt . n vt 'lr t 't , r r ur i rr l l tr, t t t ,r y l) ar ( 'nls c t lr cil owt l) it r ( 't lls. . . ( M17, in I t aly f or , l i rrrl yt'ur s) whom erpitt. these inherent limitations, nearly all mothers-at-distance attempts to retain close ties with the children I lttel rake systematic fey lc behind by sending remittances, communicating at distance lad -' to a lesser extent, given the costs involved - visiting home. The l9le of'remittances, as well as their impact, would deserve a deeper anain its own right (Boccagni zoo9, zoro). I will here make only a rt.marks about communication at distance. While calling home once a week or so is a common habit for most of cuadorian immigrants I have talked with, for transnational the frequency is usually higher and the communication is rged - or maybe overburdened - wi geater meaning and expectalor parents communicating wi children at distance, telephoning be a uniclue opportunity to recover a sense of real proximity voice contact. Hence a peculiar personal space emeges, it is ephemeral and filled wi painful experiences, through h those who left mav dive into the evervdav and emotional lives of who stayed. At the same time, while communicating at distance, a transnational t - and indeed, any migrant - r:rrayrealise that he or she can ly exert any real control over the children (or anybody else) left beThis is manifest, for instance, in e use of remittances. the parents' endeavours, it is only ose taking care of their in situ who may have a chance to really impose their will on . Once again, it seems hard to nd a substitute for actual physical ity. If we look closer, even frecluent phone communication has its shortngs. The loss - or the indefinite postponement - of physical proximuch more so in the delicate realm of primary care relationships, hard to heal. 'Always communicating by phone', as M remarks ponng her own experience, may recreate some feeling of proximity for , but is unlikely to do e same when one's children are involved. No. They don't accept you. They want you to be there. Phoning ir not enough for them. My elder [daughter] can already underrtand you a bit, she knows why one stays here... e younger [son] instead, no - he wants to share all with you, e simple things of every day...no way. (N, 25, in Italy for five years) mothers, when communicating with eir children and families, intentionally to leave out - or even disguise - actual references to

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tl ll rt' t lr c ir ow 1 l i i ' c rl rrd i ti rl n s i,rrtl rrtl i rrH , tnrtrrrl ol tl i l trrl ti cs;l l tl l t,' tt bles they may be acing. Whenever I call them up, they tcll rnc wltat lrappcnstht'rt', wlr'rl they're doing, or how my child's doing - what about school,wlr'rl he did, what he didn't... and anything more about him. All rrlrorrt my family what's happening, what will happen...all aboul llturr If they ask me how do I do here, fine, and I - even wht'rr I r'''l bad - I always tell them I feel well. 'Coz l - I don't want tltt'ttt l, suffer. So, I'd never... tell them how I do really feel. (Y,.r7' rrr Italy for four years) At stake here is an attempt to pevent suffering that may lr:rrtllv I'r' managed at distance,rather than simply the transmitting of arr i1l1';1l1r.r'rl picture of one'S conditions overseas.Whatever the motives, ('otllrrlltrl cation acrossdistancebetweenmgrants and non-migrants- lltorrlilrrtr stantaneousand easily accessible- results in a highly fragmt'trlrtl ,rrr,l selectiveflow of information. The same applies to the incessatll lLrrv 'rl gossip and rumours, which dominates the relationships betwt't'tt r,'rrl patriots in the immigration setting. Ironically, the family membes left behind in Ecuador s('('irr (1rllF .itnl awae of the 'emotional filters' developedby their relatives abt'o;t,1, tend to do the same.6 Only visits back home, ultimately, may |t'.rllv 'rl low for easedcommunication between one another,wiout tht':ttttlrtt,t lent mediation of physical distance. In the accounts of migrant women who leave infant childrt'tt lx'l rrrI'I the most painrl aspectsof transnational motherhood result i0ttt llrr loss of topical moments Such aS birthdays, First Communiotts ;rrrrlt*,ll gious feasts. However'close'one may feel and in spite of any remittartt't's, |ltlirl cal diStanceSeemshere to remain an objecveconstraint - 1ll(lr llr'rlF so when it cannot be bridged by frequent, circular migratiol.'l'ltl vr,rv inability to overcome distance applies most obviously to crititrrl rvrtrte t such as a Serious disease,or even the death, of a family r't'trtlrr ,tl home. This is, for instance,how I told me about her mother's tlt',tllt, r,=' perienced frorn aar. I l<tt"u' [You can participate] only with your own thoughts... as 'We art' rtttttr' from the experience of my mother's death. (...) tomed, there [in Ecuador], to hold a wake at the dead p('tsr)ir''; home (...).That day they did so, then they carried her to lltt' t lttL etery... [here in Italy] we had a mass, the priest praycd ot rttt ti m o th e r' s s o u l to o . (...)B u t a t th c ti mc o' the funcral Ini g,l rt rrr' r in l ta l y ] I w a s a l o n e . I w a s c a l l i r rgl rl ) l l y dl rrrghl < l' rl l l l rr' l i rrr' '

n(l slr t , wlr s lt , llir r gr r r t . :'Wr . : t t 't .lt lt t t oslill lll( 'c( ' r lcl( 'r y low'; ' W c rrr t 'pr lyir r g'. .it wr t slw r l. ( 1, 45,ir r lt r ly r r vc ycar s) .

and_their n tlrt, wlrole, rclationships at distance between migrants ,,rt<',, whether children or not - are permanently exposedto a Gv",l at some :6rl o unspoken uncertainty. This is due to the chance the 'others' egutivc evnt takes place - here or there - wiout physical pretheir eiirg ,trt" to participte direcy, that is, wiout t, is rigirt here that a transnaonal social relationship unfolds :U,r,,,.. inadecluacy, botlr ifs utmost import, in affective terms, and its uost co-pesence 9f evt'n its impotence, in comparison with an ordinary lelelionshiP. 'Wc always sleep with e mobile on', N abruptly tells me' Yot.ou ,r"u.i tel1: 'if they call us from there, all of a sudden, when nornethinghappens...'.(Field notes, Trent, z6'ro'o6) lVhatever may happen there' we do suffer here"' we feel powerless, as we can't help.. *y son, for instance, when he was there being repatriated], he once had a [as an irregular rrngiant, before bike accidttt, and I was in despair here, I didn't know what I y-our could do... you feel impotent'cozyou can't stay there with that's all' All of us tamily, with your child... no way' You suffer, with some relatives there, we suffer the same' (H, 44, mother of e f'ormer immigrant, interviewed in Pasaie)

tft sum up, for most Ecuadorian families divided by emigration,transbasicallya tool for coping with the negativeeffectsof nrtion"l ti", "r" in sepaation, terms of both time and space.Sucha condila extended impingesoth on eir privaterelationshipsand, broadlyspeaking' &n in any proximity *f fn" ir.r[ "rrd scopefor reciprocalcontrol inherent or maer of endurance, of resiilationship. Familyiife at distanceis a
rt affections, along th the social practices emanating from them (e. pracremittances, gifts, ongoing communication)' The more these ey are for those involved, the ls make sensJ and the moie effective is falcker they disappear as a result of a family reunion. Hardly ever or-^resourcein its own right'. It ly life at distance perceiued as a value the ine'xperienced rathei as a natural, albeit difficult, way to counter realm' rlous impact of migration in the afective foreFamily fe at distnce is expected to be a transient condition, whether 'here' or 'there'. It is simdowing a etun to life together, a cons-traint one has to live with, attempting to fill the distance gap emotional indth freqrr.rrt communication, remittances and a constant term may prove - especially in the folu.*"ttt, which in the medium

I r)fl

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r ( ' llr o rt' l u l i o rrs l ri p srt.l w t' t,rr l x )usr,sol l ):ul u(.r' i ' i cl i l r l t,, l s rrl s us t ain. Des pi tere fe rri n gto a s i n ri l rr s c l o rr' l rrl i onsl i l )s cl i sturrtt'l , ;rrr;rr,r rrl r' tional family life has indeed little in cornrnonwith thc socalk'd tl;rrr:rr,r tional social practices, in the public sphere of immigrants' 'tlrr,rl focused'lives.I now turn my attention to these social practic:r's, wlrr,lr in my case study at least, are far less widespreador socially rt.h.v,rrrl than the former. 1o.3J The public spherelevel:The motherlandas a catalyst for transnational symbols Another key area in studying transnational ties in the field conc(-nn rrl migrants' attitudes and behaours in the public sphere, beyorrd tlr,.ir personal orientations or their family belongings. At issue lt.r,. r', whether their sociability patterns in e receiving context, as they rrr,rrrr fest themselves specificallyin co-ethnic 'community' events,havt' s,,rrr, impact on their ties with the motherland. Is there, in oer woltl::, .r link between immigrants' social life here and their ongoing irrvolvr, ment (if there is any) with social life in their home country A 11,,,,1 starng point here is the so-called'socio-cultural'facet of transnatiorr,rl ism. According to a well-known definition, this refers to: transnational practices that recreate a sense of community bast,tl on cultural understandings of belonging and mutual obligatiorr. We examine the scope and determinants of participation in insti tutionalized sociocultural transnational activities, that is, the or mation of a community public space that spans national bordo s. (Itzigsohn & Saucedozooz:767) In empirical tems, e authors draw attention - in the wider r';rrrr'. work of a US suwey on the kansnational practices of three l,;rtrrr,, groups (Portes zoo3) - to certain key indicators: participation in lrorrr,. town associations,monetary support for projects in one's hometou,rr travels back home for public festivities and involvement in any clrrl,,,r charity linked to one's country of origin. As I will show, the structrrrr.r,l the migration flow I have considered (and indeed of most immigrrtr.rr to Italy) is not ripe enough for such transnational practices to have rt'1,, vant impact with respect to all these indicators. To put it differently, rlr'. approach, though possibly pertinent in e US context (at least rr r,, lected minorities of immigrants), far overestimates the potentials r,r ,, real public transnationalism in a recent and poorly structured mignrtr,,l flow such as the one studied here.

r o Irr l l rr,r 'or r lr , xl llr is r r r igr '; r lior Lr w, in r lr r r ulsociabilit yr t : llt iot t wit t t ol t t t r t 'sslt r ily cocxt cnsivc h soliwlr l l ri pr w i l lr t o- r r ir lior ur ls, iclr ur t ' Fir pluy u sigr r i r : ut t t 'it r nr any r espect s. st , cor olt dari l y l r' lllionslr ips, gc:nt:rally rccrcncc point br job and accommodation a fletiorurlsarc :eatt lrt's, as well as f'or leisure activities and friendship networks. Serorrd,theryare a potential resource for organising informal sociability Itrili;rtivcs- in, for instance, entertainment or ethnic consumptions tlrel n'inbrce common feelings of belonging and homesickness.Third, ltr llrc context of immigration, co-nationals are an essential touchstone frr orre's reputation, which may give everybody the incentive to preserve tolrc trust - or at least respect- from the others. For most of the people I rnet, informal gatherings with co-nationals are a natural habit, tonrr,what recalling their earlier life at home, that needs no justification. lJerrcc, they have frequent involvement, within the boundaries of fragruerrlcd subgroups, in common social events such as parties, dinners, ftxrilnll matches and so on. Irr the context I have studied, which is quite isolated from the major Esrradorian 'colonies' in Italy, the scope of informal sociability is, howver,essentially a local one. This is because it cannot rely on the infraItucture of an ethnic economy - that is, on products or services dedieled to their own consumpon and most\ imported from the motherlfnd. The small size of the Ecuadorian collectivity studied (some 4oo ladividuals overall) does not permit a elevant circular flow of goods trd resources from the motherland. Even apart from the impact of their iurrrber, one cannot help but conclude that distance, once again, (still) Algtt('rs. 'lir the extent at some transnational circulation of resources does telt' place between the host country and the motherland, it is mediated by nctworks of co-nationals going to Pasal'e(for holidays only) and then ftlrrning back here. This consists of no more an a few informal and euotionally charged exchanges of photographs, letters, cloes or small prsnts.A short fieldwork account may be helpful here. I am at an organisational meeting of the first local Ecuadorian association. Curiously, it has been summoned right on Easter Day. A public feast, which will take place a few weeks later, should be prepared; few are, as usual, volunteering for this. Once again, I fel astonished by their emphasis on small details which an outsider would find quite irrelevant: e rules for electing the reyna, the girl who will be patroness to e event; [...] the three-colour band she will have to wear, which should be in velvet, with a number of ornamental frills I can't even remember. As petty as they may be, these details (as well as their emphasis on the national flag) may suggest their unspoken but resilient

idc ' t rti tl l i o nw i l l r c u r' l i c rl ru l l i l s ;rr rtlri l u;rl s.l ol l r i rr' l l rt,vr,l vt' l band a n d tl tt: a s s o c i a ti o rru rrn r,r', l tcy w orrkl l i l < t,l l rt' rn l o l rr. l l br oug h t ri g h t n o w o rn L i c u a d r)r tJr(' i rl rol x' l l t' i rrg thl rl sorrrt. pasajeflo,being on holiday just now, nay rcturrin thc rrrt.rrrr time. The only Italian guy there (apart rom me), the husburrtl r'l one of the leaders, makes an objection: well, they could just lruy all that sturight here, it would be cheaper...nobody scors t() agree. It is as if there were always, in their own backgroulttl, ,r blurred (but potentially rich) intermediate social space - thut i:;, the circulation of information and objects between herc ;rrr,l there, along with the circulation (an almost uninterrupted orr,,1 of immigrants on holiday there, and soon back here - which tlrt'y would like to build on, in order to put together the few synrlr,,l: they will proudly eibit on the feast day. It's a pity that, for rrow, this 'social space' is so discontinuous and not much troddt,rr (Field notes, Tient, o8.o4.o6) From a transnational viewpoint, immigrants' informal sociability lor,l,u ambivalent. Conspicuous references to the motherland (eibitirrli tlr' national flag, wearing the national football team T-shirt, reproclrr,rng the flag's colours in one's clothes) coexist with lite interest in c'rrrrr.rrl news from the motherland, and with even fewer contacts - outsirlr,,,l the family domain - with any social, political or economic institutiorr ,rl home. Hence, ere is a common vision of the motherland xs xn lrlr;r,r I of cultural consumption, rather than a signicant point of efererrrr, rrr immigrants' everydaylife (Boccagnizoo7, zoo8). Even immigrants' own associations, spontaneously emerging (;rrr,l vanishing) quite frequently, build on the same pervasive feelings :rrr,l syrnbols of patriotic aliation, though are quite localistic in their st,,;,, and orientation. Whether concerned with leisure and sport activitit.r,,,r occasionally with advocacy and solidarity, they basically aim to srrtr,lt common demands or needs inherent in immigrants' everyday lii'. l'l r, motherland remains an evocativebackground syrnbol; the dimensiorr ,'l mutuality by far prevails over the transnational one in the interests ,rrr,l practices of ose involved. A few field notes illustrate how, once itiurl a common identification with tte motherland, even when pavinpi tlr,, way for a shared collective action, is hardly a channel for contacts or r.r changes with the country of origin itself. In a year, or so, this is at least the third attempt to found an 'ass()( r,l on'involving the Ecuadorians in T?ent. The initiative, this timc, lr,r,, been from I, in Italy for decadesand married to an Italian. At tht' rr,,r meeting, while she talks of 'representing Ecuador' or of 'making s'lr daty'with their country, the others stay silent. They don't lool< v,.rr persuaded. Apparently, they would rather expect to be able to tl;rrrrr

lt lr l l l (,t(' ti l .i, l ls( ) t ( ) lt lt ot lt t t t ilit 's r 'r 't ': 0t it t slr t t t t t ', t t t 'usit 't act t 'ss k) o1x'nr lior r s, ; r s pt t t s it . 'Soliclar it y'isnot an ol S horrrt.kluns, t o blr r r l<ir r g is Nr l l gtrr,rrtst al<t 'lr cr c. lr , ir r dt 'cd, liculdor . At m ost , t he new associa with sorne Christmas initiative,involving entiotr rilrorrldbc c<>nccrrted and presentsor their children, here. (Field notes, Tient, terl;rirrrrrcnl. 7,o4.06]|

Tlre 'start up' of the new associationhas been made, the second meetIlg o'the 'board' has begun. As frank as usual, K summons up what tu(,Nl of them appareny think: 'We'd better help rst those of us who te lrcre! And then, the rest...' (Field notes, Trent, oz.o6.o6) Mrrch caution is needed, therefore, with respect to ltzigsohn and liarrct:do's (zoozl claim of a growing 'participation in immigrant orgaItlralions that promote cultural or social ties wi the country of origin'. 1'his rnay apply (in a few casesat least) to relatively structured migration ryrl('rns, apart from being related to signicant integration in receiving Irx icties (Portes zoq). In my case study, this conjecture is not suppoltt'd by the empirical evidence. In e context of a recent, first-generat|trrr migration flow, immigrants' sociability in the public sphere acts as n clrannel for mutual support and recognition, or for a revival of the parl, but definitely not for 'the creation of an institutionalized transnational public space, not dependent on local propinquity' (Itzigsohn & zooz: 7791. E sttccdo

issuesand lo.4 Fromfieldworkbackto theory:Emerging implications relevant

The more days go by, e more it seems to me that, here and now at least, so-called 'transnational social fields' are nothing but lite paths, ot always laid out well (nor much trodden). Seldom have they geater copethan family relationships, or contents other than exchanges of a[ fbctions at distance...homesickness...and sometimes, whether to complerrrent them or to substitute for them, of remittances. (Field notes, Novemberzoo6) Paraje, immigrants I stayed with qualify, Altogether, the Ecuadorian pasajefi.os lcast in the public realm of their everyday lives, as only 'potentially It ttensnational'. Most of em feel emotionally bound up with their coun\et, given the try o'origin, or possibly wi their earlier ways of living. ltge distances and high costs separating them from the motherland (in travclling and even in communicating), they prove unable to really keep Iu touch with it. Many of them would probably like to do so. This is euggestedby their patterns of sociability in the public sphere, which atttpt to reproduce their earlier 'social worlds', i.e. their own habits,

ly

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v alu( s d l i i ' s ty l c s rra rrri z o o o l ). (l i vcrr l l rr.sl l rrr' l rrr;rl l rrtl i l i orn at ((i z t< ' ,1 im m igr an t l i , h o w c v c r, th c a c tu a l tr arrsrurl i ortrl r.rl rr' l i orrs rrrr i rrl o grants ae are and inconsistent, and tht'ir knowlt'dgt'o't:urr.rrlt,vt'rrt', in the motherland is just anecdotaland supercial,being shrrrlt'tll,r their prevailing disregard and disenchantment with political lii. tlrt,r,, A somewhat diferent picture emerges for their family livcs. lior ,rt least as long as family members live apart - which applies espttirrlly t,, migrant mothers and children left behind - a constant flow of irrorrrr,r tion, affections and even material resourceslinks immigant wor'l((,rstrl their significant others at home. Though widespread, these artiorr based relationships at distance are a reaction to an unwelcome s('l)lr,l tion - hoped to be a short-term one, though not necessarilyso * r;rtlr,r than a deliberate attempt to keep'living in two places',building orr tlr,= potential opportunities inherent in one's double embeddednesswiilrrl separate social systems. Having said this, affective relationships of proximity at distancc rrr,rr. be successrl the short term and from an'instrumental'poirrt r'l in view (i.e. in earning a livelihood). They can, however, hardly endow rrrr grants and non-migrants with e dep of communication or thr.,,;' porfunity to negotiate and control each other's behaviours inhert'rrt rrr any co-proximity relationship (Urry zoo6). Unless such a relatiorrslrrlr is restored in the medium term, o at least replaced by frequenl iorii neys back home, proximity at distance seems bound to be an extrcrrrr,lv vulnerable and weak condition. This holds not only for motherirrli,rt distance, but also for elective relationships between spouses ;rn,l pafines. Overall, my ethnographic evidence questions the validity of a faslrrorr able notion such as 'transnational social field'. While some aullr,r', would have it as no less than an empirical research tool, my study su;i gests it is far too vague for fieldwork use and contentious not only ;rrr.i theoretical tool, but even as a simple metaphor. Rather than transnational, most social ties maintained at distanct. lri' the people I stayed with are actually translocal, as they involve orrly ,r specific local community of origin (Waldinger & Fitzgerald zoo4). 'l'lrr. label 'transnational' may instead apply, to some extent, to their wirl.r patriotic or nostalgic orientations, in basically syrnbolic terms. Ratlrrr than 'long-range fields', Ecuadorian immigrants' accounts reflect u rrr,l of fragmented and highly particularistic relationships, hardly t,v,,r stretching beyond the familial domain and not always predictabk. even within that domain - in eir actual solidity and pesistencc. Ali signicant as'cross-border contacts'may tun out to be - especialyrrr the aective realm - they generally act, and are perceived as, a poor sul rogate for physical proximity.

(i i vr,rrllr is sr r r ; r ll 'ollco llr r t r snr r liot ur listtttt'r t ns sucl as't r ansnasr , pr t t il>ir r gir t t t t t igr ant s' ivat ised ies at dist ance sotiul pll[ s' c. lt 'sr ti orurl tlrt' rcalrn o aIi'ctivcrr'lati<ltts or'transnationalsocialtracks'- that ltr ll, llrcir cvcn weaker transnational connections in the public sphere lrrrrylx' rnore appropriate metaphors than'transnational social fields'.

to.5 Conclusions

Applying a transnational perspective to a recent migration flow originatitrg rom a distant country highlights both frequent relationships and exchangesat distance in the realm of family life and a growing embeddedncss in the local immigration context. Proper 'transnational practices' .' involving entrepreneurship, political actism, socio-cultural initiatlvt's, philanthropy or whatever else - are instead marginal, apart from fenittances. In contrast with transnational family relations, transnationelisrn in the public sphere is much more selselective,contingent and even elitist. It is only within the scope of kin ties - or, moreover, priltlary care relationships - that transnational hypoeses are substantlctcd, at least for as long as family members live far apart. In any other feilpect, the moerland is sIl a source of identity and belonging, but trtuch less a source of opportunities in ordinary immigrant lives. No wonder Waldinger (zoo8) argues that a relevant transnational enggcment in one's private sphere may coexist with a substantive emlleddedness in the receiving country (whatever one's persisting national lel:identification may be). Still, if the diagnosis of an ambiguous coexand publc localsm (noI necessarily lgttrnce of prvate tra.nsna.tionalism nrounting to straight 'assimilation') is correct, one may wonder if it Itlll makes sense - from a sociological ewpoint - to frame the twofold phcnomenon under a common analytical rubric. The persistence of signlcant social relationships at distance may, in itself, be a poo reason br maintaining a common 'theoretical qualifier'. The two forms of trcnsnational social ties are in fact quite dferent in their extent, sustlinability and impact. On the one hand, private transnationalism is relatively widespread, but - from an individual viewpoint at least - likely to decline in the iledium term, together with remittances, insofar as families come together again (or if, instead, they split up forever). On the oer hand, public transnationalism - in terms of distinctive social practices intertcting with e homeland, apart from common syrnbols or belonging lc much less frequent and more selective; in my own case study, it is almost non-existent. Whether it gains relevance, even in the medium tsrm for first generations only, depends moe on key structural factors thcn on immigrants' will. These factors include the potentialities for

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torr t he dev el o p m c n to ' a n ' c tl trti c(' (o l l o l tl y' ,;rri l i l ;rl i rrgb< l l l tt' l l l tti t l ow l trcl sl l tt' l ttol l rIt ori l S um pt ion n d tra n s n a ti o n a b u s i n t' s s t ' s t' tl l t' tl t'l1 land; the political oientations prevailing irt cotttttrit'sof'<lrigirr rnerely symllolic ;rt| .r whether utittg at distance is bound to remain a lil'' a potential chnnel for emigrants' greater influence on the p.lilit;rl weight throttlllr rr' back home, which reinforces their huge economic mittagces; the accessibility and costs of communication at clisl;ttrrr' both in terms of information and communication technologiesatrtl 1'lri' sical transportation to the motherland. lr i', From ali these ewpoints, the translocal case I have studied, wltir between Ecuador and lt;rlv likely to apply to the overall migration flow lls(.':irrl or Europe verall - suggestsscepticism about over-generalised .transnationaliim'. Apart from all other factors, geogtlrlrlrrr,rl the term r distance makes it relatively hard to keep up transnational pt':trlt| ties and attachnrt'rrl while creating lesser obstaclesfor interpersonal rltttli= The very rrtiotr of transnationalism, ultimately, conflates thrt't' ,moerland references" which may be more or less rclt'v;ttrl irr distinct immigrant life exPerience: r) social ties at distance with one's motherland structured by itrr political, economic or other institutions through which tlri'' country of origin remains for the migrants a source of riglrtr" opportunities, identities or belonging; zt siial ties at distance with one's family, or with a litttilt'rr group of 'signicant others', embedded in a regime of mttltt;rl affections and obligations ; 3) em o ti o n a l a n d a ffe c ti v e ti e s w i immi grants,earl i er.l i vr.,' whoseoftenidealisednostalgicmemorycontastswithtrt't.r igencies of e immigants' hard present life; this orienlrrliotr twards the past malpave the way for ongoing contacts willr home but will rarely support a viable future 'dual' life proit't I tl In my case study atleast, I found a continuum of increasing t'ttt|)ttt, from public ties at distance to private otlt': 'rttrl saliencewhen moving .Whether the term 'transttltliott'tl' to ties based on mer reminiscence. of all three manifestations ties acrossbot'tlt't" 'rrr'l should be applied to l,rr which one ould be e focus of analysis is an issue that wartrrttl:; transnational migration studies' more attention in future

Notes
s 'l ,l rr.olk rw i rrg t.y l i tt,r' utrrr0 i t' w sl rc l pi rl l yc l i s tl tts both the proper and the not-s ort,v k in rnigraticln research: Kivisto (2ooI), Lett and llr{)l)(,r us(,s rl trarrsrrationalisnr (z oo7)' i ;l i .k S . l ' i l l "r- (z oo4), V c rk rv c c(z oo4al and Lev i ttand faw ors k y ( )rrt, rrthcr aspect f transnationalism missing in Portes' definition concerns tansand receiving states rrali0ilrl institutional structures and policies of sending (l l l rrb(ic kz oo3). ''1r.,r"r,,rr.h pio..r, resulted in a significant investment of writing down - and "lro & Shaw zoor)' along with tl,,ruu"tyrittg - my own field notes lsee Emerson, Fretz (see Bertaux zoo3)' As I aimed to understand migrants'reprerrrig,',rnts''nariatives these meodological options r,",,iations and use of their transnational social ties' a set of formal interviews w('r(' rnore promising than an impersonal survey o even in a specific ethnographic^setting)' As such' this chapter lrrrrlcss they were siated and self-critical research t,.rrlains iequent recouse to my field notes s a reflexive Itx )1. mother wi wvo children left lrtrrn the interview wi'}-I (44, in Italy for four years), a lrt,lrind in Ecuador. realm of interactions at disN() lcss significant and even more troublesome is the tancebetweenpartnersseparatedbytheemigrationofeither:fortheEcuadoriancase (zoo9)' rret'Pribilsky (ioo4), Banfi and Boccagni (zoro), Boccagni the acf iound systematic evidence of a greater awareness regarding Wlrile in n"."1., I expected' A fieldwork passage may tual life conditions of immigrants in Italy than l rrhel pful here.Iti s dr"* rr"frommy v i s i tw i thD ,aformeri mmi grant' w hos ec hi ' l rlrtn aie still in Italy and with whom I have often talked' with the usua paintings llere we are at Mrs. D's. [.'.] In the dining room' along sma1l photo - right of their ancestors hanging n the walls, I cast an eye on a Mrs D TV set. It showi a girl, in ltaly, outside a Despar supermarket' ubove the and has come back' In her wake' an has been to Itah as an irregular migant, left too. She says she indefinite number ofchildrn, brottrers and nephews has all my children" Only at last' while would return now, but 'only together with one of her children still in asking her for some more phoios, do I realise that those guys who seem Italy,n their twenties, is S (still undocumented):-one of play football and lisen to (loud) music all the time' He has not called to rink, uph ome' .forfi v emons ,,buts hel ook s res i gned,ratherthanw orri ed..H eal answer' but l-feel ys drinks a lot, doesnt het' I try to come up with a vague of s,s situation - despite living far from by her lucid account ,"ily i_p."rr"d for despite - I guess - their poor communication' No room him for y""r., "rrd around' that's all" she sighs at last' migration mlths, here' 'They' messing z (Fi e dnotes , P as aj e, z .r r.o6)

il

Chaptertt

m national igrantnetworks ng Operationalisi trans matched througha simultaneous samplemethodologY

Valentna Mazzucato'

fl,l

Introduction
policy ttt"t; is a topic of great interest in both research and migrants to developed the one hand, e increasing numbers of have and e xenophobic reations in many of these countries

io ,-rf"*

counsocieties. On the other hand, governments of developing increasingly conoganisations have become *"fopment t",h": "'"-ttt" gr"t contribuiion that migrant-t".t"iP"::: of

of st'dis focusing on migrant integration in receiving-

"*"r"r,"., institutions to ion"l Monetary Fund and other international for the development of ission st-rdies ofthe effects of remiances

;.;"";;l;t.

Thi.

"'

T,"k; led e world Bank' the

lgranthome countries. -Ttrese studiessplit migrants' lives in two: they focus on.eith* Tl or the eectsthat migrants have fru*, ao in th receivingcountry is ir. p""pf" backhome. *i"tt t, however, more "Ti"qTd:*lthe country of origin and creatiir n"it maintaining linkages wi a senseof new socialties, adaptingidasand valuesand redefining
, ---^ b waS was ^ F residence' n e t i n n e l i s m' ng in the new- country of -^ ^ : ^ -ra ' T? e n q'Transnationalism' to bring these two resear areaJ a concept in the early r99os realities could be io b"", on orr another. It wa oted that migrant lnkages.b:y":" hof" erstood only by taking into consideration-the

these linof hst co.rrrties and lhe simultanety flows with which

are created and maintained. ; ; ;t9"t ere has been a burgeoning of.11s1atio"'1.:* transnation"ny tn.tical works have been written, identifying of study' Empirical studies have adas a nevr' and unique area and are still devel the eoretical concepts to difering degrees to operationalise these concepts' methodologies rough which reviw of the important theoretical concepts offr, .h"ft"t "

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al( ill itra tts ttl tl i o ttl tl i s rrrru ri r;rrc rl t,l ro sl rrtl y;r1rl i tl t' 1l i t,s;r rr i rr, m aining rn e th o d o l o g i c a la p . l t t' x p l o r cstl rr' rorrl l i l l rrl i ons g o a si rrrrrl t.r neous matched sample (SMS) rnethodology by way of.a casr, ilrl Ghana TansNet researchprogramme - witir'reflections on the r<ircrs ,l additional tnowledge an sMS methodorogy can contribute to crrr.r.rrl understandings of migration. In the second section ofthe chapter I briefly review transnatiorrurisrrr as a concept, categorise empirical studies according to e methocr'r, gies used and identify a methodological gap. Sectio three describt,sirr detail the sMS methodology used by the cihana T?ansNet research rrr, gramme. section four reviews some findings emerging from the SMS methodology that can supplement knowledge about"mgr"tion. Secti.r r five concludes with some recommendationi fo, researc"h and dever.1, ment policy.

11.2 Transnationalism Glick Schiller, Basch and Szanton Branc (i992) were among the first r. theorise about the concept of transnationafsm. what sets teir anarysis apart from previous approaches to e study of migration is that they ir cus on migration within a globalising economy dr"* into questiorr "nd the role of the nation-state in reguhng e activities that migrnts errgage in and the identities that they ceate. Tiansnationalism iroblemr tises notions of space that assume that physicar, social an political spaces overlap perfectly onto one geographical area. The nation-state afects the way migrants move a.rd-organse themselves by .r""tirrg b.,riers for them (via restrictive visa phcies) or providing opportuitie, (e.g. employrnent wiin developed country economiesi. i " ,"_,. time, there are also flows that transcend the nation-state such as cultural images (Appadurai's (rgS6) eno-space, media_space, etc.), peoplc and goods that contribute to the constitution of new t i"a, or,p".r. various definitions of transnationalism have been set forth, reflectin, the diferent disciplinary backgrounds of scholars it has Basch, Glick schitler and szanton Blanc define transnationalism "*".i"l as .the processes" which immigrants forge and sustain multistranded by social relations that link together eir societies of origin and settlement, (1994:7). Vertovec emphasises the importarr.. oipeople within net_ works by focusing on the 'multiple tes and,interactitns hnking f"opr" or institutions across the borders of nation_states' (i999: 447y1ione", Guarnizo and Landolt delimit the concept of transnatiorrtir*-to ocupa_ tions and qctvitesthat require sustaine contacts over time across national borders (1999: zr8). Other authors emphasise the flow of

acr ol ; l llr f i rrrrrrrrtt 'r 'ir rings st r r 'lrt t s it lr , t t st r r t , / r , r , lir lgssolidar t y osslxr und llnl st 'r vt 't o r r t t tt r at t snat ionaldent t es. r 994. b) eri cs (C l i 1 r r "d What thcsc dcnitions havc irr conmon is their emphasison the linkagcs that bind people living in difrent countries. A major contribulion of the literature on transnationalism has been to recognise the indi vidual migrant as a member of a larger whole that extends beyond geographical boundaries. This conceptualisation of transnationalism has rnethodological consequences. Hanneru $998) explains that in most lransnational cases,the most relevant unit of analysis is e network, or what others have called transnational communities' villages (Levitt eoor) or circuits (Rouse r99z). Simultaneity is considered to be a second distinguishing feature of transnational linkages (Levitt & Glick Schillet zoo4l. New technologies (airplanes, telephones, satellite technology, faxes and computers) make movement and communication between large distances possible with much greater frequency, speed and regularity and in greater numbers than even just 50 yeas ago (for overview articles see Etrhnca'nd Racial Studies zz(z\; Yertovec 2oor; Mazzucaro, Van Dijk, Horst & De Vries zoo4l. This makes it possible for people to be simultaneously engaged in bo their home country as well as in other countries where they have lived or are living. Simultaneous engagement enables linkages to tighten between dispersed people, new livelihood opportunities to emerge, social institutions to change and hybrid identities to develop. These changes have led to qualitative differences in how migrants, the cities in which ey live and their home communities are impacted by migration (Foner t997). Thus, simultaneity and networks are tlvo important aspects that emerge from the theoretical transnational literature' In what follows I investigate how these aspects have been operationalised in meodologies used by transnational studies. The simultaneity of flows means that at least two locations must be incorporated into one research etd. This has been operationalised in two ways. One is by situating research in one geographical location, usually migrant-receing areas,l but focusing on people's discourses about home and their feelings of belonging. Many transnational studies zoor; follow this line of questioning (Charles t99z; @srergaard-Nielsen zooz; Smith 1998). Th"y are fundamental to the Poros zoor; Salih point that in order to understand migrant realities, it is not sucient to study how migrants take on cultural forms of e countries in which they reside, or whether they participate in local labour markets. It is also necessary to understand how migrants relate to their countries of origin in their imaginaries, in the cultural forms they practice, the political identities they associate themselves with and e discourses they engage in. These studies have, however, largely neglected the more

?()ll

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( l ilk r ia ls o c i a li l d (' (:o tl o l i l rw s i rt w l ri r' l rl l l rrrsnl rl i onlirl r,rrl i l i r.r cl rr s ult , aand th e y d o n o t i n c l u c l c rryo rrpi ri cul rt' st' urchrr tl rc ol l rt,r' k,t,r a i tion: a migrant's home community that is conccptualiscd [rt'irr11 as rrrr portant by the theoretical transnational literature. Furthermorr', trrr.r,r studies cannot be distinguished from any others on identity ancl r,tlrrrr city that were undertaken before the coining of the conc(.;)t ,,1 transnationalism. A second type of transnationalism study that became more prcv;rh.rrl in the late r99os and early zooos operationalisedsimultaneity by sturrr, ing both home communities and migrants'country of residence joirrtly, giving rise to theoreticalreflections on the need for multi-sited resr,rrrr lr (Hannerz 1998; Stoller 1997; Marcus 1995). These two-country enrprrr cal studies offer something apart from preous methods and their ;r;, proach will thus be e focus for e rest of this chapter. Two categories of two-country studies can be distinguished: tlro:;r. with matched samples and those without. A matched sample focuses ,,rr networks of people linked to one another across national boundaric.s ;r:; the unit of analysis. Unmatched sample studies select people who;rr,, on both sides of the migration process but may not be directly linkecl ro one another. The individual is thus e unit of analysis in unmatclrt,rl sample studies, whle the network is the unit of analysis in matcht,rl sample studies. Unmatched sample studies are more numerous. Since the r99os, two-country unmatched sample transnational strr dies have burgeoned. They have taken research on the linkages betwecrr countries further by conceptualising home and host country as a singl, arena for migrants' social, economic and political action (Basch et al. 1994; Feldman-Biancor99z; Gardner rggg; Glick Schiller & Fourorr 1998; Guarnizo, Portes & Haller zoo3; Hinojosa Ojeda zoo3; Mattlrt,i & Smith 1998; Marques, Santos & Araujo zoor; portes & Guarnizo r99r; Riccio zooz; Rouse 1992). Matched sample studies are fewer (Osili 1998; Saifullah l(han 1977: De la Cruz 1995; Massey 98il.Because such studies collect information from both sides, they best investigate questions about the inner workings of transnational flows and link migrants' actions wi those o people back home. These questions include: how do migrants decide t<r whom they send remittancesl What kinds of reciprocal relations exisl between people living in dierent countries, and how do they work 'V/hat mechanisms do migrants use to ensure at remittances get usecl as they intend, and, at the same time, are migrants' remittances being used in the way migrants intendedl A reew of two-country transnational studies (seeTble rrA.r) shows that few studies work with matched samples and no study to date has involved collecting information from both ends of the migration process simultaneously.

. A rrrotrg slt lwo r r t lt t 'rt r t ct lr <ld<llt lg lr lwo- t or r r r lly ir r r sr ur lior ur l t t lit 's, t di nti rrcl i or rcur rlx'r r t lr k': t lt cir sr 'o; x', t 'llr t ingt o t he num ber of people s population,be it inwith thc research tttey sttrdy,ancl tlrc typc o crontact ierrsivt' or one-o (this categorisationis presented in Table rrA.z). The nrajolity o' studies is large in scope (more than twenty respondents) slrd uses methods in which respondents are interviewed only a few linrcs (such as suveys or one or two in-depth interviews per esponrrt). Such one-off methods can be used to learn the extent of certain ele plrt'nomena and can produce reliable data only if the population involvcd is not vulnerable (e.g. migrants with working permits). In cases o' a vulnerable population, a relationship of trust between researcher errcl respondent is necessary and an intensive research meodology is uccded. Intensive methods involve repeated contacts wi the same people. Table rrA.z shows how the studies that use intensive methods are Itrr the most pat ethnographies. They do not collect cluantitative data srd cannot assessthe extent of e transnational phenomena they study zoor). (Portes This chapter explores a simultaneous matched sample (SMS) methodology in which a relatively large matched sample of respondents is stuclied simultaneously and intensively (repeated visits over a long period of time). It is similar to an ethnosurvey, as described by Massey FgSZ)' in that it uses multi-meod data collection and a matched sample of respondents, yet it gives equal attention to, and collects data simultaneously from, both sides of the matched sample. The chapter reflects on the experiences of using such a methodology from the Ghana TransNet research programme by investigating what it can add to our knowledge of transnational migration and by discussing some considerations one needs to make before employing such a methodology.

methodology sample matched rr.3 A simultaneous

The Ghana TransNet research programme5 examines hoq migrants' transnational networks affect the principles and institutionso on which local economies are based. Through the flows of goods, money, services and ideas between migrants and the people they know in their home country values, knowledge, economic opportunities and means of social assistancechange, adapt and transform. This ultimately impacts the institutions that shape local economies both at home and abroad' The Ghana TransNet research programme aims to understand how local economies are being changed by focusing on institutions that are impacted by migrants' transnational lives. The methodology thus takes migrants' simultaneous engagement in tvvo or more countries directly into account (Mazzucalo zooo). The

VAI lrNl lNA

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i l o pr ogr a n rroi s c o rrrl to s t.c l l l tl r.t, p ro i t.t:i l r;tst' rl tt l l tt' t' t' i tl t;trttl ;rl rl A ttt' nodes of G h a n a i a n m i g ra n ts ' l r' ;rrrsrurl i on;rl l w otl < s: tttsl cttl ,trtr, llte cal)ilitl( tl\ where most Ghanaiansin the Nethcrlulrls lt'sirlt';Acc1t, through; atttl trrt,rl of Ghana,where most migrants have lived or passcld to semi-urban villages in the Ashanti Region of Ghana, to whiclt trt,rtl migrants trace their roots. The projects have been conducted sitttrrll,r neously so that transactions between people could be studied otl lrr'llr sides and in real time. Migrants'socal netwoks ae taken as the unit of analysis. Milir,rrrl': have a multiplicity of contacts with people in their home country, t,rtl ging from friends and family members to business partnes and t l rrrrr l r members. we were interested in investigating the different roles ol I'rrr and non-kin relationships in migrants'netlvorks, ather than to assttttt' thai it is only kin relationships that are elevant, as is done in slttrlt,", that take the household as the unit of analysis. Both quantitative and qualitative eseach methodologies w('r'(' ,rlr plied over a tvvo-yearperiod (zoo3-zoo4) with rr5 respondenls wlr" were followed intensively over the three research locations.TIn :t lrr'.1 phase, z9 Ghanaian migrants in Amsterdam wee selectedbasecl,,rr ,r netlvork suvey conducted among ro6 migrants. There exists no lr;r:''' line survey of Ghanaiansin the Netherlands,and a large number o trtt gants are undocumented. The ro6 Ghanaianswee therefore st'lt'tlt'rl through a variety of gateways (churches, community leaders, hontt'lilwtt associations,cultural projects and randomly encountered migratll:r lrr markets or at the workplace). The diversity of gateways helped ('il!ilil' our coming into contact wi a wide variety of migrants with dilt'r|rrt indidual and network characteristics. Once the selectionof respondentswas made, the second phaselol tlr'' pogamme could begin. The researchteam joiny developedQltt'slrrrtr naires and question lists so that the same information would be:;r:i1.,',1 for in the three researchlocations. First, a transaction study was tlt'vr'l oped to record on a monthly basis all transactionsconducted in t'ililrt domains of daily life, which were identied from literahrre and ;rr,'lr minary fieldwork as being important in the economic lives of migr:rrrl'; and people back home. These domains are housing, business (irrt lrr,l ing farming), funerals, church, health care, education, communi( itI t,,t t' and community development projects. Tiansactions wee recordt'tl ott ,t 'rrlonthly basis during the period of fuly 2oo3 Io lune zoo4. Secottr| , rrr delth-interviews were carried out on the eight domains. Third, lilr'lrrr, tories were collected, focusing on the changes in people's socilrl trt l works roughout their lifetime. Fourth, observation of, and par'lir rp,r tion in, social events were employed in Amsterdam from fune 2oo-' 1. Felrruary zoo5 and in locations in Ghana from May zooj o Arr11r"t
2004.

samPle matched from a simultaneous ri,+ Results

rt.vicwsrrclingsrorrl thc Chana TransNet researchproltix sr.cti<lrr are gturnnr(' llrat arc particular to the SMS methodology' Reflectionsfrom f,ro,l.,,,,, lrow the ndings supplement current knowledge coming studies' ttalrstlrtional, migration and migration and development ountrtes across 11.4,1Linkingpolicyconsequences as policies that flrpt.rrditure patterns reflect migrant objectives as well methotr,uy <,'r."t" oi facilitate certain expenditure categories' An-S{S simutadok,gy allows migrants' expenditure patterns to be studied and across t,.,,,*ly in the country of origin, in the country of residence migrants'exfrgtionalborders. At e same time, it allows the effects of to be obsewed directly. As such, an terclitures on network members 'svt s methodology can show the direct effects that policies in one country nru" on liveihoods in another. The example of Amsterdam-based (iir r naian migrants' expenditures illustrates such effects' Chanaian migrants' in the Netherlands from our sample spent over expendituresS on remittanc::t -------15 pc cent of th-el, total non-consumption of money i n" p"rioa of fuly 2oo3 to lune zoo4. Remittances consist per cent of these and goods sent or carried to Ghana by migrants' Forty ferrrittances was spent on help for network members or oganisations health, irr Ghana (includng funerali, church donations, education, and 5o per eornmunity development projects and general subsistence)' pertaining to ent was spent on investments (on housing or business zoo6)' Almost 5 per the migrant himself or herself) (Mazztcato et al' in' the .uut *, spent on identity documents for travel to, and stay miscellaneous expendiNetherlands, and the remaining 5 per cent on zoo5). Irrres(Mazzucato At the same time, aimost 6o per cent of non-consumption expendipattures was spent in the Netherlands. Non-remittance expenditure in e Dutch economy as tcrns show in what ways migrants participate abilwcll as the consecluencesDutch migration policy has on migrants' to development' Ity to send money back home and contribute ciscussions of whether migrants support the neighbourhoods and migrants start their own busities in which ey live focus on whether minesses or buy their own homes. Like any inhabitants, however, city or country where they live grants can support e neighbourhood, r, *"rry difernt ways. Table rr.r presents the major non-remittance items and their geographic destination based on the transexpenditr_r.re one-yea aciion study conducted with 3o Ghanaian migrants''g9r"a period.

VAI l i N 'l IN A N 4AZ Z tl ( At( l

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ceographic destinationof largestnon-remittanceexpenditure ir.rrn ,l Amsterdam-based Ghanaianmigrants

lnternational Amsterdam o Dutch wax cloth (Vlisco)' o Busi ness and income taxes o Health care taxes c Lawyers . Foreign police Ho u sin g a n d h o u se h o ldr e fu se taxes Personnelfor own b u sin e ss c 'Connecionmen't' c 'Conneclion men'b o Dutch embassyin hana o Internati onal phorrr cal l s o E l ectroni c appl i a nces o A i rl i neti ckets o S hi pmentsvi a scu freight

The Netherlands

Neighbourhood o School party

o Ho u se p u r ch a se (real estate o C h u r c h / asso cia tio n agencies) donations o Re n t ( h o u sin g . F o o d s h o p p in g corporations) r Liquor (or . Ca r p u r ch a se celebrationsof rites (second-hand o passage) stores) o Services(child-care, o t e l e p h o n eca ll cenres,money transfers,travel agencies) .

. ar o- und z'ooo' lt Froccdtrrt '. t zool ar r clzoo4, st t t ll ; x'oplt 'clt ar gcd for staying and the fees 6n",li*,, years,thi' irnnrigratiorrpolicc raiscd eightfold and fourfold, respectively (Table residency p.r-it, lrru,on*ni to their monthly init,r1. For some migrnts, this iost is equivalent migrants onics. One of the most substantial costs for undocumented and zoo4' the ln zoo3 la obtaining papers in the informal economy' -rui su.h transactionswas between ro'ooo and r5'ooo' going rate people's papers in 1t. tir", signicant cost incurred is for using other of /ner keeps 3o order to *oiL. Th" unwritten rule is that e papes' D ercento f t henet salar year nedbyeundocum ent edm igr ant 'This to almost '4,5oo per year for the blue-collar iobs typically ., "_"", forgone income of held by undocumented migtanti' Another cost is the jobs that are inaccessible to those without a working per.n."p"yi"g is the cost of e ill health likely to result frorn workr"ir fi"JUyere economy iobs. These-iobs are usually physically stressing itt i"At-al strong cleaning fu- fo, example, cleaning jobs, in which people lnha-le for large parts of the movement solvents all dy o, ,"p""i ih" t"-" day - and lead to ailments. diture patterns on both sides of the migration process th.r" ""p"t to Girana and investments and spending in the - remittances in their home Netherlands - reflect e double engagement of migrants At the same time' some country and in the country where they reside' reflect the hardening of Dut migration policies that cre.*p"nl*t.t police) at bo a formal economy (lawyers, embassies, immigration marriage parrners' use and an informal economy ('connection men',e not taof oers' documents) of identity papers' Were these resouces (visas, passports' work perken up by obtaining identity documents that these re*io;, *" "dtr." froin migrants' current spending patters to the Dutch ecolomy ,orrf", would be spent in ways.lhat contribute \_

Source:Transaction study 2003-2004;table from Mazzucato (200g) Nofa: Entries in italics indicate non-productiveinvestments. " This is a type of high-quality.croth used to make crothing, produced by a Dutch company a n d m u c h v alu e din m a n y Afr r ca nco u n tr ie s. b Refersto persons who faciritateobtaining traveror residencypapers in exchangefor paymenr.

The :on Tay fave,,,had fact at e embassy verifiesthe detailedinformation it requiresr grants leads,the migrants to hire people to overseethe verification -i-

Non-remittance spending shows that Ghanaian migrants contribute to businesses and services that are offered at the neigbourhood, city, national and international levels. Not all spending-, however, leas to gron in e formal economy. Much money gets bsorbed into the formal and informal economies of identity papers (see italicised items in Table rr.r). As mentioned, identity p"p"ri bsorbed per cent of total 5 emittances sent, but they also take up financial-rro.rr.., in the Netherlands. Substantial amounts of mony are spent on lawyers' fees. some lawyers are of very low quarity, not having speciarised'in rnigration law, and can cause delays and, ultimatery, e-denial of a visa request due to improper handling of the application procedure (personar communication, head of visa office, Dutch consulate, nccra, z March zoo4). Fees^ charged by the Dutch embassy for legalisation of documents and tor yisas can also lead to substantial spending. Legalisation ments for ph' n zooz and, due alone cost ph, in zoo2 and. rirre to hiohlv <rrinopnrn n.o,t,,-^- ^^rlone highry stringent pro"drr""s, ^ p.r" to pay the fee severaltimes b;for; succeeding.

Tab| el r. zCost ( in) of f or m alandinf or m aleconom yof ident it ypaper s, 2001,2003 Netherlands
2oO1 2oO3

permi t R esi dence Renewalof residencePermit permi t for unl i mi tedti me R esi denc e of Legalisation birth certificate proc edure 'H el p' w i th l egal i s ati on Marriage partner Use of other Person'swork Permlt fee 'Typcal'immigration lawYer Prison stay for two months rce'.fable from M azzucato (2005) Sou

56 0 227

430 285 890 122 2,000 10,000 I s,000 earne o 307o salary 1,000 4,000

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fl pF l t^t'toN AI l l i l N ( ; i l rA N : ; N AI l o N A I

I l N 4 i r l i ^ N I l ' 1 1 'W l t l l l i i ,

at t hc nc i g h b o ttrl r< x rdi,ty o r ru rl i rl rral lt,vt.l s,o tl tl l i nal i ol i rl c l cor;r,,1,1 t ions and to th e l o c a le c o n o mi e s ' c i L i es o and vi l l agcs n C l hanl . i Our analysislinks migrant spending in the receiving couutr.ywrtlr spending in the home country and highlights how migration polir ilr; rl a receiving country can have development consequencesfor st'rr,r,,,11 countries. An SMS methodology also brings these effects to light orr tlrr individual level. |oy, a Ghanaian nurse living in e Netherlands, w,r,, never able to have her nursing diploma validated in the Netht'rl;rrr,l, and worked in the lowest ranks of elderly care for nine years. Joy lr,r,l grown increasingly dissatisfied with the repercussions for herr sr.ll esteem and, during our fieldwork, her patience reached a limit. Slr, decided to move to e United Kingdom, where she had a better cl;rrrr r. of getting her diploma recognised. This move had nancial corr,, quences,as she needed to pay for her trip and housing in the Ul(, ;rrr,l would not have income for the time it would take her to obtain a rrrrr sing job. Her husband in the Netherlands had to use all his savings r,, support her and took on an additional night job. The consequenccs ,l this additional spending for foy's immediate household and her rrt'l work in Ghana were documented in the transaction study. foy and lr,.r husband were supporting a nephew through school in Ghana and, as ,r consequenceof foy's move, were unable to pay e school fees for tlr,. remainder of the academic year. By the end of our fieldwork, no on(' irl Ghana had been able to compensate the lost money and the child w;r:r taken out of the school. Observing is elect was made possible by collecting transaction dut;r simultaneously in different locations. foy and her husband had rror mentioned their inability to pay school fees for the nephew; perhaps h, cause they had not ought to do so, or because they were ashamcrl. Questioning respondents in Ghana long after e boy had been tak<'rr out of school may not have turned up this information as the link bc tween the remittances and the boy's schooling may have been forgotte rr or was not clear in people's minds. This effect might not have emergctr had the research relied solely on informants on one side - instead o both sides - of the migraon process simultaneously. Having transnational lives means that factors affecting migrants' rt'souces will have repercussions in more than just one couny. Economic studies of e benefits and costs of migration for receiving countries t1pically focus on migrants' participation in e labour markel and their use of social services such as education, health and pensiorrs (Roodenburg zoo3). The analyses presented here show at a more accurate estimation/of the costs and benefits of migration involves widening e scope of /nese studies. A broader view as such would include estimated costs d excluding migrants from participating in an economy to e state of the receiving country (the budget of the Dutch migration

llr pol i rt, i s gr t , ; r lt . r . ur r llr lr l 0l llr | wlt 0lc ol llr t ' t JNll( 11 ( Vt r t : nl<ar r r ill r esour ces, r l i r -lhr or r r , ,zool) ) , t 0 llr c r r t iglur r l( i. c. r t : duccd_ " rrtl .,y country lii') lrrd ttl thc migrant's home healtlr ilnd an unsatis'lctory r ( r,rtoty i. c. 'or gonc em it t ances) . Fr It,4.t Two-waY flows flows Sltrclies on migration and development often focus on one-way also flows that ar1 what mignts do for e home country. There are but go irr the oth-er direction, from home country to receing country of internaiir,.*" flo*, have usually been ignored. A recent overview li()rral migration and economic development shows one exception (l,ur:as zo5): studies of brain drain analysing flows from developing & Henry .rrntries t migrant-receiving counties (Mensah, Mackintosh what migrants do for ioo5;. Transrrailonal studies 3o t"nd to focus on and tlrcii home countries, for example, through hometown associations for community developin 'estivals which contributioni are colected et al' ncnt projects or through entrepreneurial activities (Guarnizo mention services that 2oo3; ievitt zoor). Sorne transnational studies p"upi" at home provide to migrants abroad, such as cal-ingfor children' goods nranaging housing constructn (Levitt zoor) or sending local of these flows has been (Wiltsi rggz),-but no detailed analysis

conducted. In what follows, I present a study of how insurance agreements becountween migrants and iheir network members back home bind e One of the possible uses of retry of resience wi the home country. thenittances is for insurance. The new economics of migration (NEM) strategy for dealing with ory agues that migration is a household-level 1985; risk lS"tark& Levhri r98z; Lucas & Stark 1985; Stark & Bloom as e outcome of selflenforTaylor 1999). Remittarrces are explained arrangements between-migrants and eir families in .i"g .o.t"al whi"ch both parties expct to be better off. The fa'''ily helps the migrant to move to where he r she expects to have better ncome opportunities. the The migrant then sends remittances either as delayed payment for in the migration o as insurance to initial investment the famrly made mithe family in times of need (Stark & Lucas 1988)' Wh* T"\9 the altruistic feelings towards his or her grant abie with the contract are i"mtly andlor the desire to be eligible for the family inheritance, usually land or cattle (De la Brire zooz\. No study to date has explored the possibility that migrants and home in country dwellers may be involved in a mutual insurance contract for the family because she is in need of which a migrant may provide thei rhel p. usingSM Sm et hodology, weinvest igat edt hispossibilit y. Migration histoiies of our respondents revealed at migration

t r ait : c k rri co (i l rl rrl ri l rrti g u rn l si rr tlrr,N t' l l rr,r' l urrcl s l l trt' t,pl r,1;r,,: s l l urvt, f ir s t , t he p re p a ra ti o np h a s c i rr c l ra rra cl rrri rrg rri crr trrc,,r,,,,,,y,,,,,1 w documents necessary the trip are obtaincd;secorrcl, irrst;rll;rrr,,rr for Ihc phase in the Netherlands during which migrants regurarise tht'ir r;r.rr by obtaining the necessarydocuments; and third, the iettled phrsr. ;rlr,.r they succeededin obtaining their documents and are able t t.rvt,l r i tensively back and forth to Ghana. During the r98os and first lr;rl ,,1 the r99os, e second phase of undocumented stay in the Neth.r'l;rr,r,, typically lasted from two to five years. Subsequentry, with increasirrlllr stringent visa policies in the Netherlands and the rest of Euroot,. rlrr,, phase has become longer. Some respondents in our sample hacl lrt.,.rr waiting ten yeas. while a migrant is in the process of obtaining needed docurrrt.rr,., the probability of unforeseen events having a large income shot K r,, high. An insurance event must involve a degree of unpredictability; rl one could know exactly if and when the event were to occur, one c..rrlrl plan ahead and not rely on mutual insurance. An insurance event rlrril also involve costs that migrants are unable to pay on their own. lllrh. rr.3 shows the kinds of shocks that migrants experience during the s.t ond stage of the migration process. Different aspects of the unpredictability of the events outlineo rrr Tble rr.3 create a need for insurance. First, one does not have the tr.r tainty that the events will occur. For example, some people without srrry ing permits are lucky to never be caught by police. Second, migrati.rr policy in the Netherlands and Europe has changed quite dramtically and frequently over the past fifteen years, becoming increasingly

Tableni

lnsurance events migrants the Netherlands in duringphase for Il

Service Unpredctabilty lJrgency' Fromwhom Fami l yand fri ends i n C hana Fami l yand fri ends i n Ghanaand The N etherl ands Fami l yand rends i n Ghanaand the N etherl ands Fami l yand fri ends i n C hana and the N etherl ands

Insuronceevent

Getting a residence Pa p e r wo r k Ch a n a in p e r m i t l e g ally Cetting a resdence F in d in ga ca n d id a te p e r m i t i n t he b la ck Ca n d id a te market paperwork M a r r i a g ed e a l g o n e Arbitration wrong G e t t i n g p u in prison Cetting out of p r iso n

+++

+++

Source: Adapted from Mazzucato 2009) "urgency is used as a proxy or financiacost as the help that is neededfrom the migrant is u s u a l l ya s e r vice su ch a s o b ta in in gco r r e ctd o cu m entati on, , arbi trati on obtai ni ng...rr.t" or inormation. These servicesar.enot alwaysquantifiablein terms of financial costs.-

in r lt l) l tti l rtgt.rrt owlt t t lst t t igr lt t t ls. olt 't t lilttl t t il; , r 'lr ltrlsr ; r y r vt 'ac: cluir t ld or t in t hc Net her landshat t l A l i onal l ot r tt lr t '( 'it s( 'o r llll; r ir r ir lgloct t t t t t 't t t s a l vr ro l on gcr valic. l er t lr cir ar r ivalin t hc Net her lands. lrrsurance events can impose a large nancial cost on migrants. Our data show that although migrants use their own nancial resources oI borr,rw from their migrant netwoks in the country of residence, they lro need the services of family and friends in Ghana. In what follows I dencribethe nature ofthese servicesfor each kind ofinsurance event. Rgspondents without papers first try the cheapest oute of obtaining pap..r via ocial channels. This entails a lot of work in Ghana, collecting the necessarydocumentation and informing all those who might be lnit,rviewed by the embassy contolles what answers to give. This system is necessary as the Dutch embassy employs strict documentation Verication that is virrually impossible for Ghanaians older than z5 to atisybecause the consistent documentation needed to satisfy embassy $cuirements did not exist 25 yeas ago. This means migrants need to have documents made, school ecords changed, hospital birth records forged and extended family members informed about e 'official' anFwersto controllers who come to villages to verify all information given on the application form. One friend or trusted family member in Ghana will be charged with collecting forms at e embassy, which enteils many hours of waiting in lines at the different agencies, travelling tnd coordinating efforts to ensue information will be consistent on all fecords. These services equire a substantial input from family or friends in Ghana, which can be documented with the SMS methodologY. To obtain documents on e black market, in most cases migrants need to find a 'marriage partner'with legal documents. Here again, migrants make use of friends or family in the Netherlands or in Ghana to put them in contact with a trustworthy candidate. Migrants are in exlremely vulnerable positions vis--vis eir prospective partners because costs must be made up front. Many are the occasions in which a mi grant loses his or her money on a deal gone wong. Thus, finding a trustworthy candidate is essential. In the case of a rnarciagedeal gone wong, a migrant must try to obtain reimbursement by asking his or her own network members in Ghana to pressue e candidate - in tum, through his or her own social network - to repay the costs. In one case in our study, e marriage candidate of a migrant who had paid z,ooo for the arrangement disappeared. The migrant was able to ecuperate the money after his parents in Ghana went to speak with the parents of the partner. In the event of having been caught and put in prison, again the migrant may rely on friends and family in Ghana. One respondent who i", i-prironed in the Netherlands asked/is family in Ghana to help

VAI I N l IN A M ^././l r r .\l r l

I Pl i l l A l l t ) N Al ! l i l N ( I l l , l A N : ; N A l i l N A l

N l ! r; l l A N I N l i ! w l rl l l i ri

J t ()

q by goirrg l ) a l )r' l y (' r' l l ) w i tl l )a sl orsw l r, w < ,rt,l x,l i t' v.rrr, n,r' r: powers to resolvcdclcurncntpr:oblcrrrs. olhcr rcsp<lndr.nts wlro w(,r{,r.\ periencingproblems in obtaining their residence permits also aslir,tll.r mily in Ghana to attend prayer camps (see Van Dijk 1997). 'l'lris rl volves costs for the family back home, such as funds for tiavel arrd rrr,rl, ing donations at the prayer camp, as well as time, since a pray('f (;rrtll usually involves an extended stay of one or two weeks foi prayr.,,,,,,,1 fasting. These insurance servicesare difficult for a researcherbased in ir rrrr granl's home country to notice as they blend in with everyday l:r:r1,,, Furthermore, some dificulties migrants experience,such as impr.is.rr ment, ae shameful, and the family back home may nor wnt t. tr.ll people about them. An sMS methodology can help make such servr( (.:, more visible. when an unexpected insurance event occurs to the rru grant, the researcher in the migrant-receiving country can alert th. r. searchers in the home country to observe attentively and ask how rr,,l work members deal with the crisis. There are many additional services that migrants receive from pe.PL. at home, such as help with housing construction, businessinvestmt'rrr, and child-care in their home country. These services have been rl,. scribed by transnational studies (De la cruz ryg5; Matthei & Snrirlr 1998; Marques, Santos & Araujo zoor). An SMS methodologycan hr,l;r researchers go beyond the description of reciprocal relations and to r,x plain how these relations work by observing bo sides of e reciproc;rl relation simultaneously. Moreover, by following peopre over an extndt.rl period of time, it is possible to quantify ese services,for examprt,, through a time-budgeting study that collects data on how much time i:r spent on these services. tt.4.j Triangulation, trackingchangeand getting beyondmigration discourses false dichotomies and So far, this chapter has focused on what type of information can b. found by using an SMS methodology. This section focuses on e quality of data obtained, centring on ree characteristics: triangulaton, tracking change and getting beyond migration discourses in bth prac tice and academia. collecting similar data in different localities .ot"-poraneously can enhance the quality ofdata becauseresearcherscan triangulate information with each other about their research locations. This enables researchers to complete and correct information by askins for more relevant or detailed responses and topics that they woul otherwise not consider. For example, a respondent in Accra had not mentioned owning a business, but e fact came to light in Amsterdam when a migrant mentioned helping her to start one. This alerted the

r ir ar fegerrrcl r t . l r At t r ; r lo; r sl< r r t ot t . r lt 'lr r ilt 'trllt t csliot t s t d t >[ t t ain nor c Anot her r elevant exam ulr ar otrrl l l ctt'in r r r r r lt ior r or r lllusir t css : t ivit ics. ple r<'sultcdiom an intcrvicw with a migrant who had a tense relationrhip with one of her network members in Ghana. By asking both her rrclthe network member in Ghana about this relationship, it was possiblc to obtain both versions of the story add detail and gain insight into thr, relationship and how it became strained over time. Interviewing people repeatedly on a monthly basis over a one-year period made it possible Io observe changing attitudes or social relationrhips. In the course of our study, a mother in Ghana and a daughter in Amsterdam became closer after a period of estrangement. We were able to ask about the reasons for the estrangement and also to observe how the relationship evolved. Quantitative data showed how the closeness between mother and daughter resulted in a series of two-way flows between Ghana and e Netherlands that had not existed previously. In another case we witnessed a respondent's growing religiosity. While at the beginning of the research the respondent was cluite critical of Ghanaian pastors operating in Amsterdam, she later began to frequent one of the Pentecostal churches in her neighbourhood. We were able to trace the events leading to her increasing religiosity and the ef 'We were able to docufects on her exchanges with people in Ghana. ment factors that lead to strong membership in Ghanaian Pentecosta churches in the Netherlands and e flows ey generate. Although not unique to the SMS meodology, another benefit is that it is possible to track changes by following those respondents who move from one researchlocation to another (Smith 1998; Sorensen1998). One year ofdata collection cannot captue all changes, but it does enthe able researchers to observe evolution of some attitudes and social relationships, rather than rely only on interviews. The latter are subject to the pitfalls of human recollection and reflect discourses about the way people want to remember the past rather than the actual events themselves. Collecting information from more than one site and following what people do over an extended period of time also facilitates getting beyond dominant discourses. Various discourses exist around migration among both migrants and academics. An example is migrants' complaining of their family's constant requests for help. Often, researchers who base eir findings on one-off interviews with migrants report this discourse as a finding, and thus propagate e image of the migrant as a helpless victim of extended family systems prevalent in developing countries. Observing what migrants do - i.e. their practices - revealed in our study the various strategies migrants employ in order to continue supporting people back home while, at the same time, giving space to their own personal objectives (Mazzrrcato, Kabki & Smith zoo6). In reality,

V^l l r N 'l 'l N ^ M A77l i r ^l r l

I eF l i l {A l 'l ( r N Al l : i l N ( ; l ' l { A N l . i N A l i l N A I

t \ ' ! t ; l l ^ N I N l 1l ' W r } l l l ( l

r r li[ ir ill l tsl l i tv t' ttto tt' ro o tl i rt ttu trr or,rrvl i ng,t, r' orrr' l trtl t' rl r;rrrtl ri = r w ll, por t r ay .F u rth e rrn o rc w c o b s c rv c dh o w sornt' rrri grarl s l ol r.(,(nvts , do so many requests,and others that d<l sornetirnes cxplicitly dt.rry tlrr',rr. requests. Finally, as stressed in section 4.2, migrants also dt'Pr,rrrl,,rr their relations in the home country particularly in certain phrrsr.r; rrl their migration trajectory.This can partially explain why they c.rrrrrrrt. to send remittances despite the fact that they say they feel opprcsst,rl1,1 requests. This conclusion could be reached only by observing urrl ,,,1 lecting quantitative data from the dierent sides of the migrti,rr 1,r,, cess.Migrants' reliance on home did not emerge in interviews wirlr rrrr grants themselvesbecausemigrants often view this reliance with slr;lrr,, as it is associatedwith a 'failed' migration story. Another dominant discourse is that migrants show off their rr,rrrl earned income in their country of origin, leading to the misconc(,I)rr|rl at 'money grows on trees' overseas.This misconceptio, "rao,r,.,,11,,, in youth a desire to migrate and compels extended family membt'rr; r, make constant requests for money and goods. Having researchc'r:; rrr diferent locations allowed us to observe migrants' behaviour drrrrrrlq their home sits and ask migrants what they tell their network rrr,.rrr bers in Ghana about life overseas.we could cross-checkthis inb'rrr,r tion by asking the network members in Ghana what they knew o lrr,' overseas.This inquiry led to e finding that people in Ghana, t,s;,,. cially in cities, had a very realistic picture of life in developed courr(.,i and were aware at their compatriots were often working and livinli rrr diflcult conditions. we found that migrants usually did not make t,x1,rr cit to their network members their own personal circumstances, lrrrl they explained how living conditions were difcult, in generar, ;rrr,l sometimes gave details about people they knew. That some of ,,rrr young respondents who were able to secue a decent job in urrr;rrr Ghana did not express any desire to migrate showed that, while rlu, 'money growing on trees' discourse may have reflected reality at the rx. ginning of Ghanaian emigration overseasin the r98os, it is now .rrl dated. Many migrants have since returned temporarily or permanerrrly with realistic stories about their experiences o, wose, with littlc r,, show from their stay abroad. The exaggerated discourse may, howevt.r, still be relevant in rural or other areas (IGbki, Mazzucato & Appi;rlr zoo4) where ere is little overseasemigration (De Lange zoq). Finally, an SMS methodology is usefirl for researching migratr,,rr across the academic dide between international and internal migr;r tion. As Skeldon (1997) argues, often the two are related - migrart:; first migrating internally and then overseas - and involve similr dy namics and ties with e home area. An sMS methodology does not crt. part from national boundaries as defining the relevant research fit'Ll but, rather, works from e network and where the nodes of rrr,,

tw orl <ul t 'lt xult 'd. 'l'lr lst 'r t or lt 'st t t ; r yllt 'klt lt lt 'd lxr t lr wit lr ir rt lt c sar nc ( ounlly lxr r r lt 'r s. 'l'lr c Chana Tr ansNetr esear ch C oul l l ryancl/ orlr t 'yr lr r cl progri.ulrn(' slrrdics, ilr t'xarrrplc,rrot only the linkages Amsterdamburrt'drnigrants have with people in their hometowns or in Accra, but alrro lhe lin<ages internal migrants have within Ghana between the hutttctowns and Accra. In the latter case, we were able to document the lnterrnediary function of Accra-based network members who disbursed lenrittances to members located in hometowns and to show that Accraba$cd network members were often used to check on how recipients vere using remittances. These dynamics demonstrate at internal migrution and international migration ae parts of one pocess, fullling elibrent functions in a transnational network.

l,5 Conclusions
T[vo general implications result from this review of SMS methodology snd its contributions to our knowledge about the migration and development nexus. First, more studies using SMS methodology are needed. SMS meodology allows the operationalisation of two concepts that make transnationalism a unique area of study the embeddedness of migrants in networksthat span sending and receiving areas, both within nd across national boundaries, and the simultaneity of flows between these areas. Two-country transnational studies are multi-sited and focus on both migrants' communities at home as well as their place of residence. To our knowledge, however, data have never been collected simultaneously, and rarely across a matched sample of network members. One way to do this is through an SMS methodology. This chapter has reviewed the main added advantagesof using such an SMS meodology. First, such a methodology allows migration policies in a receiving country to be directly linked to effects at the local level in developing countries. Second, it highlights e principle that flows engendered by migration are tvvo-way they involve not only remittances from migrant recipient countries to their home countries, but also flows, especially of services, from developing to developed countries. Both flows should be taken into account when studying e benets and costs of migration for developing countries. Third, an SMS meodology allows the triangulation of results, provides supplemental information with which to improve the reliability of data and allows researchers to go beyond dominant migration discourses. Finally, an SMS methodology transcends the dichotomy of internal versus international migration and demonstrates how the two forms of migration are linked through transnational networks. Our findings regarding the simultaneity of mi grant networks have implications for e conceptualisation of migrants

VAI l r N 'l 'l N A N 4AZ Z Ir { i r I

Pl l l ( Atl ( ,N Al l t i l N (; l l A N l i N A l l r N A l

NlltillNI

N l i I W o l l l (f i

ir r lx lt lr n c u d t' rrriu rrtl ;x rl i ty ti rtl t,s . Mi pl l ri orr i s rrsrr;rl lst' t,rr i tl rt' r.r,, c y t' an issue of-devcloprncrrt studir:dby clcvt'lopirrg-lrt'a spcr:iLrlists rk, (r,.1.i. velopment economics,deveopmentstudies),or as an issuc o irrtr.;ir,r tion and social exclusion shrdied by scholars of dirent disciplirrt., r,, cusing on the developedworld where migrants usually live (oi ir rr.vr(.\\. see Portes & Dewind zoo4). Policies follow a similar separation.wlrrlr. development often falls under the mandate of the Ministry o'lrorr.rlirr Affairs, integration is an issue dealt with by ministries concernt'd wrrlr the national territory such as the Ministry of the Interior, the Mirrnrrr of Education and the Ministry of fustice. This dichotomy obfuscatr,srrr,. relationship between migration policies in developed countries wrr.rr, migrants live and development processesin migrants' countries . 'rr gin. The bifocal lens used in transnational studies - and specifically, ,'r SMS methodology - is usefi-rlfor highlighting the linkages that exist lr' tween migration policies in developed countries and the lives of pr,rpr. in the developing world. Migraton researchersshould be familiar w'rrrr the economy and society of the countries from which migrants t,rrrr grate as well as with the policy and economic circumstances migr.rrrrr', face in receiving countries. Working in interdisciplinary teams, rr, searchers can combine e knowledge of developing-areaspeciulir;rr, with that of urban anthropologists,sociologists,legal expertsand ec.rr,, mists specialising in developed countries (Stoller 1997; Hannerz t9<fi1 For policirnakers, the transnational lives of migrants linking devel.P., and developing countries mean that receing-country governments ;rl fect development in migrants' home countries through their migrari.rr as well as their development policies. Migration policies should x r*; on reducing - if not eliminating - the unintended consequences llrt.y have produced, such as the formal and informal economies of iderrritv papers. Our SMS methodology has shown that migration is related to development, not only through flows (i.e. remittances) from the rect,iv ing country to e home country, but also through reverse flows of st.r vices that home country residents must conduct for migrants in orclt,r to bring security to migrants'vulnerable lives in the receiving country This has the consequence of absorbing productive resources of netw.r'I. members back home, which, in the absence of migration, could havr, been employed elsewhere. Designing policies that recognise migranls' double engagement in their home country and in e receiving-counlly economies can help avoid the unintended negative consequences of nri gration policies. Such policies should aim at creating space for migrant:; to invest in their home country while facilitating their more active parr i cipation and offering them secure living in the receiving-country economy. At the same time, development policies should aim at making nri grant remittances as productive as possible. This means investing rrr

' l a1l i ri rrit r st nl( lnt ( t r r r t llr r r r r ur rrrlr pillr l lo ullt 'lt t 'lt t t igr lt t r Iir t vt : st t r t t : n ar or l sl ctir r gllt t . t t t 'lt liot t ol t r t 't lil t t t t iot t sit t r r t igr ant - scnding east o such as money transfer services rt'ttriglarrl-s providt' nrulti;rlt'st'rvict's ar wcll as arranging hcalth and uneral insurance for migrants' family l('rbers,similar to what has been done in some rural communities in (lcrrtral America (Orozco zoqb). Credit unions have mandates in wltich they must reinvest their profits in e community, us leading to greater multiplier effects from migrant remittances than are currently being realised in countries such as Ghana, where most profits from remittances accumulate with large multinationals such as Western Union with no obligation to reinvest in migrant-sending areas. This mixrure of migration and development policies needs to be coordinated and implemented simultaneously in order to avoid possibly counterproductive eects of one policy on another. This can only be achieved through closer collaboration - than is currently the case in most developed countries - between ministries that deal with migrant integration and the ministry that deals with development cooperation.

Appendix

udieshy scopcand tYPeof responden trunsnationul fibb rra.z Two-counlry conNact

N Respondents ': zo N Respondents > zo per country

percounrry
contac tw i th l tansi ve ftpondents

TabferrA,r
Sample Matched

Two-country transnational studiesby simultaneity a4d matched sunrlt

Simultaneous Step-wise D e l a C ruz (995) osi l i (19e8) Massey( 987) SaifullahKhan (1977) B aschet al . (1994) C onstanti ni des (I977) C ol dri ng ( 998) K l aver( 997) Landolt (2001) Levitt (2001 ) S orensen(998) !iltshire ( 992) Fel dman-B i anco 992) ( Cardner ( 999) Cl i ck S chi l l er Fouron (998) & Cuarnizo et al. (2003) Hinojosa Ojeda (2003) Matthei& S mi th (1998) Marqueset al . (2001) Portes& C uarni zo (99) Riccio (2002) R ouse(992) Watson (1977)

9ne-off contact with atpondents

Partlymatched

(1977)2 C os tanti ni des Levitt (2001 )r Matthei& S mi th (1998)' ?R ous e( 992)2 !atson (977)2 K S ai ul l ah han (1977) Mas s ey(1987) S orens en(998)2 Basch et al. (l 99a) D e l a C ruz (995) Fel dman-B i anc (1992)2 o Klaver ( 997)r C ardner (1999) & Gl i c k S c hi l l er Fouron ( 998)2 C ol dri ng (1998)2 Guarni z oet al . (2003) Landol t(2001) Marqueset al . (2001) Os i l i (1998) P ortes& Guarni z o(199) Riccio (2002)2 riiltshire (1992)1 H i noj os aOj eda (2003)

Un m a t c h e d

lgurce: Author's literaturereview i Th.r. ,orr."t inctude surveysby way of backgroundinformation but the material on . tl grants'l i vesc omes from a partl ymatc heds ampl eof res pondentsThes es tudi esare lttcgorised accordingto their methods with the partly matched sample' I These sorr..r are ethnographiesin which it is not clear how many people are studied

Notes
An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the conference Migration and Development within and Across Borders organised by the social Science Research Council of the United States and the ntemational Organization for Migration in New York, r7-r9 November 2oo5. This chapter was originally published in DeWind and Holdaway (zoo8). It reports on results of a collaborative research pogramme entitled 'Transnational networks and the creation of 1ocal economies: Economic principles and institutions of Ghanaian migrants at home and abroad' (Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) grant number 4ro-r3-oroP). Programme prrtr"r. wee the University of Amsterdam (AGIDS), Vriie Universiteit Amsterdam (AIID) and Africar ilOE;, .l,msterdam Institute for International Development tudies Centre Leiden - all of which are in the Netherlands - and the Institute of Statistical Social and Economic Research (ISSER) in Ghana. I would like to thank Luca Bertolini and the members of the 'Transnational links and livelihoods' group

Source:Author's literature revrew

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for insightful comments and Magali Chelpi for excellent research assistance. All itelics in this paragraph indicate e authols own emphasis. Based on a literature search of 33 articles, book sections and books, only one study (Georges rggz) siruated research in one geographical location and in a migrant-sendlng aea. Portes, Guarnizo and Haller (zooz) is the exception. See wwwz.fmg.uva.nl/ghanatransnet.

7 8

I t t s l i l tttio ttslttt' lltt' r r tttttto r r ly lr r ' ltl lu lcr ;rrrrl rrorrru l l url grri tl t.srxi ;rll x,l r;rvr,,1r I'r. ' d t t rr in g c in ct' ttlivt' sllu ( lu r ' ( ,o sr xir .lit's;rrrrl xri r;rl l y rrorrorni t.s'(N orl l rrr;,1.1 lh sl j6o). A n a d d ito n a lsixte e nr e sp o n d e n ts wcr c r ll ow cdi rr i r rrrrl l rkxl rl i on (l (rrrrri rsi ) .rr'r r six-month period. Consumption expenditures refer to all expenditures used r obtining xxl lor ,l,rili consumption. Al1 else is considered a non-consumption expenditure. 'Connection me are persons who facilitate obtaining travel or residerrcy l):rpr''ittl exchange for payment.

tz Chapter collaboration: research national Trans to An approach the studyof co'publications and scientists their Chinese overseas between colleagues mainland
Koen Jonkers'

ll.t

Introduction

ver the last two decades, the mobility of students and scientists has dramatically increased worldwide. Initially a triclde, the outbound flow of Chinese students increased during e r98os and, after a dip followIng restrictive measures in e wake of e Tiananmen incident, the outbound flow continued its exponenal rise during the r99os. The refltrn rate of students and scientists to China in the r98os and r99os Waslow (Zhang& Li zooz). Many students decided to remain and work ln their host system - or to move on to another. In many cases,this retulted in permanent migration and the adoption of a foreign nationality. this happened especially in North America, for a long time the most popular destination region, and to a lesser extent in'l7estern Europe. s-a result, e number and visibility of overseaschinese scientists has grown considerably over the yeas, as will be shown in is chapter's tection on findings and results. Some of ese overseas scientists return to eir home country on a temporary o a penanent basis. But even when they remain abroad, scientists can be important Souces of new knowledge, technolOverseas ogy, business links, policy advice and collaborative ties. The Chinese gvernment has therefore not only set up programmes to promote e ietu* ofoverseas Chinese scientists, but also engaged in a range ofactivities to strengthen its ties with growing communities of oveseas gcientists. Networks of Chinese scientists had begun to emerge organically in the United States, and the formation of similar networks has been actively supported in various other host countries. Examples of guch networks include e society of chinese Bioscientists in America, the Chinese Life Scientists Socie in the UK and the Chinese Network of Life-sciences in the Netherlands (fonkers zoro). Through the support

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o s llc l l l t(' l w o rl (sl,-l o v (' l l ttr(' l liln l l rt, l rorrrt' (()l l tl t.y s t.l rrr rl l r,rpl rl, rr, l l m ain in c o rta (:r i tl r tl rt' i r t.x p u l ri l rt.torrrrnrrrri ri t,s. w w rys l 9 cl . s,, rrr clude the organisation o-conf'crerrrccs airrrc.cl this gr.up ancl rlrt,l,r,rlr at tation_of networking and information-sharing betwe.r expatriar. sr rr,rr tists' Internet portals prode another *ny actively oV(,riir,,r, communies of scientists and students by providing "ng"g. o irr,,rr,,,r tion on opporhrnities and events in home and ho ".."J, countries. yt.r ,rrr other type of measure encouraging contact with expatriate scientisrr;rrr cludes programmes to pomote temporary and permanent retrrr.rr,r,, well as cooperationbetween overseaschinese scientists and their r,rrrr terparts in mainland china. chinese intermediary organisations .,,r some designatedresearchfunding for overseaschinesescientists.', The last decadehas seen a rapidly emerging presence of china irr rrrr global science system. This development"has made china an inc.r,t,,r:, ingly important collaborative parrner for science systems in N,rrrr America, Western Europe and Asia_pacific. The gro*irrg numbt,r. r,l china's international co-publications has almost t ept pac with its .rr hanced share of pubications in international journals'(fonkers zoo,11 one would expect overseas chinese scientists to be involved in a ..r;r tively large share of international co-publications with china. This t,x pectation is based in part on an assumpon that the scientists w.rrrtl a relatively strong interest in coopeting with eir peers in ma rrr ]rav9 land China. A second possible,""ron is thai they are aged to do so by governmental and intermediary rganis"tion, "itlu"iy."r..o,,, in th,,i, home country' Yet another reason to expect a major rore for oves(.i*; chinese scientists is at ese actors to possesscultur;rl capital - including language skills - as " "rrrr-" werl as existing rrt".t, witn rt, searchers in mainland china. These factors are thougt to give th"* .,, advantage over their non-chinese peers in forging tis witli researchers in mainland China. This chapter contributes- to the study of migrant transnationalism by e1a1t1ing the specific field of scientific coilaboration across inter'u. tional borders that uses ethnic origin and migration experience as a r(,source. There are several possible reasons to treat thrs type of interar:tion as a specic subset of international collaboratio". th motivations for the formation of such ties, the barriers and stimuri formation and intensity - as welr as e distribution "rr..tirrftrr"i, of the cognitive, material and reputational investments, outcomes fo-tential and spilrovers at the individual and systemic revels - may differ from other forms of international scientific cooperation. The study of such ties can also shed the posirive eecti of migrant communities on develiglt 9n opment of e home system. This chaptei will focus on discussing a meodologcal approach at can be used to study transnational re_ search collaboration.

lz.z

Definition of concePts

,Scit'ntic It'i'r'slo tltt' cunscious(and voluntary)exchange coopt'raliott' resourccs bctween scientists. The resources can ino'private valuecl cludc research materias, unpublished information, cognitive resources Irr the form of advice, criticism and other inputs, the provision of training both to each other and each other's staff and students, etc. The rtiongest form of scientific cooperation is dened as 'research collaboration', in which researchers work together on a specic joint project with the aim of a joint publication (fonkers zoro). It is this phenomen0n that is of interest ln ihis chapter. When considering collaboration between researchers working in different countries, it is common usage to speak of international research collaboration. e term 'international research collaboration' is problematic from both a semantic and a conceptual viewpoint. To start wi the semantic issue:'international collaboration' means collaboration between nations rather than between individual actors in dilerent nations. The terms ,cross-border' or 'transnational collaboration' used by Crawford, Shinn and srlin $gy) rnay be more appropriate for this latter type of interaction, but ttrey-have not come into common use. As will be discussed later in this section, the concept of'transnational research collaboration' will be defined as having a different meaning, following theoretical work outside e realm of the social studies of science. The term 'international collaboration' may also be conceptually problematic. It could be understood to refer to interactions between actors at all four levels that van der Meulen and Rip (tgg8) identify in the research system including the governmentl level of policymakers, the intermediary level of funing agencies and the organisational level of research institutes and universities. Finally, international research collaboration can be and generally is understood to refer to - the interaction between scienti.tr t the operational level ofthe research system supported, or not, by agreements made at higher levels of e research system. It is the interation at is operational level of the research system to which international research collaboration refers in this chapter' As indicated in e introduction, the focus of is paper is on a specific subset of cross-border or international collaboration, namely the interaction between expatriate scientists and researchers in their home country. The concepi of transnational research collaboration will be used to refer to this specific phenomenon. T?ansnationalism is a concept that originated in the international relations literature (Keohane & Nye r97z), bfore it was taken up in the early r99os by anthropologists and s.iologists studying international migration. It refers to ties between actorJ, at sub-political levels other than the governmental, which are important in shaping relations between nations' Crane (r97r) was

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t lt t ' r s t t< ll p p l y tl ti s c o n c t' ;l l o l r s l rrtl yn l l rr sti t' rrtt' sysl t' rrr. l rt' rl ,r,n S it t o r ef r to th e c ro s s -l t< l rd c rt' s o n()ng()v(' r' nrrurl orgurri si rl r.trr l rl ti s uc h as s c i e n ti fi ca s s o c i a ti o na n d i n t crrri rl i orr:rl s organi sati onsrr w l rrrl r i individual scientists from different countrics ar(' nembers, as wt'll .rthe cross-borderinteractions of individual scientistsengaging irr st ir.rrti fic cooperation.All three tlpes of actors may influence national scir.rr, r, policies, which could lead to truly international science policics;rt tlrr level of national govenments and intemediary agencies,o to llrt. r;r'l up of joint research programmes and joint laboratories. With sorrrr.,.. ceptions, the concept of transnationalism has not been used freclrrlrrtlr. in studies of scientific collaboration. The concept has been -r-nore popular in other areas of social scit'rr,,. such as migration studies. In this literature, authors began usirrg tlr,, concept to refer to cross-borderlinkages beyond the political realrrr rrr cluding, for example, the role of migrants in the formation of cornr'l cial, cultural and religious ties (Basch, Glick Schiller & Szanton ll,rrrr 1994; Portes r99il.Compared to international relations literatun', rrrr gration studies literature has put greater stress on the shared ethnit ,,r cultural background of the individual actors or members of orgurrr,,r tions who engage in these cross-border interactions. In recent yr';rrr., seveal authors have begun to explore the formation of 'transnationlrl rrr novation networks' in which expatriate, returning and circulating ('nttr preneurs play an important role in connecting innovative regions irr tlrl ferent national innovation systems (Saxenian zoo2, 2oo11,; Coe zooly This chapter discussesa simple extension of such literature by consitl,,r ing the emegence of cross-border scientific networks in which overs(.,r,: Chinese researchers engage with researchers in their former homc syr, tem or, in the case of second-,third- or nth-generation migrants, tlrr.rr ancestral home system. The denition of a transnational scientific coop eration in this chapter is thus narower than that adopted by Crrrrrr, (r97tl and is restricted to the interaction between individuals witr tlr,' same ethnic or cultural background living in diferent countries. A r l;r; sification of transnational activities according to degree of institutiorr;rrr sation in the manner introduced by Portes, Guarnizo and Larrtlrlt (rgqq) is diflcult to make using the meodology introduced in tlr, next section. In general, international research collaboration- of wlri, lr transnational research collaboration is a subset - is thought to be <lr;rr acterised mainly by bottom-up investigator-driven interactions. Sornr. degree of institutionalisation, however, such as framework agreer('utr, which allow researchers to engage in cross-border collaboration, is ;rl ways required. The importance of intermediary agenciesin promr,tirrli and potentially funding these interactions will dier from one instiurr (' of transnational research collaboration to another. How large this irrlrr ence is on average is an empirical question, which will not be addrcsst',1

tr t : ollalxr r at it lrhis or , i rr tl ri s rl r ir plr , r l.y lir r r r sir r l, i r llt r t r it t ; t lir t t t ttttl'st 'lt t t lt r h'llr il lo ollr t 't ir r t t r so scient if cm igr ant c. el u,1rt,,, lt x's nO l I r 'lcI it r pr om inent over seas suclr tl :rtrsrrat ior r alisr n, t r s t lr t 'ir r lut 'ilcccxcr t edby on chinese scienceand technology chincscr scictists und r:irculatirrg "past three decades, the active involvement of overseas l" the l,,,ii.y stuctues and advisory functions in ijl,i,r"r" sciensts in peer-revie\M of circulating migrants in directing internarrriri'land China or th role among othes' tfunal joint labs or entire research institutes (see' f 'ttl<ers zoro)' ho 'l'his chapter refers to Chinese scientists \M reside and work abroad nth-generation migrants - as overseasChinese re- whether is rst- o scientists engage to a earchers.The expectaon that overseas chinese homeland is shared rehtively high extnt with their former or ancestral literature. However, a choice was made not to make with th; dipora B.to* (Meyer explicit ,rr" f the concept of 'scientific diasporas' t. Unlike the members of many oer so-calleddia1999; Meyer zoor). expected to be firsttpu, mst, though not all, overseasscientists are scientists gcneration migrants. Compared to other types of migrants' expatriats, in general, continue to display a relatively Ind highly stiea first home counSigh leeof international mobility after arrival in their highly skilled profesii t" , Koser & Salt rggT). Sciensts.and other in their profesrinalJ tend to include igats as well as non-migrants tlpes of misional networks (Meyer ioor;. In comparison to other expected to have a relatively low positive bias l{rants, they are therefore comt, prof"rrional interaction with members of eir enic/cultural munity in the host country. research, actors 3".rrs" of the highly specialised nature of scientific to do so in cngaged in transnati'onal research collaboration are assumed ouside their ,.ti" isolation from other expatriate sciensts working of instit'tio.wn relatively narrow subeld f research. The formation which nalised student and scientific migrant networks or associations, an argument to be were briefly mentioned in the introduction, appears agai nst t helat t er expect at ion, lr ut it isunclear what r olet heseassociaThe choice tir, pt"y in facilitang transnational research collaboration. .scientic diasporas, in is chapter, but to use the connot to refer to mainly motivated by cept 'oveseas Chinese sciensts' instead, is us consists of individual arr'"tt"-pt to make clear that the level of analysis wi mainland overseas Chinese scientists and their interactions scientists that Chinese scientists, raer than associations of Chinese have formed in various counffies'

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12.3 Methodology and data sources i i A s dis c u s s e dn th e p re v i o u ss e c ti o n ,sci t' rrti ttrxrpcrati on 5;1 l r;o,rrl concept, which refers to a wide range of activitics.This mal<esclt'v,'1,'l' ment of a proxy/indicator that could be used for its measuremcttl rlrlli cult. Gaining detailed insight into the intensity of the various rttttrr,,1 interactions between scientists would require data gathered lrrorrlilr surveys or in-dep clualitative interviews. As such, co-publicatiotrs wrll be used as an imperfect proxy for researchcollaboration,which s :rrr rn tense form of scientic cooperation. The databasesmost comtttottll used for bibliometric shrdies contain information on the authotr; ,,1 which allows for co-publicationslttrlr,", publications and their addesses, t the individual, organisational, national and international levels. li,,r ,r evie\M of the literature on the use of this proxy, see Glnzt'l ,rrr,l schubert (zoo4). Exclusive use (in absolute counts) of co-publiclrti,'rr'' crilit rr'trr as a poxy for researchcollaborationhas received considerable to dist rt',', ove the years,but it goes beyond the purpose of this chapter these limitations in detail. For a more extensive discussion, s('('llrr' aforementioned review as well as Katz and Martin (rggZ). Reliable large-scaledata about e nationality and/or ethnic/crrltrrr.rl background of scientists in North American and Western Europt'lttt rr' search systems ae not publicly available. It is believed that somc or;i,r nisations, most notably the US National ScienceFoundation (NSlr), t "l lect these data in their suweys and it may prove valuable in futurt' rrlrr dies to gain accessto these records. Other potential sources, stttlt ,t', national census data gathered by governmental organisations antl t ol by lected in comparative databases international organisationslikt' tlr'' OECD and UNESCO, lack the level of detail required to conduct slttrIt|r' of e activities of overseasscientists,let alone their role in specifit :rrrl' rrrr elds of science.Studying specific scientific subfieldsis consider<'tl interaction b('lw|r'tt portant because the dynamics of various types of scientists, including the levels of international researchcollabor;rlr,,rr ,r varies across scientific elds (see e.g. Wagner 2oo5). Forthis reas()rr. contributiorr 0l proxy was developed to measue the visibility or the overseasChinese scientists in different host countries. It makes tlsr' ,,1 an approach that was initially developed for human population bioh,1lt' (for a review see Colantonio, Lasker, Kaplan & Fuster zoo3)' In rt'tt'rrl years, bibliometricians have started to adopt a similar apptr':r'lr Suttmeier & ( i'r" (Websterzoo4; Basu & Lewison zoo6; lin, Rousseau, it involvesthe collectiorrol ,r zooT; Lewison & I(undra zooS). In short, willr rrrtr country's scientific publications co-authored by researchers culturally distinct. l.isls ,'r ethnically and names that are geographically, Iranian, t'lt') :rttt ist of typical Chinese (as well as Indian, T(orean, yi t' l tl l r t.l l tl l i tl n ol t arl i tl t' r ,,' nam es , a n d a s u rn a m e s e a rc h c l rrr

lr ( llr inl, cwcr t hat t 5 pcr ol errl l rort, tby scit . r r lisls ( llr ir r t 'st 't lt 'sr ct t l. r l (:f1l ol srtnlrt('s lrclcllry ovt't't5 llcr ct:rtIo't]rc population (Yuan, ulc tht:rt:is so little variationin chinese sur& Yangzooo). lr'c:urrst' zlutrrg ,r*,,r,*, this approach is particularly suitable for assessingthe visibility o ovt:rseasChinese scientists. Similar approaches,however, have been eppliccl to measure the contribution and visibility of other ethnic/cultur'grorrp, in the output of Western research systems as well (e'g' ui W"irt"r zoo'i Basu & L"*irotr zoo1). A recent report used a similar epproach to study the contribution of migrants and their descendants in trr'titing world Intellectual Property organization (WIPO) patents For this tlrc US (Wadhwa, |asso, Rissing, Gere & Freeman 2oo7)' :tu4y, a st of z7o surnames was used, consisting of variations of.those rr,,,si fr"q,r"ntly occurring in the Chinese population. What motivated to taking these common spelling variations into account was an attempt as well as ..ptr'" e descendants of pievious generations of migrants profecent migrants. To control whether the surnames yield a sulcient applying the prrtion oichinese-bon scientists, a search was performed The ilxt to publications produced by authors based in mainland China. chinese publicarearch yielded over 95 per cent of the total number of tions. fter inventorising the articles in which these surnames did not occur, fifteen other surnames \Mere included in the list. Several additional surnames will be considered in future studies. Some surnames that were also common in other countries were deleted from the list. To assessthe relative contribution of overseas Chinese scientists in a nation's publication output using this simple approach, it is necessary In the to exclude international co-publications with the horne country' excluding co-publicacase of overseas chinese scientists, this involves of tions with researchers based in china, chinese Tipei (Republic would lead to a china, Tiwan) and singapore, since their inclusion cubstantial overestimatin of the contribution of scientists wi a Chinese suname. Their exclusion potentially leads to slight underestiin mation of the contribution of researchers with a chinese surname true if there is indeed a each country's output. At least is would be likerignificant influenie of Chinese ethnic/cultural background on the China. For the spelilood of co-publishing with scientists in mainland incic aim of tire analyss discussed in is chapter, inclusion of these led to a methodological proternational co-publications would also have blem of endogeneity because the number of international copublications wi china is used as a dependent variable. For, apart from using these data to show the contribution ofoverseas Chinese scientists ln th-eresearch output of the western research system, they can also be used to explore whther the size of the community of overseasChinese scientists in various host countries is related to the number of international co-publications between China and these countries. The data on

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whic h t h c s c p r< l x i c s rt' l x rs t,rl w r,r' t,trl kr' rr,tli ' r' ucl r yr' :rr.rr,rw r.r,rr u l r99o and zooT 'ortwelty c<>untrit's. on the basis of availablestatistical data, ncithcr transracial:rtloprr'rr (stolley 1993) nor transracialmarriage (uS census Bureau zoo(r) w.rr. considered to have a large influence (less than o.j per cent) .. rlrr, number of articles published by researcherswith a chinese surnirr, The unavailability of suficiently detailed data, howeve makes ir rrrr possible to give an exact assessmentof the error introduced by rlrr,:rr factors. Another issue open to question is whether second- oi tlrir,l generation migrants do indeed retain suficient cultural caoital to rrrrrr fy a distinction from other individuals in the host/partner systerrr.'li, address this and similar concerns, a small-scale rnru"y was carricrl .'l among researcherswith a chinese suname. This suwey limits <lrrr,,,l the benefits of this methodological approach, namery its ,orl intrusiveness. Forfunately, it only has to be carried out once in.rtl,.r to test whether the assumptions hold for the specific group urrrl,,r study. The sample for this survey was collected from among the corresp.rrrl ing authors of scientific publications in the intemational scientific rrrr.r;:, in the year zoo7. To identify these corresponding authors, an apprr:rrlr similar to that described in e previous sections was followed. Thar 'r, e corresponding authors had to have 'chinese sunames' ancl lrr. based outside china, chinese Taipei (Republic of china, Tiwan) ,r singapore. Respondents were asked only a few questions relating r. their place of birth, their nationality, the country in which they starrt,rl their university training, the country in which ey did eir phD :rrrrl language skills. Answers to the first and the last questions wee esl)(. cially of interest. Answers to the first question were expected to provitl. insight into the relative distribution of first- and second-generaton (r,r nth-generation)migrants. Responsesto the last question were expecrt,tl to provide us with insight into the extent to which surna*", n ,,,. used as a poxy for cultural capital or e cultural background of scrt,rr tists. Emajl surveystend to have a low responserate, especially- as w;r:; the case for this survey - when they are sent out in summer. In dert'r mining sample size, a esponse rate of 32 per cent was expect<rl. Setting the confidence interval at ro and the confidence lever at 95 pr.r cent, the esmated required sample size was therefore 3oo. The orr dence interval was set relatively high in order to limit th number of r.r, spondents involved. As e response rate was initially lower than cx pected, a second round of email messages was sent out after twr, months. A response rate low as the one expected for this email surv.y indicates that a response bias could influence e ndings. The distr i bution of responses to the follow-up part of the survey, ,"hi.h were sl milar to the first round, does not add to is doubt. Still, the low

ckx's r tr l tti tr 'tl tttl i o tt i l t l l l l r ci r tg tr xl l r i g h u l tl vcl o 'tr u st l n l e i l l ) o r s ( 'r 'r r l c t l t e t . x l t 't t t to w l r i ch l l tt'ttttl to n tt'o 'l l tt'sttr vtty ca n b e g e n e r a l i se d .

17.4 Findings 1'lrt' nal response rate of the survey was 33 pe cent. Around 8 per cent o'non-response was due to faulty or expired email addresses.The survey yielded the following results. Firsl, 7 per cent of e respondents indicated that their surname was not exclusively 'Chinese', rut Korean, Victnamese or Indian as well. These responses could be used further to rene the query in future studies. Of all suvey respondents, 75 pe cent wrrre born in China and 46 per cent still had Chinese nationality. A tolal of 74 per cent started university education in China, but only 2 pet cent did their PhD there. Of the latter, 2 pe cent of respondents had completed a second PhD degree in the US. Of the group as a whole, 93 pcr cent of respondents reported being able to speak andlor read and write Chinese. If e newly identied names in which the surname was also a popular Korean or Indian suname are excluded, the respective percentages are 8o, 5c, 79,r3 and roo. V/hile all these respondents inhaving Chinese-language abilities, 2 per cent stated that the dicated skills were limited. Based on esponses to the last question, this approach appears suitable for identifying researchers with a Chinese cultural background according to their surnames. Other interesting findings ae the high number of rst-generation migrants in the sample, being 75-8o per cent. This share would have been slightly higher had 'China' been defined in this survey as including Hong Kong and Chinese Taipei (Republic of China, Taiwan). As one respondent indicated, respondents who originate in either of the two places likely consider themselves as not having been born in China. Since this chapter discusses a transnational phenomenon in a migration-study context, it is also interesting that almost half the respondents still had Chinese nationality at the time of the suwey. Finally, the relatively high share of Chinese-bom espondents who started university training in China (99 per cent) combined with the relatively low share of respondents who did their PhD in China (16 per cent) provides us with some additional insight into the mobility dynamic of overseas Chinese scientists. Most of the respondents were likely to have left China for postgraduate/PhD studies, and only a relatively small share of oveseas Chinese scientists left China at a later stage oftheir scientic caee. Over the past decade and a half, the output of e Chinese research system in terms of publishing in international journals listed in e Science Citation Index (SCI) has increased rapidly. The relative impact

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and v is ib i l i ty- l x rtl t i l t tc rttrso ' l l rrb l i cuti orrs o tl r< ,ci trti gl s tl rr:i ' urrd publicationsreceive* show strong variatir>ns acrossclds. ln llrt,rrr;rrrr molecular life sciences,for example, one in ten SCI journals is.rr rently published by mainland chinese authors, and these publicrrri.rr,, receive a similar number of citations as the averagearticle publislrr,l worldwide (fonkers & Tijssen zoo8). other molecular life scinct,srl, fields score far lower on these indicators. For all subfields, the nurrrlrcr of international co-publicationsincreased rapidly over time as wt.ll. lrr relave terms, the importance of North American research systerrrs ;rr collaboravepartners (measured in terms of the share of cirina's ,,, publications) has increased at the expense of western European sy:r tems. This trend is expectedto be related in part to the incresing ir' portance of transnational research collaboration (fonkers zoog). The data presented in Figure rz.r give an indication of the size o'tlr,, number of highly skilled individuals born in china in various countr.rt,:r in North America and Northern Europe based on 2ooo-zoor natiorr;rl census data collected by the OECD (zoo4).'Highly skilled' refers r, anyone with a tertiary education and is us not restricted to acrrvr. scientists. what is more, it is not possible to make a distinction nt, tween researchers working in dierent scientific erds on the basis ,l this type of general data. For this reason, a proxy was developed ro gauge the contribution of scientists with a chinese background in v;rr ious research systems in specic fields of science. Figure rz.z shows how the share of uS and EU-r7 SCI publications publied by researclr ers with a chinese suname has evolved over time in the field of thr. plant molecular life sciences.3worldwide, the share of the total numb.r, of publications in the plant molecular life science subeld co-authorerd

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by a researcher with a Chinese surname has increased from less than Io per cent in r99o to more than 25 per cent in zoo6. Il one excludes articles of which one author is based in China, Hong Kong, Chinese Taipei (Republic of China, Taiwan) or Singapore, the share increased from around 8 per cent to a lite below 15 per cent. As Figure rz.z shows, more than 30 pe cent of American SCI publications in this subeld are currently co-authored by a researcher with a Chinese surname, while is share was around 15 per cent in r99o (|onkers zoog). This relative measure prodes a strong indication that he contribution of overseas Chinese scientists in the US research output has increased considerably. To a far lesser extent, this increasing contribution holds for the EU-r7 region as well. Within the EU-r7, the share of publications co-authored by researchers wi a Chinese surname is igh"t in some countries, such as the United Kingdom, than in others, zuch as France. The share is even l0wer in the case of countries like Italy, Spain, Portugal or Greece. It us appeas justified to deduce, on e basis of this figure, that in this subfield the relative size or at least the contribution of e overseasChinese community - in the EU-r7 is much lower than in the US. Figure r2.3 presents a similar figure, albeit for all scientific fields taken iogether. These data on English-language articles, leers, notes and reewi was sourced from the online version of Elsevier's Scopus.a As the gure shows, the trend towards increasing contribution by research.tr *ith a Chinese suname is visible for all scientic fields collectively

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as well. The observed shares ae lower than was the case for the pl;rrrl molecular life sciences. Tble rz.r pesents the results of a series of simple partial correhliorr analyses that aim to show the correlation betvveen e annual nunrlrcr of international co-publications between China and twenty countrjcs rn Europe, North America and Asia-Pacific and ree factors that wert' r'x pected to be potential explanatory factors for observed geographical v;rr iations. The data underpinning the proxies for these potential explrrrr,r tory factors were all collected on an annual basis for each year betwt','rr r99o and zoo6. That the size of the research system - for which tlrr'

oulltrtt, Tablerz.r Partialcorrelation cofficients annualindicators scientific of for population overseas co-publications willt of Chinese and international China
PIant molecular life science X 1 . N a t i o n a lsh a r eo in te r n a tio n a lp u b lica tio n s X 2 . S h a r eo a n a tio n ' sp u b lica tio n s y a u th o r s b w i t h C h i n e sesu r n a m e s T. Year 'r*Correlationis significant at the 0.001 level (two-tailed). S o u r c e : d a p te dfr o m Jo n ke r s( 2 0 0 ) A 0.535** 0.362rr* 0.3ogrnr A l l.l rl rh 0.49 t 0.246"' 0.4t )

lt proxy X , tlt . r r olit t g t ot t r t lt y's slut t t 'o llr t 'glt lllul t t t t t r t llcr9 . ir t t t : r na' tl u,,,i l,.i ,'r t r i c pr r lllic. t iot s wlls t t st 't l would bc cor r elat edt o t he a highly lllrrrrlrt,r.'co-purlicati.ns wir6 Cllri'a is {ar iom surprising: number of potential collaboravlsiblc research system contains a large eqrral'it is tlvc partners for researchersin China. All oer things being wi this potential parlne tlrus'likely that there be more co-publications Over.time' country an with smaller and less visible reseach systems' increases, so the signifitht. number of international co-publications and the depencantly positive correlation between the year variable T Of greater interest to the discussion in dent'vaiable was also expected. beihis .h"pt", is the signcantly positive independent corelation visibility of the overseas Chinese scientitween the proxy used t gauge the number of fc community in respevJpartner countries (X,) and onkers 2oro)' lnternational co-publications (f more The relationships between these indicators ae explored in cross-panel time series ana\ses (|onkers depth in a recent paper using increase in toog). These anJyss provide an indication of the relative research collaboration between the Chinese lmprt"rr." of transnatinal of these ia*"r.tt system and its main parlner systems' The outcomes things, at the explanatory powe of the cnalyses rveal, among other independent variables-inceases over time' Simple egession-analyses X, beof annual data indicate at the relative contribution of variable only in the years after the. turn of the comes consistently significant Cao (zoo7) century. A different pper by fin, Rousseau, Suttmeier and to explore in detail the role researcherswith uses a'similar methodoiogy inChinese surnames in various partner countries play in co-authoring wi china. with e aid of a large team of ternaonal co-publications individual students, this research actually studied the authors of each per cent of the- international co-ryblications beprp"r, tho-ing that 72 one USiwe' the Us-and Chin in the period 2,oor-zoo' had at'least a Chinese suname. For Europe, this percentage based author wi for prou"t considerably lower albeit still quite high (4o per cent Another b"r*"rry, 48 per cent for England and 3o pe cent for France)' nding of thii study is that an increasing share of interhighly ,l"u"ttt exclusively naiorr"l co-publicatios between the US and China is made with a Chinese suname based in the two counties' In by researchrs 12 per zoor, co-publications of this sort were 30 pe cent US-China' per cent Sinocent Sino-English, 14.6 pe cent Sino-German and tz p"t cent' 14 French. tn zoo5, e respective shares wee 35 per cent' t per cent and r p"r .",.-i'. This growth in the number of international surco-publications written exclusively by researchers with a Chinese renae provides an especially strong indication that transnational characterissearch collaboration is becoming an increasingly important interaction with China (fin eI al' zooTl' tic of scientific

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Conclusion and discussion

T his c h a p te rd i s c u s s e d me th o c l o l o gi cal r< xrcrr r;uanri rrrri vr, ,;rrr a apP rr dies of the visibility of ethnic groups of scicrrtists [uropt' urrtl Nrrrlr in America and of transnationalresearchcollaboration,whiclr is rrrr,l,.r stood as researchcollaborationbetween overseas(expatriateor nrilI,rrrrl scientists and their counterparts in their home country5.The valitrtr ,, the approach has been provisionally tested by of a sr.rril :r,,rr, survey providing a first indication that chinese surnames carr irrrrr.,,l -""ni be used to identify this particula group of scientists and malcr,::r,rrr ments about publications co-auored by them. This approach tlrr*, ;,,.r mits quantitative studies of specific goups of scientisti, somethirrli rrr,rl is not possible with available survey and statistical data. This chapter prodes a quantitative example to show that lrrlllrlr _ skilled expatriatesinteract to a relatively high "gr"" with their irrrrr,r home system. It offers a further indication thaitransnational i.rt.r.r, tions can involve the transfer of cognitive as well as material esorrr(,,, Scientistsare expectedto be distinct from other migrants becausr,rlr,,r arehought: r) to be very mobile internationally, z) io engage in rr r,.l,r tively high degree of professional interaction with non-mig=rantirrrrr'r duals and 3) to be of potentially high importance for the eveloprrr,,rri of their home country. Furthermore, 4) in the case of China, trar,,,,,,, tional interaction is actively promoted'y e government of the lr.rrr,. country. This and related studies show an absolute and relative increasr,,,l transnational researchcollaborationbetween overseas chinese scierrrr:rr,, and researchersin mainland china. This finding compels a qualirrr,r tion of the notion of 'brain drain', insofar as sending countries ian | ,,.,, efit from their expatriate scientists. This effect is likely to occu only ,,r mainly for those countries at have succeeded in building up ir r(, search system wi the absorptive capacity to gain from interatinrrl r,. search collaboration. overseas scientists fottr a bridge betwr.,.rr scientistsin their home country and their coneagues theiihost c,rrrr -"y in tries. In addition, provided they have attained independent positi,rr,, and a critical mass in their host country, they may engage in xclusrv,, transnational collaboration wi researchers in their home country. The observedincrease in, and dimensions of, transnational coliab,,,., tion could be specific to the chinese case.There are at least three rt,,r sons why this may be. First, the number of overseaschinese scienrrsr:. is high in absolute and relative tems. Second, the chinese resear.rrr system has experienceda rapid improvement in terms of infrastructrrrt., manpower and visibility in the last decade, whereby it has outpatt.rl other major sending countries. Third, the Chinese government ha, i,,, plemented a broader and more intense range of prolgrammesto engrrlir.

s l i r ,,vt' r' s 1ltsr icr r list sllt ; lt t ollt t 't t t t ; t iot st 'lt t lir t gt or t t llt it 's' Wllilt ' t lr c o ' suit t l l trl l rotl okr gylt 'st lilr t 't lir r llr is p; t pcl is plr r licr r lar 'ly cd t o t he cas- e such as scnding count r ies, ot el ri rrtr,i t t i it yllso lr t 'r r sr , cl r r st . vr . r al lr cr 'Turkcy.whcthcr scientistsfrom these countries l(ort.ir,lnclia, lran and Or, irr cxample, Eastern European countries and Russia can be identi fletl tlrrough this approach depends on whether most of the surnames Ust.rl in these countries are unique to them. For this eason, the approach is less suited for studies of expatriate scientists from classic iminigration countries in Latin America and South Africa, as the surexllgrros of the inhabitants and migrants from these countries are The same is true for studies of pectrxl to be less easily distinguishable. i{,,r,,p."r, expatriatesin the US. It may be possible to apply a similar nretliodologial approach to elds outside the social studies of science. It is clear ih"t it .n be used for patent studies for which similar datatrascsare available. Whether transnational collaboration also occurs freqrrcntly in this field remains an open empirical question. other fields lir whi data on contributions or companies is linked to the names of guthors, owners or directors could potentially be amenable to a similar

epproach. An interesting question asks to what extent the increase in transnational scientific-collaboration leads to a change in the distributon of both costs and potential gains ofresearch collaboration between the participating research systems. Scientific cooperation is not a zero-sum then again, some may gain more ame - all partners may gain but, government's active promotion of transnairu' o.tr. The Chinese tional collaboration and other forms of interaction with overseas scientists suggests that the govenment believes there are benets of interaction wii its expatriatei that extend beyond the benefits associatedwith lnternational reiearch collaboration in general. The first of these Potential benefits is that the promotion of research collaboration, like the protnotion of short-term return and other forms of interaction, may lead to n increase in permanent eturn migration of its overseas scientists. sccond, but only hypothetically, transnational collaboration may yield higher benefits to th Chinese research system than other forms of inteinational collaboration in terms of the transfer of knowledge, information and other resources. This expectation could be based on supporedly better understanding by overseas Chinese scientists of the potential, problems and needs of researchers in mainland China. Their cultuial and linguistic skills may also lead to higher-quality collaboration. Finally, compared to non-chinese scientists, overseas chinese scientists may have a relatively strong desire to contribute to the development of the Chinese research system. They may also be more willing to do research on subjects that are of strategic importance to China's such qualitative differences between development. whether

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l ()l t' to a t r anS na ti o n a ln d i ttl c rrrl tti o rrl rl l l ;rl rot;tl i tttl xi sl otl i l v(' l l l -1,('l()l !r= an e m Pi ri c a lq u e s ti o t. m ains l T he p o te n ti a lri s e o f tra n s n a ti o ttl tst i t' rrl i cctl l hl l oral i orll i ry w ,rt attention from a Europeanatrcl N<lrthAmcricarl polit v l'r'1 rant Some (otlltlttr'': as spective well. First of all, one may wonder whether partncr tat hck a large Chinese scientific community have fewer oppotlttt.rtlrr'r, in developing ties wi the emerging Chinese science systen' Will tlr'' -"-.rg"tr." of a transnational scientific community lx'lwr'''i! potential mainland China and North America put the EU at a relativc clir;rrlr',rrr tage in the development of song scientific ties with China ly r'rlrrr sin, similar dynamics could play a role in the formatiol of ollt|r lt.=, including commecial ones. If so, should this have implications lor rrrr migratio pohcies with respect to the highly skilled Or are 'lltt't ,r1' proches t investing in the establishment of cross-boder li.rr l, ";, costly, more effective andlot sustainablel As prior discussedin this chapter, transnational scientific coll;tlrilt,r tion my differ from other forms of international scientific colhlxrt,tlt,'tr .1lr:rr in terms of the motivations at drive this type of interaction. 111;111 difer in the distribution of the potential gains from this illl('t;rr lrr'rt with respect to intellectual property rights or non-protected spill "v' r" that couid include human capital development, technological tlt'vr'L'1' ment or policy insights. The increasing economic, political and st tt'ttll c prowess of major sending countries such as China may or ttr;tv ttrrl lea to greate sensitivity concerning the desirability of knowlcclgt' lL,tr'', and the role that scientific mobility and transnational cooperaliotr |1,11 A in these processes. risk of the emergenceof scientific natiotlltlisrrr'rI pears low; over time, e resistance to cross-border scientific totll'tr l;' p;' iras been overcomeby considerationsof eir benets. Overall, I I rr' l,rr efforts o rrlltte contribution of foreign-born scientists in the research countries and e positive light in whch international collaboralit,rr1i'rr erally tends to be seen are likely to off set these potential conct'rtrs Pondering these potential, possibly far-fetched policy concltrr:r.lrlF it.r""r" in transnational research collaboration dtx'r I't tI gered by "nsome ethical considerationsregarding the use of th is rrr,'lI r, io e fore ' dology. The classification of researchersor their contributiorrs ott litr basis of enicity or cultural background is a potentally sensilivt' i:;'.rr,' Individuals may obiect to being classified as members of a gt'rtt1' "t' the basis of a simple linguistic signifier - a surname - alont'.'llr,",ttt vey results suggestthat, in this case,surnames do constitute a tt'l,tltv' lt 'l'lrt' |'rrlr ,.ii"bl" indicatr of cultural background (i.e. linguistic skills). are based, is ttlltt'trrr"rt lished material, on which such assessments in e public domain. using the methodologyto assessgrottP r;izr','r in gto,tp uiribiliry as demonstrated this thllptt'r, is thcrcforc lol tott"ll r ed v e rv p ro b l e m rti c . C u rt' s ro rrl tl l x' l ttl < t' tt, httw t' vt' t, l o rr' !t

o sllt 'ssllt lt l, wlr ilt ' llt t ' t lt t t t llr t 't scit 'r t lt t fl tl l r i t.rrllyl; il1+, s; r t il1llt 'st t l lo lr t : st ir 'at inggr oup visir st , t , r r rts r rir tt t r 'r lt , t ( '. s. f ( ' ti fi c about the ethnicity or culturto is rrot justit,cl rrl<t,strtt,rncnts i, rl iclr t i'r r s ' rrl iii,y, on the basis of their surnames ii l,kgr,,utcl o'specic inclividuals :lotte'

Notes
,l '|ri sch apteri s bas edonpartoftheauthor' s P hD thes i s enti tl ed.S c i enti fi c mobi l i ty the Chinese research systern' defended at arrrl lhc internationalisation of the and funded through a PhD grant provided-by.the lirrlrpcan University trrrtit.,t" A . book on the bas i s of thi s thes i s i s l )rrl r'l r M i ni s try of E duc ati on(fonk ers z ooS b) fiom comments plozoro). Th,e chaql:t-lltrb"""fited ,,rr..:ntly in pr.s, (Jonkers conference on which this book tit'ttSCOS virlt'd by reviewers and participants of the published in a diIerent form (|onkers lr based. Parts of tftis ttt"pit have been ,l,r:o9). migration programmes others, jonkers (zoo8a) for examples of return i;;'i-."g govenment' rtttl network actities set up by e Chinese Scientific @ ISI Science Citation l)ltta sourced from the online'uersion ofThmson demarcation of this scienzooT.For a discussion of e ioumal-based i,tJt," "*p"rrd"d and Tiissen (zoo8)' tilc subfieiit see fonkers population with secondary education consists 'l'lrc EU-r4 figure for *,e hi"t'"-born S*it""t1"ttd' specific statistics on Chinesestates, Norway o the EU-r5 member "t'd the abbreviaft"b an Switzerland are unavailable' hence lxrrn residents ln C.t-""y, tertiary education E-'7' o'" than half of Chinese-born with tion EU-r4 raer than naturalised' To a lesser extent' the same lrr the US, Canada and Australia have been (zoro)' per cent)' The figure is adapted from |onkers ir true for France (38 Switzeriand and Norway' The figure is 't'he U-r7 includes the E-r1 membe"r states'

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ldapted from Jonkers (zoo9)' ,l,homson Scientific @ ISI riently changed,e interface of the SCI in such a way that in this chapter' are' at least r-o1ttt5 moot"'dt"Jbed such ;,;;;r."rches, "" hindered further elaboration of this chapter lncnt, no longer possible' Thi' th"t'g" altertt'ittg l'is methodological approach' lortuiitet lnd may hinder future @ 'toai"' i' possible to do a similar study in Elseer's natives to this database ao ""itt "t'di n3 and Table r r were The data for 'a11science fieids' in Fgttte i.p,r, a"t"t "re. articles' notes' letters and reews in based on a collection or:Ji f"gtitl'-tanguage not included in the SCi' search may i"a"aL p"f'fit*"tions-in iournals Scopus. This ,l,he of Canada and the US around 1995-1996 " share sudden decrease "bJ";"til of e database' is thought to be related to e structure (china) in which the indiis.used in this text to refer to the country i;;-:;;"try 7 ancestors were born' nuu" o""" born themselves or in which thei dual researcherr

Chaptert3

as The internet a meansof studYing and transnationalism diaspora

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Introduction

Present-day challenges in conceptualising diaspora and transnational illgrant activities have proliferated diferent ways for defining the eotetical characteristics of a prototype group. These definitions, however, heve come without means for analysing diferences and commonalities ln detail. The various typologies created ("'g. by Cohen 1997) have been mch that most goups can be assigned to moe an one type or that 9lte group can develop from one tlpe to anoer over time (e.g. the Greek diaspora in the United States transforming from one of trade ito one oflabour) (seeKokot zooz:351. The diaspora concept itselfhas evolved over the years, from the origirl 'old diaspora' conception (fewish, Armenian) dened by groups' oncentaon on return to the (imagined) homeland (Safran zoo4), to ncompassing characteristics such as a transnational relationship wi both country of origin and host country, now conceptualised broadly as tnew diaspora' (Grassmuck zooo). Such a leble, open definition ltresses e particularity of each migrant group and its widely varying haracteristics. In this case, almost all migrant groups could be defined lt a transnational or new diaspora, thus making the concept itself quite theaningless. A narrower definition, however, highlights structures and petterns of migrant contacts and networks more accurately' In this reipect, disassociating ideas of diaspora from ideas of transnationalism could yield more lucid results (see Cohen 1997; Faist r99il. Another challenge to date is e classic triadic model (Sheffer 1986) rat porrrays e relationship between host and home country and the migrant community. The model is criticised for its simplicity, as it implies a migrant community homogenous in its activities and interests. ihis eoretical approach is central to most analyses, as internal differtntiations of migrants' contacts and goals are a methodological problem (Adamson zoor: r58). @stergaard-Nielsenconcludes at migrant activities in relation to host and home country 'must be measured with a

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n or ( t (l yrl l (' s l l (' d o l l l u rtri s rrs rri rl lly rt,r' l rsr,rr l l rt' urrrrl ysiol to l i s l rl l r t ic al c ha n g ea t d o rrrc s ti c n d i rrl t' rrn ti o rurlt,vr.l s, a (zooz: zoo1. l I n our c h a p te r, e s u g g e s th a t th c i rrtcrnctcorrl cll c j trstsrrcl r i rrr.l 1. w t l ;r meshed tool, constitutingan appropriate researchsite 'or advarrr'irr1i rlri= study and comprehension of migrant networks and influerrt:r' :rlrr,,,r,l and adding to more fertile conceptions diaspora of and transnatiorr;rlr:,rrr Discussion of these conceptsbegan (anew) simultaneousrywith rlrr. 1i1,, balisation debate,which suggeststhe ideas are closely intertwirrt,tl. 'tlr, globalisaonpocess is driven by, among other things, new inf<rrrrr;rrr,,rr and communication technologies(ICT), which indicatesthat ong.irrlirl, velopments of ICT, globalisationand migrant acvitiesare interir,,,l Additionally, a new rise in diaspora activities and changing dyrr;rrrrr, ,, in the role in politics played by migrant groups abroad sinc thr' ,1,,v,,1 opment of the internet show that processesand contacts betwcor rlr,, persed goups (in dierent countries) are now enabled to a degrt'r, rrr,l previously possible. In fact, as Scherer and Behmer assume, .u,,,,,,,, nity structures destroyed by migration are often rebuilt only wirlr rlrr, help of the internet, thereby also engendering new forms of comrrrr, abroad (Adamson zooz: 297). when studying diasporasor migrants' transnational actities, rtr,,rt such as social networks, identity construction, the local dimensi'rr ,,1 day-to'day life, migrants' role in bridging naonal and cultural boarrl,.r,, their position in the public sphere and their migration history are ,rr.rr the focus ofresearch (Kokot zooz:34). The internet can be an ass('r,l exploring many of these aspects.Note how it has become central t, rl* following life dimensions: t) 'Diasporic communities have always relied on networks, whiclr .r panded from the immediate local to the transnaonal and skrlr,rl' (Georgiou zooz: 3). The internet is now the central framewolk 1,,, such networks, so that observing online structures can provid. rrr sights into diasporic community characteristics. vhen th influ,,,,,,, of migrant groups is investigated, it becomes obous that main ;rv. nues are found in eir cooperation with NGOs and third politrr,rl parties, the construction of new (alternative) political identities, tlr, course within transnational spaceand fundraising and campaigrrirrp for action (Adamson zoor: 16o). For all these influentiar ctiviti,,,., the intemet is a significant instrument - if nor the central insrrrr ment - used by diaspora groups. z) The construction of a shared imagination is also crucial to sustuirr ing migrant communities. central herein is inter-group communr(,1 tion behaviour, which promotes identification and goal attainm.rrl Today, internet platforms play a key role in this pro."r, as tlrr,y further the retention or reawakening of id.entties ani magned hottt, Iands.As Georgiou put it:

' l ' l rt, l rr lcr r r t , llr ; r slr llowt , t lt t t osl ol'llt t 'st 't ot t t t t t t t t t ilit lst <l discovcr it it rt t lr ;rrrrlrt,t lis9vr . r is s t lr r t 'cl t t lt gir t lr t it tat t c[t : or r t r t t onaliql has t al<r'nt,vt:rrirrtht,r thc potcntialsbr dcvclopingdiasporiccultures of transnational ancl partly free from state control communirrrccjiatcd, ( zooz: 3) ci rti < rn . l,trouglL ICTs alone do not create a community, they enable the com1) rrtunication that is essentialbetween its members' has also taken up a central function in 4) Mcanwhile, the internet any migrants' d'ay-to'daylves(fotums' email, online chat, weblogs' private hmepages, ethno-portals, etc.). The implicitness of ICT in inigrants' lives is ecluivalent to the use of the technology by non-migrant citizens. It can be stated that, in general, most migrants use ihe internet as often as everyone else does and for the same reasons (information, communication and recreation). Newer studies show ihat the percentage of internet use by migrants is increasing steadily, as is their competence of e internet itself (see (N)Onliner Atlas zooS ). form brtdgesbetween host 5) Diaspora and transnational communities and home countries. In analysing these bridges, the internet can be used as a device, as these connections mainly consist of communicative relationships sustained, to a large degree, with the help of ICT. The internet's iignicance for this pupose can be understood when we keep in mind that the situation of exile and dispersal is consti tuted by a specific communication problem (Scherer & Behmer zooo: 283). it ittn" has, to a large degree,been resolvedwith the rise of fT's lttre internet, mobile phones, etc.). Therefore, analysis of internet sites, their uses and thus emerging communication paths can add to the understanding of migrants' bridging behaviour, as well as the differences and similarities within and between transnational communities and diasPora. 6) Apart from this, the internet as a meeting point - for_private and ' plrtrti. as well as personal and communal - reflects different levels interaction. Online platforms are used for personal disf -igt"ttt between friends, the organisation of community activities cussions or the publication of alternative information about the home country,s oi diaspora's situation. Through this information about the gneral public as well as about other migrant community members' ;dirp"rrd Diasporas gain political and community visiblity' (Gergiou zooz: z\. By obtaining accessto the public sphere as it exsts online, topics can be kept on the public agenda in the host country or beyona. rnis might well be e most relevant possible influerrce of diaspoa goups. Again, this aspect can be analysed by monitoring the internet, as it is increasingly becoming central for the public sphere. while the offline public sphere is dominated by mass

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ll m ed i a , tl tc i tttc rrtc t l ri g l rl i g l rtspttv;tl t' , tl (,l l ' l .l ov('lltt' tl l ;l l ,trl l t r, s uc h a s mi g ra n t g ro u p sa rtdo t' g l tt ti sl tl i otl s. rrt' 7) Lastb u t n o t l e a s t,a v a s tn u mb e r o rt' sottttt' s avai l al l l cott l l t,' ttr ternet about Ihe hstory of individual migrant movemcrtls ir:r llrt r themselves, their host country and country of origin stt il. ilrr rrrt study of these resourcesis basic and central to understarltlirrli grant goups'behaviour and their orientation towaltls lr,'llr countries. All in all, using the internet as a reseach site to decipher the clt;tt.r,lr r istics of dierent migrant orientations and relationships seems lo vr, l,l insights into institutions; behaviours and novel developments ottlttt,' r', well as ofline (Wellman & Gulia r99q.One should not make lltt' trrr', take, however, of studying all these activities solely by analysing llr,' rrr tenet. Though online spheres are the extension of ofline worlds, llr, t alone do not suffice for a thorough analysis. Field shrdies o olllrrr, realms cannot be replaced,but the internet can add to an ovetvit'n','l dierent migrant communities' characteristics. Online and olllrrr'' worlds interact and are not independent of one another, so that ;rrr,rlt', ing online behaviour allows us to draw conclusions about overall, ('tr,t zooz: 4o91. al interests (also oline) (seeMatei & Ball-Rokeach phenomena aids itr ovn At the same time, the analysis of internet coming problems of 'methodological nationalism' and 'groupisrrr'. ,r', internet sites and their users do not respect national or group lxrttrr'l aries. Online networks are instead grouped around topics and ittlt'tt",l', raer than geographic background or neighbourhood proximity.

oJ 11,2,1Ernpiricalartulysis Lheinlcrntl until social activitiesTlre irrtcrnct op(:rsup rrt'w opliotts rr asst:ssing studies using socio-scientific Rir*, Itn*.u"r, there have only bccn a w internet (Luzar zoo1l' and ellr<rclsin coniunction with analysing the of the biggest obstacles !.t inr" ,r" many challenges to face' One "-is up to now-impossible to Flri,,rl ."r""r.i, o.r the internet is that it terms - dene the uniiJ.'i,ify enough websites to - in no uncertain to satisfy one of the criteria of wrn,, of casesl which would be necessary means that it is probleleitrntific research (fanetzko 1999: r45)' This the characteristics of e interrti. to make general statements about search engines' such as net (Theobaldzooo: r8z)- The use ofparticular pgtial insight into the total universe of rngle and AltaVista, gives only these search engines are of woUit"r. For lack of itemativr, ho*.u"t, Werner & Scholz zoo5" 5z\ on ten used in internet research lWelker, make use of these same ihc grorrnd* that internet uses emselves Web' aet.h engines to accessthe World.Wide the internet A furth"er challenge for website analysis is the fact that of websites' user proles and aclt a dynamic construct. The content daily (Meier & Pentzold eef,s to the content of websites can change contain audio.and.vldeo conte1t,.,l1ioql. Moreover, websites often (van the scope of data that need ro be taken into account ;;"g multilingual options 1s ryell as-links to zoo5). W"brit", with ;;w object further (Welker et Other similar ebsites augment the research is another element that makes it di li roo5, r33). Finally, ano"nyrnity or individuals: it is comc,lt t 'web phenomena to social groups

13.2

Method

This section will illustrate methodological possibilities associatctln'rllr the internet for exploring diaspora and transnational communitit's wrllr the help of empirical data and eq)eiences collected as part ol llr'' authors' research project at the University of Mnster in Germltry A', the political interest and involvement of migrants in eir host cottrrlrt andfor home country are significant aspects of diaspora and lrlttrrrtt't tional communities and experience(Morawska zoql, we focus otl /rrr/t tical actvitiescarried out on the internet by migrants from the itttrr,'t Soviet Union, Trkey and Kurdish areas in the Middle East. Cotrrlrirr,',t, the three goups repesent roughly 25 pet cent of all migrlrrrlrr rrr Germanv Destatiszoo8.

monforwebsit euser sandpr ovider st owit hholdt heir nam esoluse fake identities. Onthebasisoftheselimitations,scientificresearchoninternetphemethods in order nomena must da\M on a variety of dierent research picture of online reality possible' The in g"i ift" most differentiated of websites-created **r"ftoa, of our study consist oi a content analysis political activities (focusing on their thematic tnd used by migrants for an analysis of the rientation, seFescription and group boundaries)' (using a hyperlink analysis program to llnk structures of thes websites of the sites'users and aduncover virrual networks) as well as "itt*"y interests beyond groupism)'. ministrators (detecting individual -search engines sirrg a structureiwebsite search wi the help of method (Hawe' Webster & Shiell zoo4)' we tnd the snowball sampling from the former Soviet Btudied websites created and used by migrants areas in the Middle East who are now living niorr, Trkey and Kurdish over Switzerland and Austria' In is analysis' we vjewed io "r-"nn ro8 German-Turkish and German-post-Soviet, 8oo sites. f th"-, 99 -websites' turned out to be relevant for our toz G"r-"rr-Kurdisti

2 5o

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1{ i {

si l t' s w t' tt' t' l P l r' t'' l r es ear c hq u e s ti o n a b o u t p o l i ti r' l tlt o l tlt' tl l . l l rt' s(. to l l , cl t' grt' t' w l ri t l l l l rrr wit h r es p e c tto th e i r y e a r o f e s ta b l i s lrrrrt' rrlrt' colrtllrrrr 'l up to date,their politicrl irlbrrrratiot, could be considered features, as well as existing references ltt |tr'lttr. tion and participation wete chost'tt l"t 't andlorhot country politics' In addition' 3o websites m or eint e n s i v e c o n te n ta n a l y s i s a n d a surveyofthesi tes,operl tl trtl ;.rtrr| users. structurcs ;tttrl "r Since our interest lay in uncovering organisational we made usc ol 't tt' i ientations of migrants'political online activities' This server-sidt'irtl.rtr'l work visualisati; tool (called"Issue Crawler"). net wor k l o c a ti o n s o ftw a re p e rfo rm e d aco-l i nkanal ysi softhc.,l .1,r.,l 1 groups (set' lt,1ii t" and roz relevant URLs entered from the ree sualisrrtiorr',,rl results of the inquiries are,geographical "e, "1.The (see Figures and r3A'3)' This method,t'tt'rlrL'l 4Al-,4A: the networks hyperlinks' lx'lw" tt us to reveal reationips, displayed online through understanding ol ttrl lff"r"ttt political websites, us enhancing our poiitl."l spheres that were e focus of this research' ;t"*t' " was postecl ,lr llrr W" iro conducted an online user survey' which 30m os t re l e v a n tGe rma n -p o s t-So et,German.Turki shand(i t.tttt.ttt and offline .t lrvtlit'ir (urdish we'sites,, and explred the political online questionnaire.wrtr;'rr"ril of the three migrant gropt' In all iases' the or Russian/Geman and Turkislr) llrr able in two languag.r"lc"i-"" Ilrri'rii by 136 migrants from the former Sovi('l for* *"*.o*ft"td migrants rtttrl ilt' (Russia, Ukraine, r"rkh,t"tt, rc'1, t77 Turkish rlr of e first group, 37.6 per cent identified rlrt'ir ' i#;ie; rll+ as German (tts:'rr r1 nic backgroirnd as Russian-fewish, zr'8 pet cent heterogeneotlslll(' rrrl and zo.l pet cent as Russian,which shows how due to the st'l r:''l''' gr"", gio"pt are. The sample is not representative sittt,t''lt't" tion of the participantslDillman zooo" zo9\'.Nevertheless' is' to date' impossilrh" llrl" ing a representativesample of internet.users coiltlilr;r,rFr pr."drr" ailows us to generate preliminary explorative in Germany' by migrants bout " " rypolitical p o l i ti c a l a cinternet ofmi grantsi nthi sw ay,w (' l ;rrttp' l ti - _ny " the ' i n g th e use of the ti v i ti e s to view th! following dimensions of migrants' orientations: one online contttttttrtlv 'rrll r) internal interactn of migrants *i1ii distttssiorr 'rtr'l thin one country (inforation and data exchange' political mobilis ation) ; in tlrt't,ltttltt "l z; interaction wi the residents and organisations or ig i n (i n p u to fa l te rn a ti v e i n fo rmati on' arti cul ati onol (' l )l x)i ;rl i !rl i mobilising resistance); ( i tt l i e s i d c rrts ttt tl otg:ttti s;rl i otts l l rt' l tosl otl l rl i i ' r" 3) int e ra c ti o i tt th e '' i rt l l r. t ol l l l l l y . .t' i 11i rll'rl rl rirrre tl rt' s i ttttrl i ,tt linro r-rti o n a | o rt for suPPort);

4)i trtt.ri rt.l i t lr r wi||r ir r lr llr , lsr lr |yt t t lr . t . it ; t lir r t t ; t I lr r r lllir . ( diuspor l) splt cr t r ') ' it w orl tl w it ltvisilr il y ; tt t t l t t t llt t t 't t ' than developing (zooz)' wc.arguc that rather Itt cornplianccwiLl l(rtl<ttl to fit the.definjtions' 'tling migrant groups dii,r.nt conceprsa'o trrcrr' activsnsibr. Rnalysing migrant ;'-;.h-;;e trre rcverse approach of each group in the characteristics lties online, *" .ott"tt "i"-t '"u""t our findings' them and ultimately conceptualise ordcr to compae

U.3 Results
address the folconducted mainly in order to Tht' website analysis was with the sites target lowing questions: which ,C'::p: what ,"ttott"ted -,11kind of priority? What lantreated th Wlrich political topics are irtt websites linked to each other? r't"* -,t'tt"ia"a "* analYsis 11,3.t Website

most or ten *1":"."i '{:i',:t":r': eformer Soviet union ae :'ie lffit"u' lt*^* not primary target the
;ig;;,* from

;;;?;rh"::'r.r::':f lJ'li:l"'{H ;tffi :-ffi cultureandpolitics i,, interestea nr,m

Hl:,ffi1;""pre
-zoo7)'By contrast' nine out of ten surveyed Seveker {for cletailssee that their primary taget group comtrkish administratorsindicied j;';^;i t"

i
i

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Iltrut,,r* stated that trtty lf*aa'"ss serve as 'a forum that his site was intended to ldtttirtistrator explaine opinions of al1 German-speaking for t'xchang" of "*p"'i"t""' ""d

t1"kt';';'gi" now of German li]:,1u-t".*r''" live 9*-11I:origin' one *"b.us"rs

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o peoin fo',r<t"as everywhere the world 9y lrr l(urds in c"'-"t|,"t blocked Sincemany of the websitesare in pie irrtcrested Kurdish issues' that vna or Turkey' it can be assumed bt tlr.' governmentt"'it""' between used-for communication turrlish websites"r" ";i;;;;only in the countryof origin' gt,',,t and inhabitants

ll t I

Tapir't r:r:. issues concerntng rlr. o' wt'lrsilt's tlt'rrls with political 'i{.' but clclr rt list|t ' ',',,1,,rity i"' t t ""t t 'y of r esidence' l l l l tIy o 'or i1lir r"n,*t ] it """ l is gr <lt r p considcr t 'tsr 'P: r t ; t l' lx't 'l'i t "lr ll r r r ipit : r t r l pdtt(tes ollt ''r 'vt . r lr 'lll |() tl .Iht' t.v l tl tt:tIr' tI l rrr' i I
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Tabfer3.r

Ceographical reJertnu:s politicul topicson thc unulysed lo wt:hsitrt (in %)

Total (N:tog) Post-Sovet casestudy (N :5i l 21.1 Turksh casestudy (N :ro8) krtrrillt r1r rtrf,rl N r,':l

lbfc r3,e

usr, L.unyltu11t: ort lltc ttnulytrdwrh:itel. (in'/,)

Tohl (N=loS) Kurdish Post-Soviet Turkish casestudy casestudy casestudy (N:gg) (N:to8) (N:1o2)

Both country of origin and country of residence SolelyGermany/Switzerland/ Austria Differentcountries (international, b e y o n dc o u n tr ie so fo r ig in a n d residence) S o l e l y h e c o u n tr yo f o r ig in t (former Soviet Union, urkey, K u r d i s ha r e a s)

41.7 24.9 17. 2

32.4

19.0
50.5

lolclyGerman Cerman, Turkish, (e.g. Multilingual Kurdish, Swedish) lnglish, andCerman urkish/Russian/Kurdsh Kurdish Turkish, Russian, Solely

3 1 .4 24.9 23.9 19.7

22.2
z5.l

47.2 13 .9
10-v

2 3 .5 38.2 20.6 1 7 .6

1^

30.3

1 2 .0

lource: PPI daa p (x tes C N ol as: hi -square t s i gni fi c ant 2:35.859; < 0.001) Cnmer's V:0.485

16.2

Source: PPI data N o t e s :C h i- sq u a r e st sig n ifica n t x2 :7 5 .6 6 i; p < 0.001) te ( C r a m e r ' sV:0 .5 3 3

Rr they are predominantly multilingual. This means the user can choose between at least two languages such as German, Turkish, nglish, French or Arabic; 20 per cent of the sites ae in German nd Kurdish, while z3 per cent use solely German. Links Links to oer websites are the foundation and central idea of the interilet. However, post-Soviet as well as rrkish migrant websites ae rarely linked to each other (possibly due to competition). The sites of postSoviet migrants basically efer to Russian websites, particularly weblogs (for details see Figures ryAt, rlA.z and 134.3).Only rarely do they show a connection to Germany by linking to German websites' A major contrast, Tirrkish sites are linked primarily wi host country websites, particularly with German media sites and naonal institutions such as Germany's parliament, the federal government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Goethe Institute. Another group of links refer to Turkish self,help organisations in Germany, such as the Federation of Trkish Entrepreneurs (Bteu.de),the Turkish Student Federation (BTSonline.de) and the Turkish Community in Germany (TGD.de). Links to Turkish websites without reference to Germany are very rare. Websites of Kurdish migrants, however, are strongly interlinked: many sites have a list of links to a number of other Kurdish websites maintained from Germany or other European countries. There are also generally moe websites in the Kurdish network than in the post-Soviet and Turkish ones. 13.3.2Usersurueys The user survey addressed the following questions: what are the interviewees' political interestsl Which form of political activity (information, discussion, participation) do they prefer online and ofline And who are eir preferred communication partners online and offlinel

Sovietwebsites concentrateon international topics. In contrast, polilrt,rl topics with refeence to Germany count for 19 pe cent, and 9 per.((,t!l of e websites concentrate solely on post-soviet topics. The emplr;r;rr, of the Turkish websites is on German politics: 50 pe cent have a clorrri nant political reference to the migrants'host country, while roughly r', pe cent of e websites efer to political developments in tr'licy Political information from both countries is oered by 3z per Cenl ,l the webpages. Kurdish sites show a stong focus on the Kurdish ,citurr.' z8 per cent focus exclusively on this topic, highlighting a str()rrll 'Kurdish nationalism'. They also deal with political events in their irr,:;l country (7o per cent of the websites), but only when linked to Kurtlirlr interests or incidents in Kurdish areas in the Middle East. Language German is most often used on the analysed websites, although thcr,, are differences between the three migrant groups (see Table ry. zl.'l'lrt. Russian language serves moe often an German as e communi(,1 on basis of post-Sovietmigrants on the web: 70 per cent of the post Soviet websites use Russian, while on more than 30 per cent of tlrr sites it is the only language. AbouI zz pe cent of the sites ae ex(lrl sively in German, while z3 per cent are multilingual. In contnrst, Turkish websites are mostly maintained in German, while more thrrrr 47 per cent are in the language of only the host country. Of the Turkislr sites, 26 per cent are offered in both German and Turkish, whereas r.r pe cent use Trkish as the only language. Again, Kurdish sites dii,r,

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Politicalinterests F or t h e rn a j o ri ty o ' tl rc i n tc rv i t' w t'cl 13r' l rrrts,t.rrral i onl:rl ;rrr:,ra rrri i rrl rl well as p o l i ti c a ld e v e l o p m e n tsn th ci r (orl rl ry o' ori gi rr w t,rt,ol l l rr i most interest. Of the post-sovietinterviewees, 46 pcr cr:rrl sl;rlcrlllrjl their main political concens lie with 'international relatirlrrs' l,lh,nr rl by the topics'education'and'labour and social affairs'. Thc loprr 'rrii gration and integration' was less important for this group o us{.r, (,11,6 Table r3.3).In general,56 per cent of the post-sovietusers wt,rr, lrl:.i ested moe in the politics of their country of origin than in Cr.r.nr;rrr 1,,,1 itics (seeTable ry.4; for details see Kissau 2oo7). The main topit o 1r,,ll tical interest to Turkish interviewees,by contrast,was 'migrati<ln ;rrrrltrr tegration' (zg per cent). International politics rank in secorrrl l'1,r,,. ahead of themes such as elections and democracy. I(urdish rrrill.lit;, show a dominant concern for'international relations' (55 per t.r,rrt), rlr velopments in Kurdish areas in the Middle East (9r per cent) ;rrrrl ilrr topic of migration.

?aliticalactivity 'l l'l<isJrr r cl Kur dish user sar e m or e r slr llt 1n gr.rrt' rll, t , sr r r vt , y owsllr lr l (rgagcd users. Turkish and Kurdish orlit(' llrarr Post-Sovi(t pliticillly scarch 'or in'ormation on websitesof parties or public Uefsnorc ocn :ullx)rities, online newspapers as well as associationsthan do postovict users. Forums and weblogs, however, are used more frequently $ post-Soviet users. These ndings correspond to the political ofline tctivities of the three groups: Turkish and Kurdish migrants ae more fiequently members of political parties, trade unions or migrant sel help groups than post-soviet migrants. They also discuss politics oline tlore often. irrkish and Iturdish uses also indicated that their political etivities (information retrieval, political discussions and participation) bave increased considerably since they began using the internet, while post-soviet users' political activity has increased only slightly.

Tabfe r3.3

Interest in political topics on the internet (in %o)

lotal

(N:rlt)
I n t e r n a t io n ar e la tio n s l Migration and integration Elections,democracy,participation Education Labour and social affairs E c o n o m ya n d fin a n ce Religion

Posl-Soviet casestudy (N:tl

Turksh casesludy N:tt+)

l \r n r l tz l r (.u\ ,,lhJl (N r r r ,l

Communication Partners Uring the internet to enable - and simplify - contact with their country Of origin is a central motive for many of the cluestioned users, suggestlng that their individual online sphere and online activities are influnced by their migratory experience. Their prirr,ary communication of origin who also Pgrtners online are migrants from the same country in their country of residence (see Table r3.5)' llve

39.2 r 8. 3 11.7 r 0.8 8. 9 6. 7

44

46.6 9.8 9.0 r2.5 ll.3 6.8 3.8

21.3 29.3 13.8 l1.s ll.5 8.6 4.0

'r " l 4 l F r IF tl l 'J

(in partners the internet %") on lfble r3.5 Communication

Total (N:+ll) Kurdish Post-Sovet Turkish casestudy casestudy casestudy (N:tls) N:ttt) fl:t65)

','|

Source: data PPI Noes: Chi-square significant test (x2:57.258; < 0.001) p Cramer's V:0.257 Tabfe r3. 4 Main political interest/orientation (in %o)
Total (N:Clt) C o u n t r yo f o r ig in ( fo r m e rSo vie tUn io n , urkey, Kurdish areas) Country of residence(Germany, Switzerland, Austria) Post-Sovet casestudy (N=tl+) Turkish casestudy g:t7z)
Kr tr h:l t r c a* \l r ttl N r i tl

Mlgrantsrom the former S ovi etU ni on, Turk eyand K urdi shar easnow l i v i ng i n A Germany Sw i tz erl and, us tri a , S Gcrmans, wi s s ,A us tri ans without a migraory background iosidents of states of the former Soviet Union, Turkey, K urdi shareas Mlgrants from the country of ori gi n now l i v i ng i n c ountri es gpart from Cermany, Austria Switzerland, lource: PPI data

6 t.3

57.0

59.1

67.9

N ot significan

44.2

33.4

55 .

44.2

16.908 0.031 16.736 0.001

44.1

5 5 .6

40.6

36.0

12.9

1 9 .5

5 .7

12.9

65 . 3 34.7

56.7 43.3

51.7 48.3

I
i

tl

j
I

Source: PPI data Noes:Chi-squaretest significant (x2=58.003; < 0.001) p Cramer'sV=0.363

'very categories often'and 'often' sum o response Noias: 40 V:0.1 Cramer's 0crmans: V:0.139 Cramer's Rcsidents:

1l
rl,l

M or t' s ;tt' t t:l rl l yl,x rs l -So v i t' l t' r' s i tts conrrrrrrrri ctrl (, oi t,rrw rl rr rrr ttor(, habit a n ts ' th c b rmc r S < l v i c L .J n i o rrrurrw i l l r (i t' rrrurrrsutl < i n11rrrl o l ll l ,r gration background.Turkish and l(urdish uscrs tcrrclto hrvr,rlrir; r,l tact with German uses more frequently.Thc rnajority o''rr'l<islr.l'l post-soviet migrants also belongedto a permanent group o crrrrrrrrrrrl cation parlners on the internet, with whom they discuss politit:r (,,.rrr and 53.8per cent, respectively). I(urdish users were less often intt,,r,rt, rl in such an online community (46.6 per cent).

13.4 Discussion
The political online activiesthat we identified throughout our lr,:;,,,rr, lr can be used to characterisedif[erences and similarities in the oli.rrr;r tions and organisationalstructures of migrant groups. Our study r,rrrr,l variations between migrant groups in terms of their online lirrr.,r;i,. structures, predominant online language use, purpose for using rrrtr,r net sites, integration status oline as reflected online, as well ;r:; tlr,. central function of the internet. All in all, we think that o sarrurh',,f migrant internet users represents ree different online spheres ,r rrr grants (see Kissau & Hunger zoog). These can be categorisedas tr,r!r,: national (online) communities, (rtual) diasporas and ethnic (orrlrrrr,l public spheres, all of which have become evident through analysis ol rrr tenet usage characteristics(for an overview ofthe disnguishing t r rt,, ria, seeThble r3A.r). 13.4.1 Transnational onlinecommunities We consider migrants from the former Soviet Union an exampk, r,l ,r transnational (online) community that is politically involved, albcir rrr'l very actively, both in the home country and the host country througlr rlri. internet. This group communicates predominantly with other post-Sovrr.l migrants and inhabitants of their country of origin online, thereby pr,r,,.r ring to use the Russian language and frequently reverng to their rorrr mon Russian culture. With respect to the general communication slr rr, ture of post-Soviet migrants on the internet, the network of eir poitr,,rl sites is stable. In contrast to the Kurdish group, for example, the airrr r., not to facilitate eturn to their home country but to sustain intt.rr.:,t among users in political topics relevantto host and home countries.'l'lr,,r exchangepolitical views and information about their political activiti<.srrr both countries, such as online petitions or fundraising campaigns,wlri, lr are supported by many of the post-Soviet migrant internet users. The political internet sites used by post-Soet migrants in Gernr;rrrl are part of a larger Russia-basedinternet network. Most hlperlinl<s ,,1

lr t ld sik's t t , r 'r 'lo l r r sr i; t t t 'l; lllH, llilg( 'silt 's or r ly a cw t t l fl de l rrl rl ysr . cl wcbsit eadm inislr ypt on t 's ( st . r 'liigr r |r , r 1A. r ) . 'l'lr lor r glr 'r links, Gerrrurrr artcl trst'rs ('xpr('sslltt'ir tlrit'tllrtions and interests by referring Hgtors have been ther rrscrs to thcse pagcs. ln this rcspcct, links to webpages The onrpared to referencei in academic documents (Thelwall,zoor). and nunilr", and quality of links on one page also add to e relevance therefore, f{tillility of aninternet site. Hlperlink structures of websites, and in;eveal power structures, communication paths and relationships zooo). In tsrt.sts between different sites within e network (see Kim show ur example, relevant political sites of migrants in Germany thus the groupi' central thematic focus on their Russian heritage' Te scial spaces inhabited by transnational communities are not Appadurai nibrm, but sirould rather be viewed as constituting what is in fact visible frbrs to as a'diasporic public sphere' (1996: 4fl.Ths miWhen studying th odine interests and interactions of post-Soviet dominated by e online public sphere, _which is :rants. Wiifri their indise of Russian, inner differentiations can be detected between host country-ordual and sub-sphere orientations - some are moe milented, while oers ae more home country-oriented. Many of the choose between home that they prefer not to 3rnts also explicitly stated the politics ind host .onntry but, rather, to sustain a parallel interest in ofline and online acOf both countries. As to the relationship between orvities, it became evident that users are politically active in German is focused moe on online, their orientation lenisations offline while, their home countrY. Transnational communities maintain lasting relationships across boractors ders, through the agency not of states o nations, but individual zoo4: 41.This individuaOr associatins (see Kokot, Tlyan & Alfonso millstic character is also noticeable online. The majority of post-Soviet about political topics gfants interviewed keep themselves informed political frrrorrgh online journals, forums or weblogs, while the sites of are seldom sited' While most parties or govenmental organisations per f th" qn"oned migrants had posted in a forum or blog, only r3'5 in home or host country' cent usd emails to contact politicians 8.4.2 Virtual/onlinediasPoros A contrast to is transnational focus, our analysis of Kurdish migrants' their Uses of the internet reveals that online actities serve to enhance group is centrally focused on the_Kurdish diaspora identity. This migrant ,ca.rs"'. While tirey communicate with other Kurdish migrants dispersed resiWorldwide, the entire sffucture of their online interaction and their as their etuIn to 'Kurdistan' is a predodence abroad appears unstable, minant goal. at the same time, the network of these diaspora websites

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has s ot ttt' tIti ttg i t (i ttl )tti 1 -1u rn rttr,r' , l rt,r' t,l < l rrl y;r ' w o l l rr ol l rer o tl tt w rs i T ur k is h o r p o s t-So v i cs i tc s h rv c s u (:l u r;rral i ty. t Many < l l l l (' s(,$rtr.:r i !!F ev en bl o c k e db y th e g o v e rn me n tsn l ran, S yri aor' rrl < cy, l ri tl r .rl i ,rrrr i w underscorestheir central focus on political changeand inur,rrtt.. Their political involvement in the host country as it becorrrt,s vrirl,lonline, is, in contrast, only peripheral, though not altogcllrr.r.;rlr.;r.rtl Often, e host country's government is lobbied into tal<inu ,r,tr,,rr Schwalgin points out that: a positive redefinition of diaspora offers e possibility of a por;r tive identification with locality becausea diaspora can only s(,rv{. as a mediator if it is successfirllyintegrated in its country o rt.:rr dence.(zoo4: 88) Kurdish websites reflect - much more than post-Soviet and 'lirrl,rr:lr websites - an ethnic group consciousness(common homeland, rrrr,llr origin, tradition, history), which is used to distinguish Kurds frorrr ,tlrr r groups in the host society (see Wonneberger 2oo4: rr8). In contr.,nt trr post-Sovietand Turkish sites,topics such as life in Germany, intt'p1r;rtr,rr or political developments in Germany are almost never discuss('(|.( |rr Kurdish sites, Kurdish nationalism is edent in many cases,anrl r:; ,rl least subliminal to the political online discussionsof Kurdish mig,r.;r rrtr Another difference between Kurdish sites and their post-sovir'r ,rrrrr Turkish counteparts is the network factor. Among the Kurdish sitt,s. rrr terlinkage is strong and reciprocal.while it seems at competitirrr rrr. tween sites is no obstacle, this is not the case for many of thr, pu.,l Soviet and Turkish sites. Kurdish internet sites have an internatiorr;rl,, cus group of Kurds worldwide, since quite often the sites are mrrltrtrrr gual (French, German, Kurdish, Turkish, English), thus showing lrorr. analysis of e internet goes beyond national frameworks. Other research data suggest that Ales in Germany have a sinrrl,rr diasporic online orientation. They have also established a close flcrw,rI of action in order to improve the living conditions and rights of Alt,vr,. in Turkey. However, they are much more rooted in German life arrtl :,,, ciety than Kurdish migrants in general (see Skefeld zoozl. This ;r1i,rrn shows the value of assessingdifferences between diasporasthrouglr rrr ternet analysis. tj.4.j Ethniconlinepublic spheres

pr it . ( pttl rl i t sl l l r t 'r 't 's'llt lr gt 'r ' : , t t t t 4. \M ig, r '; r r tlsor r t 'lir r l<t 'y t ( it lr r nar t y oof r cxlr r r lllt , Wlt ilt . t or r llr I willr llr t 'ir Cot l lt r y 'or igin is essent iall . V i cl t.an passivc,their politicul irrlt'rt'sl ltrtcl ltctions are focused on their host eoulrtry, Germany. Thcsc migrants prer, however, to discuss polical tollics within their differentiated 'ethnic' sphere. Contact with German citizens does take place frequeny (in contrast to post-soviet migrants), but Turkish migrants' chosen political communication space is one of Turkish heritage. Online and oline worlds are, in this case, very close and interwoven because the local dimension of users wiin one county makes it theoretically and practically possible firr users to meet oline (whereas online and oline contact is much more unrealistic in diaspora and transnational contexts). Such internet use as shown by the Turkish group indicates e creation of a public rphere in a twofold sense. The contents are, on the one hand, publicly accessible, often even in German (this is much more often e case than on post-Soet or Kurdish websites), and topics are tailored for an 'ethnic' user group of Turkish migrants. On the other hand, the internet as a platform enables the creation of an ethnic public, independent iom the general German public and journalistic selection mechanisms. This concept of an ethnic online public sphere describes a public sphere that is predominantly open to a subgroup within society - in our case,Turkish migrants. This sphere enables its members to develop discursive abilities under conditions shielded from e pressures of the dominant group's public sphere and simultaneously allows members to maintain or develop eir cultural identif apart from the dominant culture (see also Fraser ry92: n6l. Such a sphere is not to be mistaken with an enic enclave that severs all connections with the general public sphere (Fraser r99z: rz4l. In contrast, our survey of e websites' link structure (see Figure i3A.z) uncovered a tight network and interlinkage of Turkish migrant and German websites. The study also revealed that web users of Turkish origin communicate more frecluently with German web users than do users of post-Soviet or Kurdish origin. This example illustrates how globalisation has not influenced all migrant goups to act as a diaspora or transnational community. Other research has also shown at Indian migrants in Germany, for example, may well also be understood as maintaining such an ethnic public sphere (see Goel zooT). Characteristics of sites such as theinder.net seem to indicate that differentiations viewed in our analysis may also apply to other migrant groups.

Evaluating political information, communication and participatiorr .l migrants online has disclosedthat additional forms of political migr;rrrl institutions and structures beyond diaspora and transnationalism lr;rv,, developed. We have come to conceptualise them as 'ethnic (onlirrr,l

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ltlxtvt:- tt'attstlltltolr'rl These three communication structurt.srlisr'ttsst'tl (virtual) diasporas aild t'thtric (orrlirrt')Prrl'lI (online) communities. ph"t"s - are probably not implicitly stabe. Rather, their rnoclil'it,rlr,,rr is dependent on the political, social, economic or even religiotls rh'vr'l oomnts of home, host and third countries, the status o'ttti11t,tttl': temseluesand the duration of their presenceabroad. In this cottl.rl, il seemspossibleto imagine a phase model based on time, in wlrit lr tlr'' first generation of migrants could be called a diaspora and thc s('(()trrl a tralnsnational community (see also Faist r99g: 44; Emattttt'lrr:'"tr zoo5:521. The results of our research also suggestthat a third iil;t1l' t,, Dossibein the form of an establishedenic public sphere that i"r 1rr'' ominantly nationally oriented and displays only a secondary tt;trt:;tr't tional dimension. For is reason, \Me rather could call it a'rtltltotr'rl public sphere with an ethnic imprint'. Given this typology, ot't,ttl'l speculat whether the transnational post-Soviet online corlrlllrll\ might develop in this direction ove time' Thir q,r"rtion of course cannot be resolved at this stage,but rttttr;l lrr obse.vedcloselyin e years to come' It is to be expectedat tht' y'rrrrrg generation accustomed to internet use in day-to-daylife_will espt'tr,rllt etermine migrants' networks and orientations in the future. Sr',,,tt,| and third-geneation migrants in host countries will have to decitlt' l,'r themselves how to use the internet to fit their political interests antl rtrltv ities. By evaluating ongoing changes in communication practict's ,rrr'l characteristics of internet sites, however, e fluidity and malleabilitv "l these structures and relations can be taken into account. Using nt'lw,'rf analysis of linkage structures within and between diferent comm t t I ri I t' ' on the internet, we can trace contact with other actors and monitol sI rrI lr in activism and orientation. Stable linkages between websites atl tt:.''t groups provide evidence of the existenceof durable transnationlll rotrr munities in contrast to mere transnational practices of individuals. In is context, it appearsnecessaryto point out that though rtltliotr,rl borders are not sible online, they are often artificially drawn llt|orrlilr lr the behaviour of users - in our case of migrants. Where ne 5Ll1 lrilt ttt'w ttr ders exist, language and ethnic belonging enable the creation of group-outgroup structures. It erefore becomes evident nor<'lltt'|t",,, that ihe nation-stateis dominant for online interacon. Especiallywrtlr respect to political topics, the migrants in our research acted in rt'l;tlt"tt to srr.h national pattens despite the internet enabling activities lrt'y',rr'l the nation-state. Furthermore, the internet is of growing importance for numt't,,ttrr .r" and pec t so f s o c i e ty(e .g .th e i n te rn e ta n d cl t' vr' l oP rnctrt), i t w i l l l rrrvr' ,rrr r r or - o g r i mp a c t o n th e s trttt' l ttrl tltl t;tttgr' o ttl i grarl l s' si l tt;tl i orr' ,

() r r r igt ; t t lls'ir t lt 'r <'st sr or ga lsaal l [rxttl .l Ul llr is r lor , silol t t t e; lt tllt ; t l possibilit ies' lcclr t t olog cal lit r r o llr csc ti .rral sl rr r ct r r r t .ts l r r ol t . xist 1ri. r ' abr set t lem ent s oad t li i, r e. t r r igr ar r t tht R rrrl r.r, . d<lr 'ir *r r t i, . r r r 'r , s, media. d*tl:p3"il;-li new wcrc rcinbrced and strctrgtlrt'nc<l by

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ducedonline,whichhindersanall-embracing.internet-aidedevaluation restrictions on' the anaactions. Further problems-with' and irnigo* the deficits of technological infranclude lysis of migrant ";;;kt by govgrnments' inin home countries, control or censorship structure use and the necessity of English-lanadequate knowledge oi-i"*""t Normally' the internet g""g" ,kiilt for cputer and internet activities' public by itself with"": tl"ttt:-t:: cannot reach a large or even world the role of the internet tor ml*"" .ou"t"g", ,'ihi.h also constricts grant actities and emPowerment' and new possibilities for comThe internet constites a new realm imagination' as migrants are- oftt'rr and munication, ,"pr",""t"tion mainstream media (st'' excluded n* ,fr" public r!h"t" or otherwise lr space online is only a solutiotr Georgiou zooz:5\.This alternative prrlrlr problem of exclusive th" t""t'"l some extent, torva*', "' exists' spheres in the host countries still

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r4 Chapter of links Transnational and practices migrants' in organisations Spain

Laura Mora.les and Laia Jorba

t4.t

Introduction

Recent scholarship on transnationalism has focused primarily on practlces of individuals, to the extent that some argue that the individual is - or should be - the proper unit of analysis (see Portes, Guarnizo & lendolt 1999). Yet, the literature is vastly populated with research on whole communities and migrant groups. In particular, a number of lcholars place migrants' organisations and organisational networks at the core of their definions of transnationalism. For example, Faist (loooa: r89) broadly denes transnationalism as the 'sustained ties of persons, networks and organizations across the borders across multiple ttation-states, ranging from lite to highly institutionalized forms'; meanwhile Portes (zoor: 186) emphasises how the notion of transnadonal activities should be restricted to initiatives by members of civil society, be they'organized groups or networks of individuals'. From these perspectives, migrants' organisations and their networks e not just prileged actors in the web of transnational practices and flelds, but they also crucially shape acce\o social capital and patterns 0f network embeddedness that allow us \o understand individuals' ansnational practices more clearly (Vertovec \oo3; Portes zoo3). Most notably, migrants' organisations are afforded a $ecial role in the proto the extent at eessesthat structure transnational political practi\; their transnational actities are often equated wi p\itical transnationdism per se (Portes et al. 1999; Itzigsohn zooo; slergaard-Nielse l ooS c). In contrast to this core placement of migrants' associations in the ttudy of transnationalism, ere are still only a limited number of empirical studies that systematically address the transnational engagement f a wide range of organisations in several contexts.' This chapter is a lbodest attempt to contribute to filling this gap in the literature. Our Study aims to provide a systematic analysis of the transnational pracces of migrants' organisaons in three Spanish cities, wi

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it r r r r r la ti oo t tto l (' l l ta rt z o o u s s o < rl i onso rrri gl unl s rrrul l i pl t, rr il o' r,r tional and regionalorigins. In doirrg so, wc lv'ur l rnt'thockll.plit;rl ,r;r proach that combines the advantages o'studying 'scvcralgrorrPs'irr tl'. same context and 'one group in several'contexts (ostergaard-Nit,lr;r,rr zooSb: 7721,v,,h1Ie also avoiding the severe limitation of sar'rrlirrr, ,,rr e dependentvariable- in this case,transnational engageme,r r,,,, 1r,,,, z oor ) . In this regard, we have chosen to study multiple locations witlrirr rlrr. same country becausewe share with other scholarsan intuition lh;rl llrr place of settlement is of primary importance (seee.g. Bloemraa<.I ,,, ;,,, Martiniello & Lafleur zoo8). And, though the primary focus in tht, l,,r,,r has been on national contexts,researchin this fie1d is pointing irrr rr.;r, ingly to the critical role of subnational politics in moulding-soci,,,,,,, nomic and political opportunities for transnational practices to errrt,r;i' and be shaped (Baubck zoq). our researchfocuses on migrant associationsin ree Spanish citir.:. Barcelona,Madrid and Murcia. This study'is part of a rarger Europt,,rr project called LOCALMULTIDEM. It has been designed in such a w;rv that all active associations of migrant groups are listd (and includr.rr ,r, the target population) and later contacted for interviewirrl' Furthermore, because our information was gathered through structrr'r,rl interviews with the leaders of these organisations,we can address rlrr, issue of how widespread transnational practices are within the migrrrrrl associationafield and what factors are associatedwith transnatiorr;rl ism. Hence, our chapter addressessome of the main questions thar rt. main unanswered when studying the transnational practices of rrrr grants' associations: how many organisations actually engage in tmrr; national eldsl what kinds of practices prevaill which organisati<,rr, are moe likely to become 'transnational'l How does the settlenrr,rrl context impinge on migrants' transnationalisml

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14.2 Transnationalpracticesof migrants, organisations: Conceptual and methodological considerations

studying transnational activities of migrants has sewed to emphasrsr, th_emultiplicity of identities and roles that shape e daily experienct,, of immigrants and their descendants.Transnatinahsm - in some of ir,, early definitions - encompasses a wide range of activities, and has be.rr defined broadly as 'the processes by which immigrants forge and sus tain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies . origin and settlement' (Basch,Glick-Schiller & Szanton Blanc ry94:71. Even beyond the debate on the overall scope and extension l tt"nt national actities (for a summary see portes zoor), this initial notion .l

as pr trattstrali<lt ut l uclit cslt it s llt 't 't rt ot t lt 'slt 't l it 'c; r r t r nt ly, it pr cvcnt sr elroundariesof the phenomiorn lr:rrsirrg ck'luly dt'nt'd orr Fearc:hcrs (Porteset en<lnunderrscrutiny. ln tlris scnst', l)ortesand his colleagues Portes& Haller zoo3) have proposed al. r999; Portes zoor; Guarnizo, to limit the notion of transnationalism and transnational practices to those organised by non-institutional actors and across national borders, which take place outside the realms of state regulation and control. Thus, more recent conceptualisations of transnationalism have focused on civil society actors and individual migrants as the main units of analysis, and some scholars are stongly advocating a focus on transnational 'practices' as a more restricted and usefirl notion for empirical research (Martiniello & Lafleur zooS: 65r). Civil society actors - and, in particular, migrants' organisations should thus be prileged agents in transnational practices because they provide the networks and the infrastructure to facilitate and sustain various forms of transnational engagement by individuals and communities (Faist ry98 zr4), most notably cic and political transnationalism. Thus far, however, e systematic and quantied analysis of organisational transnational practices has been limited to very few studies (Orozco 2oo3a; Portes et al. zooT), which is not to say that scholars have in e past ignored the organisational dimension of transnational practices altogether (see Rex, foly & Wilpert 1987; Soysal 1994; @stergaard-Nielsen zoo3c; Cano zoo4i Bloemraad 2oo5, zoo6; Koopmans, Statham, Giugni & Passyzoo5; Dumont zoo8; Itzigsohn & Villacrs zooS). Still, in most cases,organisational studies present a number of shortcomings that limit their usefulness in producing generalisations to go beyond the case studies analysed. Frequently, these studies are based on ethnographic methods that - while exrremely useful for generating hypoeses and providing 'thick descriptions' * are ill-equipped to evaluate the scope and extension of transnational practices. In other cases, studies suf[er from a serious selection bias, as they 'sample on the dependent variable' if the selection of the organisations has been made on=u-basis of their actual involvement in transnational practices. "fty^t"t problem is very common, for example, in studies at restrijattention to hometown or international cooperation and developtent associations. Hence, the results of these works can hardly provide insights about the extent and nature of organisational transnational activities. Overall, there are extremely few studies that attempt to overcome these limitations by casng the net wider through including all reachable organisations of a number of enic or migrant communities (a notable exception is Cordero-Guzrnn zoo5). Similarly, past studies have tended to study only specific ethnic groups or communities (e.g. Turks, Italians or Dominicans), thus

2l(,

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N uN ,R A N sN ^n( )N A r K l .iA N r) i ' l tA rl ( l i s rrl ' Ml t:trA N t' s ' ()tt(i ^N l s A l ' l { )Nls TIA l N

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plac ir r g s p c c i i l ls tr(' s so rr t' th rri c i ty s l l rc rruri rr (,4ory r"tl rt' srxrar a (al a tl organisationof migrant communitics. wc art: urrtnnvinct:dtlr:rl llrrr;rq an adequate methodological approach.while acl<nowleclging :r vrrl llr:rr proportion of transnational practices is structured along ethnit. lrrr,.r,. transnational alliancesand practicesat transcend the most irnnrt.rlr.rti, and restricted ethnic identities shouid be afforded due consideralirrr, lrr particular, we are interested as well in exploring the transnationirl Pr,r, tices that revolve around broader identities: regional, religious or 'l)or,l tional'. Hence, when studying migrants' organisations we shoukl rr,r restrict our attention to those of co-ethnics, but broaden the scopr' t. ,rll associationsformed primarily by migrants and their immediate clt,st.rr dants, regardlessof whether they idenfy themselvesaround a spt,tilir ethnic identity or choose to rally around religious, regional or pr.,lr':, sional identities. These meodological consideraonsare relevant because,even ir r,rr gaging in transnational practices is often regarded as a 'naturaf inrrrrr-r tion of migrants and their communities (Sayad rg1;j;, a number o strr dies have shown at kansnationalism is far from generalised and srrlr stantially decreaseswith second generations (see e.g. portes zool).r Hence, when studying the transnational practicesof migrants' orgarris,r tions, one of our first goals should also be to determine the scope:'rrl extension of ese practicesas well as their correlates.Indeed, portt,s r,l al. (zoo7l suggest that a number of factors are relevant to underst'rtl ing the different types of transnational practices by organisations: rrr particular, national origin and type of membership. A final conceptual consideration before proceeding to describt' rrr greater detail the methodological aspects of our own research is rlrr. connection between our study and the analysis of political transnatiorurl ism. some scholars would regard all or most transnational practices rry migrants' organisations as expressions of political transnationalsr' even when these associations are not prima facie'political'in their arrrr; - as with hometown associationsand committees (seee.g. portes et rrl. 1999; Qslereaard-Nielsen zoo3b). Though migrants, organisational rrr tivities almost by definition belong to the public realm, not all of th.ir activities either at the receiving or sending country are politically .r iented, nor should ey be considered expressions of political transrr:r tionalism pe se. otheru.ise, we risk stretching unnecessarily and exccs sively the notion of 'political' transnationalism. Equally, and unlil<r, Martiniello and Lafleur (zoo8), we favour a notion of political transnrr tionalism that does not automatically include every form of political ar, tivity in the country of residence but, rather, one that only considers those truly linking migrants with e political realm of eir count'r's of origin. This conceptual clarity is important if we want eventually r. assess the analytical and empirical connection between transnationrrl

t ar r t lt prat:ti tt.s t t d lt t : livist tlt t r t lr t t il. lr lt t t ls't '; t lllt eily d ir lclinat ion o bccom c in rtt<lllilislttiort the receivingcountry' cngagcdin politit:lrl :rclivcly 14.2.1The contert Spain has experienced a sudden immigration flow that has resulted in a ripid change in the social outlook and composition of its major urban centres. The strong and sustained growth of e Spanish economy during the first half of the 2ooos, together with its ageing population structuie, has favoured the inflow of migrant workers mostly from Eastern Europe, Latin America and the Maghreb. This has resulted in a steep surge, from lite more than z per cent of a foreign populationn,Tooo to more an ro pe cent in zoo7.5 The longitudinal trends and the migration structures in e cities of Barcelona, Madrid and Murcia lesem1", fot e most part, those of the whole country The crucial difference is that e proportion of migrants in these three cities is somewhat higher than the national average - a pattern common to the major urba-nareas in Spain.6 Some dierences exist, though, between the three cities in termsf the national composition of their rnigrantpopulations. First, Romanian and Bulgarian citizens are seting down in Madrid much more an in Barcelona and Murcia; Argentineans ae moe numerous in Barcelona than in Madrid or Murcia; the proporlion of Ecuadorians living in Madrid and Murcia is double the size of that same goup in Barcelona; and, while the most numerous national community in Barcelona and Madrid is e Ecuadorian, Moroccan citizens outnumber them in Murcia; finally, non-Chinese Asians - primarily Pakistani - are a much more sizeable community in Barcelona. Second, the cultural - and in particular, religious - diversity of the migrant population is higher in Murcia than in the oer two cities, as the proporiion of migrants from countries where the majority of the population is of Islamic religion is higher in the former (3o per cent) than in bo Barcelona (r4 per cent) and Madrid (9 per cent).7 Similarities in e overall structure and trends of immigration should not lead us to conclude that the local context for migrants is the same, or very similar in the three cities. First, e patterns of urban segteTtion dier in important ways. Migrants are much more spatially/oncentrated in Barcelona than in Madrid and Murcia. A second important difference in the local context that migrants encounte in e three cities is related to the policies towards immigration and immigrants designed by the respective municipal and regional govenments. Even if the major elements of immigration policy - entry permits, nationality, voting rights8, conditions for family reunication and socioeconomic rights - are dened by the national government, regional and local governments can have a substantial impact on migrants' daily lives through

tAl r R A M ( ) l {Al l i i i AN I) l Al A l r tl i l l 4

'l H ^N l N Al l 0N A l l l N K t A N l )l rl l A (1 " 1 ' 1 rrl ' Ml rl l l A N l f l l l l l (; A N l i ' i A l l { l N : i l N l i l ' A l N t I l

sl S t heir pol c y rn a l < i n g . p a i rr i s l r tl trl rsi -l i ' t[' t' l tl l rl t' , l tttd ttl < l slo l l rr, tl po*"tr related to the irnplc:rttt.tttlttirltl wclhrt'-rt'latt'tl;xrlitrc, ('tc. l0 housing, socialst'rvit:t's, - arc assigttt'rl t,' health care,education, otttIrh' gional governments. Frequently, moreover, local governmcrlts t ment this policymaking with their own budgetary ard rt'gtll,rlritl authority. This means that local governments can leave an ittt;xrtl,rtrl imprint on the natue and direction of the welfare policies tlt:tl ;rllr',1 migrants' integration into the host society.In Barcelona,le-wirrli |'il ties and coalitions have been governing the city since the rsl th'rtr" cratic local elections o ry7g whereas, in Madrid and Murt i;r, llrr centre-right Partido Popular (PP) has been in control of the l<xrrl 1i,'r' ernmenisince e early r99os. And, as we shall see, this has rt'sttll|rl in very dierent approachesto migrants' integration and migranls' 1r'rr ticipation. Specifically, Barcelona has a much more developed antl slt rr, turd policy of citizen participation and consultation than Milcllirl ilr Murcia, as well as a more open and tanspalent practice of seleclirrli,rr, sociational repesentatives to the participation bodies' If we turn ou attention to the specic policies towards migrattls' rrr tegration and participation, important differences emege betwt't'rr tlrr thiee cities. A first crucial difference relates to the overall appr<xrtlr1,, migrants' integration. The policy orientation in Barcelona starts ltottt thJassumption th"t migrants'integration should be approachedr,rrr,r general perspecveof combating social exclusion and promoting t't1rr'rl Ity of tretment, iust as it is for the mainstream population. Otht'r' llr,rrr specific actions at must be undertaken for assuring the adequatt'irrrli i setement of newcomers to the city, migrants' integration is vit'wr',| lrl as a'natural'process that will emege from migrants'equal ac(('r";r the city, which are bast'tl ,,tt all social welfire and services provided by e same principles and requirements than for pre-existing_rc'sitk'rrl:, In sharp contrast, the local and regional policies in Madrid havt" ttr 't very short period of time, been explicitly designed to address milt ;tttl',' integrationthrough sewices specically catering to migrants at tltt' rlr triciand neighbourhood levels. And an important feature o' lrt' ,r1' proach to integration policies, especiallyby the regional govern('rrl,r, ihe emphasis on national origin as one of the main axes aroun<.Iwlrt, lr some integration servicesare oganised. This is evident in the ctt'lrlt,'rr .national centres' or'houses', on the basis of national origirr:r of Bolivian, Ecuadorian,colombian, Dominican, African, Moroccart,t'lr, where migrants of specic national ol ifittr'' that are conceivedas Spaces can gaer for social actities as well as to obtain vocational tr;rirrrrrll and general counselling and orientation. Finally, in the city o'Mtttrt,r, the municipality embraces openly the concept of social intelraliorr lilr I immigrants, but rather than scttinpirrp parallcl networks o- lssisl;rtrr al l rr' < ' i l yl rrrsi rrr' orpot' l rl cdl i tl rt' tl tl tti orr,rrr,l and s p p o rtfo r mi g ra n ts ,

scr s<lcial t llc lO t : al s fl gl )l x)rli r r it iut ivr , wit lr ir r llt t 'g, t 'r r lt ; r lst r t t t 'lr lt t '<l t 't t g, <'vt t t r lt 't r o M ur cia has been m uch less llr vi trrs.N c vc|t lr t 'lt 'ss, t 'kr clr l any specialneeds of the a.tivc t6arr t6at o' Madricl ir'acc<lrrlrno4ating i rnrnigrant PoPulation. ,ruri, clearly reairrr""tial approach to migrants' integration is- also approch to calls. The local government of ccted in local governments' to migrants' orMadrid has set up sepaate ."lli fot granting subsidies spaces for participation exclusively-confrrrir"tiorrr, and has created migrnts - the Madrid Forum (Foro Madrid cerned with representing ihe disrrict boards for dialogue and,coexde Dilogo y Cnvivencii; "" y Convivencia Distritales). Meanwhile, the lode Dilogo ;;.;iruas of Barlelona intentionally funds migrants' oganisa;;i;;;r"*ent local associations, and tions within the general call for subsidies to all hasavoidedseinguppar t icipat ionm echanism st hat ar especi cally Murcia does not have addressed to migrants.e The local government of eie' but this is cluite .rry ,"p"r"," nrtialng for migrantsi associations towards migrants and consistent with its lack of wll-developed policies towards participation more generally' is much more welIn sumary the contextf settlement in Madrid national identities coming for migrants to organise ar9u1d ethnic and is explicit policy by than in Barcelona and Muria, if only because there immigrants the regional govenment to pomote the selorganisation-of promotion of and along"those l"ines. Furthemore, e accommodation organisations through specific calls for n1{i1S in migrants' separate being available for arid snod result in moe economic resouces engaging in sustained transnational practices' t4.z.z The studYand the data by a joint team of reThe data employed in this chapter were collected Autonomous University searchers at e University of Murcia and the zoo3 and zooS' of Barcelona following the same methodology between through a pilot-study The final dataset .orbirr., informaon gaered was upate*dnring done in Madrid and Murcia in zoo3-zoo4 - which a full new study in the city of )oo7-roo8 in both cities'o ^" Barcelonaalso done in zooT-zoo8' -, stages. city, the data collection was organised in two different organisations "u"ry a census or list of all existing migrant First, we "l"bor"t"d organised reliable single list was available' At a second stage' we - as no a face-to-face intewiews with organisational leaders and administered and fteen minutes structured cluestionnaire of approximately one hour interviews took in duration. For the pilot stuies in Madrid and Murcia' while the updates October zoo1 and September 2oo4'r ft"." t "*".n zooT and new study in Barcelna werJconducted between May nd the

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J uly z oo l l . l l s ta g c s< l tl rc p ro tt' s sl r rrtll l rt' l l rl r,t,r' i ri cscorrrl l i rrt,rl , nr interviewedzrlJ distinct associations. t4.z.j The defnition, Iocationand selection migrants, associatiorts of As Moya (zoo5), Vermeulen (zoo5, zoo6) and Recchi (zoo(>)lrrvr,,,,r rectly pointed out, there are a number of significant dificulties tlr;rr *,t. are confronted with when studying migrants' organisations. Arrr'rrp1 em, those of denition, location and selection of the orsaris:rrr,,rr,, stand out as being most critical for the research process. Two definitions wee thus crucial in our selection of organisuri,r., First, we consider an asqociationto be 'a formally organized lrirrrr,,,l group most of whose members - whether persons or organizalirrrr a1e no,t financially recompensed for their participation' (Ifuo<e r9g(r: -,; This denition allows us to distinguish associations from other srx r,rl and political institutions such as the family, groups of friends and .rrrr.i organisationsfrequently encompassedin notions of the 'third sect.r' ,r 'civil society'. In this regard, associationsare considered to be disrirrrr from other organisations,such as foundations or govemment age.r.:., in that very few individuals receive payment for their activities irr ttr' former (Knoke & Prensky r984). Additionally, associationsare di1i'rr.rrr from economic organisations such as companies in that ey are irrsrr tutions seeking solutions for individual or collective problems distirrrr from those of the market (Knoke r99o:5). And Knok's denition rrrr,, excludeskinship goups that are not open to outsiders, while includirrpi groups or clubs of migrants at are not fully institutionalised, as r,,rr;1 as they have a name and some minimal visibility to outgr..rlr individuals. Second,we defined an associationas a migrants' organisation wlr.rr at least nearly half of its members or half of its board members (i.c. irr: leadership) were of migrant origin (either foreign-born themselves ,r having at least one foreign-born parent), thus including first and sec.rr,l generations.we thus used a relatively wide definition of the term'rrrr grant' - in order to include oer EU citizens', - though we did not irr clude associationsmainly devoted to work with or for migrants lrrrt, rather, those mostly composed of spanish natives. However, we did irr clude associations - whether founded by natives or by migrants - ,l mixed memberships as long as approximately half of the members ,,r the leadership were of migrant origin. other important aspectsof our case's definition of 'migrant assot.irr tion' contrast with that of vermeulen (zoo5, zoo6). we included orrly ose organisations at are, directly or indirectly, membership-basr,tl, though we did not require the organisations to signal in any specit way that they were 'ethnic-based'.

t lt ' l i rrni ng lo llt c t nr t ilr l issr r rol 'clt 'lt 't llt lr ilily', r r r llappingccnsuso ' , o assot:illiorrs :rll origins was crcatedby combining the availtrrigrants; ablr inf'ornrati<lnirlrn various ocial registers, embassies,privileged inbrmants (NGOs, trade unions, etc.) and systematic searches9n the internet.'r We then sifted these initial lists by considering ineligible those organisations not formed by migrants themselves - e'g' pro-migrant organisations - as well as by excluding those that had disappeared 1 ptevi.tr years. Table r4.r summarises this multistage field process. An important point to make is related to mortality and response rates. Unfortunately, ocial registers and directories in Spain are not rcgularly updated; that is, associations must register in o,rder to gain lega status, but they are not obligated to update their information reguiarly, trot do public administrations set any registration 'expiry' date so as io keep information up to date. This means that initial lists are al*"yt ptoI"-atic, as they include many associations that no longer exist, but also fail to capture a substantial portion of e real associational

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Murcia Murcio Madrid Madrid Barcelona (zoo7-zoo8) (pilot study (zoo7-zoo8 (pilot, (zoo7-zoo8 uqdate) zooQ uPdate) zooj-zoo4)

i A ssoci ati o nsn the i ni ti al l i s t Sifted list without known ( i nel i gi bl es i .e.nati v eand/or not ip-bas ed) membersh Sifted list with only confirmed activeassociations Confirmed not active Mortality rate'k lnterviewedassociations Responserates el R egi stered i gi beas s oc i ati ons Sifted list only with confirmed active assocations Confirmed not active Mortality rate

707 465

2]5 172

540 417

33 3l

114 74

223 34 13.2Yo 100 44.8% 388 186

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survey ot source: suwey of lmmigrants'Associations in Madrid and Murcia (2003-2004); Madri d and Murc i a(200\2008) i n B arc el ona, l mmi grant s ' A s s oc i ati ons For Madri d * Mortal i tyrate i s c omputedto i nc l udeonl y thos e ful l y c onfi rmed' qsi nac ti v e. of re-interviewng Murcia, the first figure othe intervewedassociations;n6;.31gs',1he and the first those that responded in 2004; the second figure is for organisationslnterviewedfor For the time in 2008; ihe last figure is that of associationsinterviewedonly in \003-2004. c al c uMadri d and Murc i a updatefi gures ,res pons eratesare c omputed by nc \di ng i n the only those associationsintervewedin 2003-2004that are still activb:eighteen tor lation Madri d and tw o for Murc i a.

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c ld t hat i s n < l trc t:< l rd tdrt o c i a lr' (. .l i sl (.fs urrsr.ii ls k' ss i rrsti trrtr, i l x.r' nalis ed (s e el o w e r s e c ti o no ' T a b l c r4 .r). W c coul d, how cv(,t, (,sti rr.rt., how many associations were no onger activewhen attempting r, [*,rr:. them for an interview: between ro and 15 per cent of migrants' :rss.(t,! tions have disappeared in Barcelona and Madrid, while the rrorr,rrrrv rate is much higher for Murcia. Nevertheless,we should note tlrrrr rrri,, mortality rate includes only organisations for which we have ck'ru ,,,,r firmation of being no longer active. For a large number, we c..ltl 1i,,1 no confirmation though we suspectedinactivity. In fact, out o'tlrt. (,, associations interviewed in Madrid in zoo3-zoo4, ten (r5 per cerrl) wr.rr, no longer active in zoo7. For an additional six we could get no lrr,rl confirmation, though they.were also suspectedof being inactive. wlrr,rr these aspectsare taken into account, our response rates thus resrrlr rrr much wider coverage of truly active associations in the three cities.'.r t4.2.4 Overalldescription the associations of targetedand interuiewed The organisations targeted vary substantially in terms of their sel-rlt'r nition and country or area of origin. some of em will primarily dt,rrrr fy as associations that defend immigrants -or a specific subset of inrrrrr grants, e.g. Latin Americans - while others gather around eir spertiir national origins o some functional status (e.g. professionals, artisrr, doctors). our data collection pocess allows us to record at least rrrr, country and regional origin even for those organisations not irrrr,r viewed and to draw a comparison with the results. The subset of orgarrr sations we were able to interview indicates that there is no substanri;rl bias by origin in our dataset. The distributions very much reflect the stocks of migrant groups rl each city. Latin American organisations are more abundant due to rlrr. relative size of the groups of migrants from this region. Across natiorrrrl origins, however, associational formation is not necessarily strictly pr. portional to the relative size:'5 there is a clear over-reDresentation . Peruvian associations as compared to their population sizes both rrr Barcelona and in Madrid. This is probably due to their longer period . setement in Spain (since e l98os), as compared to Ecuadoreannri grants (who mostly arrived in the zooos). Similarly, non-Moroccarr African organisations are also much more numerous than would be ex. pected from the size of the populations in all three cities. Thus, then, seem to be relevant differences in organisational capacity depending orr the regional and national origin of migrants. In the remaining part of this chapter we will focus on the transnational activities and engagement of the organisations we interviewecl. Our study of immigrants' organisations in three Spanish cities Barcelona, Madrid, and Murcia - is ideallv suited to address tht,

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m et hsom us wt t i l i suti onal r ur r sr r r li0r r t r lisr t r , 'll lr s lo lt dclr r : ss e ir npor t ant practices. on irt shortcornings past t't'st'arclt transnationa odological

r4.j

The scope and nature of transactional practices among migrants' associations

Tow hatext ent ar em igr ant s'associat ionsint heseSpanishcit iesenWhat is the nature and variety of gaged in transnationiactivities? at some oriisnational practices? What factors account for the fact others do notl In this secganisations d eng"ge in such practices and fashion iir, *" approach ih" qn"stions in a fundamentally descriptive for the following sysiematic account of correlates and leav h" -or" section. on the Most eoretical accounts of migrants' transnationalism reflect and fields (e'g' Portes et multidimensionality of transnational practices is usually real. rggg; Faist zoooa). while this mrrltidimensionality -economic, socio-culturferrea-rc as different aenas of the public space

al andpol it ical_it isundoubt edlyalsor elat edt ot hem ult iplef or m s the sevtransnaiional exchangescan take. We focus our analysis first on can engage in transnational eral ways in which igr"ntr' associations with practic, paying specii atention to 'how' they act transnationally' differentiate between: r) diferhorrr' and for-.what'. Consequently, we 'how'; z) the various ent forms of ordinary transnational activity - the establish transnational alliances other organisations with which ey ,wit whom,; and transnational engagethe 3) a specific aea to which oriented' the political arement by migrants' assciations is commonly na - the 'what for'. patIn all these instances, we are looking for sustained and recurrent linkage, rather than sporadic or cirterns oftransnational exchange and most of cumstantial activies across riational borders. For this pupose, to uncover regular' as opposed to our questionnaire items are phrased ,por"di., exchanges and links' We are thus tapping bo--information to and reiiprocity patterns' Overall, these items will allow us "*.h"rrg.,a more or less complete picture of e nature of e ffansnaprovide" cities. tonal practices of migrants' rganisations,in these three Spanish outlook of the extension and natue Table 4.2 presentJ the general results of of the transntiorral practiJes of migrants' associations. The an Murcia indicate that - although ou survey in Barcelna, Madrid of mi transnational activities are cluite common - a substantial number 20 and o.per cent' depending on the grant organisaons (betwen wide margin' ltyl ao ot engage in transnational practices at all' By a is the least common of cross-border poiti."t transiaiionalism

) /11 Tabfer4.z

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Transnatiortul engugefttent rnigrunts'ussoaLions, ,/o ol rill r.t,t, t,t by in tions in eachcity

Barcelona Madrid (zoo7-zoo8) ( 2oo4 oI 2oo8)
Mttrr trt ( 2or ) 4 tt .,,t,,J |

Ty of rransnationoI activity pe O r d i n a r ytr a n sn a tio n aa ctivr r y l Undertakesactivitiesin other countries ( o t h e rt h an Sp a in ) o w h c h a r e ... i n h o m e l an dco u n tr y elsewhereoverseas b o t h h o m e la n da n d e lse wh e r e R e g u l a r o n ta ctwith a n y p u b lic c a d m i n i s t ra tio n f th e co u n tr yo o r ig in , o past two years C e t s a n y f u n d n g fr o m co u n tr yo f o r ig in , last year H a v e a r r a n g e d e e tin g swith h o m e la n d m TV journalist, past two yers H a v e a r r a n g e d e e tin g swith h o m e la n d m newspaperjournalist, past two years O r g a n i s a tio n a l a n sn a tio n aa llia n ce s tr l Association a memberof an is i n t e r n a t i on ao r g a n isa tio nfe d e r a tio n / l , confederation R e g u l a r o n ta ctwith a n y o r g a n isa tio n c in homeland country past two years R e g u l a r o n ta ctwith a n y o r g a n isa tio n c in any other overseascountry past two years P o l i t i c atl r an sn a tio n a lism R e g u l a r o n ta ctwith p o liticia n s r p o litica l c o p a r t i e so f t h e co u n tr yo fo r ig in , p a st two years A n y m e m be r h a s b e e n a ca n d id a te in h o m e l a n dco u n tr ye le ctio n s S u m m a r yi n d ica to r s A n y t r a n s n a tio n aa ctivity( a n yo th e l above) O r d i n a r yt r a n sn a tio n aa ctivity l O r g a n i s a t io n a l a n sn a tio n aa llia n ce s tr l P o l i t i c atl r a n sn a tio n a lism N u m b e r o a a se s

l5

25

tl

IJ

5 3

20 o 4 35

('
ll

in act t lll( (,xi tpl (' , r t ' llr o; r or liorol ot 'pllt t t isit liol t i l( 'l't ll<ir r g ivit i( s ot hcr tI r t his is t 1, is C outri (s r clr t ivt 'lyr ( , ( 1il( ( , (lx, lwr , t , t lo r d 25 per cent , and fewer than largcly limitccl t. aciivitit's i. tlrt. 6.rnc country. Similarly, their on; ird have frequent contact with public administrations in from the (:ountries of origin, and only a tiny minority gets any funding descnding-countr{ authorities' More common, though, is the less pess jounalrnandiig exchange of information with homeland TV and of ists. In Lost oithese cases, we notice a substantial gap in levels between transnational engagement among the three cities, especially Madrid and Murcia. ThesegapsaremuchSmallerwhenwefocusonoganisationaltans. three national alliances. Around half of all migrant organisations in the around one fifth cities are connected to organisations overseas, and conhave stabilised these links by joining international federations or transnational pracfederations. Yet, in sharp contrast, explicitly poliiical the ortices are much less frequent' Typically, fewer than 20 per cent of or political parties in ganisations have regular contacts with politicians ihe countries of origin, and only in Madrid can we find any oganisation whose members have recently un as candidates in homeland

0 t

2 23 1q

6 30 38

(r

ll ?)

l6

12

28

42

38 32

33 11

l5

l9

71 56 55 l5 100

82
JY

ol

27 96

39 56 6 l8

s o u r c e :S u r ve y f lm m ig r a n ts' Asso cia tio nin Ba rcel ona, o s Madri d and Murci a (2007-200r)

exchangesthat migrants' associationsengage in, thus contradicting rlrr common view that most transnationalism of migrants' oganisations rrj political in nature.'6 In general terms, migrants' associationsdo not commonly engal(,,r transnational practices that require their continued attention. l;r,r

elections.'7 A more detailed analysis of the paerns of transnational organisavery tional alliance of migrants' associations in our three cities reveals of formal social network r4.r).'8 The use interesting ndings lflg'tt" analysis 1NA; is usefii because it presewes the original information mostly on interactions and exchanges,and is a methodological approach (see vertovec zoq). Because absent from analyses of transnationalism netof how the information is etieved, these ae, by necessity' ego reducing the overall connecworks with asynmetrical connections, thus condi tivity. yet, SN depictions allow us to analyse several factors that On the one hand, our tio transnaonal practices in a single snapshot. larger esults indicate tht Latin American associations accumulate a organisations in their homelands numbe of transnational links with r4'r and elsewhere oveseas. On the other hand, the results in Figure have contact with at least show that - even if usually more associations one homeland organisation than with at least one such olganisation elsewhere overseas - the extension of non-homeland-based tansnational links is quite wide. Indeed, nary Latin American associations based have contact, otrty with transnational organisations at are not in Madrid. In this sense, there is an inin their homelands, especially teresting contrast betwen the configuration of transnational networks of LatirrAmeican associations in Barcelona and Madrid, as the former orare much more likely to restrict transnational contacts to homeland to see that even Latin American asso ganisations. And it is interesting ciations in Murcia ae very pooi in transnational contacts as compared

Figure r4.r structure oJ'the organisaNional transnationol allianccs rnisyunlz, oJ o rg a n ts o trc n s

Barcelona
-fn cu s\f+ t \ \ /cna rr---" {a oFr r t rla pbb

fl3urc r4.t Continur.d Murci a

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r rJiJ tJl,r r

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IIIIIIiIIII

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o oon! nm Eooov AA AAAAAAAA AA AAAAAAAAAAA AAAA, ^AA/ \ AAAA Mad rid \ n ,/ruo,
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to their counterparts in Barcelona and Madrid. Finally, although ego networks ae not particularly suited for the study of overlapping links within networks, we do find at some homeland organisations spontaneously 'connect' several local associations through common transnatlonal alliances. For example, Argentinean workers central (central de lOs Trabajadores Argentinos, CTA) is a common transnational contact for ree diflerent l0cal associations in Barcel0na, two of which comprise Argentineans, but a third is composed of people of mixed Latin merica origins. Equally, in Madrid, four organisations - two subsaharan African and two Latin American - are linked in their transnational alliances rough the European Network Against Racism (ENAR). Hence, the sNA of the transnational alliances of migrants' organisaons provides us wi valuable additional information on the pattens Of transnational interaction of migrants' associations in our three $panish cities. The contribution that formal SNA can make to the study Oi transnationalism should thus not be underestimated, and it is a methodological innovation in this field at we feel should be embraced.

l .Al r R A N 4r ) l tAl l i s AN I) tAl A l r r tti .1

T nAN N At.t( ) NA t i l N t c i A N t , t , l A ( | . I { t i l i r)l i Ml ( t A N l ' r' r rrl t r; A N i : t A ' t t { } N S t N l i t ' A t N

/l{l

or r t ' rr;rlu s ;rc I w o l l l r t,x p l o l i rrgr r,l ;rrr' ro l l rr. tl i sl i rrt.ti orrx' tw r.r,i r r s l ' c om pr e h e n s i v c ' a n d ' s c l c c l i v c ' trrrrsrtrl i orurl (l 1l r' ;rtti ccs,r' vi i l ,l )t,w urrl & v er t o v e cz o q l . c o m p re h c n s i v ctra rrsnl ti orral prac:l i r:t' s ur.r' or;r; r' rrl rl r ferent arenasor domains, while selective practiccs are rcsrriclcrl1r,,,,,,. or only a few. Figure r4.z shows the distrbution trr each o'.rrr rlrrr,r. cities of the number of types of transnational activity - as cllssilit.,l rrr TabTe t4.z - in which migrants' associationsbecome engagecl. Wlrr.rr,r, associationengagesin ordinary transnational activity, in orgarrislrtr,ir,rl transnational alliances and in political transnationalism, it gcts :r rrr,rr of 3. Clearly, the majority of migrants' associationsare ,set.ttivr.' rrr their transnational practices,but a substantial proportion is engrrlir.,lrrr two or three domains simultaneously, especially in Ma<.lr.itl,rirrl Barcelona. If we apply an even more stringent notion of 'conrp't,ir,.rr sive' transnationalism - and require that an associationundertal<r' rrr ;rr ities abroad,have regular contact with a public administration arrrl lr,rr,,. regular contact with any organisation in eir homeland or ov(,r.ri(,.r., then only a tiny proportion of migrants'associations can be regar.tlr,rl ,r,, practicing comprehensivetransnationalism: g per cent in Madricl, (, g,,r cent in Murciand z per cent in Barcelona. Two illustrative examples can provide further insight on this. orrr,,, the associationsin Barcelonathat qualifies as comprehensivelytr';rrr:,rr,r tional is a large Moroccan associationcreated more than ten year.s.rg,,

Figure t4.z Comprehensive selective vs. transnationalism: Number of ty1tt,, ,,1 transnational activities migrants, of associations

il
3oY" 4oY" 5oY" 6o%" lo%i"
8o%" goYo

or o r wit It' i s w r.l l cor r r r r , t 'lt , t l lr pllr l or r r r sr r r t lr r clwor l<s lt t t <lclt t lt t ) ous ( it t t t t t igr at r t s' associat ionr at hert han a gl l i sl l i ol rs, 'st . r 'illt it sr 'lus lr r r dt 's is rssor:iation), prirrtrrily activc in issuesrelatedto Moroccan Mor'occarr but does not oten engagein protestsrelatedto nignrrrtsin Catalortia, homeland politics. It is also one of the largest lntt'rnational or Moroccan associations in Barcelona, wi a signicant number of staff end volunteers and a large budget. Another of the comprehensive transttslional organisations - is time based in Madrid - is an Ecuadorian :rsociation that is also more than ten years old, has multiple connectklns with Latin American and autochthonous organisations, is active in lll of Spain in addition to Ecuador, also defines itself as mainly an imErigrants' organisation (raer than solely an Ecuadorian association), is prirnarily active in issues related to politics, but also does not often engage in protests related to homeland polics and is, again, one of the lcrgest Latin American associations in Madrid, though its budget is 1uch more modest. These are only two examples, but they are illustratlve of the resources recluired to be 'comprehensively' transnational, in I context where migrants' associations have fairly limited technical, economic and human resources. ln summary systematic differences in the transnational inclinations of migrants' associations are apparent between organisations based in Barcelona and Murcia and organisations based in Madrid. Almost every lndicator points in the direction of the organisations in Madrid as being much more transnationally focused than those in either of the two other cities. Furthermore, ordinary transnational acvities and organisatlonal transnational alliances are much more common an political transnationalism regardless of the context. And Latin American associations are particulaly inclined to accumulate many transnational organicational contacts and, for the case of Madrid, quite often with organisatlons that are not based in their homelands. In the next section, we analyse in greater detail what causes might be driving transnational practices as well as the cross-city variations. correlates of practces? The organisational 14J.1 What drivestransnational grants' a sso ati ons ci tra nsnati onaIism am ong m i Some scholars have past reflected on factors that drive migrants' transnational practices, both at the individual level and the systemic or macro level. For example, Faist (zoooa) discusses the systemic or contextual elements that are linked to transnationalism and mentions the raliency of ethnicity as a factor that could contribute to the development nd extension of transnational practices. He also discusses how obstaeles to migrants' integration or the denial of acculturation can foster transnationalism. Portes (zoq) agrees at hostile contexts of reception

Eot r r 2 I 3

ilil

l ^l l l l A

l l l ( ) H Al l l s AN l , tAtA ti l n[4

T ItAN SN Ai l ( ) NA t I t N t (: i A N t ) t ' I A 1 i l ( t ' : i I )t i Ml (; t { A N l : i

o l t (; A N l l i A l ' l o N s

lN lil'AlN

, l{',

lr ls o ir s l c r l t' l ttts ttl tti tl ttttl r' l i tt' s , l r rl l rt, ;rl so rrrt' rrti orrs l rt.r, p ru l ol r,r.[.v.ri i l pr operti e so ' th e s c rrd i n ga rrc lrtrt' p l i on < :orrtcxts:rr cxrrrrr;l l t,, l l rl ! i l rrl c onc en tra te d o m m u n i ti e sa rc l i k e l y to show rrror.crrl t:nst' c prrl l t.rrrri i rrl transnationalism. At the individual level, Porteset al. (1999) point to aclclitiorurl r,i,, l;rr related to transnational practices: access to technology, tht. t.r'rr.rrrir and human capital stocks as well as the distance to the lrrrrrr.r,'r,l Hence, more resoucesand longer times of settlement are mor.(,( lrI 'irr cive to engaging in transnationalism (portes 1999; Guarnizo r,t ,rl zoo3; Portes & Rumbaut zoo). There is, however, much less scholarship on what factors wr.slr,,rrl,l expectto be related to transnationalism whn we focus on misnrrrrr;',r,, sociations. Nevertheless, one of the few systematic in studies'ul .r11,rrrl sational transnationalism, Portes er a7.(zoo7l show that transrr;rtr.rrirl engagement is determined by the country of origin and relatccl trr tlrc degree of formalisation and form of creation. Furthermore, if wt,t,rr.irrl the hypotheses put forward at the macro and indiduar lcvt,rr, nr should also expectthe following types of organisationsto be mort. lrl,t,ll to engagein transnational practices:r) those formed by migrant llr.rr.! that face greater hoslity in spain - e.g. Maghrebis and Africans, 1i,.rr,,r ally z) ose that define themselves along more restrictive ethrrir r,rr;gories - thus making ethnicity more salient; those with greatcr.;rtr r,,,e 3) to technological, economic and human capital; and those bast'tl rr , r 4) ties with geate spatial concentration of the migrant populati.rr, re Barcelona. In Table r43, we explore the relationship between transnationrrl;rrrir ity and the origin and identity of the organisations, while in Tbrt, r.1 1 we analyse the covariation between certain organisational attribul.r .rrrrl transnationalism.'e Although estimates are unstable, and statistical significance is r,rrr due to e number of cases,some patterns emerge, especiallywitlr r,, gard to selidentity of the organisations.There is mixed evidenrr,n.rrlr regard to the impact of 'hostility'towards the group in the seillt,rrrr,rri country African and Muslim organisationsare somewhat more lil<.r.rr r,, engage in transnational activity, but more so in Madrid tlrrrrr rrr Barcelona, and the difference is not stastically sigrrrt,rril Furthermore, associationsthat define their primary identity arn1irr.rrr torial lines and a single country of origin are more likely to ririrr,rr! transnational activities or links, but associationswhose primary itL.rrtitl revolves around functional or ascriptive social categories (e.g. worrr'rt immigrants' or professional groups) are equally oriented towards rr,r,,, naonal contacts.These results contrast with Koopmans et al.,s (.r,,,,*, rz9-ryfl finding that groups that organise around status-relatedrrllrrri ties (such as'immigrants'and'foreigners') are less likely t. rrr,rl,;-

Ible r4.3 Irunsrrulonultng4lcnrnl

hy origin and identity of organisations ('/" Mudrid und Bun;elortu with any transnational activity)
Barcelono

71 otll of f,agktn orgin 71 LrtlnAmerican 70 Afrlcan Europe (100) Etstern (63) Otherregions (71) regional orgins Mlxed (100) Muslim of self-identiy the organisation of Typc prmary 54-* None 87 and/orascriptive Functional 40* grritorial regional 84'! country erritorial single (67) Rellgious (r00) Ethnic non-territorial (r00) of otal number cases

8l 8l 100 (r 00) (67) 60 (r00) 84 83 (86) 80

(r00) (e6)

that for Noies:Valuesare row percentages each column. The asterisk* signals a percentage different from the total value for all organisationsfor p < 0.05, as indicated by lr statistically tests confirm the existenceofa statisticalassociationberdJustedresiduals.Chi-square and transnationalengagementonly for Barcelona.In brackets tween primary selidentty that are computed from a row categorywith fewer than ten lve signalthose percentages Ctses.The - sign indicatesthat there are no cases in this category.

lfbfe t4.4

Transnationalengagementby organisationalcharacteristics
Barcelona Any transnational actvity Valuefor all organisations (number of cases) Any transnalional activity Valuefor all organsations (number of cases)

| of female members f6 of income derived from publ i csubsi di es rom i S pani sh nsti tuti ons Totalannualb udget (i n ) Totalnumber of members 9cgree of organisational (0- s c al e) formal sati on N umberoyears s i nc e i ts creatron

5l .5.9*

s0 ( 8 ) r r.8 (86) 22,2s4 (e0) 70e(87) 0.sr(100) 7.3(r00)

49 20.9'k

4e(8r ) r8.8 (e3)

48,8s3 (87) 1,227 (88) 0.58(e6)
o ? oa\

2 8 ,8 3 8 * 957* 0.55'k
7.5

54,657* 1,401' k

0.s8
9.4

Noles:Valuesare averagefigures for each row attribute for each column. The asterisk* y w l l gnal sa val uethat i s s tati s ti c aldi fferentfrom the v al uefor organi s ati ons i th no trans nafor tl onalacti vi ty /l i nk s p < 0.0.

t' l lr ans nat io n uc l l ri rrrs l rl rr g ro rrl l sl l rrrlo l grrtti st' utotttttl l l ttti t ;tttrl tt,i l ,tts ttl tl h a v t' rtrn c l , w t' vt' r, url l l tt' rl rrrct' l -,t' ()ttl fr; t ional iden ti ti c s .-" ' Wc practi ct' s l l tost' l l t,rl rs lik ely to b e c o m e e n g a g e di n tra ttsttati orral as ttrltrrg,. identify along more restrictive(national)cthnic catcg<lrics.'l'lrt' ae not necessarihcontradictory but they indicate that trrrrsrtlrltort,rllt oriented 'claims-making' is just a particular form of transrtltliott;rlltr gagement,possibly with dynamics different from other transttltliott.tl,t, tivities. Hence, different types of transnational practicesare likt'ly lr, I'c and we sltottLl tr,,l dilerently related to identity construction processes, conclude that only ethno-nationalidentities are conducive to ltt'i1,,lrllrr,'rl transnationalism. In general, differences i4 the inclination to act transnationally rt,t,',,,, identity-based categories are more pronounced in Barcelona llt,ttt tu Madrid. This is probably related to the fact that the context in frtttr'L,tt,t is generally more hostile than in Madrid towards the acceptanct'o r'llr nicity as a valid category for public engagement.Thus, migrartls' ,r;'i. ciations that avoid any clear identity as'immigrants'or that t'tttlrr,t,t' wider regional identities - e.g. Latin American - refrain more iottr , tr gaging in practices that link em to narow ethnic identities. The findings at economic and human resourcescontribute to lt,ttt.. naonalism are valid not only for individual transnational practi<t':rlrtil also for organisational ones. Again, in spite of the limited nutttlx't ',1 cases,we can safely say that larger organisations (in terms of tht' rrurrr ber of members) with more formalised structures, larger budgt'ls .ttrl larger proportions of public funding are invariably more likely lo 'rr gage in transnational activities. In contrast with other hypotheses tlt'vr'l oped with individuallevel data, feminisation and the time passcd rttt,,' settlement,which is of course highly correlatedwith the 'age' o' llrt' ,'r ganisation, ae not related to transnational practices. In recent times, increasing attention is being paid to the link bt'lwlt'tt transnational practices and development promotion in the st'rrtlrrrg countries. Hence, we should expectat migrants' associationstlt;rl rlr' scribe themselves as organisations primarily devoted to humartil;rtt.rtr aid, human rights or cooperation, or at are active in ese areas rr. gardless of wheer they prefer to describe themselves as a more fi('ur'l ally oriented association- will be more inclined to engage in tnttt:;tr,r tionalism. Tbles t4.5 and 14.6 explore this connection. Our evidence generally supports these expectations.Migrants' ;r;',r, ciations that define emselves as humanitarian aid or human rigltl:; rrt ganisationsor that are active in these areas,in community developrrr,'nl or in international cooperation are indeed more likely to be engagt'rlrrr transnational activities. This is more e case in Barcelona tluttt ttr Madrid, however, where generally higher levels of transnatiott;tltr.trr make these distinctions less relevant.

Trbfe r4.5

lrunsnulianuln4gcmenl primury seu-descr'llt'on association oJ hy (% with any transnutional uctivity)

Barcelona Madrid

l mmi grants'o rgani s ati on music al ,danc i ng,etc .,s oc i ety C ul tural , l l umani tari anai d or human ri ghtsorgani s ati on Fthni corganis ati on or C hari ty soc i alw el fareorgani s ati on A l l organi sations N umber of cas es

80 65 90 57 86 71
t1

78 82 88 9l 00 82 93

are figures eachrow attribute eachcolumn.No difference for or with Noes: Values average for s statistically for significant p < 0.0. theaverage allorganisations Tabfe 14.6 Transnational engagement by sectorsfareasof activity (/o with any transnational activity)
Barcelona Madrid No No

in...? Active Charity groupconcerns Ethnic Sports 82 83 71

58 47
a1

72 Culture H umani tari an d ai 80 78 H uman ri ghts 83 C ommuni tydev el opment l ssuesrel atedto i mmi grati on 80 83 Internationalcooperation A l l organi sati ons N umber of cas es

68 59

)/
62 48 57 71 100

83 88 89 86 89 83 94 83 90
l

8r
77 78 70 78 81 76 8l 75 96

Notes:Valuesare averagefigures for each row attribute for each column. The left right rrow signals a differencein the percentageoftransnational activity between significantfor organisationsactive and inactive in a give sector/areathat is statistically p<0.10. Whe n no arrow i s pres ent, i the di fferenc e s not s tati s ti c al ls i gni fi c ant. y

To conclude the analysis of the correlates of transnationalism among migrants' organisations, we assessthe concurrent impact of the various factors explored in previous tables. Table 4.7 shows the results of three binary logistic regressions on the separate indicators of transnational practices: ordinary activity, organisational alliances and political transnationalism. Our goal is to examine whether different factors are relevant for the dilerent forms of transnational activity at we have identified in the initial sections of this chapter. Indeed, our results are noteworthy to the extent that they point to the existence of commonalities and differences in the correlates of transnationalism. Latino organisations are only more likely to engage in

r llll

I Al l l l A l \4( ) l l Al l i l i AN I l .\l A l r l l g1

'I'l l AN SN Al l ( | N A l

l l N l (s A N I l ' l l A (: ' l l (l l i : ; t )1 , N . l i t ; l i A N l S - r l l { ; A N l s ^ l ' l ()N l

IN 5l'AlN

2 a r()

Table r4.7

prurlit"t:turnonSl rnigrunls' orguttirtlrrrtt Thu correlales Lransnuliortul oJ logisticbinary regressions Ordinory transnatrcnal
actpity

Orgunsalionul transnatonal alliances

l'olililrtl t hun\rtl tt\ tttl ri I

I ntercept L a t i n oo r g e n isa tio n African organisation : Self-identity territorial-single country S e l f - d e s c r i ptio:n Hu m a n ita r ia n a i d o r h u m a n r ig h tso r g a n isa tio n A c t i v e i n c o m m u n ityd e ve lo p m e n t A c t i v e i n i n t e r n a tio n a l cooperation D e r i v e sa n y i n co m e r o m Sp a n ish p u b l i c s u b s d ie s A n n u a l b u d g e t ( in 1 0 0 s ) N u m b e r o f me m b e r s Degreeof formalisation (0-) City (ref : Barcelona) Madrid Murcia N u m b e r o f c ase s Chi-square model (degrees f o o freedom) N a g e l k e r k e sq u a r e RC o x & S n e l l R- sq u a r e H o s m e r & L e m e sh o w st Ch ite square (degreesof freedom)

(0.24) -0.s8
n ,s. n .s. 0 .e ( 0 .3 2 )

(0.47]' -o.49 n .s . n .s . n .s . n .s . 0.5i (0.33) 0.7s(0.33) n.s. n.s. n,s, n.s. n.s. n.s.
193 16.173(7)

( -2.91o l) " 0 . 7 6( 0 4 t , ) n .s . n.5. n .s . n .s . 0.8r(04r) n .s . (0 |) 0.001 o(n n .s . n .s . 0.63(0.ili) n .s . 193 (41 19.487 0.15 0 . r0 e.62(8)

'r.6(0.6) n. s . n.s. n.s . 0.001(0.000) n. s . n. s .

n.5.

n. s .
9 3 2 9 .1 5 8( 3 )

0. 9 0. 14 4.38(8)

0.1I 0.08 8.63(8)

Notes: Beta coeffcientswith standard errors are n brackets.All coeffcientsare stali\lr lly l esti matedbut removr',1r,,rrr s i g n i f i c a n f o r p < 0 .0 , a n d n .s. m a r ksth o se th a t were i ni ti al l y t l t h e m o d e l b eca u se e y we r e n o t sta tistica lly n ifi cant th sig and the number of casesc;rl l ', ,,r m show a sood fi t of the modr'|,,,, o a r s i m o n i o us o d e ls.All Ho sm e r a n d L e m e sh o wtests the data.

Whcn asa[(, l tl so rrr olr ,likt . lylo llt . t r r 'livt , ir rpolilir lr llt 'lt t t st t lt lit lt t alisr n. capit alSeem s o1 tl rc r olt 'o r ( , sot lI ( ( 'r r r olr ilislt liot t , ly( co O n ic ti (.ssi nl l it kr l trvc al y si llli calt t pit cl:llt t 't t r t r t t bcro 'm em ber s or t he degr ee is not clecisive,surely due to its important correlation o'lrmalisation with budgetary capacity. trinally, once we control for all these organisational attributes, the 1o(.ilI context in itself seems to have a very limited additional impact. Migrants, organisations in Madrid ae moe likely to engage in political transnationalism. This is probably due to e fact that Madrid is the capita of the country, and thus is more often the focus of political mobilisation from homeland institutions and actos - such as the embassies rnd the political parties - but it could also reflect an endogenous proccss: migants who were politically active in their countries of origin rnight be more likely to choose the capital city due to migration chains among political efugees. In any case, this should not lead us to conclude tht the local context of settlement has little oI no impacq rather, its impact is indirect: migrants' oganisations in Madrid more frequentlt define themselves along narrow (national or local) ethnic lines, receive substantially more public subsidies, have an avelage budget that is roughly double that of associations in Barcelona and Murcia and have larger membeships. In sharp contrast, migrants' associations in Baicelona are moe likely to be active in the areas of humanitarian aid, community development, human rights and international coopeation, hence partially offsetting their resource disadvantage. In other words, local ohcies and local contexts ae elevant not so much because ey direcy promote (or fail to do so) transnational practices - which they do sometimes through subsidising policies - but primarily because they have a substantial impact on the type of migants' olganisations that consolidate and on e resources ey accumulate.

14.4 Discussion
Transnational engagement is by no means universal among migrant orgnisations in Spanish cities, but it is very common that a large maiorwill at least practice some form of transnationalism. Our ity of "chapter makes the point that e type and nature of transnational practicei migrants' associations engage in is cluite varied, and thus we should analyse different forms of organisational transnationalism separately. Migrants' associations in spain are more often involved in ordinary transnational activity and frequently they establish alliances wi organisations abroad, yet they more rarely engage in political transnationlism. Consequently, we reject the common ew that migrants' Organisational transnational practices ae primarily expessions of

transnational practiceswhen these refe to the political domain. ltt ,,'tr trast, African organisations - which represent the migrant groul)ri l,l cing greater hostility and discrimination in Spain - ae not morc lriur'l nationally oriented than the other organisations, irrespective of tht' lotrrr of transnationalism we scrutinise. Narrowly defined ethnic identilicr rhr promote greater engagement in ordinary transnational activities, ltrrl ,rrr not crucial for the establishment of transnational links with org;rrrr,,r tions abroad or for political transnationalism. Associations that atr' .l tive in community development or in international coopeation ,rtr' more inclined, by the nature of their own activities,to establish or'1i,rrrr sational alliances that are transnational but, interestingly enougl, llr' \'

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polit it r l rlra tts ttl tl i tl ttl tl i s ttt.t' w o ttk l t' trtrl rl ul .;t,rr l W l r.ssrrl l -r' ntorrrp;u;r;rrrg1 v iew o ' p o l i ti c a l tra n s n a ri o n up ra r' l i r' t,s,l l t' l sc w t' ri sl <t' rrrP l yi rrlrr rrl l < ,i real meaning. on e other hand, transnational practices are certainyor r.rl 'r,slrrr to links with homeland actorsand social fields. we have rrrrrtl ,,,,, ;r siderable number of exchangeswith overseascountries othcr llr;rrr llrt. countries of origin of the migrant groups. In particular, there js rr srlirrrl icant connection with the united Statesfor the Latino groups, urrrl wrrlr European countries and organisations for migrants' associations ,rll 'l regional origins. ,sr.lt,rtrr,r, Yet, the picture that emerges from our study is one of raer than'comprehensive' transnationalism. comprehensive l r.;rrr;rr,r r tional practices are rather limited to a few organisaons fld an, rrr'ri. frequent in Madrid than in e other cities. In general terms, wrrir. n.,, also find smaller and more informal associationsthat are compr(.rr,rt sively transnational, when it comes to engaging in transnatio.rl 1,,,,, tices in multiple domains and forms simultaneously another pr,lrl, dominates. That is, the profile of large, resourcefirl and well-conrrt'r r.rl associations, which often also identify with the broader identity o 'rrrr migrants' and are not necessaily explicitly concerned with homr,l;rrrrl politics, but more with improving e situation of their co-ethnirs rrr Spain. In this sense, transnationalism is often driven bv the identitv. tlri' organisation - when narrowly dened along ethnii lines - the arr';r ,,1 activity - especially if it is active in community development and irrrr.r national cooperation - and the economic resources at its disposal. lrr this regard, the local context of settlement and the policies implemr.rrrr,,l by local and regional governments are especially relevant to the c'xr.rrr that ey fundamentally shape e migrants' associationalecology.'l'lrr. impact of the local context and of local policies is thus both dirct rrrr,l indirect. Directly, they can incentise transnational practices throrrlilr their promotion of international cooperation and deveiopment activirir.r. of migrants'associations. Indirectly they can do so rough their elr.rI on the resourcesassociationsthey accumulate and the collectiveidt.rrtr ties they geneate.Yet, local policies do not always operate in consisrr,rrl directions to pomote or hinder transnationalism, and ou three crs.r, illustrate the variety of effects we can find in real-life situations. on rlr,, one hand, the local policies and approach in Madrid foster the enrt,r gence and consolidation of associationsat coalescealong narrow t'llr nic identities, whereas policies in Barcelona discourage e emphus,', on ethnicity. Furthermore, in Madrid, migrants' associations ."r .,..,,,,, a larger net amount of economic resources from different funding instr tutions, while in Barcelona and Murcia they grow cash-poor. yei l<x,rl and regional policies in Barcelona are very active in promotrrll

lt t ;r i ttl r,rtl tl i o t t lttloopt 't lt li<lt t t t t lt lt 'vt 'lolr t t t t 't t l, t t l lt t 't t t : t 'wt ' r r d t hat r nr in <r , s grants' or glr r ist r t ior rpr ivilt , gt llt r , sclt r t 'lt s 'lct ivit ies t his cit y; and ris osc th lirnitutions llr;rl srtnlk'r budgetsimpose on the transnationalisation of migrants' organisations.A lack of both cash and active international develpment phci"r in Murcia largely results in a much more limited engagement in transnational activity. In conclusion, the local context powerfully shapes through direct and indirect paths the opportunities that migrants' associations face in taking on transnationai practices. Further comparative studies of multiple etnic groups across m'ltiple cities should shed more light on the extent to hi.h ont findings may be more generally applicable'

Notes
r , Radford some exceptions are Bloemraad (zoo5) and Portes, Escobar and walton (zoo7\. h. 3panish proiect was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and ducation Murcia (grant SElzoo5 'o773lCPOL) and by the Sneca Foundation of e Region of can be found at wwwum'es/ More information iit^"t "3o"i1lHcs7o5;. capsocinmig. Vfulticulturl Democracy and Immigrants Social Capital in Europe: Participation, as the Organisational Networks, and public Policies at the Local Level, also known project, was funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the LOCALMULTIDEM seuropean Commission (contract CIT5-CT-zoo5-oz88oz)' Comptising a team,of and research institutes, it studied the cases of Budapest, u"r, rrrop.r' universities London, Lyon, Madrid, Milan and Zurich. For more information see www.um.es/ localmultidem. portes also argues that the concept is only of some use if this is not an omnipesent phenomenon, i.e. ifthere is variation across indiduals and organisations. and, Nevertheless, there are sizeable migrant populations from sub-Saharan Africa .Retirement' migration from Western Europe is also flom China. most recently, substantial. than Some rural municipalities, however, have even higher proportions of migrants the larger cities, especially in e Mediterranean regions and in Andalusia' .population is roughiy estimated by adding all individuals The siie of the sm are 5o born in countries that the ClAworld. Faclbooklists as hang populations that per cent o more Muslim in zoo5. the oilon-EU nationals cannot vote in any elections in Spain. Voting rights, even at requre level, can only be granted by the national level and' in most cases' they ca in omodifying the Constiion. Although the issue of allowing a1l residents to vote eiectins has been raised on various occasions, the necessary political agreements cal into legal between the tvvo major parties (PSOE and PP) have never materialised amendments in this direction. with This does not mean that in Barcelona there are no consultation bodies dealing it is migration issues. Though there is a municipal sectolial council for immiglation, particular but, not"specifically designe to address migrant or immigration issues in - you' gender' ,"th"r, a. an additional sectorial poiicy atongside many other issues soorts, homosexuals and transsexuals, housing, etc'

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' l ' l t t ' t t p d l tlt' t' lr llr ils o r g;uri s;rl i orrrirtl rrtl nl i rr tl rt'pi hrt r,l rrrl l il ;xr r li;r llytt,- itr lclvit' wir r 1 ,1 t o a n a l y st' cltlttg csitt tlr t' il o tg ltttisr tlio tt;rrltliviti t,s;rrrtltorrrl xrsi l i orrrrrrli rrl r,rvrr.w trrp r i o r g a n i s a tio n s we r ( ' u n a b lc to in lcr vit' w ilr oo4. rrs w t'l l l rs ol gtrrri sl rl i ons rt.rl we ol after the pilot was completed. A m o r e d e ta ile d d e scr ip tio n o f th e q u e stio n nai read o{-the pi l ot strrrl i r,s r l *. r.l found in Ortega and Morales (zoo6). EU-r5 citizens'associatons(e.g. French, Italian, Bitish), as well as thosr'orrr rr, lrl OECD countries (e.g. US, Canada,Australia), have been excluded from tlrt, lrrr,rlv,,,,, and tables in this chapter to restrict our focus to the natonal origins thrl prorlrr, the bulk of 'economic'migrants in our three cities. The needs and activitics ol tlrr,,.t= two subpopulations differ too much to make their joint analysis meanngrl or tlrr. purposes of is chapter. Our searching methods in oficia registers and on e internet were systern:rlt( ,rr,l thorough, and included a iong list of word strings with various variants of tht' w,rr,l,, 'mmigrant' and'foreigne/ and..the multiple countries and naional qualifiers. One might wonder wheer, given this relative fluidity of associations, our rt'srrlt,, ,,rr transnational pactices are likely to be stable over time. Of course, this can orrly l,;. irlly assessedby a proper longitudinal study, but if e over-time evolution o tlrr. lr.n associations (22l that we were able to interview bo in 2oo3-2oo4 and zooT.ro,i{ in Madrid is of any indication, the inclination to engage in transnational purttr,,.,, seems quite stable. For example, only five associations at mentioned transnlrti,,rr,rl inks with associationsoveseasin zoo3-zoo4 did not mention any in 2oo7-.tltrt,\\ and only two associations that mentioned any links in zooT-zoo8 had not mentiorrr... any in the previous round of intewiews. See Schrover and Vermeulen (zoo5) for a discussion of this frequent mismatch. lnrhe zooT-zoo8 questionnaires,we included an item that enquired into tht, rrr,rrri specific protest or demonstation events associations had participated in over tht, prr vious two years. However, because is item was not posed to the associations irrtr.r ewed only in zool-zoo4, we decided not to include it in these anulyr,,.,, Nevertheless, close inspection ofthem leads us to conclude that'transnational' Irr. a test is the exception raer than the norm, as barely fifteen associations out o ov(.l roo that had participated in protests mentioned a'transnationaL cause being at st.rl.r In fact,'intemationaL issues, such as e Iracl War, were much more common; rrrr,l. by far, exclusively national or local issues dominate the scene. Among the few tr;rrrr, national protests, the most abundant were those related to violence in Colombia, rrrlr tical turmoil in Pakistan and support for victims of national disasters in tll homeland. Unfortunately, given the dificulty in tracking such a detail, ou ability to establirlr wheer ese members ran for ofice once already in Spain is limited. However, lr;rv ing included an item at enquied into the date when these members ran as carrrlr dates, we found that all were in the zooos, thus strongly suggesting that respondr.rrr, report on only recent electoral contests and at this is indeed a valid indicator o rr,, litical transnationalism. Although e total number of cases interviewed in Murcia is too sma1l for frequo,, y statistical analyses to be meaningfirl, we have preferred to report them as an acllr tional piece of information. Parallel to e study in the city of Murcia, we underlrxrl. an identical study in the whole region/province ofMurcia, which resulted in z5 acLlr tional interviews (a total of 41. ln terms of the transnational practices, the results ;rrr. very similar for e whole region and, if anything, would indicate that e organis.r tions in the city of Murcia are more transnationally oriented than those of e rest ol e region.

(i r() 'l 'l rr,sr.lrl t.trl l r,pi orrel w ork r,' l ' l tr' rel ,rl i v e ri z l o l l rt' i ttl t' rv i t' w t' rl orgi trri s al i otts rr thc orgarti s l ti < l tts y narrrc d,i .c , o l rrtl w l ri tl slr;r1x ,si) i ri rl r,sl rr,rrrrrrrl x .r l r' ;rrrs rrrl i ott;tl l ht'i r out tl t' grtr' . the l i mi ted numl l rr subs c tl u< ,rrl l l c s w t' do not i ttc l ttc l t,l tc c as cof Murc i a bec aus e hl bcr of casesrenders it unsuitabltt br bivariateanalyses. These are self-defined identities that need not overlap fully with e 'legal status of )l identify ree tlpes of members of these groups. Koopmans et al' (zoo5: n6-n7l transnational claims-making: transplanted homeland politics (e.g. claims against the homeland regime), homeland-directed transnationa claims (e.9. claims requesting the settlement country govenment to intervene in homeland politics) and country of residence-directed transnationalism (e.g. homeland esouces mobilised to intervene in host country aenas).

r5 Chapter and Coldconstellations hot identities: about Political theoryquestions and transnationalism diaspora
RanerBaubck

The initial question from which we started when inviting the contributions assembled in this book was wheer the concepts of transnationalism and diaspora can still be anaiytically distinguished, or if they have become so overstretched and blurred that ey no longer refer to distinct phenomena. If we find that the two concepts are still useful, then a second question follows: how do ey relate to each other in different academic disciplines and theoretical perspectives, and can they be integrated into broader theories of boundary-crossing and boundary changel Finally, does e study of empirical phenomena that are called 'transnaonal' or 'diasporic' also require replenishing e methodological toolboxes used in social research with new instrumentsl Predictably, our authors have not agreed on answers to these three questions. Some have responded indirectly by demonstrating e heuristic validity of a certain approach to transnationalism and diaspora; others have done so by highlighting in a critical vein what has been missing or overlooked in their respective disciplines. The appropriate conclusion to be drawn from this exercise is at this is neither the time to jettison the two concepts nor the moment to integrate them into a grand theoretical synthesis. Instead, this is a time for 'talking across disciplines' (Bretell & Hollifield zoo6) in order to explore how different perspectives may cross-fertilise each oer and move e debates forward. We may even hope, rather optimistically, at such transdisciplinary encounters have a transformative effect on academic boundaries similar to the effect of transnational migration on the boundaries of naon-states. This concluding chapter will not epeat the task of e introduction in summarising the debate or drawing conclusions from the contributions assembled in this book. Instead, I want to consider what my own discipline of political theory could learn from engaging with e findings of oer disciplines and what it could contribute in return. For this

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pur pos ( ' ,I w i l l rt' i ' r' s c k rl i v r' l yl o o tl rt ,r' rl rryrl r,r'rr tl ri s vol rrnrt,,' l ' l rr is weak nes s f p o l i ti c a lth c o ry i s th a t i t ta l < t,s krrrgl i urt' to di gt' sti rrsrl l l rtr o rr of other disciplinesabout changing structrrrt.s rnodt'r'rr o socir,lit'r;, rrr cluding those changes that we associatewith transnati<lnrlisrrr. lr,r strength lies in the striving for analyticalconsistencyin conct'prrr;rl ,rr.r lysis and normative judgements. I will therefore want t{l t.xprori, whether polical theory can help clarify the relation betwec.' rlrr,rr,r', concepts and to address the normative challenges for democrlty rlr.rl arise from a transnaonal blurring of political boundaries and llrr. rrr,, bilisation of diasporic identities.

r5.

Transnational citizenship from above and below

As discussed in Faist's introduction to this volume, transnatiorurlirrrr has had a strong caee as a concept in quite disparate fields o ;r,.r demic study. Probably the three most important ones are the foll.wrrrli first, international relations, where the concept began to be us.,.t ,r., early as the r97os to refer to the growing importance of non-statr,,rr tors, such as multinational corporations and international NGos, irr tlrr, international arena (e.g. Keohane & Nye r97z); second, social rrr,,v,, ment studies,which were interested in polical mobilisation across lrr,l ders (e.g. Smith, Chatfield & Pagnuccor99); and third, migratiorr strr dies (e.g. Basch, Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc 1994). Although rlr,r;r, are quite dilerent fields, there was a common underlying perc(.1)rr.,rl that transnationalism was about 'globalisation from below' (Guarniz, rul Smi 1998; Della Porta, Andrea, Mosca & Reiter 2oo(,) Tiansnational relations were accordingy distinguished from ink'r rr,r tional ones by insisting that at least one of the actors involved in tht, l,,r mer be a non-state entity (Risse-Kappen 1995; portes, Guarniz li Landolt r99il.Much of the empirical researchon transnationalisnr rr,r,, accordinglyfocused on individual and group agencyacrossinternati,rr,rl borders. From a political theory perspective,ere is something missing lrt,r,, a focus on political institutions and how they not only provide ,opportrr nity structures' for individual or collective transnational Dractices, rrrrr are themselves transformed through transnational relatins. polirr,.rl philosophy has for some time been divided between approachesthrrt 1,, cus on the eics of individual action or on justice as the first virtrrr. .l political institutions (Rawls r97r: r). The latter approachhas been cl.rrrr nant since the r97os, and has led to a stronger engagement belwr,,,rr normative political theory and empirical research on democrac irrsrrr, tions (Baubck zooSa). The notion of transnational citizenship rct.trri such an institutionalist perspective (Baubck rg94l.

lit lr r W l ri l r, llt t , ir r t r . r r r ; r lior r ir l, lir lior r s r nclsocial t t t ovct t t cnt s cr at ur e politicalissucs, such as environmen<ltt Iravclr:ust'd bourrdary-t'rossittg and responsesby institutionalised tll risl<sor cconontic globalisation, <lr inbrmal political actors, migration raises more complex questions rlrcut political membership.Tine underlying problem is how to resolve the mismatch between states as territorially bounded iurisdictions and citizenship as an intergenerational status of membership in a political community. Democratic citizenship has a sticky quality it clings to individuals, and they cling to it as well when moving across international l:orders. But democratic states are organised as non-overlapping territorial jurisdictions. Migration between states erefore produces citizens abroad and foreign citizens in the territory. The term 'transnational citizenship' was coined to refer to a pluralisation of citizenship statuses and the differentiation of rights in response to this problem. This response can be partially derived from the evolution of democratic state practices, but the term also contains a normative surplus in the sense of providing guidelines as to how liberal democracies ought to trans' form their conceptions of membership when faced with transnational migration. In the post-World War II era, democratic immigration countries had gradually and unevenly liberalised their conceptions of citizenship by granting quasi-citizenship status to long-term resident foreign nationals. They did this by turning naturalisation from a discretionary decision of authorities into an individual entitlement and by tolerating dual citizenship acquired at birth or through naturalisation. Some authors explained this move towards geater inclusion as the impact of global human rights discourses (Soysal ry94) and international legal constraints on state sovereignty (facobson r9g6\,while oers emphasised domestic sources of liberalisation (foppke 1999; Hansen & Weil eoor). Only a few scholars noted that towards the end of the twentieth century analogous changes occurred among an increasing number of sending countries. These started to consider external citizenship as a persistent link with their expatriates abroad that could be activated for economic, political and cultural policy goals. The move towards toleration of dual citizenship has been even more dramatic in sending than in receiving countries (Faist & Kivisto zooT; Blatter, Erdmann & Schwanke zoog). Since nearly all receiving countries also have substantial numbers of expatriates, mixed motives of both kinds have dnven policy change in most'Western democracies. The core citizenship rights of democratic participation and represen'Western liberal tation have undergone a similar expansive development. democracies have generally abolished previous restrictions on political activity by foreign nationals, and fourteen European states currently grant local voting rights to all long-term residents (Shaw zooT). At the

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s am e t in c : , n ru c h l a rg c r n u rn b t' ro ' s l rt cs has rrr:t,rrl l yrrl r.otl rrccrl r a i ;rl sentee voting in national electiorrsbr tht'ir citizens rcsidirrg rrlrr.orrl ( I DE A & I F E z o o T ). These reforms have made citizenship not only internally m<l*, trtr t,r; sible and inclusive for immigrants, but also less clearly bouncrcclt,xl.r nally. The legal statuses and rights of denizens and dual nati<>rnls;rrr jointly produced by receiving and sending states. Responcirr1,i r, Hammar's (tggo) influential discussion of denizenship and dual r rrr zenship as alternative solutions for the legal and political integratiorr ,l immigrant, I have suggestedthat what these two statuseshad in r,rrr mon was their transnational character (Baubck 1994). while Harrrrrr;rr had analysed them primarily.. from an immigrant integration perslx,( tive, they should be seen instead as a legal expression and recgrriri,,rr of overlapping circles of membership between two states.Transnali,rr.rl citizenship in this sense refers to an institutional transformatiorr .l membership and legal rights.' This transformation is not the resull ,l international migration itsel but of changing normative conceptions .l political community that respond to perceived challenges and opp.r'rrr nities created by migration. Such an institutionalist perspective contributes also to the dispurr. over whether migrant transnationalism is really a historically novel urrtl numerically signicant phenomenon. T?ansnationalism has often ut'r,rr associated wi migration patterns involving frequent movement lx, tween two states (see Dinden in this volume) or with homelarrrl related attachments and activities among settled immigrants. Tht,st. phenomena have been facilitated by new technologies of transportari.rr and communication, but ey were also strongly present in earlier rru gration waves, including the great transatlantic exodus from Europc r,, America around rgoo (Morawska zoor). By contrast, the proriferti.rr of local voting rights for denizens,'of external voting rights for exparri ates and of tolerated dual citizenship constitute, by any standards, b.rlr a historically novel and quantitatively signicant trend (Baubck zoo3). Describing and explaining this trend does not yet answer the norrrrrr tive question of how citizenship status and rights ought to be allocat.rl in contexts of overlapping affiliations. In response to this question, I rt. cently proposed a stakeholder principle (Baubck zooTb). This idea ck, ates to a certain extent from Carens' (rg8g, zooz) earlier suggestiorr that citizenship ought to be derived from societal membership. If we n' gard societies as bounded by the territories of nation-states, then it b. comes natural to associate societal membership with long-term resi dence, ignoring thereby the transnational aspects of migiants' rivcs. once we accept, however, critique of this perspective as methodologicrrl nationalism (\x/immer & Glick Schiller zooz), then there seems r b,, no way of determining stable boundaries of societies. At some level ,

T'he geogr aphic sr anal ysi s, xiclics t ut 'r gt 'ir t t o ir globr r llt t t t t lln socit lt y. bet lics sot ncwher e weena not ion of : it scopc< l 'tr ar r sr t ali<lt t al izt 't r slt ip society as a rcsident popttlation inside a state territory and society as a global network o human communication and interaction. Several authors in our volume therefore use terms such as 'transnational social elds' or 'networks'. But fields and networks are not political enties that can serve as addresseesof claims to membership status and rights. Societal membership is then too vague a criterion for determining not only the claims immigrants have towards a host state, but also those of emigrants towards countries of origins. In contrast with societies, networks and elds, political jurisdictions and political communities are demarcated by territorial and membership boundaries, even when these overlap. I propose erefore individual stakeholding in the future of a political community as an explicitly political criterion for membership claims. Such a reference to bounded political units is indispensable for a normative criticlue of exclusionary as well as over-inclusive citizenship regimes. Citizenship is a multifaceted concept whose many meanings are not exhausted by legal status, rights and duties allocated to individuals by states. The institutional perspective on kansnational citizenship 'from above' must erefore be matched by studying the same set of phenomena 'from below'. Tiansnational citizenship should then also be regarded as a polical opportunity structure that enables or constrains individual choices about membership status and identities as well as collective claims about rights. This perspective on transnational citizenship from below opens up a broad research agenda ranging from naturalisation motives to diaspora involvement in homeland conflicts' Finally, a third aspect should be added to the study of institutions and practices: discourses. As pointed out by Rogers Smith (zoo3)' political legitimacy in every polity is generated rough 'stories of peoplehood' that include not only narratives about economic advantage and political power, but also 'ethically constitutive stories' about collective identities and belonging. This is true not only for independent states, but also for various types of non-state polities.r We therefore need to trace as well e public discourses that construct transnational citizenship not merely as legal statuses and rights, but also as a significant way of belonging to a political community. Bringing pracce and discourse dimensions into the analysis of transnational citizenship creates a bridge to the study of diaspora. As I suggest in the fourth section of this chapter, diaspora should be understood as a politically mobilised claim about transnational citizenship, which can be pursued either by governmental actors from above or by non-governmental actors from below In either case, diaspoas are

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c r eaLedhr o u g h d i s t:tl u rs t';tl l o trll n rrrsrri rl i orurl t s l rt.krrrgi rrg u pol i ti r;rl lo community. Beforefurther elaborating this interpretation o'diaspora, will skt'l< ;r I lr broader framework for studying citizenship constellationsthat avoicls, .rr *re one hand, the statist biasesto have plagued most politicar theory ;r1r proachesand allows,on the other hand, to fill the normative gapslei wirlt, open by sociological and anthropological accounts of transnationalisrn.

tS.2 Citizenship constellations

citizenship has generally been interpreted as a relation between an irr dividual and a single polity. But, as discussion in the previous secti,rr has shown, this is clearly inadequate in contexts of migration. In ordr,r to understand the motives that migrants have for choosing a particul;rr legal status or exercising a particular citizenship right, we need to krrli at the citizenship opportunity structure that is jointly produced by tht,rr countries of origin and settlement. The same broader framework is rr, quired for studying the impact of a change in citizenship status on nl grants' socioeconomic position or political participation (fones-corn.;r 2oor, 2oo1i DeVoretz zoo8; DeVorelz & Bevelander zoog). Instead o considering, as usual, only the effect naturalisation has in a country ol settlement, we need to take into account also how it impacts migrants' opporrunities in relation to countries of origin or even ird countri.s. And these eects are sometimes not what one would expect namely, that citizenship acquisition consolidates settlement in destinauorr country. consider, for example, immigrants of chinese origin naturalising in the united states and canada in order to facilitate return to their country of origin with what they consider a privileged status (o'g r 999) . we need to understand more clearly that citizenship is not only a stutus of internal equality and entitlements within a polity, but also enablcs mobility across international borders (Baubck zoog). The core of exrer. nal citizenship is an unconditional right to be readmitted to one's courrtry of nationality. This is not only the main eason why most migrants are reluctant to enounce their citizenship of origin when they apply ftr' naturalisation; it is also a reason why indiduals may be intersed rr activating an inherited external citizenship or in becoming citizens of rr country that oers them easy naturalisation on grounds of ancestry or ethnic afinity. Dual citizens enjoy free movement rights between tw' countries and, for European union citizens, this prilege extends to lr much larger geographic area. In the EU, states that provide easy access to their citizenship for co-ethnic populations living abroad create EU citizens with admission rights in all oer member states. T?ansnationar

cilizt 'r r slr ips t t s t r li't 'tt hc oppor t unit icso 'indivillr l und supr; r r r llior ur l to st'vottl stltlt's,attclalso irnpact these statesthrough duals irr rclation entail. mobility privilcgesthesestatuses the associated study of individual choices of citizenship status and of Alongside the collective effects of citizenship arrangements, citizenship policy formation is a third object of research for which a constellation perspective geneates new research cluestions and insights. We need to take into account how states linked to each other through large-scale migration flows react to policy changes in the other country. The sequence of reforms of citizenship policies in Turkey and Germany since e r99os prodes a good illustration of what I suggest calling 'interactive citizenship regimes' (Baubck zoo6l. In the early r99os, arson attacks in the German towns of Mlln and Solingen killed eight Turkish women and girls. Convinced that Turks in Germany would be fully protected only if they had German citizenship, the Turkish government reacted by changing its preous policy of discouraging naturalisation in Germany. But at the same time, Turkey wanted to strengen its links to its largest expatriate community. In :1995a 'pink card' was introduced that facilitated renunciation of Turkish cizenship by guaranteeing former urkish citizens most of e rights they had prior enjoyed apart from the franchise. Yet, irrkish migrants apparently did not trust the value of this external quasi-citizenship and bided their time waing for reforms that would allow for dual citizenship (Caglar zoo4).In 1999, the red-green coalition government promised to introduce such reforms, but had to retract this crucial element of its cizenship reform proposal when the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) mobilised against it in a referendum in the province of Hesse. Turkish authorities reacted to is setback by exploiting a legal loophole that, prior to 2ooo, had not permitted German auorities to deprive German citizens of their nationality while they resided in e German state teritory' A substantial number of Turkish migrants therefore renounced their citizenship of origin only temporarily in order to naturalise, but then reacquired it through e Turkish consulates. The new citizenship law at came into force in zooo closed off this oppofunity. Shortly before regional and federal elections in zoo5, German authorities became active and deprived about zo,ooo immigrants of Turkish origin of their German citizenship and franchise. This episode illustrates how states whose citizenship regimes have become entangled wi each other through large-scale migration may act independently of each other to pursue their own political goals, but still become exposed to the other state's policy choices and may respond in kind. Empirical research on citizenship should therefore move beyond single-country case studies and even beyond comparative approaches towards an analysis of citizenship constellations that involve several

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rl i i ra s t at es A c on s te l l a ti o n tn c w < l l k s l l s o rr ' l t' vl tttt l r adtl rt' ssi ttg,otttt;t . I'ilr l('l)crs[il) lo tive questionsconcerninghow statcsrlttl;,ltl ltllrtt:lrtc tus, rights and duties, how they should coodiratc thcir polit rc:; amongst one anothe and how they may legitirnately constrair ilr(lrvl dual choices and practices.In the previous section, I briefly intr<xltttrrl a stakeholder principle for answering the basic question of who lr:rri .r moral claim to membership status in which polity. Introducing a ltittl; national constellationperspectivemeans that we need to go beyon<llllt:; initial question. First, we have to develop principles for citizenship polr cies that do not only respond to moral claims of indiduals, but llr,rt can also guide polical decisions of dierent polities in such a way llr;rl ey do not conlict wi each other or produce unjustifiable bultlt'trr, for another country. Second,we must not only reconcile the indivitlrr;rl equality of citizens with the recognition of relevant group differt'rrtt'ri inside a single polity, but we also need to consider how a principlt' ol ecluality applies between individuals who are positioned difbrt'rrtly within a citizenship constellation. Before addressing these normative cluestions, we need to furtht'r rlrl ferentiate citizenship constellations. There ae two basic types that lr;rv,' very different structural properties but are often connected to each ollrt'r in ways that complicate both their empirical and normative analyst's. li, r far, I have focused on transnational constellations formed by indt'P|rr dent states with non-overlapping territories but partially overlaPltirrpi memberships. The second basic type is a federal shrctue in whiclr tlr| territories and members of severalpolities are nested within a largt'r'r'rr compassing polity so that, in principle, every citizen of a lower levt'l prr lity ii also a citizen of the higher level one and vice versa. Both conslt'l lations produce mulple citizenship relations; in the first one, thcy ;rrr horizontalb overlapping, while in the second, they are vertically nt'slrrl (Baubck zoor). Within nested constellations, we no longer cottsitlct only independent states but, rather, polities of different kinds. Thcst' rrr clude selgoverning municipalities, federal provinces or autonotttttttri territories within unitary states and at least one supranational grlily, which is the EU. Not all ese polities have a formally establishedsl;rlril; of citizenship that is called by this name and, in ose that have it, srrrlr as the U, there may be doubts about its substance (Wiener t'.;';fi, Weiler 1999). Yet, these are not justications for the statist bias irr t rlr zenship studies that simply ignores the structure of rights, dutit's ;rrrrl membership in sellgoverning polities below or above the state'

constellations in puzzles complex r5.3 Normative

raiscclaboveconcernedprinciples for-coorThe rst normatrvc clucsti<lrl dnati ngm em ber shipdecisionsandt heallocat ionof r ight sanddut ies constellation. In a betwee pohties entangled in a common citizenship formed by independent states' hrirontay overlappig constellation in a federally this need for coordinatin is obously less pressing than assume that e need will become stronnested one. We can, howeve, of overlap'a In a horizontal constellation' each ler the geater e extent The question t"t" *i have equal powes to determine its own citizens. iswhetherStatescandosounilaterallywiouttakingintoaccountthe in the Nottebohm other states' concerns' In its landmark 1955 decision of fustice endorsed a principle of 'genuine case, the International Court may not confer their and eective links', in the absence of which states version of the stanationality to another state's nationals.5 This negative not yet imply a positive duty to accept dual citii.frofa"t principle does in the first sec,."tftip in ."r, of dual stakeholding' As pointed out

ti onofthischapt er , alt hought henum ber of st at est hat dosohasshar of this py lrr.r""r"a, ost do noecognise- the transnational character priority takes ,ttrr. Some maintain instead ihat eir own citizenship reside, which is obviously a principle that cannot wherever their citizens involved in a ci" g"""r4ir.d without creating conflicts between states regard external cititizeship constellation. The alt-ernativesolution is to zenshi p sasdor m ant andonlyt her esident ialcit izenshipasact ive. But of external stakethis so'lution fails to take into account justied claims protection. tota"rrtip, which may include voting rights and diplomatic formal cionly This problem is even more obous fr denizens whose is an extrateritorial one' The upshot of these considera,"rrrip status law in tions is that there is a case for stronger noms in international order to coordinate citizenship policies between states'o vertically In contrast wi horizorrily overl"pping constellations, government' of nested ones need not only coordination between levels setdement that regulates their decision-making but a constituonal po\Mers.Asmentionedabove,thebasicprincipleregulating.multilevel also a citizen of the itizenship is that each citizen of a neste pohty is between levels encompassing one and vice versa' This two-way linkage The linkage of citizenshii is characteristic of all federal arrangements. po\Merto deterthe does not yet tell us which level of govenment has for all other levels of the federation. In contemporary mine citizenship Switzerland is federal states this is now nearly always the federal level. only Swiss e only curent exception, since its federal law regulates conditions for citizenip acquired ily birth and certain minimum the power tc naturalisation, Lut leaves to e cantons and municipalities a Swiss citizen determine under eir own laws who will become

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I lis t o|it lr lly , (' (i tl t rrl s orrrl;r s i rn i l ;rrrrp w ;rrtl r.ri vrrl i orr w tl rorrrl l rl t,,rr s t it ut iv c ur ri t to l l rc i ' c l t' r' u l v t' l i rr l l rt.t' ;rrl y l .l S rrrrtl(i t,r' rrurrr l t' t,trr.r,r t ions ( s c hn b e rg e 2 o 0 5 ).' l ' l rt.s a n rr'P ri rrt P l t' i s rrpP l i t' do t i ri zt' rrsl rr1, r i l in the EU, with the important dircncc bcing that tlrc lu tkrt,s rrr,l even have the competencies to provide a regulatory iamcwork .r rr:, member states'nationalitylaws. It wouid be tempting to go irrt. rrr,r,. detail here and discuss whether the present lack of even purcly ..,,,,,r, nating powers at the supranationallevel is appropriate and sustainalrh, since our main concern here is transnationalism, I want to corrsitlr.r instead how principles applying to nested and overlapping consrr'll,r tions respectivelyinterfere with each other where such constellaLr.rrr, are combined. In e first section of this chapter,I describedhow st;rr.r, react to the growing incongruence between territorial residence rrrrtl membership status by strengthening citizenship relations with . rrr grants and by granting denizenship to long-term resident immigrarrr:; In a nested constellation, this horizontal differentiation of citizenslri;, has the effect of creating an additional incongruence between citiz.rr ships at dierent levels by partially breaking the linkage between the.r The first break is that external citizens will generalry not simull:r neously be citizens of a province or municipality in their country of oli gin. This is so not only due to a monopoly of stategovernmensin i' ternational relations, but also because,in democratic states, local anrl provincial citizenship is determinedby ius domcliinstead of the conr. bination of us sanguins,ius sol and naturalisation that regulates access to state-levelcitizenship. After some time of residence, citizens wh, have migrated inside the national territory automatically lose their iocur citizenship status and rights in their preous place of residence and acquire that of the place where they have settled without hane to naturr1ise.7The same principle of automatic us dorncilii imphe that emrgrants who have left the state territory will no longer be counted as local citizens, but only as citizens of the state. Even this implication is. howeve, nol without exceptions. A minority of states wi external votinr rights also extend them to sub-state eleciions, sometimes, as in Norway and Finland, with more restrictive absentee clauses for these compared to national elections (IDEA & IFE zooT: 4, 17,234-245). while external citizenship is generally disconnected from membership in sub-state polities, the latter can also expand their own residential citizenships beyond the membership criteria used at the state level. The local (and, in a few cases, also regional) franchise for third-country nationals can be interpreted as an assertionofa distinct conception oicitizenship at a sub-state level. This is, once again, the outcome of an interaction between the transnational and nested features ofcitizenshiD constellations.In the absenceof international migration, ius d.omicilii atrhe local level would apply only to native citizens of the larger state and

t rrr s(,tv(' l ()rr r , r ir r l; r ir r : l, r lr r lr ly , r r r t 'r ; llr llt 't lt 't ; t liot lllt or r gll t t lt t t lllt 't t t t 't t dct ir l cit izt 'r lslr ip cr r nir r at ion ' t ot l l rl y l rtrrl rr r r r lr r : r lly t lp; t lt lr ltprir r riplt 's t o det er m inelocacit illlr iplr : l otl rstlr lt 's t t t t lr r r r r r t ir lilit 's clllr t 'capacit y zt'nship ancl votirrg riglrls tlrrough independent naturalisationprocetesidclures,this could ead to clepriving members of the national d'emos representation. It is only with ing in the territory of any local political immigration from other countries thal ius domicli and naturalisation can b seen as alternative, rather than complementary principles for citizenship attribution. Many local govenments realise then that their conception of citizenship as automatically derived from residence is not comptible with excluding foreign residents who have not obtained citi,"rrip at the state level. By turning them into fully enfranchised cithe local level, they partially break the link between local and ""n, "i state-level citizenship. Not all European constitutions, however, allow for this inclusive solution to the tension between transnational and federal constellations. The German and Austrian Constitutional Courts have struck down provincial legislation in Hamburg, SchleswigHolstein and vienna that would have introduced a franchise for thirdcountry nationals at the local level (Shaw zooT\. The two courts argued that the federal demos must be homogenous so that the electorate is the same at all levels of government. This interpretation of the German and Austrian constitutions rejects the accommodation of transnational citizenship and asserts a conception of the federal demos that is more unitary thn the one we find in unitary states such as lreland, Denmark, the Neerlands and Sweden.e As these two illustrations have shown, the partial delinking of citizenship between levels is not an automatic consequence of international migration. Some states have opted for extending extraterritorial citrzenship to provincial and local levels, while others have rejected applying the us d.omilprinciple of local citizenship to ird-country nationals' In liberal polities exposed to immigration and emigration, we see nevetheless a significant trend towards the double incongruence between citizenships t rtut" and sub-state levels. This trend emerges as a largely unintened by-product of applying pre-existing principles of membership to the new migratory challenges. It adds another layer of complexity o the transnational expansion of state-level citizenship that generates increasing overlaps with the membership boundaries of other states. The question of how to determine citizenship stahrses in compex constellations is connected with a second normative problem of equality. In contrast with the subjects of empires, who had been divided into multiple ascriptive categories that were assigned different group -privileges or duties, democratic citizenship is normatively understood as a sttus of equal membership in a self-governing polity. Certainly, even

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l c l f or a t r ac lit i o n as ta k r-c c n trcv ilt' w ,ri g l rl st rtrrltl ttl i csi rtt' l tl sottol t' x;ttl v (i l l l tl t' l t he s am e f o r e v e ry c i ti z e n . C i ti z tl trsb c l <l wtl rt' rgc o ttl ai < l ri l y lttt't'ti p<xrrc:itizt'tts vote, women are rarely drafted for military sclrvicc, empted from paying income tax, social insurance benets attcl wr'll;rr,' rigts ae dierentiated according to contributions and rtt't'rlrr Moreover,women, disabled persons, racial, ethnic and religious tttittot t ties have obtained special protection against discrimination and soltt,' exemptions from general legislation that applies to other citizt'rrs. ll these and oer forms of differentiated citizenship can still be s('('rr,r', emerging from a principle of equal lespect and concern for all w|.;rr,' citizens of a single polity (Dworkin rg77).By taking into account itrtlrvr dual aliations to a plurality of polities, a constellation persp('( lrvl transcends, however, the single state as e basic reference urlil or equality. And it does so without replacing state-basedcitizenship witlr 'r similaily homogeneous conception of universal human rights grottrrth',1 in the moral equality of human beings. While there is a broad feminist and multiculturalist literature orr rlil ferentiated citizenship, political theorists have so far hardly ev('r' ,rl how norns of equal citizenslrip:rl tempted to specify and contextualise ply eyond i single polity framework. I will illustrate this problcrrr lrv utlining merely two of its many dierent applications: one that lt'r'r', only to transnational constellations and a second that pertains also ln multilevel citizenship. Consider, rst, external voting rights exercised by citizens rcsitlirrpi permanently abroad. I have proposed elsewhere at a stakeholder pr irr provide justification for such a transnational franchist', lrrrt .ipl" -"y tht it also generally limits its application to a first generation o't'rrrr grants (BaubockzooTb). In some countries that have introduced alrst'rr tee ballots, this was done with explicit reference to a nom of p<tlitir,rl equality among all citizens independeny of their country o tt'rrt dence.'" In Belgium, external voting has even been made mandltlot\' since it is also mandatory for citizens residing in Belgium (lall'rrr zooS). But such an interpretation of equal citizenship is diffit:rrlt l', maintain since states cannot potect their citizens' cil rights orrtsitl'' their own territory nor provide em with social citizenship riglrls lo public education, health cae or povety relief. Why should thcy llrt'rr obligation to secue exactly the same rights to vote for e:xlcttt;tl ir"u" "n as for those who live in the territoryl Moreover, equality o t't|r citizens toral representation between domestic and external citizens is ttt';tllt impossible to achieve.In most systems,the electorateis subdividt'tl itrlo territorial constituencieson the basis ofenfranchised voters (nol o rt' gistered voters o actual votes cast). Do expatriatesthen have a clltittt l,' in number of representatives a nationallegislaturethat is propotliotr,tl t o t heir nu m e ri c a l s trc n g th C i v c n th c often very l argc ntttttl l cts l rttl

ttf sut 0 t l<lwclr , , l0r .lrrrlr 't r or r l r , xplt ll'ilt t t 's, : lran it t l. cr pr t lt at ion gcrrcral l y of absenteevoters' llurlity'w.uld lclrtl l. lt ltttgt' ov('lar('r.scntation constituenciesfor This s oncrcasol losl stal(sdo not create sepaate in the domestic constituency external voters, but count their votes a merging of external *tr"r" ,fr.y resided last." I have argued thatsuch than special representation, and domestic votes is also better fusti{ed comshould be seen as external stakeholders in the ,in." "*p"tiates polity to which they are linked through biographic ties' gooa of e interests that need to be -on rather than as an extemal minority with special z43z-2435\'" in the t.gist"tiu" gft".t; (Baubck 2oo7b: ,"fr"r."t"a Not all persons who ree selselected. External stakeholders il "l*o actively with the iain a citizenship of origin can be expected to engage of origin' Mandatory voting' which domestic politics in er country among t justifed in order to enhance equalrty of representation " classes of citizens (Lijphart 1997\' cleatly should not be im-"y differeni about govposed on expatriates. We could-add further considerations with equal access to voting rights' ernments' duty to provide citizens and external vowhich, again, o not apply in the same way to domestic if one accepts the basic argument for ters. The conclusion k th"t even of equal repreintroducing voting rights for expatriates,-t!e lrinciples and differentiated in transnational sentation will have t be relaxed elections. equality concerns The second illustration for problems of citizenship localvotingrightsintheEU.Th","",.threedifferentrationalesforexis tn nrr.hire to non-citizen residents' The first iustication ;;di"g

atmembe st at eshaveagr eedt ogr ant eachoer 'scit izensalocal idea here is n3t an franchise as a matte of recprocity' The underlying participation- Raer it individual claim of EU citizns to local political to secue their citizens' ir, nrrt, a general commitment of liberal states in oer states and to be willing to grant the rights wh they reside own territory' And' secsae rights to citizens of other states in their ond,itisaspecifccommitmenttopomotethepoliticalintegrationof EU citizenship' the EU through special privileges attached to ---Th. is erived from freedom of movement as the ,".orrpriin."un to preventing the core right of U citizenship. The EU is committed EU citizens who make use discrimination on grounds f nationality of The instituright to tae up residence in other member states. "irfr"r,of ttt-" fU, and specically e European Court of fustice' have intions general equality terpreted this comminent very broadly as entailing of the member states bo in comparison with e rights of citizens with the rights EU miwhere an EU migant takes up iesidence and of origin' This ar grrtt lt"* enloyd previouslyin their.membe states invoked for iustifying e privilege of EU. citizens "*"", has also'been The dual rationale is to vote in local elections in oer memter-states'

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t lllt r r r lll< ir rtl s (' o l l rt' i l rrro l ri l i l y l rl ss l rorrl tl g rti rrotr' rrl :ri l osso tl rt.l , c al r epr c s c n ta ti o rr rt' y l )t' (' v i o u s l(' rj o y (.(l tl i rr(l l l i l l l l rcy sl rorrl tl1ol l rl y dis c r im inat e d o m p a re dto c i ti z r:rrs ' th t' i r l rosrr..urrl rvS l r:rw c o .ro,,rl A third justification builds on the ideas of' stakcholck,r r:ilizt.rrsrrrl, and differentiated membership criteria br local and state politics tlr;rr I have outlined above. In this view, local citizenship is derived i.rn rr.:rr dence, and municipalities should therefore give accessto political P;rrrr cipation and representation to all migrants who settle within rlr.rr boundaries, independently of whether they are citizens of the enr.rrr passing state. All three justifications converge in supporting the introduction . 1,, cal voting rights for EU citizens by the r99z Maastricht Treaty. 'l'lrt.1, lead to quite different conclusions, however, regardinghow the un<t,rly ing norm of equality applies to third-country nationars.The rst i'rt,r pretation does not provide any reason for a general inclusion ofthirrl country nationals, but would justify extending local voting rights to r:iri zens of certain non-EU statesthat have introduced a resien-based 1., cal franchise. For example, Portugal and Spain, whose constitutions errr phasise a principle of reciprocity in internationar relations, have grantt,rl the local franchise to Norwegian cizens. The problem with thil norrrr is that its consistent application would create i proliferation of specirrl rights for immigrants depending on what rights their country of rigi, grants to citizens of the host state. Moreover, this dierentiation of orr leges would not be related in any plausible way to questions of immi grant integration and citizenship in the context of the receiving polity. Is it really plausible that e very few Norwegians in Lisbon and-adrid have a stronge claim to local representation than the many mor(. Moroccans who live therel In the second interpretation, EU citizenship is primarily a bundle of transnational rights attached to free movemenr. Third-country nationals could then be included if they also enjoyed extensive free-movement rights and were covered by a principle of nondiscrimination on grounds of nationality. In the EU, however, this is clearly still a utopian idea. Third-country nationals are subjected.to extensive immigration control when entering the EU. The zoo3 EU directive o1 long-term resident ird-country nationals (EC zoojlrog) has introduced limited mobility rights across internal EU bordeis foi denizens, and the European commission had for a while promoted the idea of a 'civic citizenship' for these third-country nationals that would have included local voting rights.'l so this second rationale for local votins rights could, in principle, be extended to third-country nationalsl Deriving such rights from the exercise of free movement, however, creates distinct justifications for the political representation of mobile and sedentary populations and raises the hurdles for the inclusion of thirdcountry nationals.

' l ' l rt, l l rrt r l jr r sli it it lt {) nt l, l) ( . . lni ) n ( ' t t t r t t 'tt'ot t sislt 't t tlt t t t l it t t lt t st vt l( , o rr r llr l l urrrl l rt' ollr t 'r 'lwo. ll pt olt oscs ; r tt 't 1r r ; r lily o 11,t cm ber s 'a local inst ir llt pol i tysh< lr r lcl , ir r lt 'r 'pr r 'lt 't lr lt 'luli<lttto localsslf - gover nm ent , ead of'bcing dcrivcd fiorn I principle o'reciprocity that pertains to international rlations between states, or from a privilege of free movement granted to the citizens of a supranational union. In this view, local poli iical communities should include all long-term residents, without distinction between native-born residents, citizens of the member state who have moved there from other parts of the country EU citizens from other member states and third-country immigrants. Local citizenship would then have to be disconnected from both state citizenship fU citizenship for the sake of ensuring equality in the local polity. ".r that this argument for residential citizenship need not apply to Note state and EU levels, if we accept that citizenship acquisition in states should be derived from birth or consent and that in the EU, as in all federal polities wi multilevel citizenship, cizenship at the federal level is not independent ofcitizenship in one ofthe provinces or states.

15.4 Where is the nationalism in transnationalism

The theoretical questions that I addressed in e previous section emege from an institutional perspective on transnationalism. Political institutions are ensembles of entrenched norms that structure the activities of govenments and other political actors. Political theorists consider how these norms change, or ought to change, in response to transformations of contemporary societies. This perspective attributes agency to individuals as bearers ofrights and duties allocated to them by political institutions, and it takes into account individuals' interests and identities n relation to the political institutions that constrain or enable their actions. But this view does not focus on collective action by noninstitutionalised actors, which has been a core element in definitions of transnationalism in other disciplines. So how can we bring in the practice and discourse dimensions without neglecting institutional change? A fresh look at the terminology can serve as a point of deparbure.The word 'transnationalism' ends wi '-ism', suggesting thus that it refers to an ideology. The question is whether this ideology is to be understood as u"ii"ty of nationalism proiected across borders or, rather, as " transcending nationalism by widenng e reference framework for poli tical membership to the constellations described above''a Reflecting in this way on the terminological appropriateness of the concept could lead to abandoning it altogether. There ae two easons for regarding transnationalism as a misnomer. First, the '-ism' sends a wrong signai. Inferring the meaning of transnationalism from its actua

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us ( ' , w( ' wi l l rrtl l l r;rl i l i s n ro s l l yr.rn p l oyr.tl l rrr :rrr;rl yl i(()l r((,1)l ;rs ( nr ac adc r nic i s c tl ttrs t' ls d ttd o rrl y t' rttt' l y o rn r,srr;l i n pol i l i trrltl i storrl rr.:,' , c T ians nat io n a l i s ms , a s l ri a i sc x p l ri rrsi rr ll rt' i rrl rodrrtl ory rrpl r' r' ,;ur l i t r,l cl t ic , but it n e e d n o t b e a s s o c i a tew i th a n y parti cul ari dcol ogy.' l ' l rt. d 1,r,,;, er answer to the posed question is that, as an analyticalpt'r.sgrr,r rrr,, transnationalismhas to accountfor both trans-bordernationalisnr,rrr,l nation-transcending conceptions of political community with'rrt lrt.rrrli committed to either of the two. If transnationalism refers to corrsrr.ll.r tions composed of a plurality of polities, then it must imply a rcjt,t tr'rr of methodological and normative nationalism. But this does n.t rrr,',r, that it is necessarilyallied to an alternative normative vision, srtrr ,r', cosmopolitanism or multiculturalism. A second objection applies to the adjective'transnational',which tr,,,.,, not suggest an ideological stance but a structural quality. The prolrr.rrr here is that in most uses of the term, the political unit at is rr';rr:, cended by institutions, actions, discourses or flows is not the nurr()r, but the state. It is certainly very common to regard nation and stalt. ,r,, synonyns, but this stance reflects, again, a statist bias that privilt.1i,,, claims to nationhood by entities established as sovereign states .v.r those of statelessnations and national minorities, and it ignores rlr,. nested constellations of pluri-national democracies, such as Belgirrrrr. Canada, India, Spain and the United Kingdom (Keating zoor; Ggrr,,,, & Tully zoor). If we want to avoid this implication, we could use tlr,, term 'trans-state'rather than 'trans-national' (Fox zoo5: r7z). This s.lrr tion would create some additional confusion, however, in India or rrr,. uS where the constituent units of the federation are called'states' arrrl the encompassing one is referred to as 'country' or ,nation,. At e most abstractlevel of analysis,we might need a term referrirrli generally to institutions, actions and processes that transcend rlrr. boundaries of political units while, at e same time, linking specir units togeer into a bounded constellation. one could then introoutt. an entirely new term by calling these 'trans-polity, phenomena.'6 Thr..y would not only include constellations of independent states, but als, horizontal ones between the constituent units of pluri-national demot racies as well as relations between statelessnations and their diasporas. Refining the vocabulary of academic research in these ways can be :r useful exercise when it becomes necessary to highlight distinctions bt' tlveen the various kinds of trans-polity relations. one should also avoicl, however, introducing too many new terms into a well-established fietl of study, especially if referring to phenomena commonly described by rr widely accepted terminology. Terminological bales tend to be tedious and unproductive, and an attempt to purge the literature on transnationalism of its core concept would be a waste of energy. A more promising strategy is to enrich its meanings through analysing thc

o ttl y r l i r 'r t 'r r l to ttl t'xl s i r r w l l i r l r tl ;r p p l tt':l ,ttttl l o i tr l to tl tttt'ttt'w l t'tttts : r s t t t 't 't l t 'clr r ' i r r 'l l l t'r 'sl l 't i l i t;tl i o tts. I r r s t t , u c o 'tl sl i l g l r si tl r ' l l l r ttstn ti ( ) tl a l i sn t t,r r e a so n s o f te r m i n o l o g i l by takcal prrrity, wc c<lulcl rnukc ttt<lrc procluctive use of its ambiguities in transnationaling seriously this question: whre is the nationalism one' lrl ris is now.t lottg"t a conceptual question but an empirical

Although transnationilism does not conceptualb gntait nationalism, nationalist claims are frequently articulated and mobilised wiin transnational constellations. Cnffary to a widespread assumption' nationalism is not always aiming for congruence betlveen national-cultural subboundaries and siate bordrs. Nation-building may be confined to to secessionism), state territories (without ever crossing the threshold and it may extend beyond state borders by attempting to bind together populations in a homeland territory and abroad (without trying- to remve the borders between them or to bring external kin populations back into the homeland). v/e also need to consider how transnatonal citizenship is not merely a bundle of rights, but may be invoked and involved in nation-building projects. In this respect, the early literature on migrant transnationalism has often assumed that any process that transcends state borders will thereby also promote transition towards an age of post-nationalism (e.g. Basch el a7' rg94; Soysal rg94)'As a focus on sending-country progo"rrr-"rr,, make immediately clear, from their perspective,the linked to an ideology of nationotion of transnational ties is rather then building beyond borders. The terminological problem becomes have crossed the state borquite oous since, in this view, emigrants der but remain inside the national community' What has been largely missing so far is an effort to synthesise the litnaerailre on migrant political transnationalism with that on territorial minorities with external kin th" relations of homeland tionalism "rrd in states (see waterbury in this volume). Brubaker's pioneering work constellation involving nationalising this fied has described a triangular frestates, national minories and their external homelands, which is Eastern Europe (Brubaker 1996)''7 This quently found in Central and iriangle is structurally isomorphic with the one between host countries, immgrants and sening statei that characterises migrant transnationalism. it should then noi be dicult to compare e two constellations and to consider also possible interferences and combinations between [hem. The first lesson to be learned from bringing together two sepaate fields of study is that migration is not a necessarycondition for transnational political ties, which can be generated in both constellations' Yet, it is alio important to distinguish them, since it makes a big diference wheer the relation to an external homeland has come about through

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llt t ' t t t t lv t ' t ttt' ttltl 1 l t' o 1 l l r' ;r(r' ()s s ttl t' tsot o l xrtrl t,t,s;r(t()ss l ro pt,1,rrl ,. ar d wl c lh c l -tl rt' i r s i l L rttl i o trrr l l rt" l ro sl l l rntl ' i s orrr,o r' trr.rrt;' rrrrv,rl ,, i and, t er r it o ri a l l y i s p e rs c di rrrrrri g ru rrrtso u st' l l l t' cl rror.i tyr:rtl r,r., d or rrri tl lived continuouslyin a particularterrikrry ov(r lllry ll.rr 14t.rrt,lrliorrs. relevant are these distinctions for explaining phenornenologir.s, rr.r tionalism in both contexts and for normativly evaluating cl;rirrr:;r,, transnational citizenship I In both constellations,governments and poritical parties in .xrt.rrr.rl kin statesor countries of origin have frequently used-nationalist .lrt.r,, ric, but host country govenments have reacted.to these cuite cliil,.r ently. The crucial question is whether trans-statenationalisrncan Dorr,, tially raise claims at could threaten the territoriar integrity of the sr:rr,. which is much more likely in the case of homeland mnorities thurr r,l territorially dispersedimmigrants.'8 This makes the normative question of legitimacy of claims raisecl lrr,. or on behalf of, homeland minorities with external kin states rrr.rr. complex than that about analogous demands by migrants. I have srrli gested elsewherethat there is a normative trade-off between territoli;rl autonomy and transnational citizenship (Baubck zooTa).If a natiorr:r lising state transforms itself into a pluri-national democrary that grarrr:; its homeland minorities territorial autonomy and power-sharing n i, stitutions of central government, then such arrangemenrs pe-empt ()l weaken simultaneous claims by nationalist minoriw elites to reorscrrr a diaspora in need of protection by a neighbouring kin state..eyer, ;rs political debates within the Hungarian minority in Romania illustrart, (Brubaker,Feischmidt, Fox & Granceazoo6), it is not alwaysa foregorr,, conclusion that territorial autonomy is the solution prefeired by mosr members of such minorities. There are several possible orientatins .r minorities separated from a homeland state through a new o restore(l international border. They can opt for short-term emigration to the kirr state, they can decide to stay but conceive of emsees as a diasporrr linked to that state, they may abandon their extemar ties and re-imagint. themselves as a domestic ethnolinguistic minority or they may firaily decide that their best option is to assimilate into a d"ominant national identity of their country of residence. Ideally, alternative projects of cultural identiry and political affiliation should be able to compete with each other for democratic support under the condition that thv esDect the rules of the game, including legitimate concerns about terriiori"i integrity of,,and friendly relations, between states. Analytical distinctions between the two transnational political constel_ lations are thus important for explanatory and normative purposes, but they are frequently blurred in real world cases. Moving boiders may trigger migration flows of those who do not want to end up as minorities in a nationalising state. And ethnic cleansing h"u" effects -"y

M si rrri l l rr' lollt ost 'ol t t t ovit t lilr , , t t lt 't : 1. ot t 'llllt t t Joo, ooo ct lr r r ic'l r r l<s t hem selves lr lr r rl w l ro w t' r' t 'pr r slr t .or r l ol llr r lll; r li: ir t r . , 1139 vt 'cst alllished 'lir 'lir r l<t . y. t t , r lr t , t nir r g, r l<ish izens, genum ber shave lar cit or A i rr w cstt' r r r and c:itizc:nship today,from outsidethe counreclaimedtheir Irrlgilrirrr try, provide electoral support for the political party representing the turliish minority in their former homeland (Ozgr-Baklacioglu zoo6). Here the Brubakerian trangle is expanded into a quadrangle' The fourth corner is a migrant origin group settling in the previously external kin state, but still using its transnational citizenship in order to sustain links with the co-enic minority in their previous homeland' Mexican migration into the border regions of the US illustrates yet another mixed case where ecent flows of labour migrants replenish or recreate an originally autochthonous native minority. Mexican rhetoric about building a global nation through emigration (Smith zoo3) has invoked e annexation of Mexican territory by the US in the mid-nineteenth century and the pesence of a native Chicano population in e American south-west. Tking such rhetoric all too seriously, Huntington conjures up a scenario in which Hispanic immigration nto this area could eventua\ transform it into a US Quebec (Huntington zoo4), which, for him, seems to be a quite horrible prospect. This prognosis can be easily dismissed since there appears to be a persistent language shift towards English-only among third-generation descendants f ispanic immigrants, and there is little credibility or political support for territorial claims that would revise the 1848 Treaty of Hidalgo. ut there are harder cases, too, such as e Russian-speaking populations in Estonia and Lawia. Should they be seen as immigrants, as colonial settlers or as national minorities separated from their homeland through secession (I(ymlicka zoor:76-79)l Such different ways of constructing minorities ceate or undermine legitimacy for claims to- external as well as domestic citizenship raised by representatives of these minorities.

of r5.5 The proliferation 'diasporas'

Bringing back nationalism into the expanding academic field of transnationalism studies ceates a bridge between an institutionalist approach to transnationalism and a focus on practices, movements and ir.orrrr.r. This move makes it also possible to ceate an analltical space for the notoriously vague and overstretched concept of'diaspora'. classic definitions of diaspora discussed in this book by Faist, Bruneau, Paerregaard, Weinar, Waterbury l(oinova, King and Christou and others include several elements that apply just as much to transnational migrant communities (Vertovec, Van Hear & Pieke zoo4: 3)' So

I t ' t t t t c t ot t s i rl t' tw l ti r' l t l tttro trl ,, rt,s t' t.l r.r nt' rrl s pl ovi tl t' tl i l t,ri ;rl l r,rt tl rrury c ould dis t in g u i s l rtl rc tw o l l l rt' n o rn t' l rl r. Isrrggt' sl l l rl rl l l rt' r' t, rrt.orrl r l f our , and t ha t th re e a o n ltl rc rn i ri l i rr tl r t' t.rrclo dl l rw u r' l t' l rlt' rr' rr;i l r l distinction. First, diaspora has been associated(also etymologically) witlr tr,rrr matic dispersal of a group from a common territorial origin low;rrrl. multiple destinations. Second,diasporic communities resist ull rssrnl lation into the host society and maintain collective group idortitrr.:, across multiple generations. Third, diasporic communities crealt. ;rrr,l maintain ateral ties across political borders between the various Lr,,r tions of settlement. Fourth, diaspora goups strongly orient themsr'tvr':, towards an external homeland and can be mobilised for oolitical nr,, jects relating to the future of is homeland. The first criterion is clearly not a sufficient one, since many rer1i,., populations whose origin lies in coerced migration and who have lrt.,,rr dispersed across various receiving states have blended into eir lro:;l societies and no longer conceive of themselves as diasporas.The trr:: toric fact of traumatic dispersal will certainly shape personal identili,.:. among all rst generationsof coercedmigrants, but is does not mr.;rrr that they will always regard it as a public and collective identity ass, ciated with political claims. For their descendants, who have not exp('rl enced these eventsin their own lives, it all depends on the parental slor ies they grow up with and on their identification as a distinct group ol origin in the society where they have been born. The first criteriorr i:; not even strictly necessary since groups whose migration was not trlrr matic and coerced may eventually mobilise as diasporas in response to trouble in the homeland. During the Kosovo War of 1998-1999, many migrants who had left the country as Yugoslav guest workers in tlrr, r96os and r97os raised funds for financing resistance against tlrt, Serbian forces, and quite a number of their sons volunteered to fight irr this conflict. Finally, the criterion of territorial dispersal does not apply at all to 'diasporas' that live in their traditional regional homeland brrr have been separated from an external kin state through shifting interna tional borders. The second criterion, the persistence of diasporic identity across mul. tiple generations, is therefore the most obvious candidate for distinguishing diasporic identity goups from the more ephemeral phenonrenon of migrant transnationalism. For the latter, in order to remairr alive over multiple generations, the groups involved in transnational networlcs need to be constantly replenished through new first-generation migrants. V'/hen source countries ae no longer souces of new flows, or when these flows are cut off by immigration control in the receiving country, then migrant transnationalism is likely to fade away, as it did in the US between World War I and the r96os. Diasporir

illly i tl t' rrl i l i t' s:t t t ' llt t 't t lt lt t 't t t t t t t t 't t , r lr ) l't ( t list ir r pir r isllt 'tlr r r r l t r ill sllll t olt r l i ott:rlottt' s llr r or r lil llt cit t lt p; t tt ly lo lr t ' p: r sst 'd t o sullsclcluegeni t' rati otrs n llr t 'r r lr scnr t 'ot t t 'w ir r r r r r igr lt iorriom t he sam e or igin ( see merely a description is, l(ing & Christou irr tlris volurrtt:).''his however, that begs the question o'how to explain such intergenerational resistance to full assimilation. A similar point applies to the third criterion of lateral links across multiple places of diaspora settlement. Migrant transnationalism is generally structured as a relation between singular countries of origin and of destination. Even if migrants from the same origin settle in many different destinations, their transnational activities are primarily directed towards a country of origin where they have family ties, where they send remittances, in whose politics they take an interest and to which they may plan to return for retirement. Except in cases where their family networks are spead over several host countries, lateral ties to conationals in other countries of destination ae of little interest to ordinary migrants. It is members of political, economic and religious elites claiming to epresent these groups who may have interests in, and the necessary resouces for, forging such links (see Paerregaard in this volume). As research on transnational claims-making and mobilisation of migrants in Europe has shown, their networks across borders ae usually quite weak even in the politically integrated EU, and the primary addressees of claims remain membe state governments (Guiraudon 2oor; Koopmans, Statham, Giugni & Passy 2oo5). So the question is, again, why do diasporic efforts to forge strong ateral ties succeed in certain cases? What explains their emergence and pesistence against background conditions for migrant transnationalism in liberal democratic societies that are not conducive to the stabilisation of diasporic identities? The fourth criterion does not provide an answer, but raises the right kind of questions that could provide one. If we consider diaspora as a political project, then we have to explain it not so much in terms of historic origins of the group, but of elite interests and ideologies' An explanatory theory of diaspora will, in this respect, be no different from theories of nationalism. Diasporas have to be invented and mobilised in order to come into existence. What we need to look for are current conditions that provide incentives for elites to mobilise a constituency around a diasporic identity and that explain success in terms of independent motives of these constituencies to support such projects. In analytic tems, the second and third criteria are explananda ralher Ihan explanantia..We can use them to identify diasporas in a descriptive manner, but they need to be explained, and the rst criterion of traumatic dispersal is insufficient as an explanation. The second and third criteria will once again come up within the fourth as goals rather than

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( ( ) il( lili( ) ils l.)i :rs p o r' ;r ;r p o l i l i r;rl rrs I l rl o j t,t nrrsl sl ri vt. or i rrl t,r,11.rrr,r,r t ional c ont i rru i ty rn d l rrri l tll rrtr.r' rrl l < s . ' l ' l rcsr,rw oxrl i l i r' :rl xrl sl r,rr, l lin l trl t o be ac hie v e dto n ra k r:g o o d o rr tl rt.c l u i rrro tol rt' rorl grrl rp i tl r.rrrrrr and t o m ob i l i s e g ro u p me mb c ' rs' o r a tra rrsi rrrnuti on l l rt' l ronrt' l .rrr,l o through externalinfluence or return. Explanations br thc sccorrtl,rrr,l third features will have to combine external causes,such as nt,r.sisrr.rrr segregationin the country of settlement,with internal charactcristitr; ,,1 t he gr oup,in c l u d i n g e c o n o m i cre s o u rc e s an ethno-rel i gi ous or tr.;rtl i tr,,rr that supports endogamy and a strong sense of shared identity arrrl ;,r,, vides elites with symbolic resources for mobilisation. The fourth i':rrrrr,. of diaspora adds to these structural explanations a crucial elemt.rrr ,,1 agency.The emergence of diaspora is merely facilitated, but not rlt,t,.r mined, by any of the structural factors listed above,and is thus a corrtrl gent outcome of collective agency. Analysing diaspora from an ag(.rrr\ perspectiverequires examining not only the group's elites and their. pr,, jects, but also their opporhrnity structures shaped by other agents, rl cluding governments in the country of setement and the extt,r.rr.rl homeland. These external homelands not only provide a reference point for trr,r sporic projects pursued abroad, but also often host the primary ag,(,ntr, supporring such projects. Diasporas are not merely createdby minoriry elites in countries of settlement but also by homeland country gov(,rl ments.'o The latter may, as Israel does, promote the ingathering o ,r pre-existing diaspora and strengthen a sense of diasporic condirit,rr among those who decide to stay as a means of mobilising political srrl, port abroad. Other homeland countries also use the language of di,r spora to extracteconomic resourcesfrom a referencepopulation of errrr grant origin established abroad, as many Sou and East Asian statr,:; do (Skrennty,Chan, Fox & Kim zooT). For homeland governments arrtl political parties, the building of diaspora abroad is often instrume.r;rl for mobilising domestic political support through posing as defenck'r:r of a larger national community (see Waterbury in this volume). Wht,rr. external goups are granted citizenship and voting rights, these conslr tuencies outside the homeland may even determine the outcome of cr. mestic elections (BaubckzooTb; KovcszooS). Next to ethnic entrepreneurs in emigration contexts and homelarrtl political actors, international organisations and EU institutions hav,. emerged as a third, and most unlikely, type of collective actor using tlrr. terminology of diaspora for instrumental purposes. In their case, tlrt, goal is to promote contributions by groups of migrant background ro the economic development of countries of origin, often with a view t, reducing emigration pessure there (see 'Weinar in this volume). This proliferation of actors promoting different meanings attributt'tl to the concept show at, from a sociological perspective, Brubakt,r

ol (-roo5:r-r) is r iglr l: 'Wr llr or r lr l llr r r r l< t lir r s; lolrttt ol it t st t lr slur r t ir lis (l a ar rr It' r' rrrs:rs lr or r r r r lt 't 'nlily, l) lr l r ; r llr t 'r 'r r s t idior n, a st ar ce, claim . ' t will, however , be st it 'r r lisls r r r dp<llit ical r eor ist s r C orrrpunrlivt ' lloliliur l rnorc intcrcstcd irr corrditionsor mobilisation and the impact of successful claims than merely deconstructing the discursive uses of 'diaspora'. While the other three criteria highlight empirical contasts between transnational and diasporic phenomena that can often be blurred, the fourth one shows that the two concepts also work in qualitatively different ways. Diaspora is an evocative political term, whereas transnationalism is primarily an academic concept that refers to a set of empirical phenomena and a perspective that groups them together and suggests a framework for studying them. With all these caveats,we may interpret the four criteria considered here as d.ffirenta specf.ca that distinguish the phenomenology of diaspora from that of migrant transnationalism. From this perspective, diaspora emerges as a special case of transnationalism whose deviation from the more common patterns of migrant transnationalism and incorporation is in need ofexplanation. Yet, as I have argued, ifthe fourth cri terion provides the crucial key for an explanatory account, then diaspora can also be used as a much broader concept that encompasses not only migrant transnationalism, but applies to many other phenomena, too. Let me explain. Under some conditions a claim that is made using the language of diaspora may succeed even in the absence of one, two or all three of the other criteria. If diaspora is essentially understood as a political project, then we cannot rule out in advance that political entrepreneurs using the language of diaspora in a widely overstretched and metaphoric way may eventually succeed in forging and mobilising a coresponding collective identity among a sufficiently large group. And if they do succeed, then their using the language of 'diaspora' will have created a socially significant phenomenon that will be called by that name (King 1998: 8-rr). Understanding the performative quality of the term 'diaspora' (Ragazzi zooS) should lead neither to dismissing it as pure ction nor to accepting at face value all claims made on behalf of diasporas. Instead, we should regard this necessary deconstruction as merely a first step towards analysing conditions under which the image of diaspora catches e imagination of a taget audience and prompts indiduals to sacrifice many of their other interests in order to bring about a social formation at mirrors the image. I have already mentioned conditions that may bring about a diasporic transformation of a group of migrant origin that does not share an experience of traumatic dispersal. We need to relax the second criterion of intergenerational continuity as well, since diasporas may recruit active

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r ( ' r llx ' r ' wl ro l n rv t' n () (()l l l n ()l r;u r((' s l l i rll rxrl s w i l l r l l rt,tol t' 11orr;r s 'l'l ( e. g.t hr ougl t i tttt' rttta rri rrg t' rt' l i g i o rts ol :rrttlpol i l i t;rl(.orv(' r' si or).r(' r' m ay ev enbe c o rrd i to tts rd c rw l ri c l rtl rt' rt ' i ' t' t' rrct' l r l crri l ori rrll rorrr,' u to land, which can be demarcated a geographicrnap, is repllct'tl witlr ,r on virtual homeland that exists as a mythological realm in thc narnrlivlu r,l elites and in eir adherents' minds. Consider the caseo' politicully rrr, ' bilised orthodox Muslims, among whom there may be a subslrrrrtr.rl number of converts, who develop a primary identity as meml)('rs ol ,l global Islamic community. In eir minds, Ihis ummq is charactt'r ist',| by horizontal solidarity among its members across many diIi'rcrrt places of settlement, and membership entails an obligation to worl<.t, wards creating a future 'House of Islam', an Islamic polity whosc t(.r l torial borders are as yet unspecified (Mandaville zoor)." If all thest' r.,r tures resemble the selfdescription of oer diasporic prol'ects,on wlr,rl grounds could one reject using the term when analysing such clairrrr;,' There are good reasons for reluctance (or at least for putting'diaspor.r' in inverted commas) as long as such claims ae meely fantasy projct t:; without sufficient social and political support. But if and when they ;rrl successfully mobilised, then it is perfectly appropriate to apply the crrtt, gory of diaspora also as an analytic one. Refusing to do so would inctrr ectly strengthen an essentialistconception and the reification of ottrt.r groups who are en accepted as 'real' diasporas because of their his toric origin and orientation towards a precisely dened teitory as cor trasted with the merely 'imagined' diasporas. This leads me to a somewhat paradoxicalconclusion. We should, r,rr the one hand, avoid overstretchingthe concept by sticking the'diaspolrr' label onto all transnational political or religious networks and acvitit's. Doing so would single out one parLicular strategic project of collectivt' identity formation from a broad range of possible ones and woultl wrongly assume that all individuals involved in transnational fornrrr tions will naturally conceive of themselves as members of intergenerlr tional communies whose pimary identity refers to origins in an extcr nal homeland. Only a small subset of transnational political formatiorrs fits this description of diaspora.On the other hand, diaspora as a politi cal project may succeed in mobilising indiduals in a variety of corr texts and none of the three descriptive characteristics of traumatic dispersal, lateral links across destinations and intergenerational continuity is a strictly necessary condition for such a project to succeed. The ternr 'diaspora' should then also be used to analyse groups politically mobilised for a diasporic claim independently of whether any of the general descriptive characteristics are present. This dual use of diaspora as a category of research still allows for reigning in conceptual overstretch. 'If everything is constructed, therr anything goes' is a bad motto for serious academic research. Scholars

r r r r r s l r r r l l t tl tti tst,l l r t,i r 'l ;r sl i w i l l r l l r ;r l o ;xr l i l i t';r l t'l tl r t'1 l tt'ttt'ttt's.'l 'l l t'y s l r o r r l r l t t o l i ssttr ,l tt;ttl t'ttti t l i tt'l tr 't's l o i ttvt'ttl d i l r sp o r a s b y str ctch i n g th e c o c ( 'l ) [ t o tl to st'l l l tt'tto tttt'ttl t l l l l l l r l t'i tl tt'r r n a tch th e d e scr i p ti ve ch a r a cteristics nor rcL:r to sucicntly supported political projects'

r5.6

Conclusion: The hot transnationalism of diaspora

The political theory perspective on transnationalism that I have sketched in this chapter emphasises e structural transformation of political membership and boundaries often neglected in accounts of transnational citizenship that focus on political practices, mobilisations and discourses. The challenge of tansnationalism to the core instituons and boundaries of democratic polities has not yet been fully understood. Abandoning methodological and nomative nationalism is only a first step. The more difficult task ahead is to work out how democrac noms f inclusion and equality apply within constellaons with a plurality of polities at ae no longer fully separate.When doing so, we will have to accept strongly differentiated citizenship stahlses and rights as well as highly asymmetric relations between political units and levels. This unfinished agenda for an institutionalist political theory of transnationalism should not detract from the second task, which is to understand transnational constellations not merely as an opportunity structure for individual choices, but also for collective action. This is where the study of diasporas becomes important. Instead of artificially separating diasporas from transnational networks and communities through dnitions that reify particular group identities, we need to understand diaspora as the contingent outcome of political mobilisations within transnational constellations. The politcal theory perspective on transnationalism may be called a ,cold viw' for the two easons spelled out in e fourth section of this chapter. It focuses on institutional change and e top-down allocation of status, rights and duties by established political authorities raer than on individual agency and social movements. And, moreover' it uses the concept as an analytical tool for descrbing a complex social reality rather an, in a normative sense, as a value or goal that ought to guide political decisions and actions. Diaspora differs from transnationhr- n bo counts. It is a 'hot' concept at refers more often to collective identities and actions of non-state actors than to established instituons (even when it is promoted by the latter), and it has proliferated through political mobilisation more than through academic discourse. ithitt the broader academic field of transnationalism, diaspora adds thus a focus on the politics of passion (Walzet zoo4; Mouffe zoo5).

W t ' r t t : . rllrc rr' i rl r,to rrr tl t.l l r:rll l rt' s l rtrl yol tl i ;tspol l l l s tl rr,1,i ;rp t y lu r l r.l open by ins ti tu l i o n a l i s lp t' t' s p t' itv t' s l l rrrl l i ri l l o t:rpl rrl t.l l rr. rl i strrl srvr, l and pr ac t ic e i m e n s i o n so ' tra n s rra ti o rra l i snr. ,thr. sl rrcl y rl i trsl rol r, d Y t.l o mobilisations also takes us beyond the sociologyad anthropokrg,y or o dinary transnational practices that sustaineconomic,cultural arrd lrrrrily networks across bodes. Moreover, hot diasporic politics di'cr r,rrr the 'banal transnationalisrn''" of migrant-sending states that n'g;rrrl their expatriates as an asset for eir economic and political go;rl:r Originally referring to victim groups of nation-building projects, tlrr. concept of diaspora is today often invoked in contestations o'slrrtr, based collective identities and existing political boundaries. Understood in this way, the study of transnational citizenship arrtl diasporic identities can be seen as complementing each other, ratlrt'r than as providing alternative interpretations for the same phenomor:r. Consensus on this point will be hard to achieve, but it would help avoitl confusion in the conversation across disciplines.

r.;

Notes
r In a thoughtful review of the literature, Fox warns against stretching the concept ol transnational citizenship too far beyond this core towards thin and civil society bast.rt conceptions. Only a high-intensry rights-based definition of transnational citizenship holds up wel. By this definition the term refers to dual or multiple citizenships thal are grounded both in enforceable rights and in clearly bounded membership(s). \2oo5: r94) One could obiect that, from e iate nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries, rnarry US states had even granted foreign nationals voting rights in federal electiorrs (Raskin 1993; Hayduk zoo5). As pointed out by Spiro (zoo8: 9z), however, thcsr. were generally not conceived as rights derved from residence, but as privileges rr 'declarant aliens' who had formally declared their intention to become citizens. Smith (zoo3: r9-3tl applies his notion of peoplehood to a wide variety of entities thl r incudes states, regional unions, provinces and even NGOs and religious commu nities, but does not explicitiy consider transnational formations. Consider, for example, the Romanian-Moldovan constellation. According to a 2oo estimate, about 4o pe cent of the Moldovan population also possess Romanian, Russian or Israeii nationality (lordachi zoo4'. 2571, with he lions share going to Romanian-Moldovan dual nationality. Liechtenstein v. Guatemala, ry95 LC.l. 4, t955 WL rt 315-324. The most comprehensive treaty so far is the 1997 Convention on Nationality of th(' Council of Europe, which, as of 13 August zoo9, has been signed by z8 states and ra, tified by nineteen. Switzerland is again an exceptional case where even long-term settlement in another canton does not automatically lead to a change ofcantonal citizenship. For Germany see BVerfGE 63, 37 (Schleswig-Holstein) and BVerfGE 63, 6o (Hamburg), 3r October r99o; for Austria see VfGH Gzlq, )o Irre 2oo4.

5 6

U i l rrrrIri r;rrr1.i l(,r' rrrr,rrry ,rtrlA ttr;l i l ,r,rrr' ,rl :;rrrtoi l l l l l (' t' w tttrr;ri tri ttl ls l ;rl (' si l y, i o l rl Wt'sl trrr l i rrropr.l l r;rlrl rl rl l l rr' l tl rrrl l ow ,rrrl ri ol t' r' rrl i rrg rrrrlc i l i z t' rts l ri pi rt r:l rs c s tt:tl ttrtl i s :rl i ott. ttl by ro'l 'l ri sw :rsl l rt' pr i rrc i prrl rrrl l rrrrrcrrs c rl tl rtA us tri anC ons ti tuti onal C ourtfors tri k i ng down a law that lrad rcrlrrilt'd ordinary rcsidencein Austria as a preconditon for voting in federal parlamcntary and presidentialelections (VfGH Gz18/88, 16 March 1989). rr External voters elect their own repesentatives in eleven out of rr5 countries that have some provisions for external voting. The European cases ae Croatia, France, Italy and Portugal (IDEA & IFE zooT: z8). I2 For a different ew see Spiro (zoo6). r3 Communcation from the Commssono the Council and. the European Parliament on a Communty lmmigration Polcy, COM (zoool 757 final (zz November zooo); Communcation from the Comm.ssionto lhe Counc\, the European Parliament, the European Economc and Socal Committee and the Comrnittea of the Regions on lmmigration, lntegration and Employmenr,COM (zoo3) 336 final (3 ]une zoo3). r4 According to Waldinger and Fitzgerald (zoo4: rt77l: what immigration scholars describe as trnsnationalism is usually its opposite: highly particularistic ettachments antithetical to those by-products of globalization denoted by the concept of "transnational civii society" and its related mani festations. I think at this assessment is based on a superficial reading. The use ofthe concept in migration studies diIers from that in social movement studies exacty by combining universalistic and particularistic intepretations without, however, always spelling out the tension between them. r5 This is broadly confirmed by Weinar's analysis in this volume of discursive uses o' 'transnationalisrn and 'diaspora' in international organisation documents, with the important exception of UN documents that use the former rather than the latter terminology. r 6 I have not found any prior use ofthe term 'trans-polity' in this broad sense, although it has been occasionally used by historians when referring to polities in eras before the emergence of the modem state. t seems that the political philosopher Dad Owen and have developed this idea independently of each other (personal communication rz February zoog). 7 The best-known examples are relations between Romania and Slovakia, their Hungarian-speaking minorities and Hungary and between the Baltic states, their Russian origin populations and e Russian Federation. r 8 Even in the case of irredentist minority nationalism supported by an external kin stete, the reaction of the state into which the minority is at present incorporated is not always to defend territorial integrity at any price. As the British Northern Ireland policy illustrates, the attitude of a centre's elite towards the spectre of territorial shrinkage depends very much on the dominant conception of nationhood at the centre and the degree of incorporation of e minority's homeland into a hegemonic conception of the political community (Lustick 1993; Lustick zoor). r9 Laitin (r998) calls such groups'beacheddiasporas'. zo The relationship between diasporas and external homelands is not only often characterised by political tensions, but may also undergo what Safran (zoo9) cal1s 'role reversals', with returnees sti11perceing themselves as diasporas and extemal countries of settlement assuming the roe of homelands where diasporic authenticity can be better preserved. zr This is one illustration of a broader phenomenon that Cohen (zoo9) aptly calls 'li quid homelands'. zz 'he reference is to Billig's (995) concept of'banal nationalisrn.

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statesusee ml ' ,C entreonMi grati on,P ol i c y ands oc i ety W ork i ngP aperS eri es 3z ' www.compas.ox.ac'uk/publicatio s lWor\<tngl"zopapers/WPo63z'Gamlen'pdf' enicitp The future of enic groups and cultures in Gans, H. l. iSZS\,'symtohc Racel Studes2 (r): r-9' America', Ethnic end Mexico's policies toward Mexicans in Garca-Acevedo,M. (zoo3), 'Politics across borders: of the Southwest45 @\t $3-555' e United States',Joumal home and away" in S' Vertovec & R' Gardner, K. (rggS),'Osh'Bidesh: Sylheti images of york, Migration, Dasporas and. Tiansnatonalsrn, 488-5o2. Edutar corr"n 1r.1,New dward Elgar' Cheltenham/Northampton: Cornell University Press' Gellner, . 983), Nations and Nationalism' Ithaca: in e Dominican Republic: Women's Georges, E. GSa, 'Gender, class, and migration in N' Glick Schiler' L' Basch & C' in a transnational community" ""*p.ri"nc., S zantonB l a nc (eds ' ),Tow ards aTrans nati onal P ers pec tv eonMgraton:R ac e,C l a E thni ci ty,andN atonal i v nR ec ons dl .' red' 8r-99' N ew Y ork :N ew Y ork A c ademy of Sciences. exprience concrte de transnationaGeorgiou, M. (zooz), 'Les diasporas en ligne:-Une zooz: ro-r8' sme', Hommes et Mgratois rz4o, September-Ocober Geneva: IOM and (zooo), Retum Migraton: Jouril'zy of Hope or Despar? Ghosh, B. (ed.) UN.

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(t'tl .),1)r.rrrl t' i ti "nrs l ri pi rrl i tttopr' :l i otttN rtl Lrttl tootl l oS ori ttdl nl ry ' nt' l k ttt' t4' /t(' t)' I l l rrrr;ts l ti l t'A s l rP l l l t' : l)aris: Armand Colin' (;of lf rrf r, l. (r.)52), I u ponitltr: tl"s itulsr) h:ur,gtry4r,uphz rf TS (6\: ArnencanJoumal of Sociology o wealcties" Crarrovcttcr,M. s. (r971)" riitl 'i""tgtn (zooo), 'Digitale diaspora'' http://mikro'org/Events/zooor2o6'html' "."J1::.i: Accessedon z3 SePtemberzoo8' Haward Universrty to Fve Roads Mod'emty' Cambridge: Greenfeld, L. (1992), Notioni'*t worldgtez (zooz)' The Modem/cotonal/captaList R. & A. M. cervantes-Rod "Globol Mwemenls' and' the P'o.u""' Antsyst'emc "r"rliii, System n the Twenteth Century -*politirt Westport: Greenwood Press' of Knowledge' Intematonal Migraton economics of transnational ling" Grarnizo, L. (zoq),'The Rrvew $\:666-699' 37 portes & W' )' Haller- (zoo3)' 'Assimilation and Guarnizo, L. E., A' -11T*:"*-' immigrants" political action among contempoary Deteminants of t "rrr*tio.r" ro8 (6): rzrr-r243' of Socology *li*" lr"*at hansnatonalism fom Below' Piscataway leds'1'1r9981' Guarnizo, L. E. & M' P' ;;ii Transaction Publishers' {obilizing around migration at the of-e Cuiraudon, V. (zoor), 'Weak weapons lireak lv Europeans: Prot'est and' Politcsn (eds')' Contentous EU'level', in S' Tarrow & D' Imig & Litdefield' Potity, 3-t85' New iork: Rowman ," -rgi"g The Meco's reiations with its daspora" id""tititt' Guerrez, G. c. Gsss), ;J;t;i;; Hstory 86 (z): 545-5tr7'.. Joumal of Ameican . tpiilo"'" Mobilizarion n (4\: 359'376' *ptil#'o Hadden, |. & S. rarrow (';;;i formation" transnational dimensions of identity Haller, W. & P. l-andolt (zoo5)"Thez8 (6\: t8z-rzr4' Ethnc and Racal Studies awd Cil'izens m a the Nltion.State: Alens' Dentzens Hammar, T. (199o), O' "t"'V""a 'World of lntemaional Migration' Aldershot: |t::"ty Routledge' Conneclions:Culture' People' Places'London" Hannerz'U. GSS6), Tiansntional Handbook of Met'hods research" in H' R' Bernar d (ed')' Hannerz, U. GSSS), 'ro""'"iottd Walnut Creek: Altamira Press' in Anthropology,235-256' Citizenship' immigration and nationality Hansen, R. & P' w"i (;;";;*;introduction patrick Weil (eds')' Towards a in R' Hansen & Towards .o.ru",g""t" in urope!" n rhe European " tmmigraon and Nationalty Law European Notionatity' itizenship' I)nion, t'23. London: Macmillan' oo' The Ret'um Movenwnt' of Etnigrawts' Harper, M. (ed.) (zoo5), ;;;;'i'^'comings: ' 'tooo. Press' Manchester: Manester University Press' Ntolibera.lkm'New York: Orford University Harvey, D. (zoo5), A n"intt' "f Towards a Theory of IJnwen Geographical copnolisrn: Harvey, D' 1roort1,spo' of'oal

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l l i r r r r j r r s rO f t r f l , l { . ( .,,o o t) ,' lh tr r r r r a tio n u l tS' ,r u tiu r , r ' rtti l l atrrrr r M l{ i ttul l trt'rl ol uttrttll N orl l r A n t e r k : u : C kth u liz.u tio trl,r ,sso n s./r ir r r r r ( h xu (l ul i l ouri u l i tutstutl i otl ul V i l l q,,r/ th 'l C o m m u n i t yMo d e lin gPr < yccl, r titla n ( :(is r Dt' vr'l oprnt.rrli xrl i n Mcxi t:oor'gi rrs(11 Rcr 's b y t h e M u l t i l ate r a In ve stm e n t F u n d ( M lt' ) o th c I nl cr-A rn('ri ci rr)cv(l ol )rncrrll urrl i l l (IDB), Mexico City. Hobsbawm, E. (r99o), Natons and Nationalism snce ry8o. Cambridge: Carnbritlgt' University Press. Hockenos, P. (zoo3), Homeland Calling Exle Patiotistn a.nd the Balkan Wars. lrha<:t Cornell University Press. Howard, D. (zoo3), 'Dominicans abroad: Impacts and responses in a transnational society', in E. Ostergaard-Nielsen (ed.), lntemational Migraton and Sending Countr*: Perceptons, Policesand Tronsnatonal Relations,5T-25.New York: Palgrave. Hunger, U. (zoo4l,'Wie k<innen Migrantenselbstorganisationen den Integrationsprozess betreuenl', Wissenschaftliches Gutachten im Auftrag des Sachverstndigenrates fr Zuwanderung Integration und des Bundesministeriums des Innern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Huntington, S. (zoo4), Who Are We? Challenges Arnenca's Notional lfuntity. New York: to Simon & Schuster. Huysmans, f. (zooo),'The European Union and e securitization of migration',loumal of Comrnon Market Studies$ (51:75r-777. IDEA & IFE (eds.) (zoo7), Voting from Abroad: The Intemqtonal IDEA Hand.book. Stockhom and Mexico Citp Intemational Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and Instituto Federal Electoral de Mexico. Ily.s, Z. (zoo6), 'Researching and interpreting diaspora: Remarks on social science research into the diaspora communities of the Carpaian Basin', in B. Balogh & Z. Ilys (eds.), Perspectives Diaspora Existence, of 4o-54. Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad. IOM (zoo6), 'Results of e survey on engaging diasporas for development', in Mainstreatning Migration into Development Polcy Agendas, International Migration Dialogu.e Series No. 8. www.iom.int. Accessed on 3o January zoo8._ Ionescu, D. (zoo6), Engagng Dasporas os Dwelopment Partnersfor Home and Destnation Counties: Challenges for Policymakers.IOM Migration Research Series 26. Geneva: IOM, Iordachi, C. (zoo4),'Dual citizenship and policies towards kin minorities in East-Central Europe', in Z. Kntor, B. Maitnyi, O. Ieda, B.Vizi, & I. Halsz (eds.), The Hungaran Status Lew: Nation Builng and/or Minorty Protection, ro5-r39. Sapporo, Japan: Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University. Iseni, B. (zoo8l, La question natonale en Europe du Sud.-est:Gense, mergence et dveloppement l'id,entit nationale albanase au Kosovoet en Macdoine. Bem: Peter de Lang. Ishkanian, A. (zoozl, 'Mobile motherhood: Armenian women's labor migration in e post-Soviet period', Diaspora rr $): 383-415. Itzigsohn, f . (zooo), 'lmmigration and e boundaries of citizenship: The institutions of immigrants' politicai transnationalism', Intemational Mgration Revew 34 (41: tz61T54. Itzigsohn, J. & S. G. Saucedo (zoozl,'lmmgrant incorporation and sociocultural transnationalism', Intemational Migraton Review36 $): 767-7 98. Itzigsohn, ]. & D. Villacrs (zoo8), 'Migrant political transnationalism and e practice of democracy Dominican external voting rights and Salvadoran home town associations', Ethnic and. Racal Stud.ies (4):792-8t. 3r |acobson, D. (1996), Rig!.ts across Bord.ers:Immigration and. the Declne of Citzenship. Baltimore: |ohns Hopkins University Press. Anwend.ungen Internet. Mnchen: Addison-Wesley. m Janetzko, O. (tSSS), Statistische

(.nl r,1)r(' rrc utiti l i t' s , l rttrl l l tt' s oti l tl trttttottty ' , i tt I' . ;rl l .ssr', l l . ( .root),' (i Irl rl rl i s i tl tor, i ll l ,rrs ti gc r. rl rh' r & M. Ml y t' r (tr.l s .),I)rhurt Mttv r:nrutl sn u c k hal i z i ttl ; l l rrrrrt, l ,l f . l l1r-r Worft.l , oo. l ,tttl dott: orrIl t' dgt' . & c . c ao (z oo7),' The rol e of ethni c ti es i n i nterl Ji n, l l . l l ., I . l orrs s c au,. l ). s uttmei er & national collaboration:The overseasChinese phenomenon', in D. Tores-Salinas H' of Proceed.ings the nth Intemational conference of the Intematonal F. Moed (eds.\, CSIC' and Informetics, 427'$6'Madrid: Socety Scientornetrics for . Pribilsky (zooz), 'The panic to leave: Economic crisis and the "new emiJokisch, B. & f gation" from Ecuador', Intemaonal Migraton 4o (41:75-tor' contexhral factors in immigrant natura-lization Jonei-Corre", M. (zoor), 'Institutional and Sludies5 (r): 4r-56' and voting', Ctizenship in: Questions of immigrant incorporation" Jones-Correa, M. (zoo5), 'Bringing outsiders in christina wolbrecht & Rodney Hero (eds.), The Politcs of Democratic lnclusion, 75' roz. Philadelphia: Tmple University Press' of return migration policies targeting the highly fonkers, K. (zoo8a), 'A comparative study in four meio sending countries" MIREM Analltical Report, ARzooS-o5, skilled RSCAS/EUI, Florence. and the intenationalisation of the Chinese reJonkers, K. (zoo8b), 'scientific mobility search system', Department of Social and Political Sciences, San Domenico di Fiesole' Florence, European University Institute' ,Emerging ties: Factors underlying china's co-publication patterns |onkers, K. (zoog), life with Westem European and North American research systems in ree molecular 8o science subfields', Scientometrcs $): 775'795' and the Chinese scientfic Researchsy*em. Mrlton Jonkers, K. (zoio), Mgration, Mobtty Park: Routledge. .Chinese researchers returning home: Impacts of in}onkers, K. & R. ]. w. Tiissen (zoo8), productivity', and scientific collaboration on esealch mobility ternational Scientometncs Q)t 299-323. 77 Naton-stae: The unted states, Germany,and Great Joppke, c. (rgggl, lmmigration and.the Bit oin. London: Routledge' Ethnic Migration in the Liberal state. cambridge: by Joppke, c. (zoo5), seLectng oign: Harvard UniversitY Press. imKabki, M., Y.Mazntcato & E. Appiah (zoo4),'wo benane a eye bebree: The economic pact of remittances of Netherlands-based Ghanaian migtants on rural Ashanti" Population, Spaceand Place 10:85-97 ' raldor, M. (zoor), New and. otd. wars: organized. vioLencein a Global Era. sanfotd: Stanford University Press'

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