Jiabs 25.1-2

JIABS
J oumal of the International

Association of Buddhist Studies
Volume 25 Number 1-2 2002
Buddhist Histories
Richard SALOMON and Gregory SCHOPEN
On an Alleged Reference to Amitabha in a Inscription
on a Gandharian Relief................................................. ................... 3
Jinhua CHEN
Sarlra and Scepter. Empress Wu's Political Use of Buddhist
Relics 33
Justin T. McDANIEL
Transformative History. Nihon Ryoild and Jinakalamiillpakaral!am 151
Joseph WALSER
Nagarjuna and the Ratnaval'f. New Ways to Date an
Old Philosopher ................................................................................ 209
Cristina A. SCHERRER-SCHAUB
Enacting Words. A Diplomatic Analysis of the Imperial Decrees
(bkas bead) and their Application in the sGra sbyor bam po giiis
pa Tradition. ....... ......................... ... .............. ................ .................. ... 263
Notes on the Contributors................................................................. 341
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EDITORIAL BOARD
SCHERRER-SCHAUB Cristina A.
TILLEMANS Tom J.P.
Editors-in-Chief
BUSWELL Robert
COLLINS Steven
Cox Collet
GOMEZ Luis O.
HARRISON Paul
VON HINt.i"BER Oskar
JACKSON Roger
JAINI Padmanabh S.
KATSURA Shoryu
KuoLi-ying
LOPEZ, Jf. Donald S.
MAcDONALD Alexander
SEYFORT RUEGG David
SHARF Robert
STEINKELLNER Ernst
ZDRCHER Erik
ON AN ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITA.BHA
IN A KHAR01;)TH1 INSCRIPTION ON A GANDHARAN RELIEF
RICHARD SALOMON AND GREGORY SCHOPEN
1. Background: Previous study and publication-of the inscription
This article concerns an inscription in script and Gandharl
language oil the pedestal of a Gandharan relief sculpture which has been
mterpreted as referring to Amitabha and Avalokitesvara, and thus as hav-
ing an important bearing on the issue of the origins of the Mahayana.
The sculpture in question (fig. 1) has had a rather complicated history.
According to Brough (1982: 65), it was first seen in Taxila in August 1961
by Professor Charles Kieffer, from whom Brough obtained the photograph
on which his edition of the inscription was based. Brough reported that
"[o]n his [Kieffer's] return to Taxila a month later, the sculpture had dis-
appeared, and no information about its whereabouts was forthcoming."
Later on, however, it resurfaced as part of the collection of Dr. and Mrs.
George Lehner, and is cited as such in Davidson 1968 (where the piece
is illustrated on p. 23, fig. 23) and v. Mitterwallner 1987: 228 (illustrated
on p. 229, fig. 4). fu Lee 1993: 315, it is said to be in the Villanor Museum
of Fine and Decorative Arts in Tampa, Florida, which has subsequently
closed. Currently, the relief is in the collection of the John and Mable
Ringling Museum of Art in Sarasota, Florida (accession no. MF 94.8.5)1.
One of the authors of this article (Salomon) was able to study it there on
March 21, 2001, and this direct examination of the original inscription has
enabled us to clarify some important points concerning the inscription
(see particularly part 2 below).
I The authors wish to thank the Ringling Museum, and in particular its Collections
Manager, Rebecca Engelhardt, for facilitating our study of this object, for providing
photographs of it, and for granting us permission to print them. Thanks are also due to Prof.
John Huntington of Ohio State University for providing us with his photographs of the
inscription in question.
Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies
Volume 25. Number 1-2 2002
4 RICHARD SALOMON AND GREGORY SCHOPEN
Fig. 1: An inscribed Gandharan relief
Unknown Artist, Gandharan.
Untitled (fragment of relief depicting a Buddha), 3rd-4th century A.D.
Gray schist, 12 x 9 112 inches, MF94.8.5
Gift of Eleanor B. Lehner, Collection of the John and Mable Ringling
Museum of Art, the State Art Museum of Florida
ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN A INSCRIPTION 5
The publication of this important inscription has similarly been subject
to various vicissitudes and delays. In his 1982 edition of the inscription,
entitled "Amitabha and Avalokitesvara in an Inscribed Gandharan Sculp-
ture," Brough confessed to having waited until many years after receiv-
ing the photograph to publish it, and expressed his "regrets for so lengthy
a delay," which was due "not only to pressure of other work,. but also to
some hesitation on my part about the inscription, which appeared to show
unambiguously Mahayana names, and I hesitated to publish prematurely,
in case some alternative reading might suggest itself. However, the inscrip-
tion is clear enough, and I feel now that I must make it available to col-
leagues, and give to others the chance of agreeing or of proposing some
other reading" (p. 65). The authors of the present article have also delayed
this publication for many years, and for similar reasons. For although we
do have such an alternative interpretation to propose, the inscription
remains problematic and ambiguous in certain respects, and we do not
claim to have decisively solved all of the problems. Nonetheless, in view
of the great interest that the sculpture and accompanying inscription
have aroused in Buddhological and art historical circles, we feel that it is
important to point out that there are several problems with Brough's inter-
pretation of the inscription - as he himself realized.
A timely reminder of the importance of this inscription, which fmally
stimulated us to complete the present article after a long delay, was
recently provided in the form of a note in Fussman 1999: 543 n. 48
2
,
who, in the course of a detailed discussion of this inscription and its sig-
nificance to the cult of Amitabha and SukhavatI, noted that "Schopen
1987,130 n. 50 annonce un article de R. Salomon montrant que 'there is
no reference in it to Amitabha at all, ... <which> seems very likely.'
L'article n'est pas pam et je ne vois pas comment on pourrait lire l'inscrip-
tion autrement." The alternative interpretation in question was briefly
proposed in Salomon 1996: 444
3
, but in the present article it is presented
2 The inscription is also discussed in Fussman 1987: 73-4 (see also Fussman 1994: 36-7),
and has also been referred to in other art historical studies, for example in v. Mitterwallner
1987: 228.
3 ..... the inscription on a Gandharan sculpture published by Brough ... , the correct
reading of which seems to be [*b ludhamitrasa ... danamukhe budhamitrasa am( r )ida( e),
'Pious gift of Buddhamitra, for Buddhamitra's (own) immortality.'" This reading and
and explained in detail, in order to justify, albeit belatedly, the claim that
"there is no reference in it to AmWibha at all." This reinterpretation will
in tum unavoidably call into question the various conclusions that have
been drawn on the basis' of Brough's interpretation; for example, Fuss-
man's tentative conclusion (1999: 546; see also p. 550) - wisely offered
"avec quelques hesitations" - that "les etiquettes du relief publie par
Brough permettent de reconnaitre ... Amitabha sur une serie de quatre,
peut-etre cinq, reliefs provenant d'un meme atelier dit de Sahr-i-Bahlol."
2. The reading of the inscription
According to Brough's description, the damaged relief on whose
pedestal the inscription is written "is clearly a fragment of a sculpture
which originally consisted of three figures, of which that to the right of
the central Buddha has been lost, together with (presumably) about one-
third of the inscription, or possibly slightly more" (Brough 1982: 65). The
relief measures 30.5 cm in height by 24.1 cm in width. The inscription
(fig. 2) covers a total space of 20 cm, and its range in
height from 1.4 cm (tra) to 3.1 cm (sa); on average they are about
2 cm high. The height of the pedestal on which they are engraved varies
from 3.7 to 4.0 cm.
Working solely from the poar photograph which C. Kieffer provided
him, Brough (ibid., p. 66) read the inscription as:
budhamitrasa o[o'ipare danamukhe budhamitrasa amridaha ...
and translated it (p. 67):
"The A valokesvara of Buddhamitra, a sacred gift, the Amrtlibha of Buddha-
mitra ... "
Fussman's reading (1999: 543) is identical to Brough's, and he translated
similarly, "Don de Buddhamitra, <cet> Avalokitesvara; <don> de Bud-
dhamitra, <cet> Amitabha ... "
Brough did, however, admit to some reservations (quoted above in the
first part of this article) about his interpretation, and in our opinion these
translation has, however, now been revised as a result of an examination of the original
inscription, as explained below in part 2.
Fig. 2: Detail of the inscription on the relief
doubts are not at all unjustified, particularly with regard to the five syl-
lables at the end of the surviving portion of the inscription, which he
read as amridaha and interpreted as equivalent to Sanskrit Amftabha or
Amitabha. The second syllable of this word was correctly read by Brough
as mri4, though with the comment (p. 67) "the attachment of the conjunct
-r sign to the vowel stroke is not known to me elsewhere, but I can see
no other interpretation" (similarly Fussman 1999: 544 n. 49, "sans exem-
pIe en But now, an identical syllable
5
has been found in two
manuscript fragments in the Schpyen collection
6
. In Schpyen
4 In the Kieffer photograph published in Brough 1982: 69, the upper portion of the
i- vowel diacritic above the horizontal curve of the consonant m is not clearly visible, so
that the letter looks somewhat like a with a subscribed T. But on the original and in
the photographs published here (figs. 2 and 4), the upper portion of the i diacritic is clear.
S This parallel was pointed out to us by Andrew Glass.
6 On the Schyen collection in general, see Braarvig 2000; on the manuscripts
therein, see Salomon forthcoming: part IL2, and Allon and Salomon 2000.
us to expect a similarly Sanskritized spelling for the second half. Thus if
the underlying name were in fact Amftabha or the like, we would have
expected it to be written here as amridabhe (or amridabhu, amridabho,
etc., these all being possible nominative singular masculine endings in
Gandhan), or perhaps amridavhe etc.; but hardly as amridae.
Thus in contrast to the several philological and orthographic problems
involved in interpreting the word amridae as the equivalent of Amitabha
or a similar name, taking it as the equivalent of Sanskrit amrtrlya is
straightforward, regular and fits into the normal inscriptional pattern.
Common sense urges us to accept it, or at least prefer it.
The only other point of contention - but an important one - with
regard to the reading of the inscription is the first letter, which Brough
read as "bu," and took as the first syllable of budhamitrasa. It is not
exactly clear how he arrived at the reading bu, where his italic u pre-
sumably designates an incomplete or unclear element of the syllable.
Brough does note that there is "a very small fragment. .. lost from the
right-hand side of the plinth," (p. 66), but he does not explain how this
determined or affected his reading; in the Kieffer photograph which he
used, there is little if any trace of a letter at the beginning of the inscrip-
tion, before the first dha. Thus Brough presumably arrived at the reading
budhamitrasa for the first word under the influence of the clear reading
of this word later in the inscription.
But now that we have access to the original inscription and to the
better photographs printed with this article, it behooves us to determine
whether this reading, or rather reconstruction, is correct; and the answer
is that it is not. The dha, which is actually the first letter of the inscrip-
ition, is very close to what is definitely the original right edge of the
pedestal (fig. 3). To the right of the dha, a small triangular portion of the
upper right comer of the pedestal, 1.3 cm in maximum length (at the top)
and 2.2 cm in height, is broken off (as was noted by Brough [po 66],
quoted above). It is theoretically conceivable that there had originally
been on this lost section part of a syllable bu, tucked up closely against
the following dha as is done in the word budhamitrasa further on in the
inscription. However, if this had been the case, at least part of the u dia-
critic at the base of the syllable would have survived at the intact portion
of the bottom of the right edge of the pedestal. But a careful examination
ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN A KHARO$THI INSCRIPTION 13
of the original established beyond doubt that there is no trace of any part
ofan otherwise lost syllable before the dha
8
,
Thus our revised reading of the inscription, on the basis of an exami-
nation of the original, is:
dhamitrasa oloispare
9
danamukhe budhamitrasa amridae II/
Skipping for the time being the problematic second word, oloispare, our
provisional translation 10 of the rest of the inscription is:
"Gift of Dhamitra [sic] .. , for the immortality of Buddhamitra ... "
3. Formulaic patterns as a guide to the interpretation of the inscription
Buddhist inscriptions in general, and dedicatory
inscriptions in particular, typically are strongly formulaic in character,
and their interpretation should always be guided by reference to attested
standard patterns and formulae (see e.g. Salomon 1981: 18-19). Any inter-
pretation which does not accord, at least approximately, with such nor-
mal patterns is prima facie suspect, though not automatically wrong,
whereas an alternative interpretation which does follow normal patterns
is preferable. According to the reading and interpretation of this inscrip-
tion proposed by Brough ("The AvalokeSvara of Buddhamitra, a sacred
gift, the Amrtabha of Buddhamitra ... "), and accepted by Fussman, it
would constitute a sort of combined donative record and set of labels for
the two surviving figures (and presumably also for the missing third one,
which would have been contained in the lost ending of the inscription).
In support of this, Brough notes that "the names of the Bodhisattva and
8 On some photographs of the inscription, there does appear to be a faint trace of what
could be the left side of the loop of such an u diacritic below the broken comer of the
pedestal, but our examination of the original showed that this is definitely not part of an
incised letter, but only a superficial and insignificant bruising of the surface.
9 Below each of the first three ak.yaras of the word %ispare are three vertical lines,
of which the second (under /0) is placed higher than the others, with its top lying between
the second and third syllables of the group (fig. 3). It is not clear what, if any, significance
these extraneous lines might have had, but in any case they do not affect the reading of
the inscription.
10 A complete translation will be presented below in part 5, after a discussion of other
issues that are critical to a full understanding of the inscription.
the Buddha come immediately below the figures to which they refer, and
it is possible that the two facts are connected" (1982: 67), although we
would maintain that the relative location of the words in question (which
we interpret differently) is merely a coincidence.
Both Brough and Fussman recognized that this interpretation would
not fit into any of the normal categories of inscriptions. Brough
conceded that "[t]he inscription is of a somewhat unusual form" and that
"[t]he repetition of the donor's name is curious" (ibid.), while Fussman
remarked that "[l]e formulaire de l'inscription est inusuel, mais Ie sens
est clair" (1999: 543).
Such a formulation would in fact be not only unusual, but unique.
As far as we have been able to determine, no other inscription,
and for that matter no other Buddhist inscription of any kind, follows
such a pattern. If, on the other hand, we read and interpret (as proposed
above) the last surviving word as a dative amridae = Sanskrit am[tiiya,
meaning literally "for the immortality (of Buddharnitra), " the inscription
contains all of the normal elements of the donative formulae of
inscriptions: the donor's name in the genitive case (dhamitrasa); a state-
ment of the gift in the nominative (danamukhe); the intended result or pur-
pose of the donation in the dative (amridae), and the name of the intended
beneficiary in the genitive (budhamitrasa) , governed by the aforemen-
tioned noun in the dative. A tYpical example of an inscription of this type
is the Jamalgarhi pedestal inscription (Konow 1929: 114 [no. XLVI]),
which reads
ll
:
[alflJbae savasethabhariae dalJamukhe sa[rva](*sa)tva{lG puyae spamiasa
[ca aJro[ gaJdak:jilJi
Gift of AmM, wife of Savasetha, for the honoring of all beings and for the
good health of [her] husband.
Another example is the Shahr-i-Napursan pedestal inscription (ibid., p. 124
[no. LVill]):
salflghamitrasa(I?1) :jamalJasa da[lJaJmukhe budhorumasa arogadak:ji(*lJae)
Gift of the monk: SaIi.ghamitra, for the good health of Budhoruma [Buddha-
varma].
11 This reading and translation is a corrected version of the one given by Konow.
ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMIT.ABHA IN A INSCRIPTION 15
Note that in both of these records the object that is given - that is, the
image on which the inscription is engraved - is referred to only by the
general term dal}amukha- "gift," and that the figure or figures repre-
sented in that image are not mentioned; and this is the standard pattern.
We therefore propose to interpret the inscription in question according
to this well attested pattern, and translate it accordingly as "Gift of Dharni-
tra ... for the immortality of Buddhamitra." But we admit that some prob-
lems and uncertainties remain in this interpretation. The first of these is
that am[ta- is not one of the terms which are most commonly used to
express the intended result of the gift in inscriptions.
More typical expressions in this context are puyae "for the honoring of,"
"for the good health of" (both of these occurring in the
specimen inscriptions cited above), hitae "for the benefit of", and the
like (see Konow 1929: cxvii). Various other expressions are also attested,
though less commonly, such as vardhase, ayubalavardhie, and dirghayu
[*ta bhavatuJ (Konow, ibid.). The equivalent of Sanskrit am[ta- as such
does not seem to have been previously attested in inscriptions,
but the Panjtar inscription (ibid., p.70 [no. XXVI]) has what may be a sim-
ilar expression in the phrase p[uJfiakareneva amata sivathala rama ....
ma (line 3), which Konow tentatively translated as "Through this meri-
torious deed ... immortal places of bliss," taking amata as equivalent to
Sanskrit am[ta.
The latter phrase is however damaged and problematic, and hence does
not offer very strong support for our interpretation of the "AmiHibha"
inscription. More to the point is the fact that the word am[ta and various
phrases containing it, such as Sanskrit am[tam padam / Pali amatarrz
padarrz, are commonly used as expressions for nirval}a (the Critical Pali
Dictionary, for example, gives more than two dozen canonical references
for amata as "a synonym of nibbana"), and a wish for the attainment of
nirval}a is one of the stated intentions found in other inscrip-
tions. For example, the silver reliquary inscription of Indravarma (inscrip-
tion no. VI; Salomon 1996: 428) concludes with sarva satva paril}ivaito,
"all beings are [hereby] caused to attain nirvaI).a." The "Aso-raya inscrip-
tion" (Bailey 1982: 149) similarly ends with paral}ivaiti, and
the inscription of Ajitasena (Fussman 1986) concludes (line 6) l}ival}ae
saba[vaJdu, "May it be for nirvaI).a."
Thus a wish for nirviifla seems to have been a normal one in Kha-
inscriptions, and since amrta is a common synonym for nirviifla,
the word amridae in our inscription can be said to be at least broadly con-
sistent with the normal formulaic patterns of donative records.
Moreover, in a Brahm1 inscription on the pedestal of a Buddha image in
the British Museum, dated by D.C. Sircar (1968-9: 269) to the fourth or
fifth century A.D., the intention of the dedication of the image is stated
as satviiniim eva tacchiintyai syiid ciimrtaprada[m], "May it be for
the peace of [all] beings, and [may it] produce immortality [i.e. nirviifla]
for them." So here we do have, at least in a Buddhist inscription of a
somewhat later period, the explicit use of the word amrta "immortality,
nirviifla" to express the intention of a dedication.
The other main difficulty about our proposed interpretation of the
inscription is the peculiarity of the donor's name, Dhamitra. It was per-
haps this peculiarity that induced Brough and, following him, Fussman
and others, to read the donor's name as budhamitra, i.e. the common
Buddhist name Buddhamitra. But as discussed in the previous section,
an examination of the original object has now shown that this is definitely
not correct. Although dhamitrasa is hardly a normal Buddhist name, this
is clearly the reading, and we have to deal with it. One solution is to
propose that the intended reading was dha<*rma>mitrasa, i.e. that the
donor's name was the common Dharmamitra
12
, from which the scribe
accidently omitted the second syllable. But this is perhaps too specula-
tive, especially since the inscription as a whole is well written and the
scribe and/or engraver seem to have been quite competent (which is by
no means always the case in inscriptions of this type). But it is also pos-
,.,sible that, strange as it may seem to us, dhamitra was in fact the donor's
name; peculiar names are, after all, not at all rare in inscrip-
tions.
Thus we cannot be sure exactly how we are to understand the donor's
name. But it is certain that, contrary to what Brough and Fussman thought,
12 This name is attested, for example, in a JauWin inscription (Konow 1929: 95
[no. XXXVI.5]) and in a graffito (dharmamitro) from Hunza-Haldeikish (Neelis
2001: 171), as well as in other graffiti in Brahmi from the Northern Areas of Pakistan
(ibid.).
there is no repetition of the donor's name13, and this is a crucial point.
Both of them acknowledged that such a repetition, according to their
understanding of the inscription, was "curious" (Brough 1982: 67) or
"tres inhabituel" (Fussman 1999: 544), and understood it to mean that
the inscription consisted of labels of the (originally) three main buddha!
bodhisattva figures, with each of their names preceded by the donor's
name, repeated three times (the last time now lost). But now that it is
clear that in fact there is no such repetition of the donor's name, their inter-
pretation is no longer possible, and the inscription can be seen to follow
the standard pattern for donative inscriptions: it records a pious
gift by one person named, apparently, Dhamitra, given in honor of another,
Buddhamitra.
To judge from the usual pattern of similar inscriptions, the latter person
was probably the donor's "companion" or "co-residential pupil" (sadaviyari
< Skt. sardha,!!viharin- or sadayari < Skt. sardha,!!carin- according to
Konow 1929: 109), a technical term found in several donative
inscriptions
14
Among such inscriptions, it is not unusual to [md pairings
of similar names of a monk and his sadaviyari, like Dha<*rma ?>mitra
and Buddhamitra in our inscription; for example, two dedica-
tory inscriptions on sculptures from Loriyan Tangai read budhamitrasa
sadayarisa da1J.a[mukheJ, "Gift of Buddhamitra, the
companion of Buddhara.kl?ita" (KOiJOw: 1929: 109 [no. XLm) and sihami-
trasa da1J.amukhe s[iJhil[iJasa sadavi(*yarisa), "Gift of SiIphamitra, the
companion of SiIphilika" (ibid., p.110 [no. XLlV]).
Thus it is clear that - but for the problematic word %ispare discussed
in the following section - the new inscription follows exactly the stan-
dard pattern of donative inscriptions, and should be interpreted
accordingly. In light of this, there is no question of it consisting of a
sequence of labels referring to the figures depicted in the accompanying
13 Unless, of course, one were to propose that the scribe omitted, not the second syl-
lable as proposed above, but rather the IIrst, and that we should thus read <*bu>dhami-
trasa; but this would be a most unlikely error for an evidently careful scribe to make, and
the possibility can be dismissed out of hand.
14 For further comments on the origin and meanings of this term, see Brough 1962:
xx-xxi and 177; also Schopen 2003: ch. I (pp. 95-96 of original publication); ch. II, esp.
us. 16-18.
18 RICILA,Jill SALOMON AND GREGORY SCHOPEN
relief, and thus it certainly does not contain an early epigraphical refer-
ence to the Buddha Amitabha, as has hitherto been thought.
4. The problem of oloispare
Until now, we have passed over the problem of the significance and
meaning of the word oloispare. Brough and Fussman took this as a label
identifying the figure represented at the right side of the sculpture as the
bodhisattva who is generally known as A valokiteSvara. Brough com-
mented that "[t]he figure on the Buddha's left must be Avalokitesvara.
The identification is already clear from the lotus which he holds, and the
high crest on his headdress, which must contain the small Buddha-figure
typical of this Bodhisattva" (1982: 65). But Lee, with access to a better
photograph, observed that "[t]he stele ... does not, in fact, have a Buddha
on the crown" (1993: 315 n. 25). And there is still no agreement that the
lotus at this stage necessarily identifies AvalokiteSvara; Davidson (1968:
23) in fact identified the figure in question as Maitreya;
But there are also philological grounds for doubting that the figure in
question is A valokitesvara, or rather, that the inscription is intended to
label it as such. Brough (1982: 67-8) attempted to explain the Gandhan:
name oloispare as equivalent to either * Alokesvara or *Ulokesvara, the
latter based on the Vedic atoka = later Sanskrit loka. Neither equation
can be dismissed as definitely wrong, but both are far from certain, and
the point leads to complex issues about the forms and origin of the name
Avalokitesvara which cannot be pursued here.
Thus, the philological evidence, like the iconographic, being inconclu-
... sive, we turn to the epigraphic material, which is, in any case, our main
concern here. The important point here is that it would be very much out
of the normal pattern for a donative inscription on a sculpture
to include a specification, or label, of the figures illustrated. Even in the
more or less contemporary Mathura inscriptions in which such a figure
is identified, that identification is never a label as such, but rather always
a part of the description of the act of installing the image concerned, as
in the following examples:
.. . bodhisaco pa{ithiipito ... , " ... the Bodhisattva was set up ... " (Ltiders 1961:
31 [no. 1]; his translation).
bhagavato s[ ii]kyamunisya pratimii ... , "The image of the holy
Sakyamunihas been set up ... " (ibid., p. 33 [no. 4]) .
... bhagavato buddhasya amitiibhasya pratimii ii)pi[tiiJ, " ... an
image of the Blessed One, the Buddha Amitabha was set up ... " (Schopen
1987: 101,111).
Moreover, when we tum to other inscribed Gandharan reliefs similar to
ours, we find that in none of these does the inscription identify the figures
being depicted. For example:
- The inscription on the Begram relief, "which has been interpreted as rep-
resenting the Buddha's fIrst interview with Bimbisara or the invitation to
preach addressed to Bhavagat by Brahma and Indra" (Konow 1933a: 11
and pl.), says only .. . y[eJ a[f(lJtariye danaf(lmuhe imelJa kusalamulelJa
pituno pujae [bhavatuJ, " ... gift of Antan; through this root of bliss (may
it be) for the honoring of her father" (ibid., p. 14).
- The inscription on "un bas-relief au turban" (Fussman 1980: 54-6), which
"repn!sente six personnages rendant hommage au. turban abandonne par
Ie futur Buddha au moment du Grand Depart," says only:
taekhiyasa
15
danamukhe mata[pitaraJ puyae, "Gift
of from Ta<;lekha, son of for the honoring of
his mother and father."
- The inscription on yet another relief - this one interpreted as represent-
ing "Ie grand miracle de SravastI" (Fussman 1974: 57) - reads (ibid.,
p. 54) sa[f(lJ 41 phagunasa masasa di paf(lcami budhanadasa trepiakasa
danamukhe madapidarana adhvadidana puyaya bhavatu, "Year 5, on the
fIfth day of the month Phalguna. Gift of Buddhananda, who knows the
Tripitaka. May it be for the honoring of his late mother and father."
- The same pattern holds for the Mamane Dhen relief of the year 89 (Konow
1929: 172 [no. LXXXVIII]; revised reading in Konow 1933b: 15) in
which Indra's visit to the Buddha at the Indrasaila cave is represented: ...
niryaide ime deyadharme dharmapriena piduno arogadakfjinae
upajayasa budhapriasa puyae samanuyayalJa "This pious
gift was given by the monk: Dharmapriya, for the good health of his father,
for the honoring of his teacher Buddhapriya, for the good health of his
fellow disciples."
In none of these parallel texts does the inscription have anything to do
with, or make any reference to, what or who is being represented in the
15 Fussman's published text and translation here read Tarjakhiyasa and "de Taq.akha",
but the correction to Tarjekhiyasa and "de Taq.ekha" respectively have been entered in the
author's hand in an offprint copy supplied by him.
accompanying sculpture. This in fact is overwhelmingJy characteristic of
image inscriptions as a whole. More than forty
inscriptions on Gandharan images or reliefs are now known. Of these, at
least five are so fragmentary that their content cannot be determined, but
the overwhelming majority of the others records the gift of - presum-
ably - the image or relief on which they are written. Not a single one
of these inscriptions, however, makes any reference to the image itself or
to individual(s) being represented in it
16
. There are only five possible
exceptions which are as close as we get to "labels" in image
dedication inscriptions
17
, and there is some uncertainty about all or most
of these.
Three inscriptions associated with images at Jaulian might be "labels."
The clearest case is Konow's no. XXXVI. I I (1929: 97), which reads kasavo
tathagato, "The Tathagata Kasyapa." ill light of it, Konow's no. XXXVI.9
(p. 96) might also be taken as a "label": [kasavJo tathagato s ... hasa sa ... ,
but the reading is very uncertain. Even more uncertain is the third exam-
ple from Jaulian (Konow's no. XXXVI.I2, p. 97), which Konow reads as
sakamu[ ni* ] tathagato ji (? )na (? )da (?) da (?) fJamukho( ?) and trans-
lates "Sakyamuni, the Tathagata, lord of Jinas, a gift"; here the number
of question marks in his transcript shows how problematic the reading
is. Even if we accept all three Jaulian inscriptions as "labels," the most
that we can say is that in thesi apparent label inscriptions the Buddha's
16 One partial exception, which constitutes a special case in several respects, is
the Mathura biscript (BrlihmI and pedestal inscription (Bhattacharya 1984).
The BrlihmI portion of this inscription reads in part (following Bhattacharya, ibid., p. 29;
line 2) ... gha{!as[ya] dana bodhisatva, " ... gift of. .. -ghana, a bodhisattva," while the extant
:"portion of the inscription in line 4 reads [bu]dhasa pratime mahadarJUjanayakasa
Ehafja ... , "Image of Buddha, (*gift) of the Supreme Commander Ehaq.a- ... " Here we do
have, uniquely and contrary to what has been said above, an explicit reference to a SCUlp-
tured figure in a inscription on a sculpture. But in this unique biscript inscrip-
tion from Mathura the portion seems to constitute something of an afterthought,
so that it is not surprising that its formulation should follow a pattern more typical
of BrlihmI inscriptions from Mathura. Therefore the portion of this inscription
cannot be taken to be in any way representative of normal inscriptions from the
northwest.
17 Not included in this class is the inscription on a statuette of Sri, labelled as such ([s]iriye
pafjima; Fussman 1988: 2), since this is a simple label inscription and not a donative/
dedicatory record. Fussman (ibid., p. 6) comments on "[lla presence, exceptionnelle dans
l'epigraphie d'une etiquette."
ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMIT.ABHA IN A KHARO$THI INSCRIPTION 21
name always occurs in the nominative, and is always accompanied with
at least one of the standard epithets of a Buddha, namely tathiigata; and
that the donor's name never occurs in them.
18
It is worth noting that these
three labels occur as a part of a series of thirteen inscriptions - all simi-
larly placed under reliefs - the other ten of which are all clearly donative
inscriptions with no reference to the associated reliefs; e.g. dharmamitrasa
naJgaraka[saJ danamukho (no. XXXVI.5, p. 95). This might
well render nos. 11,9, and 12 even more suspect.
With regard to the question of the date of the Jauliful inscriptions, Mar-
shall (teste Konow, 1929: 92) assigned both the images and the inscrip-
tions to "about the fifth century," but noted that they are a part of the
repairs and redecorations that were done at the site. Konow, in light of
the oddly mixed palaeography of these inscriptions, thought that" [i]t is
even conceivable that some of the inscriptions are copies of older ones,
executed when the old images and decorations were restored or repaired"
(ibid., p. 93). However this may be, it is certain that these inscriptions
are not early, and are in fact probably among the latest of
inscriptions. Thus their format and formulae may not in any case be typ-
ical of the more abundant inscriptions from earlier centuries
such as the one under consideration here, which, according to Fussman
(1999: 543), "l'etude paleographique incite a placer au premier siecle de
l'ere kouchane."
A fourth inscription which has been taken as a donative
record incorporating a label to the accompanying sculptural figure is the
Nowshera pedestal inscription (Konow 1929: 134 [no. LXXI]), reading
dhivhakarasa takhtidrel}a karide, which Konow translates as "Of Dlparp-
kara, made by Takhtidra," noting that "Dhivhakarasa may correspond to
Skr. Diparhkarasya and be the name of the donor or of the Buddha pic-
tured in the sculpture" (ibid.). But two points speak against dhivhakarasa
being "the name of. .. the Buddha pictured in the sculpture." First, from
the Jauliful inscriptions discussed above (e.g. kasavo tathagato), as also
from the Mathura inscriptions (e.g. bhagavato buddhasya amitiibhasya),
18 Unless, perhaps, the missing portion of no. XXXVI.9 contained a donor's name;
but this is pure speculation, since Konow (1929: 96) comments on this section, "I cannot
make anything out of this state of things. "
it appears that when the figure depicted in the sculpture is mentioned in
the accompanying inscription, he is never mentioned by his name alone.
If the proper name occurs at all, it is always joined with at least one stan-
dard epithet, such as tatluigata, buddha, or bhagavat. The importance of
the epithet is clear from the fact that it - unlike the proper name - can
appear by itself, as, for example, in bodhisaco patithiipito in a Mathura
inscription (Liiders no. 1) quoted above. In fact, it is extremely doubtful
whether a buddha (or a bodhisattva) would ever be mentioned by name
alone.
The second point against taking dhivhakarasa as referring to the Bud-
dha is its genitive case. The inscription, which appears to be complete,
seems to require a noun in the nominative to be understood. While this
implied word could, in theory, be par.jima "[This] image" or the like, a
far more likely interpretation would be to supply dalJamukha- "[This is
the] gift [0f1." For the former term (par.jima) occurs among
inscriptions only once, in a unique example of a pure - that is, non-dona-
tive -label inscription (see note 17), whereas the latter term is abundantly
attested in the normal donative formula. It should also be noted that in the
Jaulian label inscriptions, the names and titles are always in the nomina-
tive, not the genitive.
The two considerations which indicate that the Nowshera inscription is
. ...t'
not a donative label might seem to support an interpretation of the Yiikubi
inscription (Konow 1929: 133 [no. LXVI]) as a specimen of this elusive
genre. Konow reads the inscription ... danamukhe
19

jinakumaro hidag[rJamava[stavena*J racito and translates "Gift (of .... ),
the young Jina among those who were confounded through truth, exe-
,:'''Cuted by the resident of Hida village ... " The relief on which this inscrip-
tion is written has been identified by Foucher (teste Konow, ibid., p. 131)
as representing the miracle of SravastI, and Konow's interpretation of
the inscription is explicitly connected with this identification. He says:
"I therefore read sachabhamitesh[uJ, Skr. satyabhramiteshu, among those
who had become confounded through the truth, and see in this word a ref-
erence to the tirthyas whom the Buddha confounded through his miracles
19 Brough (1982: 68) notes that the correct reading of this word is danamokhe.
and preaching at SravastI" (p.132). But note that even if Konow's read-
ing and interpretation are correct, the inscription would be primarily
labelling the scene, rather than the principal person in it, and apart from
the railings at Bharhut and the old stele from AmaravatI (Ghosh Sarkar
1964-5), such labels are exceedingly rare.
Even the one other roughly contemporaneous record that has been
taken as such a label can now be shown not to be such. Majumdar read
what he says is a inscription found on the pedestal of an image
recovered from SanCI, but made of Mathuran sandstone, as bhagava[ syaJ
(*siikyamuni)syajambuchtiyii-silii gr[haiS ca dharmadeva-vihtire prati-r-
tiipitii and translated this as "a stone (image depicting) the 'Jambu-shade'
(episode) of the Bhagavat (Sakyamuni) and a shrine were established in
the Dharmadeva Monastery" (N.G. Majumdar in Marshall and Foucher
1940: 1.386); But it now seems fairly certain that the inscription is not
referring to an "episode" but to a specific type of image called the "Jam-
bucchayika-pratima" which is referred to by this name more than half
a dozen times in the Miilasarvastivadavinaya (Schopen 1997: 273-4 and
n.77).
Moreover, if Konow's reading and interpretations of the Nowshera
inscription were correct, and if this inscription was a kind of label, several
problems would still remain. First, the Buddha is referred to, not by name,
but by a title,jinakumaro, which seems to be unattested elsewhere either
in inscriptions or in Buddhist literature. Second, the Buddha himself is not
actually named. Further, the inscription is damaged and incomplete, so that
Konow's reading and interpretation are far from sure. And finally, the
characters of the inscription - like those of the J aulian label - "point
to a comparatively late date" (Konow 1929: 132).
It should be clear from all this that labels of any kind are very rare in
image inscriptions, and that when they do occur, they are typ-
ically late. Moreover, in no case is a religious figure labelled by his name
alone. The name, if it occurs, is always accompanied by a religious title;
the name can be omitted, but never the title. Moreover, this pattern holds
not just in image inscriptions but also for inscriptions in gen-
eral. There are now more than two dozen inscriptions that refer
to the relics of the Buddha, and in none of these is he referred to by name
only. In about a fourth of these we find just the title bhagavato or the like
(for example Konow 1929: nos. XVII, XXVII, XJqa, LXII; Fussman
1985: 37; Salomon 1995: 136); in almost three fourths, the name Sakya-
muni combined with one or more titles (e.g. sakamunisa bhag(r)avato,
bhak(r)avat(r)o sakaniunisa budhasa, and bhag(r)avada sakyamufJe,
in Konow 1929: nos. I, XV, LXXXVI respectively); in one instance
bodhisatvasarira (ibid., no. LXXXII); and in another, read "with every
reserve," (ibid., no. LXXIX). The same pattern holds
even in two inscriptions which appear to be pure labels: the inscription
on the footprint slab from lrrath (ibid., no.V) reads bodhasa sakamunisa
padafJi, "The footprints of the Buddha Sakyamuni," and the inscription
on a small stone from Rawal (ibid., no. XVI), which "shows in relievo a
decorated elephant, trotting toward the right," reads sastakhadhatu, "The
collar-bone relic of the Teacher."
If this pattern is consistent in early inscriptions with regard to Sakya-
muni, it should hold in regard to other Buddhas and Bodhisattvas as well.
And indeed, in the Nigali Sagar inscription (Hultzsch 1924: 165) Asoka
refers, not simply to "Konakamana," but to "the Buddha Konakamana"
(budhasa koniikamanasa). The Bharhut labels similarly refer not to Vipasi,
Vesabhu, etc., but rather to "the Blessed One Vipasi" (bhagavato vipa-
sino) and "the Blessed One Vesabhu" (bhagavato vesabhufJii), etc. (Liiders
1963: 82, 84). More directly relevant to the interpretation of the
inscription with which we are"'concerned here, the sole undoubted refer-
ence to Amitabha in early Indian epigraphy - a Mathura Brahm! inscrip-
tion dated in the 26th year of - similarly does not refer to him
by his name alone, but as "the Blessed One, the Buddha Amitabha" (bha-
gavato buddhasya amitiibhasya; Schopen 1987: 101, 111). And in a
-nearly contemporary image inscription from Sand we have reference not
to Maitreya, but to "the Bodhisattva Maitreya" ((bodhi)satvasya m[aiJtre-
yasya; Marshall and Foucher 1940: 1.387).
In later inscriptions too, when Avalokitesvara is certainly mentioned,
he is never referred to by his name alone. Thus we fmd aryiivalokiteSvara
in a fifth century inscription from Mathura (Srinivasan 1971 [1981]: 12);
again iiryyiivalokiteSvara in a copper-plate grant from GUI).aighar dating
from the very beginning of the sixth century (Sircar 1965: 341); bhagavad-
iiryyiivalokiteSvara in yet another sixth century grant from Jayrampur
(ibid., 531); and arya va[lJo[kiJ III and iirya valokiteSvaro bodhisatvaf:z
among the graffiti from northern Pakistan (von Hiniiber 1989: 86, 89).
The same pattern continues to hold throughout the later periods as well.
This highly consistent epigraphic usage would suggest that an exalted
religious figure such as a buddha or bodhisattva could not be referred to
by his name only, and it is therefore most unlikely that our inscription
would do so.
A similar sensitivity towards appropriate titles is also found in the lit-
erary sources. Perhaps the best known passage in canonical literature
which exhibits a concern with the proper way of referring to a buddha
occurs in the various accounts of the Buddha's first meeting with the five
Bhadravarglya, or first disciples. In the Lalitavistara version, an essentially
Sarvastivadin account and therefore probably available in the northwest,
when "the five" address the Buddha as "Venerable Gautama" (sVtigatarrz
te Gautama, etc.; Lefmann 1902-08: 1.408), he responds by
saying: ma yuyarrz tathagatam
ma va 'bhud dirgharatram arthaya hitaya sukhaya. am[tarrz maya
... buddha 'ham asmi ("Monks, do not
address the Tathagata with the title 'Venerable.' This would not cause you
profit, advantage and happiness for a long time. Monks, I have witnessed
immortality ... I am a Buddha, Monks"; ibid., p. 409). Another version
of the same event, contained in the MUlasarvastivadavinaya (Gnoli 1978:
133) and hence also probably available in the northwest, is even more
explicit. Here the text says fIrst paftcaka bhagavantam atyartharrz
namavadena gatravadena samudacaranti ("The five
monks wrongly addressed the Blessed One by his personal name, by his
clan name, and by the title 'Venerable'''), to which the Buddha reacted:
ma yuyarrz tathagatarrz atyartharrz namavadena gatravadena
samudacarata; ma va bhUd dlrgharatrarrz anarthayahi-
taya dul;khiiya ("Monks, do not address the Tathagata wrongly by his
personal name, by his clan name, and by the title 'Venerable,' lest it cause
you loss, disadvantage, and unhappiness for a long time").
Thus referring to a Buddha by his personal name, by his gatra name,
or even by the conventionally polite "Venerable" was not only inappro-
priate, but also was thought to have undesirable karmic consequences.
The point of these passages seems to be that a buddha should always be
explicitly addressed as such, and epigraphic usage clearly and consistently
confirms this. The interpretation of our inscription proposed by Brough
and Fussman, according to which Avalokitesvara and Amitabha are
referred to without any.titles at all, would thus violate not only estab-
lished epigraphic usage; but canonical rule as well, both of which would
seem to virtually preclude any reference to a Buddha by name only in a
inscription. This point applies both to Amitabha, whose alleged
presence in the inscription has already been rejected on other grounds,
and to the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara as well; if our inscription is not
a label, then even if oloispare is a personal name, it almost certainly can-
not refer to the Bodhisattva A valokitesvara, since it is not accompanied
by a title, whereas in every other epigraphic instance in which A valo-
kitesvara is defInitely referred to, he -like all Buddhist worthies - has
one or more descriptive or honoriftc titles.
But this still leaves us with the problem of oloispare. Obviously, if, as
seems likely on several grounds, the name oloispare has nothing to do with
the Bodhisattva A valokitesvara, it is incumbent on us to offer a better
solution, and here we run into difficulty. As always, the problem is best
approached comparing standard formulae used in similar inscriptions.
This approach shows that the problematic word occurs in a position,
between the proper name of the donor and the word danamukhe, where,
almost without exception in other inscriptions, there appears
some description or qualifiCition of the donor. Such qualifications are
typically either:
- Titles, such as or bhilqu, "monk," for example in the Shahr-i-
Napursan pedestal inscription (Konow 1929: 124 [no. LVill]), sarrtgha-
mitrasa(rrt) da[1J.a]mukhe, and in Jaulian inscription no. 4
(ibid., p. 94 [no. XXXVI.4]), budharalqi[dasa] bhi[lqusa] da[namu]kho
(similarly in Jaulian nos. 2, 5, and 6); or:
- Patronymics, as in the Bimaran casket inscription (ibid., p. 52 [no. XVll]),
r )asa mu[ rrt]javadaput[ r] asa danamuhe.
In at least one case, namely Jaulian no. 5, a second qualiftcation, appar-
ently a geographical designation, is added to the title dharma-
mitrasa.bhilq[usa na]garaka[sa] danamukho, which Konow (p. 95) trans-
lates "Gift of Dharmamitra, the friar from Nagara."
These consistent patterns lead us to expect that oloispare, coming
between the donor's name and the word danamukhe, would be some such
ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMIT.ABHA IN A KHARO,sTHI INSCRIPTION 27
qualification of the donor. The problem, however, is that, unlike the exam-
ples of similar sequences cited above and the many others that could be
cited, the intervening word in our inscription is not in the expected gen-
itive, modifying the donor's name in the same case, but instead ends in -e,
which could be either nominative or locative, but certainly not genitive.
If oloispare is locative, it could perhaps be taken as qualifying the resi-
dence of the donor ("Dhamitra at [i.e. of] Oloispara"); but this is admit-
tedly unlikely, as the usual phrasing for such a qualification would involve
the toponym compounded with a word such as vastava-, "resident of."
Thus it may be preferable to take oioispare as a locative denoting, not
the residence of the donor, but the location of the donation, as in an
inscription on a statue from Loriyan Tangai (Konow 1929: 108 [no. XL!]),
reading bu[dhJorumasa danamukh[eJ Kharhda[vanatuJbaga[miJ, "Gift of
Buddhavarma, in the KhaIfgavana srupa." A possible objection to this
interpretation is that the word denoting the locus of the donation in the
Loriyan Tangai inscription comes after danamukhe, at the end of the
inscription, rather than between the donor's name and the dalJamukhe; but
this is a relatively minor matter, and at least does not rule the possibility
out entirely. Another problem is that %ispara is nowhere attested as a
toponym, nor can it be readily related to any known toponym, ancient or
modem, in the region; unless, perhaps, it might be somehow related to
the well attested oqi, in the lower Swat Valley (Salomon 1986: 290).
In the end, though, however oloispara be interpreted, it cannot refer to
Avalokitesvara if our interpretation of amridae is correct: if there is
no reference in the inscription to the central figure of the relief (i.e., as
Amitabha) then a reference to a secondary figure (i.e., Avalokitesvara)
would make no sense at all!
5. Conclusion: A revised interpretation
Although our suggestions in regard to %ispare are admittedly incon-
clusive, they seem to us the best possibility in the current state of our
knowledge. We therefore read and provisionally translate the inscription as
dhamitrasa oloispare danamukhe budhamitrasa amridae III
"Gift of Dhamitra [sic] at Oloispara [?], for the immortality [i.e. nirvarya]
of Buddhamitra ... "
As for the missing portion of the inscription lost at left side, we will
obviously not be in agreement with Fussman, who thinks that it would
have contained the name of the third, missing figure of the sculpture
("ll faudrait ainsi completer l'inscription: [don de Buddhamitra, <ce>
Mahasthamaprapta]" (1999: 543). Rather, the typical pattern ofI<ha-
donative inscriptions would lead us to expect a secondary blessing
(in addition to the surviving budhamitrasa amridae). Such an additional
invocation might have included the expression arogadalqinae "for the good
health of. .. " (as in the Shahr-i-Napursan inscription cited above in part 3),
or the very common puyae "for the honoring of. .. ," as in the several exam-
ples cited in parts 3 and 4. The beneficiaries of such a blessing might have
been the donor's parents, with a phrase like the ubiquitous matapitu puyae
"for the honoring of mother and father" (e.g. in the Taxila silver scroll
inscription, Konow 1929: 77 [no. XXVII]), but this is no more than an
educated guess. We can, however, confidently assert in light of the preceding
discussion that the lost portion of the inscription would have been some-
thing in this vein, rather than a label to the missing third figure of the statue.
In conclusion, we can now say about the inscription in question that:
(1) It definitely contains no reference to Amitabha, as was claimed by
Brough and Fussman.
(2) The word oloispare is apparently not a form of the name of the Bodhi-
sattva A valokitesvara, as it'has previously been taken, although it remains
uncertain what it actually means.
(3) Except for the difficult word oloispare, the inscription follows a nor-
mal pattern for Buddhist donative inscriptions in script on
sculptures and other objects, and should be interpreted as such.
Richard Salomon
Gregory Schopen
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Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum n.1. Calcutta: Goveinment of India.
-, 1933a. "Kharoshthi Inscription on a Begram Bas-relief." Epigraphia Indica
22: 11-14.
-, 1933b. "A Note on the Mamane Dheri Inscription." Epigraphia Indica 22:
14-15. .
Lee, Junghee, 1993. "The Origins and Developments of the Pensive Bodhisattva
Images of Asia." Artibus Asiae 53: 311-57.
Lefmann, Salomon, 1902-8. Lalitavistara: Leben und Lehre des 9akya-Buddha.
2 vols. Halle: Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses.
Ltiders, Heinrich, 1961. Mathurii Inscriptions: Unpublished Papers Edited by
Klaus L. lanert. Abhandlungen der Akadernie der Wissenschaften in G5t-
tingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, dritte FoIge, nr. 47. G5ttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht.
-, 1963. Bharhut Inscriptions (revised by E. Waldschmidt and M.A. Mehendale).
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum n.2. Ootacamund: Government Epigraphist
for India.
Marshall, John and Alfred Foucher, 1940. The Monuments of Siinchf. 3 vols. Cal-
cutta: Government of India.
v. MitterwaI1ner, G., 1987. "The Brussels Buddha from Gandhara of the Year 5."
In Yaldiz and Lobo 1987: 213-47.
Neelis, Jason, 2001. Long-distance Trade and.the Transmission of Buddhism
through Northern Pakistan, Primarily Based on and Briihmf
Inscriptions. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, Department of
Asian Languages and Literature.
Salomon, Richard, 1981. "TheSpinwan(North Waziristan) Inscrip-
tion." Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 7: 11-20.
-, 1986. "The Inscription of Senavarma, King of Oq.i." Indo-Iranian lournal
29: 261-93.
-, 1995. "Three Dated Inscriptions." Bulletin of the Asia Institute
n.s. 9: 127-41.
-, 1996. "An Inscribed Silver Buddhist Reliquary of the Time of King Kharaosta
and Prince Indravarman." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116:
418-52.
-, forthcoming. "New Manuscript Sources for the Study of Gandharan Buddhism."
In Kurt Behrendt and Pia Brancaccio, eds., The Buddhism of Gandhara: An
Interdisciplinary Approach.
-, in progress. A Giindharz Version of the Songs of Lake Anavatapta (Anavat-
apta-giithii): British Library Fragment i. Gandharan Buddhist
Texts 5.
Schopen, Gregory, 1987. "The Inscription on the Image of Amitabha and
the Character ofthe Early Mahayana in India." lournal of the international
Association of Buddhist Studies 10: 99-134.
ALLEGED REFERENCE TO AMITABHA IN A KHARO$THI INSCRIPTION 31
-,1997. Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks. Collected Papers on the Archaeo-
logy, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India. Honolulu: Uni-
versity of Hawai'i Press.
-,2003. Buddhist Monks and Business Matters. Still More Papers on Monas-
tic Buddhism in India. Honululu: University of Hawai'i Press.
Sircar, D. c., 1965. Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civiliza-
tion, vol. 1. 2
nd
ed.; Calcutta: University of Calcutta.
-, 1968-9. [Report on monthly seminar, 21 March 1968.] Journal of Ancient
Indian History 2: 267-9.
Srinivasan, P.R., 1971 [1981]. "Two Brahmi Inscriptions from Mathura." Epi-
graphia Indica 39: 9-12.
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dings of a Symposium on the Development of Early Buddhist and Hindu
Iconography Held at the Museum of Indian Art Berlin in May 1986. Berlin:
Museum fur Indische Kunst.
Figures 1-4
All figures are printed courtesy of the John and Mable Ringling Museum of Art.
The relief is catalogued as:
Unknown artist, Gandharan
Untitled (fragment of relief depicting a Buddha), 3rd-4th century A.D.
Gray schist, 12 x 9 1/2 inches, MF94.8.5
Gift of Eleanor B. Lehner, Collection of The John and Mable Ringling Museum
of Art, the State Art Museum of Florida.
SARiRA AND SCEPTER:
EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS*
JINHUACHEN
Introduction .................. ..................... ................................................ 33
0) The Veneration of the Famensi Relic between 659 and 662............. 37
(II) The "Discovery" of the Guangzhai Relics in 677 and Their Distribu-
tion in 678................................................................................... 48
(III) Empress Wu's Relic Veneration in the Early Period of Her Reign
(690-694) .................................................................................... 61
(N) Songshan, the Qibaotai and Famensi: Empress Wu's Relic Veneration
in Her Late years (700-705) ....... :................................................. 80
(V) Empress Wu and the Dharma-relic Veneration ........................ 103
(VI) Ties by Blood and Dharma: A Comparative Study of Emperor Wen
and Empress Wu's Political Use of Buddhism ................................ 117
Some Concluding Remarks ............ ....................................................... 128
Wu Zhao ~ ~ (623 or 625-705), or Wu Zetian ~ J l U ~ (literally, "Wu
who took heaven as a model") as she is better known, was unique in Chi-
nese history. As the only female monarch in the history of imperial China,
she ruled, with remarkable success, for one-sixth of the almost three hun-
dred years of the Tang dynasty (618-907), fIrst as the empress ofthe third
Tang emperor Gaozong (r. 649-83) (655-83), then as the regent of her
emperor-son Ruizong (684-690) and fInally as emperor in her own right
(690-705)1. This fascinating woman is remembered (and sometimes hated)
* The author of this article wants to express his gratitude to T. H. Barrett, James A. Benn,
Antonino Forte and an anonymous reviewer for their detailed and inspiring comments.
Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub, JIABS Editor, also provided some very useful suggestions
on how to improve the article. The author is also grateful to Eugene Wang for generously
allowing him to use a photograph of the Renshousi stele.
I Ruizong was preceded by his older brother Zhongzong (r. 684, r. 705-10), who ruled
for a mere frfty-frve days following the death of his father Gaozong, from 1 January to
26 February 684, when he was dethroned by his mother. Zhongzong was not re-enthroned
until twenty-one years later, on 23 February 705, one day after her mother's forced abdication.
Volume 25. Number 1-2 2002
34 JINHUACHEN
for many things, including her strong personality, her unique political
character and her colorful private life (which has been distorted and
exaggerated by her venomous critics).
What has continued to intrigue scholars of Chinese Buddhism is her
apparent fondness for the religion, which derived from her family, her
personal piety and her political needs. Hard work by scholars all over the
world has done much to reveal some crucial aspects of Empress Wu's
religious life
2
. However, it seems that very little scholarly attention has
been paid to one significant aspect of her complicated relationship with
Buddhism; that is, her veneration of Buddhist relics
3
. This article attempts
to make some long overdue compensation for this deficiency.
In any historically founded religion, enthusiasm for "holy relics" is
aroused by the followers' desire to decrease, if not to erase, the distance
separating them from their deceased patriarch - the more remote the
This time he ruled longer, until 3 July 710, when he was poisoned to death by his wife
Empress Wei (?-71O). After an interval of twenty days (5-25 July 710), during which
Zhongzong's youngest son Li Chongmao $:ma (698-714), to be posthumously known
as Shangdi was briefly declared as the new emperor, Ruizong succeeded his brother
once again. He ruled until 7 September 712, when he abdicated in favor of his son Li
Longji (685-761), Xuanzong (r. 712-56).
2 Among the most important studies on Empress Wu's Buddhist ties are Yabuki Keiki
Sangaikyo no kenkya (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1927), pp. 685-
763; Chen Yinque "Wuzh<).9 yu fojiao" in Chen Yinque Xiansheng
lunwen ji (two vols. Taibei: Jiusi chubanshe, 1977), pp. 421-36; Rao
Zongyi ''Cong shike lun Wu Hou zhi zongjiao xinyang"
Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 45.3 (1974), pp. 397-
418; Antonino Forte, Political Propaganda and Ideology in China at the End of the
Seventh Century: Inquiry into the Nature, Author, and Function of the Tunhuang Document
S. 6502. Followed by an Annotated Translation (Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale,
Seminario di Studi Asiatici, 1976); and Mingtang and Buddhist Utopias in the History of
the Astronomical Clock: The Tower, Statue and Armillary Sphere Constructed by Empress
Wu (Rome and Paris: Istituto Italiano per il Medip ed Estremo Oriente and Ecole
d'Extreme-Orient, 1988); R[ichard] W. L. Guisso, Wu Tse-T'ien and the Politics of Legit-
imation in Tang China (Program in East Asian Studies, Western Washington University,
Occasional Papers, Volume 11, 1978).
3 An important exception to this is T. H. Barrett's recent study, "Shlpa, Satra and Sarlra
in China, c. 656-706 CE," Buddhist Studies Review 18.1 (2001), pp. 1-64. In this article
Barrett relates the empress's interest in Buddhist relics to the rise (or spread) of wood-block
printing technology in seventh century China and also East Asia. The main points of this
intriguing study are summarized in his The Rise and Spread of Printing: A New Account of
Religious Factors (SOAS Working Papers in the Study of Religions, London, 2001), pp. 15ff.
I am most grateful to Professor Barrett for supplying me with copies of these works.
-EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 35
patriarch's death becomes, the more keenly the distance will be felt and
the more passionately the relics will be sought. In Buddhism, almost
immediately after the Parinirvfu).a, the corporeal remains of the Buddha,
his belongings and even the places he ever visited all became objects of
worship for his followers, hence the rise of the relic-cult in Buddhism
4
.
In Mahayana Buddhism "sacred relics" were understood in terms of
two categories: one physical and the other spiritual, with the latter denot-
ing the dharma, or the Buddha's teachings. Such an understanding was
obviously based on the theory of trikaya (three bodies [of the Buddha]),
with physical and spiritual relics corresponding with the Buddha's nir-
ma7J.akiiya (transformation-body) and dharmakiiya (dharma-body) respec-
tively. Closely related to the belief that one who sees the dharma sees the
Buddha, the dharmakaya theory fostered the sacralization of texts on the
one hand and on the other, the textualization of relics. Thus, in Mahayana
Buddhism, a pagoda enshrined not only a piece of the physical remains
of the Buddha, but also a sutra or an extract thereof. The text was under-
stood as they were as a written record of the Buddha's teachings and
therefore a demonstration - or a remnant - of the dharmakaya. This
accounts for the cult of the so-called "dharma-sarlra," or dharma-relic
(jasheli :$'@r*U), as was described by the great Buddhist translator and pil-
grim Xuanzang (602-64). In his famous travels, completed in 646
with the assistance of his disciple Bianji m;J! (ca. 618 - ca. 648)5, Xuan-
zang tells us an Indian custom of manufacturing miniature pagodas (six
to seven inches high) of scented clay that contained some sutra extracts.
When these miniature pagodas became numerous, a larger pagoda was
built to house them. Xuanzang tells us that one of his Indian teachers
Jayasena (Ch. Shengjun MJlJ) spent three decades in constructing seven
kotis (= 70,000,000!) of these dharma-sarlra pagodas, for each ko{i of
which he built a great pagoda
6
.
4 David L. Snellgrove, "Slikyamuni's Final NirviiI)a," Bulletin of the School of Orien-
tal and African Studies 36 (1973), pp. 399-41l.
5 For this highly controversial person, see Chen Yuan "Da Tang Xiyu ji zhuan-
ren Bianji" in Chen Yuan shixue lunzhu xuan (eds.
Chen Yuesu and Chen Zhichao Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe,
1980), pp. 266-87.
6 See Da Tang Xiyuji (Record of the Western World, [Compiled] under
the Great Tang; completed in 646), TaishO shinshLi daizokyo (100 vols,
36 JINHUACHEN
Although Xuanzang seems to have been the person responsible for
introducing this Mahayana practice to his Chinese compatriots, there is
no evidence that he ever actively promoted it in China. It seems that such
a task was first undertaken by Empress Wu and her Buddhist translators.
Accordingly, this article will discuss the empress's involvement in the
worship of the physical relics and the dharma relic as well. While the
first four sections will be devoted to some outstanding examples of
the empress's veneration of physical relics, we will discuss in the fifth
section the empress's promotion of the cult of dharma-relic centering on
three dharal}l texts translated by Indian and Central Asian Buddhist
missionaries in China who were under her patronage. After that, our
discussion will take a somewhat unexpected turn - we will compare
Empress Wu with the founding emperor of the Sui Dynasty, Emperor
Wen (Wendi, r. 581-604) (i.e. Yang Jian [541-604]). Both of them
are famous (or infamous) for their enthusiastic patronage of Buddhism and
their "usurpation." It is, however, the following two facts that make such
a comparison particularly necessary: not only does Emperor Wen, who
was also an ardent worshipper of Buddhist relics, turn out to be an impor-
tant source of inspiration for Empress Wu's attitude and policies towards
eds. Takakusu Junjiro and Watanabe Kaigyoku et al, Tokyo: Taish6
issaikyo kankokai, 1924-1932) (hereafter T), vol. 51, no. 2087, 920a21-29. The most
meticulously annotated version of the Da Tang xiyu ji remains Ii XianIin et al
(annotated), Da Tang xiyu ji jiaozhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985).
For Japanese, English and modem Chinese translation of this passage, see Mizutani Shinjo
7Jc:fr1{iiJ(; (annotated and translated), Dai To saiiki ki (Tokyo: Heibonsha,
1981), p. 280; Samuel Beal, Si-yu ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World (Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1888), vo!' 2, pp. 146-7; Ji XianIin, et al (translated), Da Tang xiyu ji jinyi
". (Xi'an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1985), pp. 288.
A slightly different version of this practice is reported by Yijing (635-713) in his
travels written in 691, the Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan li&'1ifJ!$fl'j$;1l#}: (Account of Buddhism
Sent Home from the Southern Sea), Tvo!. 54, no. 2125, p. 226cl5-27; see Wang Bang-
wei :Enf.lt, Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan jiaozhu li&'1ifJ!$fl'j$;1l#}:txit (Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1995), pp. 173-75; J[unjiro] Takakusu (tr.), A Record of the Buddhist Religion as
Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (A.D. 671-695), by I-tsing (London: Claren-
don Press, 1896), pp. 150-51. The same passage is also translated by Daniel Boucher in
his "Sutra on the Merit of Bathing the Buddha," in Buddhism in Practice (ed. Donald S.
Lopez, JI.; Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 61.
Mitomo Ryojun recently provided a general study on the dharma-relics, "An Aspect
of Dharma-sarira," Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu 32.2 (1984), pp. 4-9 (backward pagi-
nation).
EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 37
Buddhism (especially her relic veneration), but they also happened to be
related by kinship.
(I) The Veneration of the Famensi Relic between 659 and 662
Empress Wu's enchantment with relics was already known to the world
when she was still the empress of Gaozong. Historical evidence shows her
vital role in fostering the cult of the relic stored at the Famensi
one of the few temples in China which not only had a glorious history
but also continue to enjoy remarkable popUlarity in the present. Located
in Fufeng 15tJm\ (seventy-five miles west of Xi' an, Shaanxi), the Famensi
has attracted worldwide attention since a number of cultural relics were
dramatically brought to light in 1987 from the stone-chamber underneath
the pagoda at the temple. These cultural relics include one piece of sarira
(sheli *fU), which is believed to be a finger-bone of the Buddha.
Before turning to discuss Empress Wu's role in the veneration of the
Famensi relic from 659 to 662, let us briefly survey the scant informa-
tion that we know about Famensi's early history. This survey will shed
some light on Famensi's relationship with the three major relic-distribu-
tion campaigns under the Sui on the one hand, and on the other with the
Longxi Li Ilig* clan in general (the Tang rulers claimed to be mem-
bers of this prestigious clan) and in particular, Tang Gaozu (r. 618-26) and
Taizong (r. 626-49), the two Tang predecessors to Empress Wu and her
husband-emperor Gaozong. One of the main sources for our discussion
in this section is provided by Daoxuan m1r (596-667), the great Tang Vinaya
Master and Buddhist historian who, as we will see below, was himself a
key player in the 659-62 politico-religious drama
7

The early history of the Famensi under the Northern Wei (386-534),
Western Wei (535-56) and the Northern Zhou (557-81) remains enshrouded
in mystery. Regarding the temple's situation in these periods, Daoxuan,
who was prop ably the earliest known recorder of this temple, tells us
7 The earliest available record of this temple is perhaps provided by Daoxuan in his Ji
Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu (Account of the [Mysterious] Stimulus
and Responses Related to the Three Jewels in China; Tvol. 52, no. 2106, p. 406b4-407b21)
of 664, which is quoted in Daoshi's milt (ca. 596-683) 668 Fayuan zhulin (pearl-
forests of the Dharma-Garden; T vol. 53, no. 2122, p. 586a24-587a9).
38 JINHUACHEN
nothing more than the fact that it was then called Ayuwangsi
(The Monastery of King Asoka), housing five hundred monks, and that
the whole temple, except for its two halls, was razed to the ground during
the Northern Zhou persecution of Buddhism (574-78). It is only thanks
to a memorial inscription dedicated to the Famensi pagoda that we gain
some glimpse into its obscure early history8.
This eighth century inscription traces the beginning of this temple to
two or three mysterious monks of Taibaishan :* B W (i.e. Zhongnanshan,
a mountain range close to Chang'an). They were attracted to Qishan
by its fame as one of the five places in China to which King Asoka had
allegedly distributed five of the eighty-four thousand Buddha-relics.
These monks allegedly prayed there intensively for several days until a
relic appeared on the palm of one of them. Inspecting the inscription on
the relic, they found some words to the effect that it was the relic dis-
tributed by Asoka. Thus, they named the temple (and/or the pagoda built
for the relic) after Asoka.
After this legend, the inscription tells us something of more concrete
historical value. In Yuanwei 5tft 2 (532, or 555), Tuoba Yu
(a.k.a. Yuan Yu 5t;w, d. after 554), who was then the governor of Qizhou,
had the temple enlarged and allotted to it an unspecified number of monks.
It is significant that Tuoba Yu should be revealed as a member of the
Longxi Li clan (the surnam&Tuoba, which belonged to the Western
8 "Da Tang Shengchao Wuyouwangsi Dasheng zhenshen baota beirning bing xu"
(Inscription, with a preface, for the Treasure-
pagoda of the True Body of the Great Sage at the Wuyouwang Monastery of the Divine
Dynasty of the Great Tang), Quan Tang wen :i:Jl!f>c 516.8a-13a, Shike shiliaa xinbian I.
';'3.1668-70. Dated 16 May 778 (Dali 13.4.15), this inscription was composed by Zhang Yu
, (d. after 797), and Yang Bo mll (d. after 778) performed the calligraphy for it. It is
better known as "Wuyouwangsi baota ming" A son-in-law and assistant
to Dezong's capable general Li Cheng (727-93) (Jiu Tang shu lfJl!fif [Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 1975], 133: 3665; Zizhi tangjian [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1976], 232: 7477), Zhang Yu served as Vice Minister of the Ministry of Works (gangbu
shilang in 787 (Zizhi tangjian 232: 7477) and Vice Minister of the Bureau of
Punishment (xingbu shilang in 797 (Jiu Tang shu 158: 4163). Yang Bo was the
father of Yang Yan (727-81), a famous minister of emperor Dezong (r. 779-805).
It is also worth noting that he was a kinsman of Empress Wu's maternal ancestors, who
were related to the Sui imperial family; see Xin Tang shu (Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1975), 71: 2360 and the relevant discussion of Empress Wu's family background
in Section (VI).
- EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 39
Wei rulers, was bestowed on him as a recognition of his distinguished
service)9. Although scholars have cast doubt on the historical veracity of
the claim made by the Tang rulers of their ties with the Longxi Li clan,
this kind of link (no matter real or invented) constituted a central part of
the Tang state ideologylO.
The same inscription continues by telling us that the temple was renamed
Chengshi daochang during the Kaihuang reign-era (581-604)
and that at the end of the Renshou reign-era (601-04), Li Min *fIDl: (576-
614), who was a grandchild-in-Iaw of Wendi and who was then Right
Director of the Secretariat (youneishi ;SF'31lE), renovated the pagoda
againll. Li Min was a son of Li Chong (536-83), who died fighting
9 Kegasawa Yasunori "Famensi de qiyuan yu Tuoba Yu: Cong Famensi
Bei Zhou beiwen lai fenxi" : Wenbo 2
(1997), pp. 43-46 and p. 95.
10 It is Chen Yinque's opinion that the Tang rulers actually descended from another
Li family, which was very obscure compared with the Longxi Li clan. They tried to relate
themselves to the Longxi Li clan in order to enrol the support of this prestigious and
powerful clan (especially in the Guanzhong H<F area, which was then their chief power-
base). See Chen Yinque, Tangdai zhengzhi shishu lungao Shang-
hai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982 [rpt]; and a series of articles that he published on
this issue: "Li Tang shizu zhi tuice" "Li Tang shizu zhi tuice houji"
"Sanlun Li Tang shizu wenti" and "Li Tang Wu
Zhou xianshi shiji zakao" in Chen Yinque Xiansheng quanji,
pp. 341-54, 355-64,475-80,481-86.
11 As for the renovation of the temple, the inscription only ambiguously observes that
it was undertaken by a Tuoba Yu, who was the prefect of Qizhou and a Minor Minister
of State (Xiao Zhongzhai in the second year of the Great Wei (Quan Tang wen
516.8b8, Shilce shiliao xinbian I.3.l668b4-5). Tuoba Yu was Yuan Yu, who was an "adopted"
member of the royal Tuoba family but who later sided with Yuwen Tai (507-56),
when some Tuoba rulers turned against him, as he was then becoming increasingly aggres-
sive in his control of the Western Wei regime (535-56). Scholars differ from each other
in dating the "second year of the Great Wei." While Chen Jingfu identifies it as
532, Kegasawa believes that it should be the year 555. See Kegasawa, "Famensi de qiyuan,"
p. 43; Chen Jingfu, Famensi (Xi'an: Sanqin chubanshe, 1988), pp. 10-14. Chen
Jingfu's book has been republished as Famensi shilue (Xi'an: Shaanxi renmin
jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990).
Zhang Yu's inscription dates Li Min's visit to the Famensi to the end of the Renshou
era. However, as is reported by Daoxuan (Ii Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, T vol. 52,
no. 2106, p. 406c59), in Zhenguan 5 (7 February 631-26 January 632) the Famensi relic
was believed to have remained under the pagoda for thirty years since it was last entombed
there, which referred to Li Min's renovation of the reliquary pagoda. This means that Li
Min arrived there in Renshou 2 (602). It was probably on the basis of this calculation that
40 JINHUACHEN
Turk and whose father was an older brother of the fsunous Li Mu
(510-86), who was highly trusted by Sui Wendi (Li Mu once saved his life)
and who claimed to hav.e descended from the Longxi Li clan. In view of
the unique contribution his father and his granduncle made. to the Sui
dynasty, Wendi raised Li Min within the inner palace since he was a
child. Later he married his grand-daughter (the daughter of his daughter
Yang Lihua [561-609])12, Yuwen Eying (?-614), to Li
Min. Partly because of the extraordinary favor that Wendi showed to him,
Li Min later became a powerful figure under the reigns of Wendi and
his successor Yangdi (604-617)13. However, in 614, as Yangdi became
more and more obsessed with the prophecy that a Li was to usurp the Sui
dynasty, Li Min became a target of his suspicion, which led to his exe-
cution on 7 June 615 (Daye 11.5.6 [dingyou]) on the charge of treason
14
.
Remarkably, Li Min was rehabilitated by Tang Gaozu on 9 September 618
(Wude 1.8.15 [dinghai]) , less than three months after he declared the
establishment of his new dynasty on 18 June
1S
I believe that this rehabil-
itation was not merely done to undo a misdeed committed by the former
ruler. Rather, it should be understood at least partly as Li Yuan's com-
passion for the misfortune of one of his kinsmen. Thus, regarding Li Min,
a crucial figure in the formation of the veneration centering around the
Famensi relic, we can say that he was a very special person in Sui-Tang
politics, closely tied as he wa to the royal families of three successive
dynasties: a member of the Longxi Li clan, he married the daughter by the
Northern Zhou emperor Xuandi and the daughter of Yang Jian, the found-
ing emperor of the Sui.
Wu Yi :lEtfft (1745-99) gives Renshou 2 as the date of Li Min's visit. See Shoutang jinshi
ba (Shoutang's Remarks on Inscriptions on Metal and Stone), Shike shiliao
xinbian 1.25.1908l.
12 For this woman, see note 220.
13 For some general information about Li Mu, Li Chong and Li Min, see a joint biog-
raphy for them and some of their kinsmen at Sui Shu JlI!j'ilIf (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1973), 37: 1115-25.
14 Bei shi ::It5/:: (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974),59: 2118-19, Sui Shu 37: 1120-21,
4: 89. The date of the execution quoted here is provided by Sui shu, which the Bei shi
differs by providing a different date, 8 April 615 (Daye 11.3.5 [dingyou]).
15 Jiu Tang shu 1: 7-8; d. Xin Tang shu 1: 7, which dates this to 22 September 618
(Wude 1.8.28 [genzi]).
Although this inscription attributes the relic to the pious prayers of the
Taibaishan monks, it seems more likely that the relic was actually brought
to the temple by Li Min in 602. Li Min's visit to the Ayuwangsi was under-
taken when the Sui rulers were particularly enamored with the relic-cult
and the whole empire was enthusiastically engaged in the relic-distribu-
tion campaigns, which were launched in 601, 602 and 604, three years
during the Renshou reign-era (601-04). During these three campaigns,
one hundred and seven Buddhist relics were distributed to the same num-
ber of prefectures, where pagodas were erected to enshrine them. Although
undertaken on the pretext of commemorating a legendary nun who
allegedly acted as the young Yang Jian's guardian at her nunnery, this
endeavor was obviously inspired by the Indian legend that Asoka, with
the assistance of supernatural agents, simultaneously erected 84,000 pago-
das allover the world in order to enshrine the same number of relics of
the Buddha
16
Directed by Tanqian (542-607)17, a Buddhist leader
at that time, the court historiographer Wang Shao RtJ (a.k.a Wang Shao
16 This legend about Yang Jian's birth is recorded in Daoxuan's Ii gujinfodao lunheng
(Collection of [the Documents Related to] the Buddho-Daoist Contro-
versies in the Past and the Present; completed 661), T vol. 52, no. 2104, p. 379a18ff.
According to this legend, right after Yang Jian's birth a Divine Nun (shenni t$J5) came
to his parents' residence and asked them to entrust the baby to her on the grounds that
it was of an extraordinary origin and not fit for the environment of a secular family. The
parents complied and Yang Jian stayed with the nun until he was thirteen years old. The
nun was said to have prophesied to the young Yang Jian that he was to restore Buddhism
as a powerful ruler. After becoming Sui Wendi in 581, Yang Jian repeatedly told his court
officials, "I rose thanks to the Buddha." In order to repay his debt to Buddhism and to the
"divine nun" in partiCUlar, Yang Jian distributed the relics and had a picture of the "Divine
Nun" inscribed within every pagoda.
For a meticulous study of this legend, see Tsukamoto Zenryii "Zui bukkyo-
shi josetsu - Zui Buntei tanjo setsuwa no bukkyoka to senpu"
C: E::ffJ, Tsukamoto Zenryii chosaku shU (Tokyo: Daito
shuppansha, 1974-76), vol. 3, pp. 131-43. I discuss its ideological implications in my
Monks and Monarchs, Kinship and Kingship: Tanqian in Sui Buddhism and Politics (Kyoto:
Italian School of East Asian Studies, forthcoming), Chapter Two.
17 Tanqian was a prominent figure in Sui Buddhism and politics, mainly because of his
important role in spreading Buddhist relics to over one hundred prefectures and in the con-
struction of the Chandingsi as a nation-wide meditation center. Both projects were
carried out at the beginning of the seventh century and during the last years of Sui Wendi.
Despite his importance, Tanqian has not received sufficient scholarly attention. I am now
publishing a book on Tanqian and his group (Chen Jinhua, Monks and Monarchs).
42 JINHUACHEN
d. ca. 610) and a Sui prince Yang Xiong mDt, (542-612), the Sui
"relic trio" was assisted by one hundred and seven teams, each com-
posed of one court offic.ial, one eminent monk and two of his attendants.
On the way from the capital to the provincial destinations, the relic-distrib-
utors busied themselves with collecting miraculous signs and conferring
the bodhisattva-precepts on people they met. After arriving in the pre-
fectures, a selles of complicated religious ceremonies were performed
both before and on the day of the reliquary enshrinement.
Despite their importance, the Renshou relic-distribution campaigns
have not yet received the scholarly attention that they deserve. Scholars
have generally interpreted them as an important ideological device that
Sui Wendi adopted to legitimate his rule on the one hand and on the other
to break down the racial and cultural barriers that existed in his re-uni-
fied empire
18
In my forthcoming study of Sui Buddhism, I try to read the
Renshou relic campaigns as an important measure on the part of Emperor
Wen to adopt Buddhism as the sole cornerstone of his state ideology,
which represented the first attempt by a ruler of a unified China to build
a Buddhist kingdom. Furthermore, I also highlight the religious and polit-
ical significance of these campaigns. In addition to serving the Sui polit-
ical ideology and propaganda (among which was an expansionist agenda),
the Renshou relic distributors also disseminated the Buddhist faith to the
majority of the Sui population!\).
Thus, given the timing of Li Min's Fantensi visit and especially his special
relationship with Emperor Wen, we cannot exclude the possibility that he went
to the Famensi not just in order to renovate the pagoda there, but also for
some more important mission, like escorting a relic there for enshrinement.
Not only was this temple closely related with the Sui rulers, but it also
maintained very special ties with the Tang rulers. We have noted that
Tuoba Yu (a.k.a. Li Yu) and Li Min, two figues crucial for the formation
18 Among the published studies of this important issue, that by Yamazaki Hiroshi
LlJi1fflf;a;:, re-published in his 1942 book, remains the most thorough; see Yamazaki, Shina
chusei bukkyo no tenkai (Tokyo: Shimizu shoten), pp. 331-46. The
only significant study of this topic in a western language was by Arthur Wright, "The
Fo=ation of Sui Ideology," in Chinese Thought and Institutions (ed. J. K. Fairbank, Chicago:
Chicago University Press, 1957), pp. 71-104. It was mainly based on Yamazaki's work.
19 See Chen Jinhua, Monks and Monarchs.
EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDIDST RELICS 43
and development of the Famensi reliquary cult, were from the Longxi Li
family, and therefore were perceived as kinsmen of the Tang rulers. It
turned out that the relationship between the Tang rulers and the Famensi
went far beyond this. It was under the order of Li Yuan that the A yuwangsi
was renamed Famensi in Yining 2 (1 Fenruary -17 June 618)2. One year
later, ill Wude 2 (21 January 619-8 February 620), Li Shimin $i:!t..;!;
(599-649), the future Taizong, decided to ordain about eighty monks in
order to gain merit to redeem the mental and spiritual damage caused in
the course of quelling the forces of Xue Ju M$ (d. 618). At the recom-
mendation of a Baochangsi monk Huiye (d. after 619, other-
wise unknown), these monks were assigned to the Famensi
21

In Zhenguan 5 (7 February 631-26 January 632), thirty years after Li
Min interred or re-interred the relic underneath the Famensi reliquary
20 Daoxuan attributes this temple-renaming to an unspecified Grand Counselor-in-chief
(Da Chengxiang *ZfSffi) (Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong iu, Tvol. 52, no. 2106, p. 406b23-
26). Chen Jingfu (Famensi, pp. 27-28) identifies this Grand Counselor-in-chief as Pei
Ji (ca. 568 - ca. 628). But I believe that he was actually Li Yuan *In* (566-635).
On 20 December 617 (Yining 1.11.17 Uiazi]), Sui Gongdi (r. 617-18) appointed Li Yuan
as his Grand Counselor-in-chief, a position he held until 18 June 618 (Yining 2.5.20 Uiazi]),
when he accepted Sui Gongdi's abdication and founded his own dynasty (Tang), introducing
a new reign-name Wude (17 June 618-22 January 627); see Jiu Tang shu 1: 4; Xin Tangshu
I: 5; Zizhi tongjian 184: 5765. Given that Daoxuan here explicitly dates the temple-renam-
ing to Yining 2, rather than Wude 1, I believe that it was still under the Sui and therefore that
the Grand Counselor-in-chief refers to Li Yuan, rather than Pei Ji. Furthermore, in Wude
I Pei Ji was only the Administrator of the Office of the Counselor-in-chief (Chengxiang[fu]
zhangshi see Jiu Tang shu 1: 6), rather than Counselor-in-chief himself.
21 Ji Shenzhou sanbao gantong iu, Tvol. 52, no. 2106, p. 406b26-29. Xue Ju (official
biographies at Jiu Tang shu 55: 2245-47; Xin Tang shu 86: 3705-07) was one of the war-
lords who emerged out of the social turmoil following the collapse of the Sui. He was a
chief rival of Li Yuan in competing for supreme power in the vacuum left by the para-
lyzed Sui order. After being defeated by Li Shirnin in Fufeng (in present-day Fufeng,
Shaanxi), where the Famensi was located, on 18 January 618 (Yining 1.12.17 [guisi]) (Jiu
Tang shu 1: 5), Xu Ju died on 4 September 618 and was succeeded by his son Xue Ren-
gao 1!t:* (d. 619), who was defeated and captured by Li Shirnin on 31 December 619
(Wude 2.8.10 [renwu]) (Jiu Tang shu 1: 8). Given that this victory over Xue Rengao was
not achieved until the very last day of 619, the ordination of these eighty monks, which
happened after this victory, must have occurred in 620. A document included in Daoxuan's
664 Guang Hongming ji (Expansion of the Hongming ji [Collection for
Glorifying and Elucidating [Buddhism]) (initially completed 664), the "Tang Taizong yu
xingzhen-suo li qisi zhao" (Tang Taizong's Edict of Ordering the
Construction of Seven Temples on the [Seven] Battlefields; Tvol. 52, no. 2103, p. 328c12-
329a6), mentions the Zhaorensi as the temple built in Binzhou IIIMI'I (in present-day
44 JINHUACHEN
pagoda, the Qizhou $Z1N governor Zhang Liang (d. 646), who was
a long-standing Buddhist believer, had the relic exhumed from the pagoda
'Illd showed it to the public for worship for some time before putting it
back into the pagoda and having it safely sealed
22
. He did this in accor-
dance with an old belief that to open a pagoda every three decades would
bring forth a number of beneficial results
23

In the ninth month of Xianqing 4 (22 September - 22 October 659),
as the time to re-open the Famensi pagoda approached (it was to fall in
660), two "mountain monks" (shanseng with unidentified temple-
affiliation, Zhicong (d. after 662) and Hongjing iU.D (d. after 662),
who were then serving at the palace thanks to their "talent with spells"
(zhoushu %1iItr), probably referring to some Esoteric skills related to
dharaJ)zs, tried to persuade Gaozong to re-open the Famensi pagoda on
the grounds of this tradition. At the outset, Gaozong was not entirely con-
vinced of the alleged miracles related to the pagoda. He reluctantly
allowed the two monks to try, insisting that the pagoda was not to be
opened unless and until some miraculous signs emerged from it. The two
monks then started a seven-day observance of praying in front of the
pagoda. On the fourth day, that is, 30 October 659 (Xianqing 4.10.10),
the eagerly expected miracles emerged: a relic, along with seven smaller
Binxian Shaanxi) for the memory of people killed in the campaign against Xue Iu.
This was apparently not identical with what Daoxuan tells us here about the eighty monks
housed at the Famensi. This means that even before coming to throne Li Shimin had
already adopted some measures to alleviate the social and political trauma caused by the
military activities against Xue Iu and his successor.
22 The "Wuyouwangsi baota ming" has Zhang Deliang rather than Zhang
Liang, as the person who orchestrated this relic veneration (Quan Tang wen 516.9a9, Shike
shiliao :anbian 1.3.1668b15). This is probably wrong, given that no such a person is known
to have served as governor of Qizhou at the time, while, on the contrary, Zhang Liang's
two dynastic biographies confirm his governorship of Bin I!Ill (i.e. Qizhou) around Zhen-
guan 5 (liu Tang Shu 69: 2515; Xin Tang Shu 94: 3828). Zhang Liang was executed
in 646 on charges of treason. Daoxuan reports his associations with two eminent monks,
Zhihui (560-638, a disciple of Jingying Huiyuan [523-92]) and the Vinaya
Master Iinglin (565-640); see these two monks' biographies in the Xu gaoseng
zhuan !ti\l!i{!W{$ (A Continuation of Biographies of Eminent Monks; initially completed
by Daoxuan in 645), Tvo!. 50, no. 2060, p. 541cl7, 590c12.
23 Daoxuan confirms that this reliquary exposition did bring forth various miracles
and profuse religious passion on the part of local people (Ii Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu,
T vol. 52, no. 2106, p. 406c11-23).
ones, appeared. Placed on a tray, the relic rotated alone, with the remaining
seven emitting rays of light. After lea:rnillg of this exciting news, Gaozong
swiftly granted the two monks permission to open the pagoda.
With high expectations of miraculous signs, Gaozong sent an envoy to
the spot with three thousand bolts of silk, which were to defray the cost
of making an Asoka statue the size of the emperor himself, and for the
renovation of the pagoda. After the relic was exhumed from underneath
the pagoda, the masses reacted to it with frenzy. It was said that the road
connecting the temple and the capital, which was as long as two hundred
Ii, was lined continuously by both Buddhist monks and lay-people. They
passionately praised the virtues of the Buddha, and an unprecedented
radiance emanated from the relic.
Sometime in the third month of Xianqing 5 (16 April- 14 May 660),
an imperial decree ordered that the relic be moved to the imperial palace
in Luoyang for veneration. At the same time, a Tang envoy to India, Wang
Xuance (active 646-661), submitted to the court a relic secured
in Kapisl, which was believed to have been a portion of the Buddha's
skull-bone (dinggu JJlit)24. At the time, seven monks in the Western Cap-
ital Chang'an were summoned into the inner palace in Luoyang to prac-
tice Buddhist observance (xingdao ffm), during which the skull-bone
and the Famensi relic were shown to them. After this brief display, the
relics were taken back and jealously guarded in the inner palace. Empress
24 About the submission of this skull-bone, the Taish6 version of the Ji Shenzhou
sanbao gantong lu tells us the following: IffmlXitf911IIl:1t3'Dii:gffi (T vol. 52, no. 2106,
p. 407bll-12). On the basis of this, Huang Chi-chiang (Huang Qijiang) has iden-
tified the contributor of the relic as Zhou You. See Huang Chi-chiang, "Consecrating the
Buddha: Legend, Lore, and History of the Imperial Relic-Veneration Ritual in the T'ang
Dynasty," in Chung-hwa Buddhist Journal 11 (1998), p. 506 (Huang gives the Chinese
characters for Chou Yu [Zhou You] as mil!! [Zhou You]). However, referring to the Fayuan
zhulin, we find the following report: (T vol. 53, no. 2122,
p. 586c29-586al). Thus, it seems that zhouyou mx in the Taish5 version of the Ji Shenzhou
sanbao gantong lu is a mistake for xiyou you It is therefore difficult to take Zhou
You as a name. Furthermore, the same Fayuan zhulin reports the arrival of a skull-bone
relic in the spring of Longshuo 1 thanks to Wang Xuance (T vol. 53, no. 2122, p. 497c28-
498a2), a fact which is also repeated by the Song Tiantai historian Zhipan (d. after
1269) in his f!!Il1.1.lIt;#.i'l (A General Record of the Buddha and Other Patriarchs; compiled
between 1258 and 1269; see TvoL 49, no. 2035, p. 367c2). Obviously, the skull-bone that
was put on display with the Famensi relic was exactly the skull-bone brought back by
Wang Xuance.
46 JINHUACHEN
Wu made many donations, including her own bed-covj:!rs and bed-curtains
in addition to one thousand bolts of silk, sufficient to cover the cost of
making gold and silver reliquaries for the relic
25
. These reliquaries, nine
in total, were designed in such a way that one could be put inside the other.
The reliquaries were carved with extremely beautiful colors and designs.
On 10 March 662 (Longshuo 2.2.15), almost two years after it had
been worshipped within the palace, the relic was returned to the Famensi,
where it was sealed into an underground stone chamber underneath the
pagoda. The relic was escorted by Daoxuan, Zhicong, Rongjing and other
monks from the capital monasteries or the Famensi, accompanied by some
court officials and thousands of attendants
26
It is interesting to note that
sometime in Longshuo 3 (15 March 662 - 12 April 663) Relan Minzhi
(a.k.a. Wu Minzhi :IE:;fij,I(L, d. ca. 670), a nephew of Empress
Wu, wrote an inscription for the Famensi pagoda (he also executed the
calligraphy for the inscription). As this happened a mere one year after
the Famensi relic was moved back to its home-temple, the inscription
must have been written as an afterthought to this relic-manoeuvering by
Gaozong and Empress WU
27

25 One embroidered skirt (xiuqun ilfll) possessed by Empress Wu is among the sur-
viving textiles that was excavated in 1987 from the Famensi underground chamber, where
the Buddha's finger-bone was interred. See Wu Limin and Han Jinke
Famell digong Tang mi mantuoluo zhi yanjiu (Hongkong:
Zhongguo fojiao youxiangongsi, 1998), p. 459; Fomen mibao: Da Tang yizhen :
(Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1994), p. 95; Kegasawa Yasunori, "Homonji shut-
sudo no Todai bunbutsu to sono haike" in Chugoku
no chUsei bunbutsu CPt2lCPi!t(J)c.lJ (ed. Tonami Mamoru Ji1M111i, Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku
Jimbun kagaku kenkyusho, 1993), p. 595.
26 Daoxuan himself refrained from mentioning his own involvement in this imperial mis-
sion. It is from one of his biographies that we know his role; see Song gaoseng zhuan
(Lives of Eminent Monks, [Compiled] in the Song; by Zanning [919-1001]
in 988), T vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 790c24. This is repeated by Zhipan (see Fozu tongji, T
vol. 49, no. 2035, p. 367b16-17).
27 The inscription itself is not extant, only with its title, "Tang Qizhou Famensi sheli-
ta ming" 1llf1ifR1+1$ (Epitaph for the Pagoda at the Famensi in Qizhou of the
Tang), recorded in the linshi lu (Record of Inscriptions on the Metal and Stone;
published 1119-25); see Shike shiliao xinbian I.12.8819. Helan Minzhi was an accom-
plished author of prose, associated with a number of contemporary literati, including Li
Shan *'1!f (630?-689), the author of the commentary on the Wenxuan and his son
Li Yang *I:M (678-747), and Zhang Changling (d. 666). He was believed to have
attempted to assault sexually his cousin Princess Taiping :;t3fZ (d. 713), Empress Wu's
Given that starting from 656, Gaozonghad suffered from some severe
health problems, which left him temporarily paralyzed and with impaired
vision, it seems 'reasonable to assume that the Famensi relic appeared so
attractive to him (and his wife Empress Wu) because of its alleged thera-
peutic power
8
In addition, we need also recognize that the relic veneration
of 659-662 was a natural continuation of the relic-worshipping activity
executed thirty years ago by a relative of Sui Wendi and a kinsman of the
Tang rulers (Li Min). It established the precedent of bringing the Famensi
relic to the imperial palace for worship. In this sense, Gaozong and
Empress Wu can be taken as the initiators of the imperial veneration of
the Famensi relic, which was to play increasingly important roles in Tang
political and religious life. Since it was begun by Gaozong and Empress
Wu at the end of the 650s, the practice of bringing the Famensi relic
to the palace was repeated five times in total during the Tang dynasty:
(1) 705, (2) 756, (3) 790, (4) 819 and (5) 873, by Empress Wu, Suzong
(r. 756-62), Dezong (r. 779-805), Xianzong (r. 805-820), and Yizong
(r. 859-73) respectively. Partly because of Han Yu's ~ ~ (768-824) strongly
worded protest, the relic veneration sponsored by Xianzong became the
most famous of its kind. But we need to note that Empress Wu alone was
responsible for two of these six relic-worshipping activities
29
.
daughter, and even more startling, to have had incestuous relationship with his own mater-
nal grandmother Madam Rongguo, Empress Wu's mother. See Wu Chengshi's JlR;;ijl:n!itJ
(d. ca. 697) biography in the Jiu Tang shu: 183: 4728; Empress Wu's Xin Tang shu biog-
raphy (76: 3476); Wu Shihuo's Xin Tang shu biography (206: 5836).
28 According to the two Tang histories (Jiu Tang shu 6: 115, Xin Tang shu 4: 81),
these health problems started to affect Gaozong from the beginning of the Xianqing reign-
era (7 June 656-4 April 661). Cf. Zizhi tongjian 200: 6322, which does not clearly tell us
when Gaozong became seriously ill, but roughly says that it happened "before" (chu W)
(that is, before the tenth month of Xianqing 5 [8 November - 7 December 660]). Thus,
it seems that Denis C. Twitchett and Howard J. Wechsler were mistaken when they
dated the start of Gaozong's health problem to the tenth month of Xianqing 5. See Denis
C. Twitchett and Howard J. Wechsler, "Kao-tsung and the Empress Wu: The Inheritor and
the Usurper," Cambridge History of China (ed. Denis C. Twitchett; Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1979), Vol. 3.1, p. 255.
For a stimulating analysis of the possible therapeutic considerations underlying the 659-
62 Famensi relic veneration, see Tansen Sen, Buddhism, Trade, and Diplomacy in the
Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
forthcoming), Chapter Two.
29 The most thorough study of the history of the Famensi, and the veneration center-
ing around the Buddhist relic stored at the temple, remains Chen Jingfu's book, Famensi.
48 lINHUACHEN
Depicting Gaozong as the central figure of this drania, Daoxuan
here seems to have attributed a secondary role to Empress Wu. However,
the clout that Empress Wu had already achieved within the imperial court
by that time suggests that she might have played a much more important
part. Entering the Xianqing reign-era (7 June 656 - 4 April 661), Empress
Wu started to take over more and more power from the hands of her hus-
band emperor, whose deteriorating health prevented him from actively
attending to state affairs. Both Confucian historians and modern scholars
believe that by the end of 660, the empress had become the ruler of the
empire in fact if not in name It is important to note that
this happened only seven months after the relic was brought to the palace
from the Famensi. Was the political success that Empress enjoyed at that
time purely coincidential with the veneration of the Famensi relic, or was
there some intrinsic connections between them? Very little can be said
for certain at this moment about this intriguing possibility, although it is
significant that about one and half decades later, when Empress Wu
reached another crucial point in her political career, she once again demon-
strated to the public her interest in the" divine relics."
(II) The "Discovery" of the Guangzhai Relics in 677 and Their Distribu-
tion in 678
. .i
In Yifeng 2 (8 February 677-27 January 678), a soothsayer, whose name
is not revealed in any source, claimed to have noticed an extraordinary
Stanley Weinstein examines this religious phenomenon against the broad context of Tang
Buddhism in his Buddhism under the T'ang (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1987), p. 37,46,58,96, pp. 102-04. Kegasawa, "Homonji shutsudo no Todai bunbutsu to
sono haike," surveys the major cultural relics excavated in 1987 from underneath the
Famensi reliquary pagoda. A more selective report (with splendid illustrations) of some
major Buddhist art work found at the Famensi can be found in Yang Xiaoneng (ed.), The
Golden Age of Chinese Archaeology: Celebrated Discoveries from the People's Republic
of China (Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 462-87. Huang
Qijiang recently made a significant contribution to the study of the Sui-Tang relic vener-
ation (including the relic at the Famensi) (see his 1998 article quoted above). Wu Limin
and Han linke's book (Famensi digong) studies the reliquary crypt underneath the Famensi
pagoas as a great mm:uj,ala. Empress Wu's veneration of the Famensi relic in 705 will be
discussed in Section IV.
30 Zizhi tongjian 200: 6322. Twitchett and Wechsler, "Kao-tsung (reign 649-83) and
the Empress Wu," p. 255.
aura in the Guangzhai Quarter 7tsE:f;J] of Chang'an. Following his advice,
Gaozong (and/or Empress Wu) ordered that an excavation be undertaken
in that quarter. As a result, a stone coffer was found. This coffer contained
over ten thousand grains of relics, which were shining and bright in color,
but also as hard as iron. The empress therefore ordered the cons'truction
of the Guangzhaisi in that place
31
. Subsequently, the relics were
distributed to the monasteries in the two capitals and all the prefectures
and "superior prefectures" (ju 1&) in the country, each of them receiving
forty-nine grains of relic. Later on, Empress Wu further built a "Tower of
'Seven Precious Materials'" (Qibaotai tWit) there and the Guangzhaisi
was accordingly renamed Qibaotaisi
31 Regarding the location of the Guangzhai quarter and the Guangzhaisi, Song Minqiu
*!iif1>1< (1019-79) tells us the following in his Chang 'an zhi :RR;E; (Account of Chang' an):
"The Guangzhai Quarter was originally part of the Yishan Quarter from which
it was separated when, following the construction of the Darning Palace :k1j,Ej'8L the
Danfengmen Road was opened ... To the north of the horizontal road there
is the Guangzhaisi." See Hiraoka Takeo compiled, T6dai kenkyu no shiori
VI'" IJ (T'ang Civilization Reference Series, Kyoto: Kyoto Daigaku Jirnbun
kagaku kenkyilsho, 1954-65, 12 vols.), vol. 6, p. 104; translations by Forte (Political Pro-
paganda, p. 202, note. 112), with slight modifications.
32 Here I have followed Antonino Forte in understanding tai as "tower," rather
than "terrace," which is another connontation of tai in Literary Chinese. See Forte, Ming-
tang, p. 19, note 31. "Qibao" (Skt. sapta-ratna, seven treasures) is a common term in
Buddhism; see Nakamura Hajirne $;ff5t; (ed.), Bukkyogo daijiten (Tokyo:
Tokyo shoseki, 1981), p 587. However, it remains noteworthy that it is in a box of seven
precious materials (qibaoxiang that the Sui Wendi was said to have stored the
thirty grains of relics before distributing them in 601. See Guang Hongming ji, T vol. 52,
no. 2103, p. 213c16; Chen Jinhua, Monks and Monarchs, Chapter Two. This "tower" was
so named probably because it was decorated by the seven kinds of precious materials
known in Buddhism. In addition, on some occasions Empress Wu understood the "seven'
precious materials" in a different way. On 13 October 693 (Changshou 2.9.9 [yiwei]), at
the Wanxiang shengong (Divine Shrine of Ten Thousand Phenomena; that is,
the mingtang ij,EJ: [Hall of Light] complex) where the empress "received" her cakravartin
title, she had seven precious materials made, which, according to the Xin Tang shu (76:
3483) and the Zizhi tongjian (205: 6492), .consisted in (1) jinlun baa :&!lifBW, (2) baixiang
baa (3) nubao ftJf, (4) mabao (5) zhubao ll*Jf, (6) zhu bingchen bao
(7) zhu zangchen baa ::tiHa., which Forte (Political Propaganda, p. 142,
note 75) translates as (1) Golden Wheel, (2) White Elephant, (3) Maiden, (4) Horse,
(5) Pearl, (6) Minister Head of Military Affairs and (7) Minister Head of the Treasury.
It seems to me that zhu zangchen bao here probably referred to "Minister Head of the
Civil Affairs," in contrast to "Minister Head of Military Affairs." Here, Empress Wu was
obviously inspired by the legend promoted in some Buddhist texts, especially the Mile
50 JINHUACHEN
This summary of the discovery of the Guangzhai relics is mainly made
on the basis of the biography of Facheng 7!,R)G (a.k:a. Wang Shoushen
"<T'tA, active 685-701) in a Song dynasty anthology of Buddhist biog-
raphies and hagiographies
33
It reports Facheng's background and his
decision to become a Buddhist monk in this way:
, ;zt;:tt.:E ' , 0 Jii5'CJJgj\ , '
Z:il*.1!.l,{!W 0 , , 0
34
The Buddhist Monk Facheng's original surname was Wang and his per-
sonal name Shoushen. His political career culminated in the position of
Investigating Censor (jiancha yushi Suspicious [of her subjects],
the "Heavenly Empress"35 (i.e. Wu Zhao) at the time was credulous of the
huge number of cases that her "cruel officials" (kuli J9iIl:!iE) trumped up
[against the innocent]. In order to avoid the judicial position [that he was
holding at the time], [Wang Shoushen] asked the empress to allow him to
be a Buddhist monk. He was dedicated to ascetic practices and was dili-
gent in converting and guiding people. People followed him as closely as
an echo responds to the voice. His conduct was lofty and his personality
upright.
The biography also remarks that Facheng was lodged at the Guangzhaisi
(the Qibaotaisi), where he encouraged and persuaded people to believe in
Buddhism, and that Facheng was a strong promoter of social welfare at
the time. The same also attributes to him a remarkable feat:
xiasheng chengfo jing 5;1gfj""f ::Jjl(;{;jfHll! (Skt. MaitreyavyiikaralJa Sfttra? T no. 454), that the
Cakravartin king SaIikara possesses such seven precious materials (T vol. 14, no. 454,
p.424a21-24).
33 Song gaoseng zhuan, T vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 872c26-873a4: .!l.=: ' ,
0 .. 1l}ElID 0 lIDpgltT-Ml*liU;i;#,>& 0 . 0
0 ' 0 0 Similar
accounts can be found in Wang Pu's :E11iJ (922-82) Tang huiyao (Collection of
Essential Materials of the Tang; completed 961) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998, 48:
846) and the Chang'an zhi (Tang Civilization Reference Series, vol. 6, p. 104). Of the three
versions in these three sources, that in Facheng's biography contains richest detail,
especially about Empress Wu's distribution of the Guangzhaisi relics, which is found in
neither of the other two versions. The Chang'an zhi account is quoted, translated and
discussed in Forte, Political Propaganda, p. 202, footnote 112, although he does not refer
to the account in Facheng's Song gaoseng zhuan biography.
34 Tvol. 50, no. 2061, p. 872c18-20.
35 See below for the title of "Tianhou" 5'CJ (Heavenly Empress).
:R*i:jJ 'Mfa "wrtB" 0 '
fifT 0 rtBJ::-#Ilm;f.!l!;fJ , 0 , ' "sfF:1.i;riJ'
rtB 0" 036
During the Chang'an reign-era (26 November 701-29 January 705), he dug
a huge pit in the Western Market (xishi "ffiriJ) in the capital, calling it "Sea-like
Pond" (haici wrtB). He drew water from the Yongan Canal
3
? to fill this pit,
turning it into a pond for "releasing life"38. On the pond
39
there were a Buddha-
chamber and a Siitra-pavilion, both built by Facheng. In the process of digging
up the pit, [they] found an old stone-stele bearing this inscription, "After a hun-
dred years as a market, this place will become a pond." From the time when
that market was set up as the Sui dynasty built its [new] capital there
40
, it had
been exactly one hundred years to that time [when the pond was constructed].
Another source, Liu Su's (d.u.) Sui Tang jiahua (Beauti-
ful Anecdotes of the Sui and Tang;' compiled around the middle of the
eighth century), credits this project to another much more famous figure,
Princess Taiping, Empress Wu's daughter:
' lJf*alrz ' , 0 ..
*' 0"41
36 T vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 872c20-25. This story is also recorded in Wei Shu's
(d. 757) Liangjing xinji (New Records of the Two Capitals; completed 722), Xu
Song's (1781-1848) Tang liangjing Chengfang kao (Investigation of the
Walls and Quarters of the Two Tang Capitals [Chang'an and Luoyang]; published in 1848)
and Chang 'an zhi; see Tang Civilization Reference Series, no. 6, p. 189, pp. 49-50, p. 119.
The version of the Chang' an zhi contains less details than those in the other two sources,
which, mostly identical with each other, are, in turn, more brief than that in the Song
gaoseng zhuan biography.
37 According to the Tang liangjing chengfang kao (Tang Civilization Reference Series,
no. 6, p. 53), the Yongan canal was dug in Kaihuang 3 (29 February 583-16 February 584).
It was also known as Jiaoqu (Jiao Canal) at that time, as the water was drawn from
River Jiao :;Q:W.
38 Fangsheng zhi suo alr1:.Z,Pfi; that is, a pond into which people could release fish and
gain merit.
39 The Liangjing xinji and Tang liangjing chengfang kao have chishang i't!!J: (on the
pond) as chice i't!!OOJ (on the bank of the pond), which makes more sense; see Tang Civili-
zation Reference Series, no. 6, p. 189b3, p. 50a2.
40 The Liangjing xinji, Chang 'an zhi and the Tang liangjing chengfang kao (Tang Civi-
lization Reference Series, no. 6, p. 189, 119,49) identify the xishi gsriJ as liren-shi fUA $
(Market for People's Convenience). This is probably based on one record in Sui shu 24:
798: i1!i$afUk
41 Sui Tang jiahua (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), p. 46.
52 JINHUACHEN
In the Western Market of the Capital (i.e. Chang'an) Princess Taiping dug
a pond, into which was poured some water that had been retained [before-
hand]. With some creatures (fish) put into it, this pond was called "Pond for
[Releasing] life." A funeral epitaph [unearthed from there] read, "Cui
[turtle-shell] means shui * [water] and shi w [milfoil stalks] means shi rP
[marketplace]"42.
Four fangshengchi in Chang'an are reported in historical sources: first
in the Kaihua Quarter f7fHt;:I:jj, near the famous Da Jianfusi
second within the Chuguosi at the southwestern corner of the
Jinchang Quarter third in the northeastern corner of the Eastern
Market (Dongshi *iTi), and the fourth in the north of Western Market
(dug by Facheng)43. As only onefangshengchi is known to have existed
in the Western Market of Chang'an, the fangshangchi that Liu Su here
reports as constructed by Princess Taiping was very likely the fang-
shengchi that Facheng dug in the same marketplace according to the
Chang'an zhi and other sources. In addition, the "funeral epitaph" reported
in the Sui Tang liahua seems also compatible with the prophecy reported
in Facheng's Song gaoseng zhuan biography, implying as it does that a
plot of ground in a marketplace would be turned into a pond. Thus, regard-
ing this "pond for releasing life," the truth might have been that it was
done through the joint efforts of the two persons, with the princess as its
chief patroness and the monkJls the superintendent and architect.
Wang Shoushen's reputation as a world-renouncer was also great
enough to win him a biography, although rather brief, in the yinyi
(hermits) section in the liu Tang shu, which, in addition to confirming
42 Here the author of this epitaph apparently played with the two pairs of phonetically
close characters, gui .. (kuj) - shui *- (sur) and shi - shi rP See Edwin
George Pulleyblank, Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late
Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press,
1991), p. 114, 290, 282, 284. Furthermore, as gui ("turtle" or "turtle shell") and shi
("milioil stalk") indicate two chief divinatory methods in ancient and medieval China,
the six-character statement, gui yan shui shi yan shi, can also be read as, "When we divine
by turtle-shell, it will say 'water'; when we divine with milioil stalk, it will say 'market-
place.'" (James Benn, who called my attention to the story in the Sui Tang jiahua, also
kindly suggested this reading to me in his correspondence dated 6 March 2001).
43 Chang'an zhi, Tang Civilization Reference Series, vol. 6, p. 101, 108, 109, 119;
Michihata Ryoshii "Hojo to dan-nikushoku" in ChUgoku bukkyo-
shi (11 vols. Tokyo: Kabushiki gaisha shoen, 1985), vol. 3, p. 429.
what is said of the reason for his becoming a monk, provides more details
about him. According to this biography, he served as Investigating Cen-
sor during the Chuigong reign-era (9 February 685 - 26 January 689).
He quit his job because he could not tolerate the brutality of Empress
Wu's secret police, of which his uncle Zhang Zhimo (in capac-
ity of Vice Minister of Justice [qiuguan shilang .along with
Zhou Xing (?-691) and Lai Junchen *{3tg! (651-97), was a chief
leader. At the outset, Empress Wu was very surprised by Wang Shoushen's
desire for a monastic life. But later, when he explained to her his reasons
in an impassioned and persuasive way, the empress was allegedly moved
and bestowed on him the dharma-name Facheng
44
.
From the foregoing summary of his biographical sources (both monas-
tic and secular), we get the impression that Facheng (Wang Shoushen) was
closely related with Empress Wu. Not only had he been an important
member of EmpressWu' s secret police before renouncing his household
life, but he also maintained significant ties with Empress Wu after he
became a Buddhist monk, as is demonstrated by the fact that he and
Empress Wu's daughter worked together for the construction of a "Pond
for Releasing Life" in Chang'an.
Facheng's Song gaoseng zhuan biography is particularly interesting in
providing a piece of information not found in other sources about Empress
Wu's involvement in relic veneration; that is, after their "discovery" in
677, the Guangzhai relics were widely distributed throughout the whole
country. However, we have also to admit that this monastic biography of
Facheng also leaves too many problems unanswered. First and foremost,
it says nothing about why Empress Wu chose the Guangzhai Quarter as
the place to "discover" the relics? Secondly, it remains silent on when the
Guangzhai relics were distributed. Thirdly, it gives us no hint whasoever
about the purpose of this apparently rather significant and large-scale
44 See Wang Shoushen's biography at Jiu Tang shu 192: 5123. In addition, two notes
in the Jiu Tang shu (192: 5121; 50: 2142) tell us that Wang Shoushen was a native of
Puzhou (in present-day Yongji Shanxi) and that he had assisted Empress Wu
in reforming some legal codes.
Zhang Zhimo, a notorious "Cruel Official," is briefly mentioned at the end of the Xin
Tang shu biography of Zhang Zhijian i11H;a. (650?-730?), who was his older brother (Xin
Tang shu 100: 3948).
54 JINHUACHEN
politico-religious program centering around the Guangzhai relics. Fourthy,
it also avoids telling us what the Qibaotai was and when Empress Wu
ordered the construction of this "tower" within the Guangzhaisi. Finally,
it remains a mystery as to why such a "tower" was built although its impor-
tance was beyond question given that the monastery was renamed after
it. Given that the Qibaotai was constructed, as it will be revealed, toward
the end of Empress Wu's life, we will discuss the last two problems when
we tum to deal with Empress Wu's relic veneration in her late years
(Section IV). The rest of this section will be devoted to the first three
problems, which are of essential importance for our understanding of
Empress Wu's relic veneration and her Buddhist policies.
Regarding the location of the "discovery" of the Guangzhai relics, we
might propose the following two explanations. The name of this quarter
was obviously derived from the famous phrase,guangzhai tianxia
7'tfl:ixr ("[King Yao's intelligence was so great that] it filled and
stayed in the whole world") from one of the most respected Chinese clas-
sics
45
The "imperial" symbolism underlying this phrase must have been
rather attractive to Empress Wu at the time when she was relishing the
taste of supreme power. In addition, the following possibility is also worth
serious consideration. On 12 December 507 (Tianjian 6.12.23 [xuyin]),
Liang Wudi (r. 502-49) decree? that his old residence in Sanqian .=:..;fit
of Jinling (present-day Nanjing) be turned into a monastery named
Guangzhaisi
46
. Partly because of its ties with Liang Wudi, the Guang-
zhaisi became a very famous monastery in southern China. Major monks
known to have resided there include Fayun (467-529) and Zhiyi
(538-97). In Tianjian 7 (508) Fayun became the abbot of the Guang-
zhaisi (he was probably the first abbot of the Guangzhaisi given that its
45 Chapter "Yaodian" of the Shangshu . WIY3)i:JG( , :kEt72r; see
Gu Jiegang compiled, Shangshu tongjian (San Francisco: Chinese Mate-
rials Center, inc., 1978), p. 25.
46 See the "Guangzhaisi chaxia ming bing xu" (Inscription on the
Base of the Guangzhaisi, with a Preface; in the Guang Hongming ji, T vol. 52, no. 2103,
p. 212c3-28; that date is mentioned at p. 212c12-14). Although this inscription is anony-
mous as it is presented in the Guang Hongming ji, the author might have been Zhou Xingsi
mJl!!.i!I (d. 521), whose biographies report that Liang Wudi, in appreciation of his literary
talent, asked him to write an inscription for the Guangzhaisi; Liang shu (Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 1973) 49: 698; Nan shi!i5l':. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975) 72: 1780.
"establishment" was decreed only one year earlier)47. Allegedly, Zhiyi
decided to move to the monastery after the spirit of Liang Wudi appeared
in his dream and'invited him to do S048. Given that Liang Wudi could be
taken as a relative of Empress Wu in the sense that one of his fifth-gen-
eration granddaughters became the empress of Empress Wu's relative Sui
Yangdi (r. 604-17), that is, Empress Xiao (d. after 630)49, Empress
Wu's decision to base one of her fundamental politico-religious programs
on the Guangzhaisi probably can be read as her intention to link herself
with this prominent relative, also renowned for his devotion for Buddhism.
Let us then tum to the distribution of the Guangzhai relics, an issue of
considerable interest to us. Given that the Guangzhai relics were discov-
ered in 677 and that a document presented to the court on 16 August 690
referred to their discovery and subsequent distribution
50
, we at least know
that the relics must have been distributed between these two dates. Is there
any way for us to narrow down this time-frame? The fact that the relics
were apparently deliberately buried underground to be "discovered"
before they were used to serve some political purposes might encourage
us to assume that they were distributed not too long after their "discov-
ery" in 677. However, other considerations would make it appear more
likely that the relics were distributed in or shortly before October 690.
In the late 670s Empress Wu had still to content herself with wielding
supreme power through her husband-emperor. This might lead one to
assume that she was then probably not so keen on launching such a large-
scale and complicated politico-religious project of distributing Buddhist
relics allover the country. On the country, she must have been much more
47 See Fayun's Xu gaoseng zhuan biography at Tvol. 50, no. 2060, p. 464b4-5.
48 The Sui Tiantai Zhizhe dashi biezhuan (Separate Biography
for Great Master Zhizhe of Mount Tiantai of the Sui; by Guanding i'iJ1l [561-632] ca. 605),
T vol. 50, no. 2050, p. 194b17-19; Zhiyi's Xu gaoseng zhuan biography at T no. 50,
no. 2060,p. 565c26-28.
49 See her official biography at Sui shu 36: 1111-13. She was a fIfth-generation descen-
dant of Liang Wudi: her father Mingdi of the Later Liang (r. 562-85), was a grandson of
Liang Wudi (Xin Tang shu 71: 2281). Arthur Wright briefly discusses this woman, espe-
cially her influence on Yangdi, in his The Sui Dynasty [New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1978], p. '158. See Section (VI) for the details of the kinship relationship between Empress
Wu and Sui Wendi (and therefor his son Yangdi).
50 See Section III for this document, which was a commentary on the Dayunjing.
56 JINHUACHEN
interested in such a project on the eve or in the of her usurpation,
which was officially committed on 16 October 690. This assumption
seems also supported by the following fact. We already noted a time-
honored belief surrounding the veneration ofthe Famensi relic: the open-
ing of the Famensi relic every three decades was thought to brillg numer-
ous benefits. We also know that the Famensi relic was sent back and
re-sealed in the pagoda in 662, which means that the next opening was
due in 691, exactly one year after the establishment of the Great Zhou.
On the other hand, there is no evidence whatsoever that the Famensi relic
was opened in that year or one year later. Thus, it may strike us as par-
ticularly strange that such a shrewd politician as Empress Wu, who was
then badly in need of political legitimation, let such a valuable opportu-
nity slip by so easily51. This strange phenomenon could be explained if
we assume that the empress had just executed a large-scale relic-distri-
bution campaign one year earlier, which might have rendered the Famensi
relic much less attractive to her. This might encourage the assumption that
the Guangzhai relics were distributed around 16 October 690, when
Empress Wu officialy founded her dynasty.
Thus, it seems that the factors for assuming a 690 distribution coun-
terbalance that for a date of 677. Which assumption is more plausible?
Fortunately, an inscription which was written on the occasion of cele-
brating the enshrinement of a"'portion of the Guangzhai relics establishes
beyond any doubt that the relics were distributed in 678, one year after
they were "discovered."
The inscription in question is entitled "Da Tang Shengdi gan sheli zhi
ming" (Inscription for the Relics Acquired through
..... the Stimuli on the Part of the Sagely Emperor of the Great Tang [Gao-
zong])52. It states that when some relics mysteriously appeared in the
51 One might assume that the failure on the part of Empress Wu to open the Famensi
pagoda in 691 or 692 might be due to the temple's close association with the Tang rulers,
not with her own newly established Zhou dynasty. See Sen, Buddhism, Trade, and Diplo-
macy, Chapter Two. However, as is noted in Section I, the temple was actually also very
closely related to the Sui rulers, Empress Wu's relatives. Empress Wu's puzzling attitude
towards this seemingly highly rewarding opportunity in 691 remains unsolved.
52 The epitaph bearing this inscription measures one chi eight cun in height (60.3 cm)
and one chi and six cun (53.4 cm) in width. The inscription was written in twenty-one lines
(each line twenty-three characters). The text was written by Zhang Yi (otherwise
"Divine Capital" (Shenjing ;f$J.R, Chang'ari), the Acting Prefect of Luzhou
(in Changzhi Shanxi) Heba Zheng (d. after
678)53

0 .fi1lfi.fi{l1l' ::lH
received the [August] grace by accepting the relics in the presence [of His
Majesty]. [He then] returned [to Luzhou], with the relics [reverently] placed
on the crown of his head. Totalling forty-nine in number, these relics were
green and white in color. They revolved within the [reliquary] coffer and [the
reflection of their radiance] make them look as if they were floating within
the [reliquary] vase. Shining brightly, they contain [more] brilliance [inside].
When they were separated, they looked like individual pearls, which emanated
a radiance comparable with that of the sun and moon. When they were put
together, they look like assembled rice, each assuming the shape of heavens
and earth. By taking even one look at them or even hearing one word about
them, people would have their "three types of karma" (sanye purified
forever. By gazing at and worshipping them, people would get rid of the "six
types of impurities" (liuchen 1\Jl!i[) once and for all
55
.
unknown), a Scholar (xueshi in the prefecture (Luzhou) and Dai Anle
(otherwise unknown), Vice Prefect (sima of Luzhou executed the calligraphy for it.
It was written in regular script (zhengshu lEi!). Hu Pinzhi (d. after 1901) reports
that the epitaph was then preserved at the Guanzhuangsi in Sub-prefecture Changzhi
(in present-day Changzhi, Shanxi). See Shanyou shike congbian
(Collection of the Stone Inscriptions in the Area Right to the Mountain [of Taihang ;.tff]
(i.e. Shanxi]; completed 1901), Shike shiliao xinbian I.20.15012a17, al3, b16.
53 For Heba as a family name, see Wei shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974) 113:
3009, which also notes that the name was later known as He {iiJ. Neither of the two dynas-
tic histories grants a biography to Heba Zheng. The inscription identifies him as a Grand
Master for Thorough Counsel (Tongyi dafu who was commissioned, with
extraordinary powers (shi chijie "ile::f.!filP), to be in charge of the military affairs (iilf,,![:!J)
in Luzhou, Acting (shou 'U') Prefect (Cishi iliUilE) of Luzhou, and Senior Commandant-
in-chief of Cavalry (Shang qi duwei Tongyi dafu was a prestige title (sanguan
1i'll:1i') for civil officials of rank 4a; see Charles Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in
Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), p. 555.
54 "Da Tang Shengdi gan sheli zhi ming," in Shanyou shike congbian, Shike shiliao
xinbian I.20.15012b5-8.
55 Sanye here indicates three kinds of bad karmas related to human acts, words and thoughts.
The liuchen refer to the six organs (eyes, eras, nose, tongue, body, and consciousness) and
their correspondent objects (sight, sound, smell, taste, touch and idea).
58 JINHUACHEN
The inscription continues by telling us that on Yifeng 3.4.8 (4 May 678),
the Buddha's birthday, the forty-nine relics were enshrined under the old
pagoda at the Fanjingsi in Luzhou. Obviously, these forty-nine
relics were the portion allotted to Luzhou from the over ten thousand
relics discovered in the quarter of Guangzhai one year earlier. From
Facheng's biography we know that the relics were distributed to all the
prefectures and the two capitals, each of them receiving forty-nine relics.
Therefore, like Luzhou, other prefectures also received their reliquary
allotment in the same year. Given that in Luzhou, the relics were enshrined
on a very special day for Buddhists (that is, the Buddha's birthday), it is
very likely that the relics were also enshrined on the same day in other
prefectures. This echoed the practice of the Renshou relic-distribution
campaigns,.,the last two of which were also executed simultaneously
allover the country on the Buddha's birthday in the years 602 and 604,
although during the first in 601 the relics were enshrined at the noon of
the fifteenth day of the tenth month, which happened to be, interestingly,
the last of the "Three Primary Days" (sanyuan ':::':7[;) in Taoism
56
.
Furthermore, it is important to note that the Fanjingsi was one of the
one hundred and seven monasteries which were chosen during the Renshou
reign-era to enshrine the relics. The team escorting the relic from the cap-
ital to the Fanjingsi was led by the monk Daoduan mJ}ffif (d. after 602), who
was then affiliated with the capital monastery Renfasi but who was
originally a native of Luzhou
57
. Thus, it turned out that the forty-nine
Guangzhai relics assigned to Luzhou were enshrined under the pagoda built
in 602 on the occasion of the second Renshou relic-distribution campaign58.
56 Chen Iinhua, Monks and Monarchs, Chapter Two. Eugene Y. Wang discusses the
possible purpose of choosing the last of the three Taoist "Primary Days" to execute the
first nation-wide relic enshrinement during the Renshou reign-era; see his "Of the True
Body: The Buddha's Relics and Corporeal Transformation in Sui-Tang China," in Body
and Face in Chinese Visual Culture (eds. Wu Hung and Katherine Mino, Cambridge: Har-
vard University Press, forthcoming).
57 Xu gaoseng zhuan, T vol. 50, no. 2060, p. 669b23-c3; cf. Guang Hongming ji, T
vol. 52, no. 2103, p. 2l9c14; Ii Shenzhou sanbao gantong lu, T vol. 52, no. 2106,
p. 412c14; Yamazaki Hiroshi Shina chUsei bukkyo no tenkai
(Tokyo: Shimizu shoten, 1942), p. 334.
58 Quoting from the Tongzhi jji;E;, which probably referred to the Luzhou tongzhi
$11{'ljji;E;, Hu Pinzhi (Shanyou shike congbian, Shike shiliao xinbian I.20.15012b-15013a)
reports the following story of how the relics and the inscription were found. Located in
'EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 59
Finally, let us briefly remark on the possible purposes of the Guangzhai
relic-distribution campaign. In order to do so, we need to consider Empress
Wu's political situation at the time. The 670s witnessed a new apogee of
political power reached by the empress. The following are just a few
important landmarks that warrant particular attention.
On 20 September 674 (Xianheng 5.8.15 [renchen]), Gaozong bestowed
the title Tianhuang xlii! (Heavenly Emperor) on himself and his empress
Wu Zhao accordingly became the Tianhou xFo (Heavenly Empress).
The Song dynasty historian Sima Guang (1019-86) believes that
this political move, through which the empress appropriated this unprece-
dented honorific title, was actually planned by the empress herself
59
Sima
Guang's suspicion seems well founded given that since 664, the empress
and the emperor had been called "Two Sages" (ersheng
..t4ij1l/.JJl:' 0 , -WWJigz 0 'il!ii&$CP' 0

the northeast of Changzhi the Fanjingsi was built in the Sui. During the Wanli reign-
era (1573-1620), when the Fanjingsi and the pagoda therein had fallen into ruins for long,
some local residents found the relics and the epitaph when they dug into the ground. Prince
of Shending Zhu Chengyao (d. after 1584), built a pagoda at the east of the
Zhaojuesi for the relics and the epitaph, which he buried together (for Zhu Chenyao
see his biographical note at Ming shi [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974] 118: 3606).
Later the Zhaojuesi and pagoda collapsed and the place became cropland. When the plot
of cropland was excavated during the Tongzhi reign-era (1862-74), a stone coffer was
found. However, it was buried so deep and it was so hard to open that the locals did not
know what was inside. Hearing of this, the prefect ordered to bury it again. In the yimao
year of the Guanxu reign-era (i.e. 1879), some compilers of the gazetteers opened the cof-
fer and obtained four epitaphs. Two of them were incised pictures of monks, without
inscription, while the other two were a Sui inscription and Dai Anle's inscription. All
these epitaphs were then placed at the Guanzhuangsi at the east of the walled-city. The Sui
inscription was very likely the one written when the relic were enshrined there in 602.
For this inscription, see Shanyou shike congbian, Shike shiliao xinbian I.20.14990a-b.
Right after recording the Sui inscription, Hu Pinzhi confirms that it was indeed along with
Dai Anle's inscription that this Sui inscription was unearthed (Shanyou shike congbian,
Shike shiliao xinbian I.20.14990b). As I showed elsewhere, in 602, all the inscription
erected for the purpose follow an identical format that was laid out by the central gov-
ernment beforehand. For several examples of this kind of inscription, see Chen Jinhua,
Monks and Monarchs, Chapter Two.
59 Jiu Tang shu 5: 99, Xin Tang shu 3: 71, Zizhi tongjian 202: 6372-73. On the same
day was introduced a new reign name Shangyuan ..1::7[;, which lasted for about twenty-seven
months (20 September 674-18 December 676).
60 JINHUACHEN
From this event onwards, whenever the emperor attended to business, the
empress then hung a curtain [and listened] from beIllnd it. There was no
matter of government, great or small, which she did not hear. The whole
power of the empire"passed into her hands; reward and punishment, life
and death, she decided. The emperor just folded his hands an9. that is all.
In court and country, they were called the "Two Sages"60.
The title of "Heavenly Empress". was obviously a further measure on
the part of the empress to solidify her status as a "co-emperor" of China
61

It is also remarkable that in the third month of the next year (1-30 April
675) Gaozong, officially because of his deteriorating health (although
more likely under the pressure of the empress), offered the regency to
her. She would have taken it but for the strong remonstrance of a court
official
62
One month later, on 1 May 675 (Shangyuan 2.4.1 [yihai]), Heir
Apparent Li Hong 2f.5.f. (652-75), the second son of Gaozong and Empress
Wu, who was then starting to pose a potential threat to Empress Wu,
mysteriously died. Contemporaries generally suspected that he was
actually poisoned by his mother
63
Evidence also shows Empress Wu's
effort to constitute a "shadow cabinet" with some ambitious literati loyal
to her (the so-called "Scholars of the Northern Gate" [Beimen xueshi
through which she was able to manipulate the government
to her own ends
64

It might be going too farto suggest that Empress Wu was already
seriously plotting usurpation in the 670s. However, the extraordinary
(if not abnormal) power structure that she and her supporters had man-
aged to create and maintain at the time did require some sort of legiti-
mation. At least some of the implications of the series of politico-religious
60 Zizhi tongjian 201: 6343. Translations by Guisso, Wu Tse-t'ien, p. 20; with slight
modifications.
61 It is interesting to note that this relationship between empress Wu and her husband
was obviously modeled on that between Sui Wendi and his formidable empress Dugu
(553-602) (posthumously known as Wenxian )i:Jlt), who were also called "Two
Sages" by their Sui subjects (Sui shu 36: 1108).
62 Zizhi tongjian 202: 6375-76.
63 Zizhi tongjian 202: 6377. Some scholars have tried to discredit this suspicion; see,
for example, Guisso, Wu Tse-t'ien, p. 23.
64 Zizhi tongjian 202: 6376; Twitchett and Wechsler, "Kao-tsung and the Empress
Wu," p. 263.
campaigns related to the "discovery" and distribution of the Guangzhai
relics are to be understood against this political background. We need
also note that some aspects of this enormous ideological project demon-
strated a close relationship between Empress Wuand Sui Wendi in the
relic veneration. We have reasons to suspect that at least some, if not most,
of the Guangzhai relics distributed to the prefectures allover the country
were enshrined in the pagodas constructed during the three Renshou relic-
distribution campaigns, like the pagoda at the Fanjingsi. Empress Wu's
reliance on her Sui relative in the matter of relic veneration will become
clearer as we proceed to examine her engagement with the "sacred bones"
in later periods of her life.
(III) Empress Wu's Relic Veneration in the Early Period of Her Reign
(690-694)
Although the Guangzhai relics were distributed as early as 678, the
implications of this campaign extended far beyond the 670s. It took a
dozen of years or so for Empress Wu and her ideologues to re-capitalize
on the ideological value of this campaign. On 16 August 690, ten Buddhist
monks of "Great Virtue" (Skt. bhadanta) (shi dade headed by
Huaiyi (var. Xue Huaiyi d. 695), who was believed to be
Empress Wu's lover and who himself was recognized as such a bhadanta-
monk, presented to the court an important document, which was cast in
form of a commentary on the Dayun jing (i.e. Dafangdeng wuxiang
jing (Skt. Mahiimegha sidra) (The Sutra of Great Clouds)65.
Entitled "Dayun jing Shenhuang shouji yishu"
(Commentary on the Meaning of the Prophecy about the Divine Emperor
[i.e. Wuzhao] in the Dayunjing), this document represented a major meas-
ure preparatory to the "usurpation" of the empress. Remarkably for us,
it stresses both the "discovery" of the Guangzhai relics and their distri-
bution:
65 Jiu Tang shu 4: 121, Xin Tang shu 4: 90, Zizhi tongjian 204: 6466; Forte, Political
Propaganda, pp. 4-7.
62 JINHUACHEN
' 0 PJ:JIG!'6:!11$)ifit!J'%l'U ' ' rttJilIJ
0 Wi'7Yf1EitJ..:1JPJi',;1\t. 0
0
66
The Divine Emperor formerly made the grand vow that she would build
eight million and forty thousand treasure-pagodas [to enshrine] relics. Thus,
to spread the relics obtained in the Guangzhai Quarter to the four continents
is to demonstrate the correspondence [between the actuality and the prophecy
of] spreading the relics to the eight extremities simultaneously. The distribu-
tion of these relics was not done through human effort alone, but was accom-
plished together with the divine power of the eight extremities. This makes
manifest the proof [of the prophecy] that those who protect and maintain the
True Law will harvest a large number of relics.
Here, the Guangzhai relics and their distribution were celebrated as a
spiritual source justifying Empress Wu's ascendancy to supreme power.
The story of Empress Wu predicting during one of her previous lives that
she would build eight million and forty thousand reliquary pagodas was
obviously based on the Asoka legend that he had 84,000 supernatural
agents build 84,000 reliquary pagodas all over the world. The difference
is that Empress Wu's ideologues seem to have been much more ambitious
than the author(s) of the Asoka legend, as the number of pagodas the Chi-
nese empress was said to have vowed to build was almost one hundred
times
67
the number that Asokil", was allegedly able to build!
At least partly encouraged by the Guangzhai relic campaign and the new
ideological implications imposed on it after the publication of this com-
mentary on the Siitra of Great Clouds, a series of relic venerations was car-
ried out under the empire. Within several years after her formal ascension
,,,to throne, at least two significant measures were taken by Empress Wu's
supporters to honor the "sacred bones."
66 The Dayun jing (T no. 387) was translated by (385-433) sometime
between 424 and 430; for this dating, see Chen Jinhua, (385-433): A Fifth
Century Indian Buddhist Missionary in China," forthcoming. The "commentary" is pre-
served as S 6502 and is transcribed in Yabuki, Sankaikyo no kenkyu, p. 690; reproduced
in Forte, Political Propaganda, Plate V. Forte's translation of the same passage, which sig-
nificantly differs from mine in some places, is found in the same book, p. 203.
67 The Divine Emperor allegedly built eight million and forty thousand (8,040,000)
pagodas, only three hundred and sixty thousand less than one hundred times of the num-
ber of Asoka's pagodas (8,4000 x 100 = 8,400,000).
-EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDl-llST RELICS 63
Let us first look at a multi-storied pavilion which was very likely a
pagoda that enshrined the Buddha's relics. The pavilion proper long ago
ceased to exist. Fortunately, a stele dedicated to this pavilion survives to
the present, shedding some light on this impressive Buddhist edifice which
displayed very significant politico-religious symbolism. Ironically, it was
within a Confucian shrine in Yishi f,jf.If; (in present-day Linyi
Shanxi) that this stele was found in 1941. With an impressive height of
2.81 meters, it bears the interlacing dragon crown and the tortoise base
characteristic of most official Tang monuments. Its title, "Stele for the
Multi-story Maitreya Pavilion of the Dayunsi" (Dayunsi Mile chongge bei
clearly reveals its original function. The inscription
on the stele does not tell us when the stele and the pavilion were erected.
However, the following two dates inscribed close to the bottom of the stele
and right above the place where a list of the sponsors of this pavilion
was carved, suggest that all this might have happened either in or shortly
after 692:

.68
On the twenty-fourth day of the second month of the second year of the Tian-
shou reign-era (28 January 691), [this monastery] was [re]named Dayunsi in
accordance with an imperial edict. Upon the eighteenth day of the zheng
month of the third year [of the Tianshou reign-era] (13 December 691), the
name-tablet of the monastery was changed back to Renshousi in accordance
with an[ other] imperial edict.
According to this, the monastery in which this Maitreya Pavilion was
built was originally named Renshousi, and was renamed Dayunsi on 28
January 591, obviously as a result of the sweeping edict that Empress
Wu issued on 5 December 690 (Tianshou 1.10.29 [renshenJ) to set up a
Dayunsi in each of the two capitals (Chang'an and Luoyang) and every
prefecture in her empire to store the Dayun jing (and very likely also its
68 "Dayunsi Mile Chongge bei," Shanyou shike conbian, Shike shiliao xinbian I.20.
lS020a6-7. The characters nian 1f., yue and ri B were written in the new forms
introduced under the reign of Empress Wu (the so-called "Zetian xinzi" A space
was left blank before zhi to, which refers to the imperial decree.
64 nNHUACHEN
commentary composed by the ten bhadanta-monks)69. However, as is
clearly indicated by this inscription, the name of Dayunsi in Yishi only
lasted for less than eleven months, as the name of the monastery reverted
to its original name Renshousi on 13 December 691. To the best of my
knowledge, this was the only known example of a Dayunsi berng changed
back to its original name on the order of Empress Wu herself. Thus, what
has ,made Renshousi extraordinary was not the fact that it was renamed
Dayunsi at the beginning of 691, but that the empress took the trouble of
making an exception in order to enable it to assume its previous name
less than eleven months after the renaming. What was the reason for'
this unusual naming and renaming process? On what grounds did Empress
Wu grant this special favor to this local temple? In order to understand
this unusual practice, we need to look more closely into the history of this
temple.
It turns out that the Renshousi was a place of unique importance in
Sui Buddhism and politics. First of all, its name happened to be identical
with the title of Wendi's second reign-era, which lasted from 8 February
601 to 24 January 605.
Secondly, it was the power-base for the renowned Buddhist monk
(516-88), who was active under the Northern Zhou (557-81)
and Sui, and was deeply trusted by Sui Wendi. It was at this temple that
Tanyan studied with his teacherSengmiao (fl. ca. 530-550) and trained
his own disciples including Daoxun mm (556-630)70.
Thirdly, this Renshousi was famous for its relic, which, according to
Daoxuan, was sent to the Western Wei court during the Datong reign-era
(535-51) from the "Western Regions" (Xiyu i:llJt; India or one of the
Buddhist kingdoms in Central Asia). In admiration for Sengmiao, Yuwen
Tai (507-56), the Prime Minister and the real power behind the
throne of the Western Wei, sent the relic to Sengmiao and asked him to
enshrine it at the Renshousi, which was then called Changniansi 1It,*-=a=.
One year after being placed in the temple, the relic started to glow brightly
at midnight. The light eventually became so strong that it lit up a large
69 Zizhi tongjian 204: 6469; Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 6-7.
70 Xu gaoseng zhuan, Tvol. 50, no. 2060, pp. 486a-b (especially p. 486a25ft), 488a-489c
(especially 488a25-b8), 533c-534c (especially 534a2ft), and 598c (especially 598c17ft).
area around the temple. It was only after Sengmiao's prayers that the
relic ceased to emit light. The local communities, both religious and lay,
enthusiastically celebrated this rare event with incense and chanting
71
.
The Renshou relic was also implicated in Tanyan's composition of a com-
mentary on the Nirviil)a Sidra, as is demonstrated in a well known legend
recorded in his Xu gaoseng zhuan biography72. This legend, although it
concerns the composition of a commentary on the Nirviil)a Sidra, has led
some scholars to conclude that Tanyan, to whom is attributed a com-
mentary on the Dacheng qixin lun (Treatise on Awakening
faith in Mahayana), had actually also composed this text, which is gen-
erally believed to have been an apocryphon of Chinese provenance despite
its traditional attribution to
Finally, this temple was closely related with the Qiyansi which
was founded by Sui Wendi's father and which figured prominently dur-
ing the Renshou relic-distribution campaigns74.
Thus, in view of what we know about the Renshousi, I am inclined to
believe that it might have been out of Empress Wu's respect for her Sui
relatives and perhaps her intention to remind her subjects of her ties with
the Sui royal family that she ordered that the name of the Yishi Dayunsi
71 See Sengmiao's biography at Xu gaoseng zhuan, T vol. 50, no. 2060, p.486a25-b7.
Daoxuan continues to report that since Sengmiao's death the Renshousi relic, which he
refers to asfogu f9!lit (a bone of the Buddha), had never issued any light any more although
it was still stored at the temple in his own time (Xu gaoseng zhuan, T vol. 50, no. 2060,
p.486blO-ll).
n Xu gaoseng zhuan, T vol. 50, no. 2060, p. 488a25-b8. In the course of preparing this
commentary, Tanyan dreams of who instructs him in the essence of the sidra.
Inspired by these dream revelations from this great Buddhist sage, Tanyan swiftly fInishes
his commentary. Lest his commentary contain any possible errors, he decides to seek
confumation from the Renshousi relic. Umolling the sutra and his own commentary in front
of the pagoda, he burns incense and beseeches the relic to prove his commentary by exhibit-
ing auspicious signs. No sooner does he utter this vow than the scrolls of the sutra and his
commentary start to emit light, as does the relic inside the pagoda. The divine light lasts
for three days and nights.
73 For the latest noticeable study on the issue of Tanyan's possible authorship of the
Dacheng qixin lun, see Aramaki Noritoshi "Hokuch6 k6hanki bukky6 shis6-shi
josetsu" in HokuchO Zui-To chugoku bukkyo-shi
(ed. Aramaki Noritoshi, Kyoto: H6z6kan, 2000), pp. 65-84.
74 See Chen Jinhua, Monks and Monarchs, Chapter Two and Appendix A. See also the
relevant discussion in Section VI.
66 JINHUACHEN
be changed back to the Renshousi. In other words, the Renshousi was at
the beginning renamed as Dayunsi under a nationwide' order; then, after its
unique importance was noted and recognized, its old name was reinstalled.
The importance that the Empress and her government had shown to
the Renshou is corroborated by the fact that the organizer of the project
which led to the construction of this Maitreya Pavilion was a leader of a
capital monastery, which was of considerable importance at the time. The
person in question was the Buddhist monk Yitong (d. after 691), the
Rector (shangzuo ...1:."*) of the Taipingsi in the Divine Metropolis
(Shendu :f$1!m; that is, Luoyang), who was also a native of Yishi. Although
we now almost know nothing for certain about this monk other than his
leadership of the Taipingsi and his role in constructing the Renshousi
Maitreya Pavilion
75
, the importance of his monastery under the reign of
Empress Wu is beyond any doubt. For example, Chengban RX;lh (d. after
695), one of the seventy co-compilers of the Buddhist catalogue compiled
in 695 under the aegis of the Great Zhou government, was an adminis-
trator (Ch. duweina Skt. karmadana) of this monastery76. Further-
more, one ofXuanzang's disciples, the Indian Lishe (625?-722?), who
was very active under the reigns of Zhongzong (r. 684, r. 705-10) and
Xuanzong (r. 712-56), was also once affiliated with the same monastery??
With these remarks on the history of the Renshousi and its possible ties
with Empress Wu, and the background of the constructor of the Maitreya
Pavilion at the temple, we are now ready to see what kind of Buddhist
architecture the Maitreya Pavilion was. Although very little is known
about this edifice, the scenes elaborately carved on the two faces of that
75 In one of his Buddhist catalogues, the Japanese Buddhist pilgrim Ennin
(793-864) records an inscription, dedicated to a Yitong who was a palace chaplain
([neiJgongfeng a Bhadanta and a Dharma Master. See Nitta shingu sMgyo
mokuroku (Catalogue of the Saintly Teachings Newly Sought in the
Land of Tang, completed 847), Tvol. 55, no. 2167, p. 1084a22. It is not clear if this Yitong
was the homonymous monk who built the Maitreya Pavilion in 692.
76 Da Zhou kanding zhongjing mulu (Catalogue of the Buddhist
Scriptures Collated and Sanctioned in the Great Zhou Dynasty [690-705]); completed in
695), T vol. 55, no. 2153, 475c9. Chengban served as a "monk who collated the titles of
the siitras" (jiao jingmu seng 1li:iill1
77 For Lishe, see his biography at Song gaoseng zhuan at T vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 815a-b;
and Makita's exclusive study, "To Choan Dai Ankokuji Lisho ni tsuite"
flJ1W R:-?1t'-C, ToM gakuM 31 (1961).
stele suggest its reliquary function. The "front"78 face contains, from the
base upwards, the following scenes related to the Buddha's Parinirvfu.1a:
1) the Buddlia's last preaching at the house of Cunda;
2) his entry into nirvfu:1a;
3) a group of smaller scenes depicting (a) Queen Maya's lamentation over
the closed coffin of her son; (b) the Buddha's miraculous resurrection
from the coffin as a response to his mother's wailing, bidding farewell
to her; (c) his funeral procession and finally d) the cremation of his body.
An inscription running down the frame between the four small panels
clearly identifies the nature of this series of scenes: "The Dayunsi of the
Great Zhou, humbly on behalf of the Sacred and Divine Imperial Majesty,
has reverently made one stele with scenes of the nirvfu.1a"
&i) 79.
The "rear" face bears the following three tiers: in the top tier is shown
the scene of the partition of the relics between the eight kings; the mid-
dle tier has a Buddha triad (from left to right: Sakyamuni - Maitreya -
Amitabha) flanked by bodhisattvas; the bottom tier has a votive inscrip-
tion by some local officials and Buddhist monks
80
.
78 As is reported by two Japanese art historians and archeologists, the stele, as it stood
in the Confucian shrine in Yishi when they found and photographed it in 1941, had the
Parinirvlir).a scenes on its front side and the Buddha-triad image ori the reverse. See Mizuno
Seiichi 7l<Jfm- and Hibino Takeo ElJ;t;Jf3t:;*;:, Shansai Koseld-shi (Kyoto:
Nakamura insatsu kabushiki gaisha, 1956), pp. 153-54. This has been the way universally
adopted by all the art historians when they refer to the two faces of the stele. As the Con-
fucian shrine was defInitely not the original home of the stele, it was just moved there from
where it originally belonged - presumably the multi-story pavilion at the Dayunsi, as is sug-
gested by the title of the stele. This suggests that, contrary to what art historians have gen-
erally accepted, the face bearing this title and the Buddha-triad image it indicated must have
been meant as the facing side and accordingly, that the side with the Parinirvlir).a scenes was
designed as the reverse. This is supported by the fact that on the bottom of the "facing" (actu-
ally the reverse if I am correct) side is a dado-like area where are indicated the names and
titles of this memorial stele (and probably also the Maitreya Pavilion). It seems that as far
as the two sides of a stone stele were both carved, the part bearing the names of the donors
was generally to be found on the reverse, probably out of a sense of modesty and humility.
79 "Dayunsi Mile Chongge bei," Shanyou shike congbian, Shike shiliao xinbian I.20.
l5018b18.
80 This description of the carvings on the two sides of the stele is based on Alexan-
der C. Soper, "A T'ang Parinirvlir).a Stele" (Artibus Asiae 22.1/2 [1959], pp. 159-69),
which is in turn based on the report in Mizuno Seiichi and Hibino Takeo, Shansai Koseki-
shi, pp. 153-54.
68 JINHUACHEN
Fig. 1. Dayunsi Mile chongge bei
Dayunsi (Renshousi) in Yishi; by courtesy of Eugene Wang.
EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDIllST RELICS 69
That the scenes on both the obverse andreverse sides of the stele deal
with the Buddha's Parinirvfu)a and the famous story of the eightfold par-
tition of his relics' strongly suggests that this Maitreya Pavilion might have
contained some relics. This becomes more likely when we consider the
probability that this building, referred to as chongge :mlil, was a multi-story
pagoda
sl
. Let us here confine ourselves to the following two examples
of Tang authors using chongge to indicate a pagoda. In his epitaph for
the famous Indian Buddhist missionary Shanwuwei
(SubhakarasiIpha, 637-735), Li Hua ** (717?-774?) uses chongge to
refer to the multi-story "pavilion" within the Baimasi The same
building is calledfotu im, which was a Chinese transliteration for the
Sanskrit stupa (pagoda), by the authors of the Xin Tang shu
S3
Another
example is provided by the AvataIp.saka master Fazang (643-712),
who describes the octagonal pagoda dedicated to the Central Indian monk
Divakara (Ch. Dipohe1uo or Rizhao BWi{; 612-87) at the Xiang-
shansi of Longmen as a chongge
S4
Although this pagoda
only contained the relics of the Indian monk, not those of the Buddha, this
example still bears out the assumption regarding the usage of chongge.
At first glance, it might appear rather puzzling that a pagoda enshrin-
ing the Buddha's relics was named after Maitreya, the future Buddha.
This unusual practice is probably to be understood in terms of the efforts
on the part of Empress Wu's Buddhist ideologues to depict her as the
Maitreya reincarnate
S5

81 For the practice of using this term in this way in the Tang literature, see Forte, Ming-
tang, p. 212, note 15.
82 "Da Tang Dongdu Da Shengshansi gu Zhong Tianzhu guo Shanwuwei Sanzang
Heshang beirning bing xu" ::kJllBI[ (Inscrip-
tion, with a prefeace, for the Late Tripitaka Upadhyaya SUbhakarasirpha from Central India
of the Great Shengshansi in the Eastern Metropolis of the Great Tang), T vol. 50, no. 2055,
p. 290c18-19; Chou Yi-liang m1-$1c, "Tantrism in China," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Stud-
ies 8 (1944-45), p. 256. Forte, Mingtang, 212, note 15. The tentative dates ofLi Hua's life
that I presented here are based on Silvio Vita, "Li Hua and Buddhism," in Tang China and
Beyond (ed. Antonino Forte, Kyoto: Italian School of East Asian Studies, 1988), pp. 99-100.
83 Xin Tang shu 217A: 6119. Forte, Mingtang, p. 226.
84 Huayanjing zhuanji (Biographies and Accounts about the Huayan ling),
T vol. 51, no. 2073, p. 155a5-6. Forte, Mingtang, p. 212, note 15.
85 Forte, Political Propaganda, Chaper Three. See also Eugene Wang's insightful
discussion of the symbolism of this "Buddha-trid" image on the Renshousi stele in his "Of
the True Body."
70
JINHUACHEN
!!l -
:ti"iliimJc!:f:bt
(2/9)
!!l l!!l
:tiilii iIiHlliU:l: frli
(2/9)
Fig. 2. Jingzhou Dayunsi Sheli shihan
Gansu Sheng Wenwu Gongzuodui, 1966.
Let us now consider another example of the relic veneration in this
period, which happened in another Dayunsi, this one in Jingzhou
(present-day Jingchuan Gansu). In December 1964 in Jingchuan
County of Gansu Province was unearthed a stone coffer, which turned out
to be a reliquary. On the surface of the stone reliquary was an inscnption,
entitled "Jingzhou Dayunsi Sheli shihan ming bing xu"
(Inscription, with a Preface, on the Stone-coffer of Relics at
the Dayunsi)86. The inscription reveals that the reliquary originally
belonged to the Dayunsi in Jingzhou. It also serves as a testimony to a
drama of the relic veneration which happened in the area only a few years
after Empress Wu founded her dynasty in 690. The inscription attributes
this relic veneration to the cooperation between a significant local offi-
cial and a leader of the monastery. On the right side of the Dayunsi in
Jingzhou, there was left a foundation of a dilapidated pagoda. The monk
Chufa ll:i:t (otherwise unknown), the administrator (Ch. duweina
Skt. kannadiina) of the Dayuansi, who noticed that some rays of light
rising from the foundation, came to believe that this must have been one
of the locations to which King Asoka had distributed the Buddha's 84,000
relics. Although he was eager to dig into the pagoda foundation, the lack
of labor and funding prevented him from doing so. When he later told this
to Meng (ca. 621? - ca. 713), who was then the Vice Prefect
(sima j'] of Jingzhou, Meng Shen became similarly intrigued with the
idea. He excitedly offered his support. An excavation was then carried out
and a stone coffer was recovered. Within the stone coffer was a liuli ;fi1t"
(Skt. vait;lurya) vase which contained fourteen grains of relic. Mter a
stately ceremony, they were buried under the base of the Buddha Hall
(jodian of the Dayunsi on the fifteenth day of the seventh month
of Yanzai 1 (11 August 694), the day on which the Ullambana festival
was celebrated. It was rather unconventional that the relics were enshrined
(or re-enshrined) not within a pagoda but under the central building of a
Buddhist monastery. According to the long list at the end of the inscrip-
tion, the sponsors of the Maitreya Pavilion included some officials, both
86 The inscription is transcribed in Gansu Sheng Wenwu Gongzuodui 1:tfflif1!1i)c4o/.JIfpilat,
"Gansu Sheng Iingchuan Xian chutu de Tangdai sheli shihan" filii Il a<J
fUEWi, Wenwu 3 (1966), p. 9, 12; see also Wu Gang (ed.), Quan Tangwen buyi
(Xi'an: Sanqin chubanshe, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 6-8.
72 JINHUACHEN
local and from outside Iingzhou (including the prefect Yuan
Xiuye [otherwise unknown]), Buddhist monks and lay believers.
Modern scholars who. are not satisfied with the legend that the four-
teen relics were allotted by Asoka might be suspicious about their prove-
nance. Given that in 601 Sui Wendi sent a relic to the Iingzhou Daxing
guosi one of the forty-five "Dynastic Monasteries" that he
built in different locations throughout the empire, people are tempted to
relate the Iingzhou Dayunsi relics to the relic enshrinement at the Daxing
guosi in 601
87
However, two problems have to be solved before such a
connection can be established. First, how to explain that while only one
relic is known to have been sent to the Daxingguosi in 601, fourteen relics
were retrieved from the pagoda beside the Dayunsi in 694? 88 Second,
was it the Daxingguosi in Iingzhou which was renamed Dayunsi at the
cross of 691 following the imperial decree? Indeed, we must admit
that there is no direct evidence showing the connection between the Sui
Daxing guosi and the Zhou Dayunsi in Jingzhou. However, this Daxing-
guosi's status as a "dynastic monastery" might have made it a perfect can-
didate when the Iingzhou government had to decide on a local monastery
to act as the Dynastic Monastery (Dayunsi) under its jurisdiction.
As for the second question, we need to consider the possibility that actu-
ally more relics might have been sent to the Daxing guosi in 601 although
according to the imperial there was only one; or that the Renshou
relic was later joined by more relics sometime before 694, when the relic
was recovered and then re-enshrined, or that thirteen more relics were
simply added by Chufa and his group in 694. Moreover, the following fact
87 Guang Hongming ji, Tvol. 52, no. 2103, p. 214c56-7; Ii Shenzhou sanbao gantong
lu, Tvol. 52, no. 2106, p. 411c25-26; Yamazaki, Shina chusei bukkyo no tenkai, p. 334.
For the efforts to identify the Jingzhou Dayunsi relics as deriving from the 601 relic-dis-
tribution campaign, see Gansu Sheng Wenwu Gongzuodui, "Tangdai sheli shihan," p. 14,
p.47.
In 585 Yang Jian decreed that a Daxing guosi be erected in each of the forty-five pre-
fectures that he had visited before ascending the throne. See Falin's $$ (572-640)
Bianzheng {un (Treatise on Deciding the Rightful), T vol. 52, no. 2110, p. 509a;
Weinstein, Buddhism under the T' ang, p. 5. These dynastic monasteries were named in this
way because the Daxing guo was the name of the fief from which Yang Jian had
obtained his noble title before becoming emperor. See, Arthur Wright, The Sui Dynasty,
p.130.
88 Guang Hongming ji, T voL 52, no. 2103, p. 213c16.
also suggests the connection between the relics discovered in 694 and
those (or that) sent to the Daxing guosi in 601. According to the exca-
vation report published in 1966, the Dayunsi relics were placed within five
containers, which were designed in such a way that they fitted into one
another in the following order from inside to outside: 1) liuli vase ~ 2) gold
coffin ~ 3) silver guo-coffm
89
~ 4) copper casket ~ 5) stone coffer
90
.
Given that under the Tang dynasty, usually nine or eight containers were
cast for the relics
91
, Chufa and Meng Shen probably did not make new
reliquaries for the relics when they re-enshrined them in 694 (otherwise
we would have more than five containers when the relics were unearthed
in 1964). In other words, when the relics were recovered in 694, they
had already been enclosed within the five reliquaries. This reminds one
of the reliquaries used during the Renshou relic-distribution campaigns,
at least those used for the one conducted in 601. As is recorded by Daoxuan,
a Renshou reliquary was composed of four containers (from inside to
outside), made of liuli, gold, copper and stone
n
. Contrasting this with
the Jingzhou Dayunsi reliquary, we find that they were identical in struc-
ture except that the latter had one container that was not reported of the
Renshou reliquary - the third layer of silver. Were the Renshou reli-
quaries only four-layered, or were they also five-layered, one of which
(the silver one) was omitted by Daoxuan? We do not know. However, the
high level of similarity between the Renshou reliquaries and the Jingzhou
Dayunsi reliquary lends additional support to the assumption regarding the
latter's probable origin in the Sui.
Here, we need to know some things about the background of the cen-
tral figure of this relic veneration, Meng Shen, about whom his two offi-
cial biographies give the following information
93
Meng Shen was a native
of Liang ~ in Ruzhou &1'1'1 (present-day Linru GSi;&, He'nan). He must
have obtained his degree of Presented Scholar (jinshi ~ ) sometime
89 The guo ~ was the outer coffin.
90 Gansu Sheng Wenwu Gongzuodui, "Tangdai sheli shihan," p. 9.
91 As was noted in Section I, Empress Wu ordered that nine reliquaries be made for
the Famensi relic before sending it back to the monastery for re-enshrinement. When it was
excavated in 1987, the Famensi relic was contained within eight reliquaries (the outer one
was already broken). See, for example, Wu Limin and Han Jinke, Famen digong, pp. 334ff.
92 Guang Hongming ji, T vol. 52, no. 2103, p. 213cl6.-22
93 Jiu Tang shu 191: 5101, Xin Tang shu 196: 5599-600.
74 JINHUACHEN
before the Chuigong reign-era (9 February 685-26 Jqnuary 689) given
that it was at the beginning of the era that he was appointed as a secre-
tary (sheren A) in the. Secretariat (Fengge laM [Phoenix Hall]) 94. He
was fond of Taoist-related "arts and techniques" (jangshu :1J{;fq) from
his youth, and was closely associated with the Taoist priest and physician
Sun Simiao (581-682), whom he treated as his teacher
95
. This
probably happened when Sun Simiao served as a private physician for
Gaozong in the palace. If this is true, Meng Shen must have already
served at the court before his appointment in the Secretariat sometime
around 684. His alchemical knowledge is amply demonstrated by the fol-
lowing episode. Once he visited the home of his superior Liu Yizhi
(631-87)96, Vice Director of the Secretariat (Fengge shilang
he saw a gold bullion, which Empress Wu bestowed to Liu Yizhi. He
immediately declared it to be "medicinal metal" (yaojin probably
referring to a kind of alchemical stone. He bet that it would emanate five-
colored smoke when placed in the fire. His prediction was proved cor-
rect when the test was carried out. Empress Wu was displeased when she
learned of this seemingly innocent scientific experiment. She later found
a pretext and demoted Meng Shen to be the Vice prefect of Taizhou i11H
(in present-day Zhejiang), a coastal area remote from the capital. Meng
Shen somehow succeeded in repairing his relationship with the empress,
which led to his promotion to the position of Vice Director of the Min-
istry of Rites (Chunguan shilang When Ruizong became the
Crown Prince, which happened as a demotion on his part as a result of
her mother's declaring herself the Emperor of the Great Zhou Dynasty on
16 October 690, Meng Shen was appointed as a, if not the, tutor (shidu
of his. During the Chang'an reign-era (26 November 701-29 Jan-
uary 705), he became the Prefect of Tongzhou [qJ;'f'[ (present-day Dali
94 Fengge was the official variant designation of the Secretariat (zhongshu sheng $il1Iii')
from 684 to 705. See Hucker, Official Titles, p. 214.
95 Meng Shen's association with Sun Simiao is not reported in his own biographies,
but atJiu Tang shu 191: 5095.
96 Official biography at Xin Tang shu 117: 4250-52. Cf. his biography at Jiu Tang shu
87: 2846, which is far more brief but which contains a serious mistake by dating his death
to the beginning of the Y onghui reign-era (7 February 650-6 February 656). According to
Sima Guang (Zizhi tongjian 204: 6444), Liu Yizhi was executed at the order of Empress
Wu on 22 June 687 (Chuigong 3.5.7 [genwu]).
fr.ilt, Shaanxi) and was bestowed the prestige title Grand Master of Impe-
riaI Entertainrrients with Silver Seal and Blue Ribbon (yinqing guanglu
dafu At the beginning ofthe Shenlong reign-era (30 Jan-
uary 705-4 October 707), he retired to his mountain villa in Yiyang
(present-day Songxian *ll&1\, He'nan), where he avidly practiced Taoist
ways of cultivating life, which allegedly enabled him to maintain his
vitality despite his senility. It is said that the two secrets for longevity and
health he recommended to his friends and relatives were "kind words"
(shanyan and "good medicines" (liangyao After Ruizong
was re-enthroned in 710, he was summoned to the court and was requested
to return to public service, an invitation which he strongly resisted on the
grounds of age. This seemed to have increased the emperor's respect for
his erstwhile teacher, making as he did many gifts to him in Jingyun 2
(24 January 711 - 11 February 712), shortly before his death, which was
believed to have happened at the beginning of the Kaiyuan reign-era (713-
41). Enjoying a prodigious longevity (ninety-three years old), he was also
an accomplished expert on medical sciences and rites
97
.
Meng Shen's biographical sources impress us with his broad knowl-
edge on what we today might call chemistry, alchemy, and medical sci-
ences, and also his close relationship with Empress Wu. Although falling
into disfavor with the empress at the beginning, he later managed to regain
her trust and favor judging by the promotions that he was able to make
in his political career, and especially by the fact that he was appointed as
a (or the) mentor to Empress Wu's Crown Prince. We do not know how
his role in the 694 relic veneration contributed to his political success
under the reign of Empress Wu, although it seems certain that the highly
97 The following three medical works are attributed to him:
1) Buyao fang (in three juan), liu Tang shu 47: 2048, Xin Tang shu 59: 1571;
2) Mengshi bixiao fang :;[L.f'(;&;,Xlc:tJ (in ten juan), liu Tang shu 47: 2050, Xin Tang shu
59: 157l.
3) Shi/iao bencao (in three juan), Xin Tang shu 59: 1571, Song shi *.'1:. (Bei-
jing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977) 207: 5314 (has it as six juan).
In addition, he was the author of the following three works on rituals and ceremonies,
especially those related to ritual clothing:
1) liaji Ii (in one juan), Xin Tang shu 58: 1492, Song shi 204: 5132
2) Sangfu zhengyao (in two juan), Xin Tang shu 58: 1493.
3) lindai shu (in eight juan), Song shi 207: 5293.
76 JINHUACHEN
publicized event won him some merit in the eyes of the empress. Meng
Shen's close relationship with Empress Wu is also shown by the fact that
his retirement was simultaneous with Empress Wu's forced abdication
and subsequent death in 705. Although his retirement might have been
due to his advanced age at the time, political factors cannot be entirely
excluded when we take into account his good health at the time.
In addition to Meng Shen, a monk called Fuli 1![tf, identified as a
Rector in the inscription, stood out among the participants of this relic ven-
eration in the Jingzhou Dayunsi. We know that a monk by the same name,
active from the 680s to the 700s, was of extraordinary importance in the
political and religious life at the time. Not only did he participate in the
translation projects supervised by almost all of his contemporary major
Buddhist translators, including Divakara, Devendraprajfia (d. 691 or
692)98, (652-710) and Yijing (635-713), all of whom were sup-
ported by Empress Wu, but he was also personally close to Empress Wu
as one of her chief ideologues (he was especially instrumental in foster-
ing the cakravartin ideals before Empress Wu' s ascendancy to supreme
power)99. Was this Fuli in the Jingzhou Dayunsi identical with that famous
homonymous monk? Apparently, this does not seem so likely if we
assume that one Fuli was a Rector of the Jingzhou Dayunsi in 694, while
at the same time the other Fuli w,as active at the capital as a Buddhist trans-
lator. However, it is far from certain that FuIi was necessarily the Rector
of the Jingzhou Dayunsi. As a matter of fact, in the inscription, in addi-
tion to Fuli, three more monks (Chuyi and Wuzuo
are also identified by the same office. Therefore, not all of these
monks belonged to the local monasteries. Some of them might have come
98 This date is provided by Forte, "Le moine Khotanais Devendraprajiia," Bulletin
de l'Ecole Franr;aise d'Extreme-Orient, LXVI (1979), pp. 289-298; see also its Chinese
version, "Yutian Seng Tiyunboruo" in Xiyu yu fojiao wenshi lunji
(tL Xu Zhangzhen Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1989),
pp.233-46.
99 In addition to a brief biographical note at the Kaiyuan shijiao lu (Cata-
logue of [the Texts Related to] the Buddhist Teachings, [Compiled in] the Kaiyuan Reign-
era [713-41]; by [fl. 700-786] in 730; Tvo!. 55, no. 2154, p. 564b14-26),
he has a much longer biography at the Song gaoseng zhuan (Tvo!. 50, no. 2061, p. 8Uc-812a),
which confmns his status as an eminent scholar and translator. For this monk, especially
his importance as a Buddhist ideologue for Empress Wu, see Forte, Political Propaganda,
especially pp. 138-141. For more information about this monk, see Section IV.
from outside Jingzhou. Thus, the possibility cannot be excluded that this
FilIi was from the capital and that he was actually none other than the
monk of the same name.
Despite the uncertainty about the connection (or the lack thereof) between
the Daxing guosi of the Sui and the Dayunsi of the Great Zhou in the same
prefecture (Jingzhou) and the identify of the monk Fuli as a. participant
of the relic veneration in 694, it is doubtless that Meng Shen and his friends
tried to depict Empress Wu as a Buddhist king, as is clearly indicated by
the following passage in the inscription:
' :i!Hi'lI7<:il" 0 iltllZJi5 ' 0 , flJ ;

; 1ttllttfi 0
101
Our Divine Emperor and Sagely Sovereign is identified with the earth and
harmonizes with the Heaven. Surrounded by the stars and the constellations,
[Her Majesty is widely loved and supported by the people in the same way
as] the sea becomes the destiny of the rivers, all of which run into it. 0 how
Great our Sagely Empress! The distinguished titles of Her Majesty are emi-
nent on the [] texts; 0 how Brilliant our time is! The grand practices echo
(literally, "are recorded in") the remote records. The "mysterious mecha-
nism" (ji riding on transformation cannot be fathomed and it is hard to
find the traces of former beings. Manifesting the perfection previously
achieved by her wondrous origin, Her Majesty is proof that expedient skills
may be demonstrated in the present. Assuming the complexion of the Heaven,
Her Majesty develops one felicity after the other, with her brilliance matching
that of the "Great Clouds"102. Embracing the shape of the Earth, Her Majesty
exemplifies the principle of compassion, which spreads and converts [peo-
pIe] like sweet dew.
This passage is remarkable not only for unambiguously identifying
Empress Wu as a compassionate Buddhist king whose benevolent rule
converted people allover the world, but also for directly comparing (almost
literally one might say) with the Heaven and Earth (Tiandi which
100 Here a character becomes too conupt on the stele to recognize.
101 Gansu Sheng Wenwu Gongzuodui, "Tangdai shell shihan," p. 12; Wu Gang, Quan
Tangwen buyi, vol. 1, p. 7.
102 Dayun ("Great Clouds) here refers to the Dayunjing, and especially the Buddha's
prophecy therein on DevI Jingguang r:J\:; that she was to appear in the world as a female
Cakravartin. See Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 184ff.
78 JINHUACHEN
represented the most fundamental source of the whole of universe accord-
ing to Chinese traditional philosophy.
It is beyond doubt that the two cases of relic veneration under examina-
tion here aimed at legitllnating the unconventional (if not anti-traditional)
way Empress Wu, as a female, wielded supreme power both in fact and in
name. However, we need also to understand their source and functions in
terms of the unique ideology that then dominated domestic politics, foreign
policies and religious life, an ideological form which Antonino Forte has
termed "international Buddhism" or "Buddhist pacifism" 103. An excellent
material representation of this kind of ideology was the towering octago-
nal bronze pillar which is generally known as tianshu (Axis of Sky)
but the full name of which was in fact "Da Zhou Wanguo Songde Tian-
shu" (Celestial Axis of the Myriad Countries Exalting
the Merits of the Great Zhou). Although it was not completed until 695, the
construction of this colossus had been attempted four years earlier, almost
immediately after the foundation of the Great Zhou dynasty. The title of
this imposing structure spoke eloquently of its ideological implications,
which were also emphasized in the commentary on the Dayun jing:
0
104
The ten thousand countries make an act of submission and unite in the ming-
tang
lOS

'1t:&.::tJ 0 ' 0
106
With her extraordinary virtue, the Great Saint spread her transformation
(impact) to all parts (of the world). All the men who belonged to the four
[types] of barbarians come to make their act of submission
107

, 0
108
The extraordinary power of the Divine Emperor (Empress Wu) succeeds in
subduing myriads of countries, her mighty force being without match
l09

103 Forte, Mingtang, (especially 229-52 passim).
104 S 6502, Forte, Political Propaganda, Plate I, p. 2.
105 Slightly modified on the basis of Forte's translation (Political Propaganda, p. 192).
106 S 6502; Forte, Political Propaganda, Plate I, p. 3.
107 Cf. Forte's translation in Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 195-96.
108 S 6502; Forte, Political Propaganda, Plate I, p. 3.
109 Cf. Forte's translation in Forte, Political Propaganda, p. 196.
It is significant to note that the "Celestial Axis" was an "international"
enterprise: not only was its construction first supervised by Quan
Xiancheng ~ b (Kor. Ch'on Honsong, or Yon Honsong) (651-92),
who was a son of the Koguryo dictator Quan Nansheng ~ i i ~ (Ch'on
Namsaeng, or Yon Namsaeng) and who was then living in Chlla (per-
haps as a hostage like some other foreign princes in China at the time),
but also the international funds for its construction were raised by Vahram,
the Persian aristocrat who served in the court of the third Tang emperor
Gaozong and then served Empress Wu herself
llO
Antonino Forte has
astutely observed the complicated political and religious symbolism rep-
resented by this monument:
Considering also the great contribution made to China by Indian civilization
through the vehicle of Buddhism, one is tempted to view the Axis of the Sky
as a kind of synthetic representation, above all of the three great Asian civ-
ilizations of the time - the Chinese, the indian and the Iranian. The fairly
detailed description given to us of the monument by the different sources
will allow the specialists to make their considerations concerning the origin
of the various artistic elements. However, it seems fairly clear to me that the
ideology capable of bringing about this extremely difficult synthesis must
have been the one expressed by the international Buddhism of the time. The
Axis of the Sky is above all reminiscent of the pillars of Asoka, the "moun-
tain" on which it stood must have been a representation of Sumeru. It was
this international Buddhism that skillfully played its trump of pacifism and
obtained an international consensus, the likes of which had never been seen
before
lll
.
It is easy to see that the two cases of relic veneration in 692 and 694 and
the Tianshu sprang from the same ideological source and they, among
other political and ideological projects (the best known of which is the
Mingtang complex), fitted very well with each other. As a matter of fact,
given the relative earliness in time of the relic-related campaign which
110 Forte, Mingtang, pp. 263-64, p. 242; Forte makes some further remarks on Vahriim's
role in the construction of the Tianshu and the international context against which the
Tianshu was constructed in his "On the So-called Abraham from Persia: A Case of Mis-
taken Identity," in L'Inscription nestorienne de Si-ngan-fou: A Posthumous Work by Paul
Pelliot (ed. Antonino Forte, Kyoto and Paris: The Italian School of East Asian Studies and
the College de France, 1996), pp. 375-418 (especially pp. 407-09).
III Forte, Mingtang, pp. 242-43.
80 JINHUACHEN
demonstrated in these two cases and which actually be traced back
to the Guangzhai event, and especially given the relic campaign's more
direct connection with the cakravartin idea incorporated in the Asoka
legends, I am even willing to consider the possibility that the relic campaign
was actually a major force that catalyzed, if not fostered, the Tianshu
project1l2.
(IV) Songshan, the Qibaotai and Famensi: Empress Wu's Relic Veneration
in Her Late years (700-705)
However, it should not escape our attention that Empress Wu not only
tried to emulate King Asoka, who was remote from her both geographi-
cally and temporally, but she was also obviously inspired by the prece-
dent set up by Emperor Wen, who was close to her, in time, space and
also biologically. There is however a significant difference between
Emperor Wen and Empress Wu in their distribution of relics: whereas
Emperor Wen had reliquary pagodas constructed for enshrining the relics,
there is no evidence to show that Empress Wu was closely committed to
the same type of relic enshrinement during the nationwide distribution of
the Guangzhai relics in 678. Rather, it seems that she showed little if any
reluctance in honoring the newly found relics with the old pagodas built
by her Sui relatives.
This said, Empress Wu did build some pagodas - at least we can say
with some certainty that such a pagoda was built at Songshan *!1J under
her commission. Let us turn to this story recorded in the Tang huiyao:
' 0 , 0 0 T*;1i!;f,jf , 0
' B' "bIIl*' 0 ;g* ' 0 ,&:mIjlIUl.w. ' f.5
'9:'LlfB 0 0 '{iif..@;llH"-? .EL;g.&:,fi ' 0 ..
, B' 0 "113
112 Empress Wu's image as a Buddhist Universal King was enthusiastically supported
by Buddhist monks not only in China but also from India and Central Asia, as Antonino
Forte has shown in his article, "Hui-chih (fl. 676-703 A.D), a Brahmin Born in China,"
Annali dell'Istituto Orientale di Napoli 45 (1985), pp. 105-34.
113 Tang huiyao 27: 517.
In the seventh month of Shengli 3 (23 May - 21 June 700)114, [Empress
Wu] visited the Sanyang Palace =[I\'1/gl15. A "barbarian" monk invited her
114 This story is also recorded in Zizhi tongjian 206: 6546. In contrast with the Tang
huiyao, which records that this happened in the seventh month of Shengli 3, the Zizhi
tongjian dates this to the xushen (twenty-ninth) day of the fourth month of Shengli 3,
which corresponds with 21 May 700.
liS The Sanyang Palace was built at the proposal of Wu Sansi :IB:':::JiSt (d. 707), one of
Empress Wu's nephews notorious for his very unpopular role during the reign of his aunt
(see his two Tang official biographies: Jiu Tang shu 183: 4785; Xin Tang shu 206: 5841;
cf. Zizhi tongjian 207: 6569). Different sources have varying information about this palace.
Regarding the date of the construction of this palace, the Jiu Tang shu (6: 128) tells us
that this happened in the la JIi month of Shengli 3, on a certain day after the jiaxu day;
that is, between 21-27 December 699 (Shengli 3.1a.24-30), while the Xin Tang shu, fol-
lowed by the Zizhi tongjian, gives a certain day after Jiushi 1.1.28 (xuyin); that is, either
in Jiushi 1.1.29, or 30. Given that the Jiushi era was introduced on 27 May 700 (Shengli
3.5.5) and ended on 15 February 701 (Jiushi 2.1.3), the date Jiushi 1.1.28 was obviously
another way of indicating Shengli 3.1.28, which corresponds to 24 December 699. This
means that the Sanyang Palace, according to the Xin Tang shu and the Zizhi tongjian, was
built either in 24 December 699, or one day after. This explains why on another occasion
the authors of the Xin Tang shu (38: 982) report that the Sanyang Palace was built in
Shengli 3, which covered the period of time from 27 November 699 to 27 May 700. Thus,
the apparently different statements in the two Tang dynastic histories (one followed by the
Northern Song dynasty Zizhi tongjian) tum out to be compatible. On the basis of these two
sources, we can say that the Sanyang Palace was built (or, which might appear more likely,
its construction was ordered) close to the very end of 699.
However, contrary to these three sources, Wang Pu, the author of the Tang huiyao (30:
557), provides Shengli 3.11.28 as the date of the construction of the Sanyang Palace. This
date is obviously implausible, not only because it is contradicted by the three sources just
discussed, but also for the following two reasons. First, the date of Shengli 3.11.28 itself
did not exist, given that the Shengli reign-era was replaced by a new one (Jiushi) on
27 May 700. Second, according to the story of Empress Wu being invited to attend the
reliquary enshrinement that was reported by Wang Pu himself, Empress Wu was already
at the palace in the seventh month of Shengli 3, four months earlier than the date Wang
Pu proposes for the construction of the palace. That the Sanyang Palace already existed
by the summer of that year (Shengli 3 or Jiushi 1) is also corroborated in a preface that
Empress Wu wrote for a Buddhist translation (see below).
Thus, it seems plausible to conclude that the building of the Sanyang palace started
at the end of 699 and was brought to completion in early 700. However, it turns out that
the palace only existed for four years. According to the Tang huiyao (30: 557), it was
demolished on 1 March 704 (Chang'an 4.1.22) so that the materials could be used to build
another palace, the Xingtai Palace on Wan' anshan in Shouan (see below for this palace).
The Zizhi tongjian (207: 6569) dates the same palace one day later, on 1 March 704
(Chang'an 4.1.20 [dingwei]).
Finally, about the Sanyang Palace, it should be noted that according to the Zizhi tongjian
(206: 6545) and the Xin Tang shu (4: 100), it was built at the side of Shicong :51* in
Gaocheng "is-Jjl(; (the sub-prefecture of Yangcheng ~ ~ of Luoyang), which was close to,
82 JINHUACHEN
to observe the enshrinement of relics. The empress accepted [his invitation].
One thousand chariots and ten thousand cavalrymen lmed up on the field.
The Chamberlain for the Capital (Neishi P"31l1!:) Di Renjie (607-700)116
knelt in front of the horses [of Empress Wu's chariot], saying, "The Bud-
dha was the deity of the barbarians, while Your Majesty is the lqrd of peo-
ple under the heavens. Your Majesty needs to hide yourself behind the lay-
ered curtains, preventing others from beholding [Your Majesty in person];
and needs to prepare for emergencies even when Your Majesty is secure.
The uphill road is rugged and rough, making it difficult to protect Your
Majesty. Being only good at misleading people with tricks, how can the
vulgar monk be counted on? Moreover, whatever a sovereign does will be
recorded. It will not be appropriate to be careless." The empress returned
from only halfway along the road, saying, "[We comply] to fulfill the will
of Our upright official."
Wang Pu, the author of the Tang huiyao, here does not deign to tell us
the name of this "barbarian monk" (huseng However, some exter-
nal sources, one of which was from the empress herself, suggest that he
was very likely the Khotanese monk (Ch. Shicha'nantuo
1l'::z.fIUt [a.k.a. Shichicha'nantuo or Xuexi *%], 652-
710), whom the empress invited to stay at the Sanyang Palace to prepare
a new Chinese version of the Laizkiivatiira sidra, which was to be known
as the Dacheng ru Lenqie jing in exactly the same year
that our "barbarian monk" allegedly invited her to attend the reliquary
enshrinement. In her preface to the Dacheng ru Lenqie jing, Empress Wu
narrates her association with and how she came to write this
preface. In the summer of Jiushi 1 (27 May 700-12 February 701), while
rather than on, Songshan. Thirty Ii southeast of present-day Dengfeng, Henan, the moun-
,"tain stream Shicong flowed from the eastern valley of Songshan and was then a place of
stunning scenic beauty; see Zhongguo gujin diming dacidian (comp.
Zang Lihe et ai, Hongkong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931), p. 272. The Quan Tang
Shi :3::Jl!f!Rf (Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1960) includes one poem on Shicong attributed to
Empress Wu (see Quan Tang shi 86: 941). There also survives a composition believed
to be the preface that Empress Wu wrote for her poem on Shicong; see Quan Tang shi
waibian :3::Jl!f!Rfjj..f.j (comp. Wang Chongmin .:E1!:'!;, et al., Tai-pei: Muduo chubanshe,
1983), p. 329.
116 A capable minister of Empress Wu, Di Renjie also played a central role in the
restoration of the Tang, which was achieved after his death by officials loyal to the Li royal
family, most of whom were protected and/or promoted by Di Renjie. See David McMullen's
lengthy study of this man, "The Real Judge Dee: Ti Jen-chieh and the Tang Restoration
of 705," Asia Major, Series 3, 6.1 (1993), pp. 1-81.
she spent her holiday in the Iishan and Yingshui !ff[* areas
ll7
, she
invited and the monk Fuli (fl. 680s-700s) of the Da Fux-
iansi to the Sanyang Palace to prepare a new Laflkavatara trans-
lation. After the translation was completed on 24 February 704 (Chang'an
4.1.15), Buddhist believers, both lay and monastic, urged her to honor it
with a preface, and she eventually complied
lls
.
117 Qishan, also known as Xuyoushan was located in the southeast of present-day
Dengfeng Henan. Yingshui, i.e. Yinghe !IroJ, originated from the southwest of Dengfeng.
118 "Xinyi Dacheng ru Lengqie jing xu" (Preface to the New
Translation of [the Lmikiivatiira sutra], the Dacheng Ru Lengqie ling), included at the top
of the Dacheng ru Lengqiejing (T vol. 16, no. 672, p.587a3-b7) and in a commentary on
the Dacheng ru Lengqie jing by the Song dynasty monk Baochen Jlf (d.u.), the Zhu
Dacheng ru Lengqie jing tt**}..m1tJo;!!l! (T voL 39, no. 1791, p. 433c9-434all). See
especially T vol. 16, no. 672, p. 587a23-b7; T vol. 39, no. 1791, p. 433c28-434all for
Empress Wu's associations with
The two versions are completely identical except for their different ways of identify-
ing the author of this preface: while the former ambiguously has yuzhi OOffiiJ (composed
by the emperor), the latter provides a specific identification, Tiance linlun shengshen
huangdi zhi (composed by the Heaven-appointed Saintly and Divine
August Emperor of Gold-wheel). The title Tiance linlun shengshen huangdi was obvi-
ously a combination of two of the cakravartin titles that Empress Wu accorded herself:
linlun shengshen huangdi (Saintly and Divine August Emperor of Gold-
wheel; on 13 October 693 [Changshou 2.9.9 yiwei]) and Tiance jinlun dasheng huangdi
(Heaven-appointed Great and Divine August Emperor of Gold Wheel;
on 22 October 695 [Tiancewansui 1.9.9 jiayin]) (liu Tang shu 6: 123, 124; Xin Tang shu
4: 93, 101; Zizhi tongjian 205: 6492, 6503). Both titles were officially renounced on
27 May 700 (Jiushi 1.5.5 [guichou]) (liu Tang shu 6: 129; Xin Tang shu 4: 101; Zizhi tongjian
206: 6546). Also abolished on the same day were two other cakravartin titles: Yuegu
jinlun shengshen huangdi (Saintly and Divine August Emperor of Gold-
wheel Who Surpasses the Ancient; received on 9 June 694 [Yanzai 1.5.lOjiawu]; Xin Tang
shu 4: 94; Zizhi tongjian 205: 6494) and Cishi yuegu jinlun shengshen huangdi
(Saintly and Divine August Emperor of Gold-wheel, the Maitreya,
Who Surpasses the Ancient; received on 23 November 694 [Tiancewansui 1.1.1 xinsi];
Xin Tang shu 4: 95; Zizhi tongjian 205: 6497). Given that Empress Wu had abandoned
all of her cakravartin titles more than four years before 24 February 704, when he wrote
the preface, it was obviously an anachronistic error to address her by such a title as "Tiance
Jinlun shengshen huangdi." For a detailed discussion of the historical circumstances under
which these titles were adopted and their politico-religious agenda, see Forte, Political
Propaganda, p.142ff.
The story of making this new translation is also recounted by Fazang in his commen-
tary on the sutra, Ru Lengqie xin xuanyi (T no. 1790, vol. 39), p. 430b16-
23. According to Fazang, by the time he went back to Khotan in Chang'an 2 (2 February
702 - 21 January 703) had only been able to finish a draft of the Chinese
translation of the Lahkiivatiira sutra at the Qingchansi in Chang'an, where he lived at
84 JINHUACHEN
That report in the Tang Huiyao and the Zizhi tongjian bas led some schol-
ars to conclude that Di Renjie's remonstration succeeded in persuading
Empress Wu to cancel the relic-enshrinement ceremony at Songshan
119

This assumption might also be supported by the following edict attributed
to Empress Wu:
*_%1:. 0 0
fUit ' *Jmgtfi: 0 , 0 , 'IW/fWJ3!li? ,
0
120
The teachings transmitted by the Sakyamuni Buddha are fundamentally
about transcending death and birth. The ritual of making a display of his
death definitely does not accord with the true dharma. For instance, we
heard that while entombing the Buddha's bone relics on the fifteenth day of
the seventh month of this year, some monks of the Tianzhongsi
the time, following his patroness Empress Wu, who moved her imperial court from Luoyang
to Chang'an in the two-year period from 26 November 701 to 21 November 703. The
draft was then entrusted to the Tokharian monk Mitrasena (or Mitrasanta, see below for
this monk) for polishing, with the assistance of Fuli, who was responsible for "binding the
composition" (zhuiwen and Fazang himself. The empress composed a preface for
it when the translation was done. This account is noteworthy in its failure to mention
stay at the Sanyang Palace in the course of preparing for the LaJikiivatiira
translation. In contrast with this, in his biography for Fazang mentions this
Sanyang Palace connection, althoughy.e says that left China in Chang'an 4
(10 February 704-29 January 705), contradicting what he says in the Ru Lengqie xin xuanyi,
according to which Siksananda left China two years earlier. See the Huayanjing zhuanji,
T vol. 51, no. 2073, p. i55a19-25. For the complicated issue of the date of
departure from China, see my discussion in my forthcoming book on Fazang, History and
His Stories: A Biographical Study of the Avata1J1saka Master Fazang (643-712), Chapter
One.
c That was engaged in the LaJikiivatiira translation at the Sanyang Palace in 700
also supported by his later biographical sources; see, for examples, Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T
vo!' 55, no. 2154, p. 566a22-23; Song gaoseng zhuan, Tvo!. 50, no. 2061, p. 718c28-719al.
119 See, for example, Barrett, "Srupa, Siitra and Sarfra in China," p. 4l.
120 The Tang da zhao ling ji (Compilation of the Tang Imperial Edicts;
compo Song Minqiu in 1070) (Shanghai: Shanghai yinshuguan, 1959), p. 587. The same
edict is also included in Quan Tang wen 95.l1b.
121 Fuli is known to have stayed at this temple, at which he was once visited by Wu
Sansi and a chief minister of Empress Wu, Su Weidao lfiJ;f;:m (648-706), a notorious
"fence-sitter" of that time. To celebrate this visit, Wu Sansi and Su Weidao each composed
a poem; see Quan Tang shi 65: 755 and 80: 867.
The Zizhi tongjian (208: 6616) mentions a temple called Zhongtiansi as one of
the three temples headed by the notorious Buddhist monk Huifan (?-712). It is pos-
sible that Zhongtiansi was an error for Tianzhongsi, or vice versa.
wept while wearing white (mourrring) robes
122
They did not understand the
wondrous principles and recklessly surrendered themselves to the feelings
of the commOners. We fear that scholars will have doubt about [this prac-
tice]. How can they avoid slandering [Buddhism]? It is proper that [the
authority of] the prefecture and sub-prefecture with jurisdiction over this
monastery immediately prohibit this practice.
Song Minqiu *iit>fr (1019-79) has dated this edict to the fifth month of
Shengli 3 (25 March - 23 April 700). This is apparently incorrect given
that the edict condemns an event which happened on "the fifteenth day of
the seventh month of this year" (jinnian qiyue shiwu ri 4-otJj +.li 13),
which implies that this edict must have been issued either in or after the
later half of the seventh month of the unspecified year. Is it possible to
correlate this edict with the reliquary enshrinement reported in the Tang
huiyao? We do not have sufficient evidence to do so. Even if this edict
was directed at that reliquary enshrinement, it was issued in order to pre-
vent the repetition of the practice of enshrining the Buddha's relics accom-
panied by a secular ritual - a fact which proves that the reliquary
enshrinement had already happened.
Thus, this edict by Empress Wu cannot prove that the reliquary
enshrinement reported by Tang huiyao and the Zizhi tongjian was can-
celled. Indeed, Empress Wu's cancellation of her own attendance at the
relic-enshrinement ceremony does not necessarily imply the cancellation
of the ceremony itself. Some circumstantial evidence suggests that such
122 The relic was enacted in this way probably in accordance with some customs related
to the Ullarnbana festival (Le. Yulanpen jie ~ ~ ~ 1 i J - the "Ghost Festival"), in which
the spirits of one's ancestors were honored. In one of his rhapsodies, the "Yulanpen fu"
~ ~ ~ ~ , the renowned early Tang poet, Yang Jiong mijiiJ (650-693?) describes this fes-
tival in Ruyi P D ~ 2 (22 April- 22 October 692), two years after Empress Wu's officially
announced ascension to the throne; see Yang Jiong's biography at Jiu Tang shu 190: 5003;
for his "Yulanpen fu," see Quan Tang wen 190.8b-lla, for which Stephen Teiser pro-
vides an English translation in his Ghost Festival in Medieval China (Princeton, New
Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1988; pp. 72-77). It seems that at that time some Bud-
dhist monks attempted to include the reliquary enshrinement (or entombment) as a part of
the ghost festival. T. H. Barrett (" Stiipa, Sutra and Sarlra in China," p. 40) suggests that
Empress Wu's government censured this effort as it involved treating the decease of the
Buddha as an occasion of actual ril-ther than apparent loss. This understanding is supported
by what is said in Empress Wu's edict.
86 JINHUACHEN
a relic enshrinement ceremony might have indeed happened at Songshan
in 700.
The Quan Tang shi contains two poems attributed to Zhang Yue
(667-731) and Xu Jian (ca. 659-729)123. Entitled "Song Wu
Yuanwai xueshi shi Songshan shu shelita"
;r1j:t1t (Farewell to Director Wu of the Bureau of Evaluation with the Title
of Academician, Who is Leaving for Songshan for the Imperial Mission
of Preparing for [i.e., Overseeing the Construction of] a Pagoda), the poem
attributed to Zhang Yue reads:
'
, a

lll9=t-=f3 ' a
' a
iill:fi:1<f!{rlrSifj1ilF,,' , a
*:ifFjff'*:ifFjffo
711UiHf , '& 0
124
Yearning for the Jade Spring,
Longing for the Benevolent One (the Buddha?)125.
Invisible is the true mind in extinction,
vainly leaving a shadow-pagoda beneath the cliffs of Songshan.
After the Treasure-king
l26
turned one thousand [dharrna-]wheels within the
Four Seas,
123 Zhang Yue's two official biographies are located at Jiu Tang shu 97: 3049-59, Xin
,,,Tang shu 125: 4404-12. Zhang Yue was famous for his close and extensive associations
. with his contemporary Buddhist leaders, including the Northern Chan leader Shenxiu 1$*
(606?-706), whom he probably treated as a teacher, and the renowned monk-scientist
Yixing -f'f (673-727). For Zhang Yue's connections with the Northern Chan tradition and
especially with Shenxiu, see Bernard Faure, The Will to Orthodoxy: A Critical Genealogy
of Northern Chan Buddhism (Stanford: Stanford University, 1997), p. 34ff.
Xu }ian has an official biography in Jiu Tang shu (102: 3175-76), which reports that
he died in Kaiyuan 17 (3 February 729-22 January 730) when he was over seventy years
old, hence the approximate date of his birth in 659.
124 Quan Tang shi 86: 94l.
125 This might remind one of the Chinese rendering of Sakyamuni as Nengren nEit:
("Talented and Benevolent").
126 Treasure-king (Skt. Ratnaraja?) refers to a Buddha, see the Da boruo boluomi jing
:kJilti1i71t?lifii!f (Mahaprajnaparamitasutra?), T vol. 7, no. 220, p. 950c3ff.
you are now escorting a golden jar
127
of one hundred grains of his relics.
A Siila Assembly128 to be convened at the mountain in the second month,
with rarefied {Sanskrit] songs saddening thoughtful people from afar.
I think of the past kalpas as countless as tiny motes of dust,
when I practised the true dharma with you under the meditation gate.
Although fluctuating between the immortals and Orchid Terrace,
I have constantly held the leaves of pure lotus flowers.
Coming well, leaving well.
Although the chariot proceeding, a horse remains motionless in perfect con-
templation.
We should see bodhi and have the afflictions removed!
Some Chan scholars have understood the pagoda mentioned in this poem
as one dedicated to the Northern Chan master Shenxiu129. The effort to
relate this pagoda to Shenxiu is probably derived from the poem's refer-
ence to Yuquan .:EJR, which is easy to identify with the Yuquansi .:EJR9'=
in Jingzhou, a monastery so closely related to Shenxiu. However, we
should note that Yuquansi seemed to be a very common monastery name
at that time. In addition to the one in Jingzhou, which was arguably the
most famous due to its ties with such prestigious monks as Zhiyi and
Shenxiu, at least two monasteries by the same name were known in the
same period: one at Lantian E:EB of Zhongnanshan, the other at Wan'an-
shan __ *rD in the Sub-prefecture Shouan ff.* (in present-day Yiyang
Henan) 130. It is noteworthy that in Shengong 1 (29 September -
19 December 697), Empress Wu would have visited the Wan'anshan
Yuquansi but for opposition from one of her court officials on the basis
of the mountain's extraordinary steepness 131. The Wan' anshan Yuquansi
127 It is a famous Buddhist story that the Buddha Sakyamuni's relics were contained
in eight gold jars. See the Dahan niepanjing houfen (The Latter Part of
the Mahaparinirvtil:w Sutra), T vol. 1, no. 377, 91Oc-911a.
128 This refers to the death of the Buddha, which was said to have turned the twin Sala
trees, under which the Buddha spent his last moment in this world, into white.
129 See note 135.
130 The former is recorded in the Xu gaoseng zhuan biographies of Jingzang MiZ (576-
626) (Tvo!. 50, no. 2060, p. 521c21, 523b22-23) and Kongzang (569-642) (p. 689c3-4),
while the latter is mentioned in Wang Fangqing's .:EJj,!t' (d. 702) Jiu Tang shu biography
(89: 2898). The Yuquansi mentioned in one Tang poem (Quan Tang shi 138: 1397) was
also obviously the Yuquansi at Lantian.
13l It was Wang Fangqing who stoP'ped the empress from this trip. See his Jiu Tang shu
biography quoted above.
88 lINHUACHEN
must have been a celebrated monastery at the time givep that Empress Wu
built a palace there in Chang'an 4 (10 February 704-29 January 705)132.
I believe that Yuquan in Zhang Yue' s poem refers to the Wan' anshan
Yuquansi, given that Shouan was close to River Yi {jI"JII133, at the banks
of which the farewell banquet was held according to Xu Jian' s poem.
With this clarification, let us return to the poems by Zhang Yue and
Xu Jian. With a title almost identical with that of Zhang Yue's poem, Xu
Jian's poem highlights the gloominess of imminent separation felt by all
the participants of the party134. Judging by their titles and contents, these
two poems were dedicated to a certain Wu, who was a Vice Director
(yuanwai[langJ of the Bureau of Evaluation (kaogong[siJ
and an Academician (xueshi in a farewell banquet held
in his honor shortly before his leaving Luoyang for an imperial mission
132 Tang huiyao 30: 557.
133 See Tan Qixiang r..;!'l]l, Zhongguo lishi dituji (8 vols., Shanghai:
Ditu chubanshe, 1982), vol. 5, pp. 44-45.
134 The title of Xu Jian's poem, "Song Kaogong Wu Yuanwai xueshi shi Songshan zhi
shelita ge" is identical with that of Zhang Yue's
poem except for the following two differences: in addition to being followed by ge l;fX:
(verse), a character not found in the title of Zhang Yue's poem, the title of Xu Jian's poem
has zhi shelita (to "construct a reliquary pagoda"), in contrast with shu shelita
in the title of Zhang Yue'slloem. Shu might be an error for zhi 'If.
, 0

' 0
, 0
:J:!<W'1fif;tJ!ij'j , 0
(Quan Tang shi 107: 1112)
With our horses parting by the side of the River Yi,
We leave each other after the banquet at the banks of the River Ea.
Facing the spring moon and flowers,
we see the wind and smoke ten thousand miles [away].
Watching the green mountains breaking the land apart,
while the white clouds floating in the sky.
Submerging our despondent hearts in wine,
expressing gloominess through the cold strings.
Shaking each other's hands,
looking into each other's eyes.
All dejected, everybody down by sadness.
of establishing on Songshan a pagoda for one hundred grains of relics 135.
This Wu tumsout to be Wu Pingyi if;I:;3jL- (d. ca. 741), a kinsman of
Empress Wu
136
Neither ofthese two poems is dated, although one of them
makes it clear that the banquet was held in the second month of the unspec-
ified year
l37
. Now let us see how we can narrow down the timeframe of
these two poems, and also of the imperial decree ordering the establishment
of the pagoda on Songshan.
135 In discussing Zhang Yue's relationship with Wu Pingyi, Faure (Will to Orthodoxy,
p. 35) observes that Zhang Yue sent Wu Pingyi to Songshan after Shenxiu's death in order
to place a poem on his pagoda there. Although Faure does not specify the poem, I suspect
that he refers to the poem under discussion here given that it is Zhang Yue's only poem
for Wu Pingyi. It is hard to believe that on this occasion Wu Pingyi went to Songshan as
ordered by Zhang Yue, as the character shi {JI! in the title of the poem shows the imperial
nature of his mission. It is also difficult to assume that the pagoda in question was Shenxiu's.
Some expressions in the poem, for example, Ratnaraja, "turning the dhram-wheel" and the
SaIa assembly, all suggest that the pagoda was for what was believed to be some relics of
the Buddha.
136 The "Zaixiang shixi" *1'I3i!t* (Lineages of the Tang Prime Ministers) in the Xin
Tang shu (74: 3140) refers to Wu Pingyi (a.k.a. Wu Zhen j\;;M) as a Vice Director of the
Bureau of Evaluation (kaogong yuanwailang and an Academician of the
Xiuxue Academy (Xiuxueguan zhixueshi Throughout the Tang period he
was the only member of the Wu clan who was known to have held the two titles of kao-
gong yuanwailang and xueshi. According to the same "Zaixiang shixi" (74: 3136-44),
Wu Pingyi was a great grandson of a paternal uncle of Empress Wu. The two official
biographies of Wu YUanheng j\;;5'Gm (d. 813), who was a grandson of Wu Pingyi, identi-
fies Wu Pingyi's father Wu Zaide as a cousin (zudi or cong xiongdi
of Empress Wu (Jiu Tang shu 158: 4159, Xin Tang shu 152: 4833). This contradicts the
"Zaixiang shixi," according to which Wu Zaide was one generation junior to Empress
Wu; that is, he was a grandson of a paternal uncle of Empress Wu.
Wu Pingyi is famous for his ties with the Northern Chan Buddhism. He was the author
of the funeral epitaph for Puji (651-739), one of the most important Northern Chan
leaders after Shenxiu. He was deeply involved in the creation and promotion of some
Northern Chan ideologies, including its version of Chan patriarchate, to the extent that
Shenhui t$tr (686-760) singled out him and Puji for criticism. See Yanagida Seizan
:fWElHI!1i.Lt, Shoki zenshu shisho no kenkyu (Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1967),
p. 111 and 116 note 14; John R. McRae, The Northern School and the Formation a/Early
Ch'an Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986), p. 67; Faure, Will to
Orthodoxy, p. 35, 75, 80, 94, 98 and especially pp. 192-93, note 67.
137 See Zhang Yue's poem. Xu Jian's poem provides a less specific time frame for the
occasion, by the expression sanchuan -=tf, which in literary Chinese refers to the three
months in the spring season (i.e. the first three months in the lunar calendar); see Moro-
hashi Tetsuji ilIlm.tR:, Dai kanwajiten ::kwffiDfF$ (13 vols., Tokyo: TaishUkan shoten,
1966-68) 1: 150.
90 JINHUACHEN
First of all, Zhang Yue's poem makes it explicit that he was then serv-
ing at court
138
As Zhang Yue began to serve in 690 by passing an exam-
ination supervised by Empress Wu herself
139
, the banquet must have been
held after that year. Secondly, as Zhang Yue and Xu Jian died in 730 and
729 respectively, they could not have appeared together at a banquet that
was held after 729. Thirdly, of the four Chinese rulers during this four-
decade period (690-729), EmpressWu (r. 690-705), Zhongzong (r. 705-
10), Ruizong (710-12) and Xuanzong (r. 712-56), Empress Wu was the
only one who is known to have been involved in some form of relic ven-
eration
140
. This enables us to narrow down the timeframe of the banquet
to some time between 690 and 705. Fourthly, some time shortly after the
incident of Wei Yuanzhong (640?-710?) in the ninth month of
Chang'an 3 (15 October - 13 November 703)141, Zhang Yue was banished
138 In his poem Zhang Yue expresses to Wu Pingyi his devotion to Buddhism despite
his interest in pursuing the Taoist practice of immortality and his preoccupation with
official responsibilities in a government office that he calls
which was probably equal to Lantai l!iIiil (Orchid Terrace). In Tang poems,
Lantai usually referred to the Palace Library (Mishusheng For lantai, see Moro-
hashi, Dai kanwajiten 9: 1035.
139 While Zhang Yue's Jiu Tang shu biography (97: 3049) notes that he passed this
examination after the capping age (when one became an adult at the age of twenty), his
Xin Tang shu biography (125: 4404) that this happened during the Yongchang
reign-era (27 January - 17 December (89), when he was twenty-three years old. Neither
the Jiu Tang shu nor the Xin Tang shu is accurate in the date of Zhang Yue's court exam-
ination, which was actually held on 29 April 690 (Zaichu 1.4.15 [xinyou]) according to Du
You tI:#:i (735-812), Wang Qinruo (d. after 1013) and Sima Guang. See Tongdian
(Comprehensive History of Regulations; completed 801, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1988),15: 354; Cefu yuangui (The Original Tortoise, Precious Treasure of the
Document Store; compiled 1005-13; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989), 643: 2124a8-9;
o Zizhi tongjian 204: 6463; Chen Zuyan Zhang Yue nianpu (Hong Kong:
Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 1984), pp. 7-9. 0
140 Zhongzong seems also to have something to do with the Famensi relic, bestowing
as he did in 710 a title on the Famensi reliquary pagoda. But it should be noted that he
was the emperor who ordered the relic to be sent back to the temple after it had stayed in
the palace for three years since it was brought there in early 705 at the request of Empress
Wu (see Section IV).
141 In Chang'an 3 (22 January 703-9 February 704), Zhang Yizhi (ca. 677-705)
and his younger brother Zhang Zongchang 5i* (ca. 677-705), two favorites of Empress
Wu who were believed to have been secret lovers of the empress (see below), asked Zhang
Yue for false testimony against Wei Yuanzhong, who was then in the way of the Zhang
brothers. Refusing to perjure himself, Zhang Yue revealed the truth to Empress Wu. How-
ever, probably at the instigation of the two Zhangs, the empress still decided to punish
to Qinzhou ~ 1 H (in present-day Qinxian &J(lIl*, Guangdong), whence he
did not return until Zhongzong re-assumed the throne in 705. From this,
we know that this banquet which involved Zhang Yue, Xu Iian and Wu
Pingyi, must have happened before 703, which can also be confrrmed by
what we know about Wu Pingyi. Wu Pingyi's biography tells us that dur-
ing the reign of Empress Wu, he went into retreat on Songshan to culti-
vate Buddhist practices, ignoring repeated imperial summons and that he
did not return to his political career until Zhongzong resumed his reign
in 705. Supposing that these repeated summons happened over several
years, Wu Pingyi must have retired to Songshan as a recluse several years
before Empress Wu's death in 705 - sometime around 702. This implies
that his acting as Empress Wu' s emissary to Songshan must have hap-
pened no later than 702. Thus, we can conclude that Wu Pingyi was sent
to Songshan to build a pagoda sometime between 690 and 702.
Although there is no decisive evidence for us to pinpoint a specific
year in which Empress Wu ordered Wu Pingyi to build a reliquary pagoda
at Songshan, I still feel tempted to correlate Wu Pingyi's imperial mis-
sion on Songshan with the event reported by the Tang huiyao and the
Zizhi tongjian. We know that Wu Pingyi went to Songshan some time in
the second month of an unspecified year (one of the thirteen years between
690 and 702), while Empress Wu was invited to attend a reliquary
enshrinement ceremony at the same mountain in the fourth or seventh
month of 700. Is it possible that it was in the second month of 700 that
Empress Wu sent one of her kinsmen to Songshan to oversee the con-
struction of a reliquary pagoda there, the completion of which would,
according to a pre-planned schedule, have been personally witnessed and
sanctioned by the empress herself two or five months afterwards but for
the strong intervention of Di Renjie? This appears probable to me.
Thus, regarding Wu Pingyi's imperial mission of constructing a pagoda
on Songshan and the reliquary enshrinement ceremony at Songshan in 700,
maybe the following comments are appropriate. First, we know with some
certainty that sometime between 690 and 702, Empress Wu ordered one
Zhang Yue by exiling him to a remote region in the south. See Jiu Tang shu (6: 131; 92:
2952-53; 97: 3050-51), Xin Tang shu (122: 4344-45; 125: 4406) and Zizhi tongjian (207:
6563-64).
92 JINHUACHEN
hundred grains of relics to be enshrined in a reliquaIJ: pagoda on Song-
shan, the construction of which was supervised by one of her kinsmen.
Second, if this reliquary enshrinement on Songshan happened in 700 (which
is probable although not definitely certain), it was very likely the reliquary
enshrinement that Empress Wu was invited to attend
142
Finally, I am
inclined to believe that the 700 reliquary enshrinement ceremony at Song-
shan, no matter whether it was the one overseen by Wu Pingyi or not, was
probably performed eventually although it was not personally attended by
Empress Wu as was originally planned. Empress Wu's decision to build
such a significant edifice on Songshan is rather considerable given her
unusual fondness of the mountain
143

The Songshan pagoda was not an isolated expression of the empress's
veneration for the sacred relics during her late years. Another impressive
piece of architecture was also constructed for the same purpose in the
same period, although it was located far away from Songshan - in the
western capital Chang'an. This building was known as Qibaotai, which
we have briefly mentioned before in connection with the Guangzhai relics
and the Guangzhai Monastery.
Regarding the Qibaotai, let us first make it clear from the very beginning
that this "tower" was in fact a pagoda according to Duan Chengshi
(803 ?-863), who reports on the "treasure-tower" (baotai Wtn at
the Guangzhaisi:
142 If this is true, Empress Wu ordered the construction of at least one pagoda on Song-
shan at the tum of the eighth century. This would also mean that Wu Pingyi started his
reclusion at Songshan shortly after his imperial mission to the mountain, not unlike his kins-
man Wu Youxu ji!;;{!lcl'ill' (655-723), who was a grandson of one of Empress Wu's paternal
(WU Shirang an older brother of Empress Wu's father Wu Shihuo) and who
decided to pursue a reclusive life at Songshan right after his mission of accompanying
Empress Wu during her visit to Songshan in 696 for the feng jt and shan 1lll ceremonies
(Zizhi tongjian 205: 6503; Jiu Tang shu 183: 4740; Xin Tang shu 196: 5605).
143 The 700 episode on Songshan was the last visit but one that the empress is known
to have made to this mountain. After this, the empress had found only one opportunity to
go back to Songshan, in the fifth to the seventh month of Dazu j;:Jl 1 (11 June - 6 Sep-
tember 701) (Jiu Tang shu 6: 130; Xin Tang shu 4: 102). T. H. Barrett suggests that the
empress, and also her husband, were attracted to this sacred mountain not only because of
its unique status as the so-called Central Mountain, but also for some astrological reasons:
they both believed that their fates were literally governed by this mountain. See Barrett,
Taoism under the T' ang: Religion and Empire During the Golden Age of Chinese History
(London: the Wellsweep Press, 1996), pp. 44-5.
.-6'il'kmi ' , '
iQ. a Ji5pgLiI ' , , ,144
The Treasure:terrace was very prominent. Ascending it, one could see as far
as the very limits of the four directions. The mural underneath the window
of the top storey was drawn by Yuchi [Yiseng] JMJEi1[Z{ilW] (ca. 650"710)145.
Under the window of the bottom storey was also a mural by Wu Daoyuan
(Wu Daoxuan a.k.a. Wu Daozi ca. 673-750)146. Neither
of them was the best work [of these two artists]. From the time he served
144 Sita ji (Account of Temples and Pagodas; compiled by Duan Chengshi
between 843 and 853). The Sita ji is included as two juan in the Youyang zazu xuji
a ten-juan continuation of Duan Chengshi's twenty-juan Youyang zazu
(Miscellanies of Youyang; completed in 860). Fang Nansheng provides
an excellent annotated version of the Youyang zazu (also called "Youyang zazu qianji"
and the Youyang zazu xuji as well in Youyang zazu (Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1981) (the Sita ji is found in pp. 245-64). In addition, an incomplete version of the
Sitaji is included in Tvol. 51, no. 2093, p. 1023cI8-23.
The quotation is found in p. 257 (Fang Nansheng's version) but is not found in the
Taish6 version. Alexander Coburn Soper's translation of this passage is found in his
"A Vocation Glimpse of the Tang Temples of Ch'ang-an. The Ssu-t'a chi by Tuan Ch'eng-
shih" (Artibus Asiae XXIII.1 [1960], pp. 15-40), pp. 30-31. Song Minqiu makes a mis-
take when he quotes this passage in his Chang'an zhi. He quotes as
see Chang 'an zhi, Tang Civilization Reference Series, p. 104.
145 The Tangchao minghua Iu (Record of the Renowned Painters and Their
Paintings under the Tang Dynasty), alternatively known as Tanghua duan !l!fifl'i (On the
Tang Painters and Their Paintings) (by Zhu Jingxuan [a.k.a. Zhu Jingzhen
Zhu Jingyuan active in the 840s] sometime in the early 840s), identifies this
Yuchi as Yuchi Yiseng mJEi1z.{!\I, a Tokharian painter who arrived in China in early
Zhenguan reign-era (23 January 627 - 5 February 650). See Nagahiro Toshio :llt-'liID11ifE,
"On Wei-c'ih [sic] I-seng: a Painter of the Early T'ang Dynasty," Oriental Art 12 (1955),
pp. 70-74; Soper, "Tang Ch'ao Ming Hua Lu: Celebrated Painters of the T'ang Dynasty
by Chu Ching-hsiian of the T'ang," Artibus Asiae XXI.3-4 (1958), pp. 213-14. This record
is repeated by Li Fang *11,0 (925-96) in his Taiping guangji ::;t:lJZ-'liiil (Broad Records
compiled in the Taiping [xingguo] era [976-83]; compo between 977 and 978;
Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961),211: 1618-19; Ono Katsutoshi /J\IfMJ1f:, Chiigoku Zui
To ChOan jiin shiryo shilsei (2 vols. Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1989),
vol. 1, p. 62. The tentative dates of Yuqi Yiseng and Wu Daozi are both provided by
Nagahiro Toshio in his annotated Japanese translation of Zhang Yanyuan's (d. after
845) Lidai minghua ji HHI:::lifiiil (Records about the Renowned Painters [and Their
Paintings] through the Ages; completed 845), the Reikidai myoga ki 11'lHI:::llltr:. (Tokyo:
Heibonsha, 1977,2 vols.), vol. 2, pp. 182-86, pp. 200-1 I.
146 It is also interesting to note that Wu Daozi had painted murals on another famous
Tang pagoda, the Dayanta ;;kJfl:llf (Great Wild Goose Pagoda), which was built within the
Ciensi in 652 at the proposal of Xuanzang and which still survives in present-day
Xi'an.
94 JINHUACHEN
in the Inner Court until he was promoted to the position of prime minister,
Prime Minister Wei Chuhou (773-828)147, on rus way home (from
the court), always came to this pagoda to bum incense and pay homage to
it (emphasis mine)148.
Thus, it seems that the Qibaotai was a pagoda of impressive height. The
Guangzhai quarter and the Guangzhaisi' s connections with relics also
support the reliquary nature of the Qibaotai. As for the construction of the
Qibaotai, Antonino Forte suggests that it happened probably sometime
towards 690, when Empress Wu was ready to replace the Tang dynasty
with her own
149
. However, the evidence shows that the Qibaotai was com-
pleted either in 703 or shortly before.
A Dunhuang manuscript, which was a colophon to a copy of the Chi-
nese translation of the SuvanJaprabhiisottama Siitra, the linguangming
zuisheng wang jing (Sutra of the Supreme King of the
147 Wei Chuhou was then an important supporter of Chan Buddhism, mainly a South-
ern Chan branch deriving from one of Huineng's lflI!fm (638-713) disciples, Mazu Daoyi
gmm- (709-88); see Jinhua Chen, "One Name, Three Monks: Two Northern Chan
Masters Emerge from the Shadow of Their Contemporary, the Tiantai Master Zhaman
1lfli (711-782)," Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 22.1 (1999),
pp.29ff.
148 In addition to these mural pair)!tngs, which did not survive, the tower was a house
to some sculptures, thirty-two of which are still extant, preserved in Xi'an (7), Japan
(21) and the United States (4). These existing sculptures consist of five groups of icons:
1) seven eleven-faced Avalokitesvara, 2) four Amitabha Triads, 3) seven Maitreya Triads,
4) nine Ornate Buddha images, and 5) five unidentified Buddha Triads. These existing
sculptures are the topic of Yen Chuan-ying's (Yan Juanying) 1986 Harvard Ph.D
dissertation, "The Sculpture from the Tower of Seven Jewels: The Style, Patronage and
>' Iconography of the Monument." She published main points of her dissertation in two arti-
cles in 1987, "The Tower of Seven Jewels and Empress Wu," Gukong tongxun i01:e:r3mllR
(National Palace Museum Bulletin) 22/1, pp. 1-19; and "Tang Chang'an Qibaotai shike
foxiang" (Stone Buddha-images within the Qibaotai [Tower of Seven
Jewels] in Chang'an), Yishu xue 1, pp. 40-89.
Duan Chengshi also reports in the Sita ji that the Guangzhaisi included a Samantab-
hadra Hall (Puxiantang which was originally Empress Wu's boudoir (shuxitang
and which Empress Wu always visited when the grapes were ripe. He also tells us
that there were some murals by Yuchi [Yiseng] in this hall. See Sitaji, p. 257; Tvo!. 51,
no. 2093, p. 1023cl8-23. This suggests that near the place where the Guangzhaisi was
located there was a temporary palace, in which the empress stayed now and then, either
as the consort of Gaozong or as a ruler in her own right.
149 Forte, Political Propaganda, p. 202, footnote 112.
Golden Light), lists Fabao 7*. (d. after 703) as a collaborator of Yijing
1SO

TIlls manuscript also records that the translation was fInished on 17 Novem-
ber 703 (Chang'an 3.10.4)151. All this suggests that the Guangzhaisi had
already been renamed Qibaotaisi by 17 November 703 and that the Qibao-
tai pagoda was very likely constructed before that time. Furthermore, an
inscription dated 27 October 703 (Chang'an 3.9.15) identifIes the monk
Degan (640?-705?), who was an important ideologue of Empress
Wu, as the Superintendent of the Construction of the Qibaotai (jianjiao
zao qibaotai )152. This also proves that the Qibaotai was
constructed not too long before that time (Degan would have had no rea-
sons to identify himself with a title accorded to him for a project that had
been completed long before). Qibaotai's tremendous size suggests that it
lnight have taken a couple of years to construct such a colossus. Conse-
quently, given that the Qibaotai was completed sometime in 703 (or slightly
earlier), it does not appear too far from the truth if one assumes that
Empress Wu ordered the construction of the Qibaotai in 700 or 701.
We know therefore that sometime between 700 and 703, a pagoda
(very likely for the enshrinement of relics) called Qibaotai was built within
the Guangzhaisi, which was accordingly renamed as Qibaotaisi. At least
one century after Empress Wu's death in 705, this monastery still pros-
pered in Chang'an under its original name, Guangzhaisi153. It is not clear
as to whether, after the official renaming, the name of Guangzhaisi
150 This Dunhuang manuscript, S 523, is included in the Dunhuang baozang
(130 vols. compo Huang Yongwu ji[7.kJEt, Tai-pei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1984),4.260-
70. It is also reproduced in Forte, Political Propaganda, Plate XXXIII.
In this manuscript, Fabao is identified as a "Verifier" (zhengyi a [Bhadanta]
Translator, the Senior of the Qibaotai[si] (Fanjing [dade] shamen Qibaotai Shangzuo
Fabao zhenyi Fanjing Ill;%!!! was an abbreviation of Fanjing
dade ["Bhadanta Translator"]; see Forte, Political Propaganda, p. 105, note 156).
151 This translation date is confirmed by Zhisheng in his Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T vol. 55,
no. 2154, p. 567a19-20.
152 linshi cuibian, Shike shiliao xinbian I.2.1l08b-ll091. Forte quotes and discusses
this inscription in his Political Propaganda, pp. 105-06. For the importance of Degan under
the Great Zhou, see Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 100-08.
153 During the Jianzhong era (11 February 780-26 January 784), the monk Sengjie
(fl. 780s) constructed a MafijusrI Hall (Manshutang at the Guangzhaisi in Chang'an,
which Zanning explicitly identified as that constructed by Empress Wu, saying that there
was a Tower of Seven Precious Materials at that monastery (see Sengjie's Song gaoseng
zhuan biography, Tvol. 50, no. 2061, p. 878bI5-c2).
96 JINHUACHEN
remained in use or, as seems more likely, the name of monastery was
shifted back to Guangzhaisi sometime after 705 (when Empress Wu abdi-
cated and then died) or sometime after 727
154
. Several significant monks
were known to have been associated with the Guangzhaisi at the end of
the seventh century and at the beginning of the eighth century. They
include the famous Chan master Huizhong .,*, (d. 775) (a chief disci-
ple of Huineng), a Buddhist missionary from Kucha and a couple of Bud-
dhist scholar monks, who were active participants in the Buddhist trans-
lation enterprise at that time
l55
. The importance of this monastery during
the mid-Tang period is also confirmed by the fact that it was the base for
compiling a (if not the) Buddhist canon, at least under the reign of Dezong
(r. 779-805)156.
If we correlate the 700 reliquary enshrinement on Songshan with the
Qibaotai, which was constructed in Chang'an also as a pagoda around the
same time, we are able to understand the two events better. They were
very likely two important components of the same politico-religious proj-
ect based on relic veneration. The purposes of this project are yet to be
studied, although it seems to be of little doubt that the empress's interest
in Buddhist relics surged to another height at that time.
Up to this point supreme power seems to have remained firmly in the
hands of this aged woman. It turned out, however, that her power was
starting to erode. Starting from the beginning of the eighth century, prob-
ably taking advantage of her age and poor health, her court officials who
remained loyal to the Li royal house conspired to re-enthrone one of the
disposed Tang emperors. As an indicator of the delicate political situation
154 There is evidence that until 727 the name of Qibaotaisi was probably still in use.
See HyechO's (Ch. Huichao) (active 720-73) Wang Wu Tzanzhu guo zhuan
(Record of Travels in Five Indie Regions), completed after 727), T vol. 51, no. 2089/1,
p. 979b3-7; EchO 6 Go-Tenjikukoku den kenkyu (comp. Kuwayama
ShOshin Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku Jinbun kagaku kenkyu sho, 1992), p. 26. The
passage is translated in Forte, "Chinese State Monasteries in the Seventh and Eighth Cen-
turies," Kuwayama, EchO 6 Go-Tenjikukoku den kenkyl1, p. 229.
155 At the Guangzhaisi, Huizhong probably associated with two important monks Liyan
fljB' (706? - after 788) and Zhizhen (fl. 800s). See Song gaoseng zhuan,T vol. 50,
no. 2061, p. 716b18, 721al-14, 805b16-17.
156 Zhenyuan xinding shijiao mulu (Catalogue of Buddhist Trans-
lations, Newly Completed in the Zhenyuan Reign-era [785-804]) (completed 799-800), T
vol. 55, no. 2157, p. 771c11-14, 774a3-5.
anhe time, in mid-703 some court officials, led by the out-spoken Wei
Yuanzhong, levelled severe criticisms against the empress's two favorites
(or lovers as later Confucian historians asserted), Zhang Yizhi and Zhang
Zongchang, to her considerable embarrassment
157
. It was only with her
forceful intervention that the enemies of her favorites were defeated.
Although faced with one of the most severe crises of her life, it would
have been impossible for a person of her talent, ambition and will to give
up without any struggle. The empress moved to act rapidly. On 21 Novem-
ber 703 (Chang'an 3.10.8 [bingyin]), she left Chang'an for her chief power
base, the eastern capital Luoyang, in which she arrived nineteen days
later (10 December 703; Chang'an 3.10.27 [yiyou]) 158. In Luoyang, she
started to contemplate and enforce some measures aimed at regaining a
full control of the empire. It was in this delicate political environment that
she launched the last round of relic veneration of her life
159
.
At the end of Chang'an 4 (10 February 704 - 29 January 705), four-
teen months after her return to Luoyang, Empress Wu had an audience
in her palace chapel with Fazang, whom she had known since 670 when
she lodged him at the Taiyuansi in Chang'an (Western Taiyuansi
which she had constructed for the posthumous benefit of her
newly deceased mother Madam Rongguo160. During this audience, Fazang
157 Zizhi tongjian 207; 6563-67 for this episode. It is through the arrangement of
Empress Wu's daughter Princess Taiping that Zhang Zongchang started his relationship
with the empress in Wansuitongtian 2 (30 November 696-29 September 697). Soon after
that, he introduced his older brother Zhang Yizhi to the aged empress, who took both of
them as lovers. The biography of the two brothers is attached to that of his grand-uncle
Zhang Xingcheng 5JH'TJilZ (585-651), who was deeply trusted by Taizong and Gaozong
(Jiu Tang shu 78: 2706-08; Xin Tang shu 104: 4014-16). While maybe the nature of
Empress Wu's relationship with the two Zhangs is to be decided, there is no doubt that
they were deeply trusted and emotionally relied on by the empress in her late years.
158 Zizhi tongjian 207: 6567.
159 The following account is based on the relevant part in Fazang's biography by the
Korean Ch'oe Ch'iwon (Ch. Cui Zhiyuan) (857 - after 904) around 904, the Tang
Tae Ch' onboksa kosaju pon' gyong taedok Popchang hwasang chon
(Biography of the Preceptor Fazang, the Late Bhadanta Translator and
Abbot of the Da Iianfusi of the Tang), T vol. 50, no. 2054, 283c25-284a14. For modern
studies on this relic veneration sponsored by Empress Wu, see Chen Jingfu, Famensi,
pp. 101-07; Kamata, "Genjii Daishi H6z6 to H6monji" Indogaku
Bukkyogaku kenkyii 38/1 (1988), pp. 232-37.
160 See Fazang's funeral epitaph written by Yan Chaoyin im:\l1\I (7 - ca. 713) shortly
after his death in 712, the "Da Tang Da Jianfusi gu Dade Kangzang Fashi zhi bei"
98 JINHUACHEN
mentioned to Empress Wu the Famensi relic, with she was by no
means unfamiliar. Empress Wu immediately ordered Vice Director the
Secretariat Cui Xuanwei (638-705) and Fazang to go to the Famensi
to fetch the relic to Luoyang
161
. They were accompanied by ten eminent
monks including the vinaya master Wengang (636-727)162, and a
bhadanta-monk called Ying 1J;l!})63.
Before opening the Famensi reliquary pagoda, the imperial emissaries
and their entourages performed a seven-day observance, probably in front
of the pagoda. When it was brought out, the relic emitted dazzling rays
of light. Fazang, who had burned a finger in front of the Famensi pagoda
earlier in his life, was emotionally overwhelmed
164
He held his votive text
in hands, reading it aloud to the people present there. The relic shone on
the palm of his hand, lightening up places both close and far away. In
accordance with the power of the merits that they accumulated over their
past lives, people on the spot saw different divine phenomena. Driven by
their flaming religious passion, they competed with each other in per-
(Epitaph for the Late Bhadanta and Dharma Master
Kangzang [i.e. Fazang] of the Da Jianfusi under the Great Tang), T vol. 50, no. 2054,
p. 280b15-17; a more detailed account can be found in Ch'oe Ch'iwon's biography, T
vol. 50, no. 2054, p. 281b15-20.
161 Cui Xuanwei's two official biographies are located at Jiu Tang shu 91: 2934-35;
Xin Tang shu 120: 4316-17. One year after Empress Wu's death in 705, framed by Empress
Wu's nephew Wu Sansi, Cui Xuanwei was exiled by Zhongzong to Guzhou l!:lJH (in pres-
ent-day Qiongshan :\tW, Guangxi) and died on the way.
162 For Wengang's Song gaoseng zhuan biography, see Tvol. 50, no. 2061, p. 791c-
792b. A chief disciple of Daoxuan and Daocheng m:mG (d. after 688; Song gaoseng zhuan
biography at Tvol. 50, no. 2061, p. 791b-c) and a fellow-disciple of Huaisu (624-97,
Song gaoseng zhuan biography at T vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 792b-793a), Wengang was a
renowned expert on the Sifenlii IZY:B-W: (Skt. Dharmagupta-vinaya). He was highly regarded
by Zhongzong and his successor Ruizong. His disciples included the famous Daoan m:fo:
(654-717; Song gaoseng zhuan biography at T vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 793a-c). Wengang's
Song gaoseng zhuan biography confirms his role in escorting the Famensi relic to Luoyang
in the tum of 705 (Tvol. 50, no. 2061, p. 792a21-22).
163 I have been unable to identify this monk so far.
164 This refers to the record in the same biography by Ch'oe Ch'iwon (Tvol. 50, no. 2054,
p. 283bl0-11), according to which Fazang committed this act of self-immolation when
he was only sixteen sui old (that is, in 658, almost half a century before he returned to the
Famensi as an imperial emissary). It is noteworthy that this happened exactly one year
before Gaozong (and Empress Wu) sent the two Famensi monks back to the temple to
search for the propitious signs necessary for the opening of the Famensi reliquary pagoda
(see Section I).
forming acts of self-immolation. Some set fire to the crown of their heads
(dinggang JJHIT), while others burned their fingers (zhiju They
also feared lagging behind in offering donations.
The imperial team returned to the Chongfusi in Chang'an with the
relic on the very last day of that year (29 January 705). On this day; Prince
of Kuaiji 1t;mx
165
, who was then acting as the Regent (liushou of
Chang'an, led all the officials and five congregations of Buddhist believers
in Chang'an to prostrate themselves at the left side of the road, greeting the
relic with extravagant offerings including fragrant flowers and various types
of music. The relic allegedly brought sight and hearing back to the deaf
and blind, enabling them to see the relic and hear the music honoring it.
The grandiose entry of the relic into Luoyang is depicted in the follow-
ing way:
'A1IJl'W 0 0
, 0 a ' ' ' ,
0 ;It.Jiirift ' ' EE'fl'!T ' ' 0167
On the eleventh day of the first month of the new year (i.e. Shenlong 1)168
(9 February 705), the relic entered Shendu (i.e. Luoyang)169. The empress ordered
the officials below the ranks of Prince and Duke, along with commoners in
165 This might refer to a nephew of Empress Wu, Wu Youwang (d. ca. 710),
who was enfeoffed as Prince of Kuaiji in Tianshou 1 (16 October - 5 December 690) (Jiu
Tang shu 183: 4729; cf. Xin Tang shu 206: 5837). However, Sima Guang reports that in
the seventh month of Shengli 2 (1-28 August 699) Empress Wu ordered another of her
nephews Wu Youyi j\';{&ii: (d. before 710) to replace Wu Youwang as the Regent of
Chang'an (Zizhi tongjian 206: 6540) and that on 2 November 703 (Chang'an 3.9.19 [ding-
wei]), only nineteen days before her departure for Luoyang, which happened on the 21"
of the same month (Chang'an 3.10.8 [bingyin]), the empress appointed Wu Youyi as the
Regent of Chang'an (Zizhi tongjian 207: 6567). Thus, it seems that it was Wu Youyi,
rather than Wu Youwang, who was the Regent of Chang'an when Jizang and his team
stopped by there en route to Luoyang from the Famensi. Ch'oe Ch'iwon seems mistaken
here.
166 Mengxun means the first ten days in a month.
167 Tvol. 50, no. 2054, p. 284a9-14.
168 On the very first day of Chang' an 5 (30 January 705), the reign name was changed
to Shenlong; see Xin Tang shu 4: 105, Zizhi tongjian 207: 6578.
169 Historical sources show that Empress Wu made some deliberate preparations for the
arrival of the Famensi relic. On 30 January 705 (Shenlong 1.1.1 [renwu]), she decreed a
grand amnesty (dashe on February 7 (Shenlong 1.1.9 [gengyin]), two days before
the relic arrived, she prohibited butchery (Xin Tang shu 4: 105; cf. Jiu Tang shu 6: 132).
100 JINHUACHEN
Luoyang and its adjacent areas, to carefully prepare banners, flowers and
canopies; she also ordered the Chamberlain forCeremoriials (taichang :::t1lt)
to perform music and to greet the relic as it was placed in the Hall of Light
(mingtang 1jg1lt). Then, on the day of "Lantern Watching [Eve]" (guandeng-
ri ~ ~ B; i.e. the fifteenth day of the first month [13 February 705])!70,
[Empress] Zetian, with her mind and body properly maintained and purified
and with [an expression of] supreme piety on her face, asked [Fa]zang to
hold up the relic as [she herself] prayed for universal good. From the time
the "True Body" (zhenshen ~ ~ ) (relic) was unearthed from the pagoda, to
the days when the roads were reserved [when it was transferred to the two
capitals], until the day it arrived in Luoxia m-T (i.e. Luoyang), there were
seven times when the propitious lights were captured and twice [when the
relic was lifted up by its own light so that it appeared] to be embraced in
[Fazang's] bosom and to be worn on the crown of his head!7!.
As the third story of the mingtang was actually a pagoda, it should not
come as a big surprise that Empress Wu chose this building as the loca-
tion for the ceremony of honoring the Famensi relic172.
It is almost certain that Empress Wu brought the Famensi relic to her
palace in the hope that it would work some miraculous regenerating power
on her rapidly deteriorating health. Insofar as this is concerned, this time
the Famensi relic was also consulted for its putative therapeutic power,
not unlike the situation forty-five years earlier when Empress Wu and
her husband turned to the same,,"sacred bone" for the personal welfare
of the emperor. However, in view of the political situation at the time, one
might assume that Empress Wu sponsored this relic veneration also with
an eye to re-allying the declining political support for her.
Contrary to what Empress Wu might have expected, this grand religious
seremony did not perpetuate her fortune. Only one week later, on 20 Febru-
'ffiy 705 (Shenlong 1.1.22 [guimao])173, joined by the seemingly reluctant
170 Here I assume that guandeng-ri refers to the fifteenth day of the first month, the night
of which was the yuanxiao 5C'i'lf festival.
171 In an interlinear note following the last two sentences in this passage (T vol. 50,
no. 2054, p. 284a14-19), Ch'oe Ch'iwon provides more details about these miracles. They
are discussed in my forthcoming book on Fazang (History and His Stories), Chapter Three.
172 Forte, Mingtang, pp. 161-63.
173 Xin Tang shu 4: 105; the Jiu Tang shu (6: 132) records the day as guihai of the fIrst
month, which was obviously a mistake for guimao, given that there was no guihai day in
this month.
, EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 101
Zhongzong, who was then ranked only as "Heir Apparent" by his mother,
Zhang Jianzhi (725-706), Cui Xuanwei and other court officials
launched a coup 'd'etat, which, though nominally targeting Empress Wu's
two favorites, the brothers Zhang Yizhi and Zhang Zongchang, who were
killed that day, was actually directed at the empress herself. On 23 Feb-
ruary (Shenlong 1.1.25 [jiachen]), Zhongzong proclaimed that he was
"superintending" the country (jianguo and on the same day Empress
Wu, after "handing over" (obviously not totally out of her own will) the
throne to Zhongzong, was moved to the Shangyang palace where
she died less than ten months later, on 16 December 705 (Shenlong 1.11.26
[renyin])174. What might have disheartened the empress on her death-bed
probably was not only the non-responsiveness of the "divine relics," but
also, ironically enough, the fact that the two leaders of the expedition to
the Famensi, Cui Xuanwei and Fazang, whom she had both appointed her-
self, became a chief plotter and an accomplice in the coup d'etat.
When Empress Wu was transferred to the Shangyang Palace, she com-
plained to Cui Xuanwei, "Other officials were promoted by some people
other than Us. It is only you who were promoted by Us [ directly]. Why did
you treat Us this way?" Cui Xuanwei was reported to have made this reply,
"I did this exactly in order to pay back Your Majesty's kindness! "175
As forFazang's involvement in the court strife in the early Shenlong
era, I argue e1sewhere
176
that a passage in Ch'oe Ch'iwon's biography
for Fazang must be read as a testimony of Fazang' s cooperation with the
Zhang Jianzhi group who plotted the murder of Zhang Yizhi and his
brother and Empress Wu's downfall. Fazang was then a chief director of
relic veneration in the court, especially the enshrinement ceremony in the
mingtang complex. We can imagine that after he brought the relic to
Luoyang on 9 February 705, he must have stayed close to Empress Wu
(and therefore close to the Zhang brothers) in the course of orchestrating
this important ceremony. This provided him some opportunities to keep
abreast of what the two Zhangs and their clique were then planning.
174 Jiu Tang shu 6: 132.
175 Xin Tang shu 120: 4317: The Zizhi tongjian (207: 6581) dates
this story at the night of the 705 coup.
176 Chen Jinhua, History and His Stories, Chapter Three.
102 JINHUACHEN
He thus cunningly turned his close relationship with patroness into a
valuable political asset that he used to ingratiate himself with Zhongzong
and his group. This reveals Fazang as a politically opportunistic and shrewd
monk, who was ready to abandon his most important secular supporter
when he sensed that the political situation had started to spin out of her
control, making his continued association with her increasingly to his own
disadvantage (or as he might have thought of it, to the disadvantage of his
religion). Fazang ended up being a "betrayer," rather than a supporter and
sympathizer, of Empress Wu. This also partly explains the glory and suc-
cess that he continued to enjoy under the reigns of the three successors of
Empress Wu, Zhongzong, Ruizong and Xuanzong (r. 712-56). Fazang
may have saved Buddhism from being associated closely only with the
Zhou in the minds of these three emperors and their officials.
The Famensi relic was not returned to its home temple until Jinglong
2.2.15 (11 March 708). On that occasion, the monks who escorted the
"sacred bone" included the two monks who brought it to Chang'an and
Luoyang in 705, Wengang and Fazang, the latter of whom made for the
relic a "spirit canopy" (lingzhang which was excavated in 1987177.
A stone stele unearthed in 1978 from near the Famensi pagoda reveals an
extraordinary practice on the part of the royal family - Zhonzong and
his empress, joined by four of their children, had their hair buried together
with the relic when it was sealed back inside the pagoda on 11 March
708178. We do not know whether the relic was sent back to Famensi
from Luoyang or Chang'an, where Zhongzong switched his imperial court
on 7 December 706. It could be that Zhongzong brought the relic with
him when he left Luoyang or that he just left it there. Two years later, on
.15 March 710 (Jinglong 4.2.11) Zhongzong decided to honor the Famensi
relic once again by bestowing the title, "Dasheng zhensheng baota"
("Treasure-pagoda for the True Body of the Great Sage"),
177 This role of Wengang is recorded in his Song gaoseng zhuan biography at T
vol. 50, no. 2061, p. 792a21-22. On the basis of this record Weinstein (Buddhism under
the Tang, p. 49) observes that Zhongzong had the fInger-bone relic (i.e. the Famensi relic)
brought to the imperial palace for worship. This seems inaccurate. For the "spirit canopy"
with the inscription signed by Fazang, see Wu Limin and Han Jinke, Famensi digong,
p.70.
178 Han Wei and Luo Xijie "Famensi chutu Tang Zhongzong xiafa rota
ming" Wenwu 6 (1983), pp. 14-16.
- EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 103
on the pagoda. He also had forty-nine monks ordained to mark the occa-
sion
l79

(V) Empress Wu and the Dharma-relic Veneration
So far we have confined ourselves to Empress Wu' s veneration of what
was believed to be the physical remains of the Buddha Now,
let us turn to another aspect of Empress Wu' s relic veneration - the cult
of the "dharma-sarlra." For this issue, the Chinese versions of the Bud-
vijaya dhiiral}-l sidra immediately capture our attention. First and
foremost, this s[ttra equates, although only implicitly, a stone-pillar inscribed
with the dhiiral}-l with a "pagoda of the relic of the Buddha's
whole body" (Rulai quanshen sheli sudubota
Secondly, this siitra devotes considerable attention to the amount and
nature of the mysterious powers that it attributes to such a dharal}-z-pil-
lar. According to this sidra, the erection of a dhiiral}-l pillar
guarantees that all the bad karma one has accumulated over one's past
lives will be automatically cut off forever. The spiritual merits deriving
from such a dharal}-l-pillar are not limited only to its patron. Those
sentient beings who have the fortune to see, or to be close to it, or just to
be touched by the dust blown from the pillar or even just pass under its
shadow, will instantly be freed of any kind of bad karma, no matter
how severe, and be enlightened to the truth
1B1
Finally, it is worth noting
that Chinese audiences understood the equation of a dharal}-l pillar with
a reliquary pagoda not merely metaphorically but also literally, as there
is evidence that some relics were enshrined within or at the top of some
dhiiral}-l-pillars, which were thus literally turned into pagodas
1B2
Given
179 "Wuyouwangsi baota ming," Shike shiliao xinbian 1.3. 1669.
180 If one constructs a pagoda on a thoroughfare, placing this dhara!}! on it and deco-
rating it with a variety of ornaments, and paying homage to it, the merits he gained by this
will be even greater: he will be a mahasattva, a pillar of the dharma and even a "pagoda
of the relic of the Buddha's whole body (Rulai quanshen sheli sudubota YO*3;:,1iNl'fU*
j!f?b't:l:it). That one becomes a reliquary pagoda is an unusual idea. Here, the author might
mean that the pagoda with such a dhara!}! will become a reliquary pagoda.
181 Tvol. 19, no. 967, p. 351b9.
182 Liu Shufen "Jingchuang de xingzhi, xingzhi he laiyuan - jingchuang yan-
jiu zhi er" Bulletin of the Institute of History
and Philology, Academia Sinica 68/3 (1997), pp. 643-786.
104 JINHUACHEN
that the dharaJ}l was considered a crystallization of Buddha's teach-
ings, the with relics were actually constructed and wor-
shipped as pagodas for both the physical and spiritual relics of the Buddha.
This sfitra became very popular in China, as is attested by the vast
numbers of pillars found all across medieval China 183.
Empress Wu played an important role in translating this sidra
and fostering the cult centering around that Four Chinese ver-
sions of the vijaya satra were produced under her
and her husband's patronage:
(1) Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing (Sutra of the Utmost
Superior Dhiiraf}l of the Buddha's Topknot), allegedly completed by
Buddhapiilita (Ch. Fotuoboli Jueai d. after 677) around
Yongchun 2 (2 February - December 27683)184;
(2) Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing completed by Du
Xingyi 1ffjlj!i (d. after 679) on 20 February 679 (Yifeng 4.1.5)l85;
(3) Foding zuisheng tuoluoni jing (Sutra of the Utmost
Superior Dhiiraf}l of the Buddha's Topknot), completed by Du Xingyi and
Div1ikara (612-87), Yancong, Daocheng (d. after 688) and others
on 3 July 682 (Yongchun 1.5.23)186;
(4) ZuishengJoding tuoluonijingchu yezhang fzou]jing
t.1m (Sutra of the Superior Dhiiraf}l ofthe Buddha's Top-
knot for Eradicating Karmic Obstacles); translated by Div1ikara (assisted
183 Liu Shufen, "Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing yu Tangdai zunsheng jingchuang de
jianli - jingchuang yanjiu zhi yi" --
Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 67/1 (1996), pp. 145-93.
184 T no. 967; see below for the relevant discussion on the legend regarding the for-
Mation of this version.
185 T no. 968. This date is provided by Yancong g:'i* (d. after 688) in his preface to
the Foding zuisheng tuoluoni jing (T vol. 19, no. 969, p. 355a24-26), which is followed
by the Kaiyuan shijiao lu (T vol. 55, no. 2154, p. 564a29-31) and Xu Gujin yijing tuji
(Continuation to the Gujin yijing tuji [Illustrated Record
of Buddhist Translations from the Past to the Present; compiled during 664-65 by Jing-
mai [fl. 640s-660s]), T vol. 55, no. 2151, 368c22-26. Yancong's preface is partly
translated in Forte, "The Preface to the So-called Buddhapilita Chinese Version of the
Vijaya DhiiraJ;zi Sutra," in Etudes d'apocryphes bouddhiques: Melanges en
['honneur de Monsieur MAKIIA Tairyo (ed. Kuo Li-ying, Paris: Ecole d'Extreme-
Orient, forthcoming).
186 T no. 969; see Yancong's preface to the Foding zuisheng tuoluoni jing (T vol. 19,
no. 969, p. 355b4-12), followed by the Kaiyuan shijiao lu (Tvo!. 55, no. 2154, p. 564a1-3).
by Huizhi [fl. 676-703 A.D]) shortly before 4 February 688
(Chuigong 3.12.27)187.
This number almost accounts for half of all the extant ten texts which are
either different versions of the siitra, or belong to the same
genre
188
Further, the legend centering around the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni
187 T no. 970. Zhisheng reports that Divakara prepared this new version with Huizhi on
the eve of his plan to go back to fudia (Kaiyuan shijiao Iu, Tvol. 55, no. 2154, p. 564a4-6).
On the other hand, according to Divakara's biography in the Huayanjing zhuanji (T vol. 51,
no. 2073, p. I55aI), although he was allowed to go back to fudia after repeated petitions, he
ened up dying in China when he was about to leave. As the same biography dates his death
4 February 688 (Chuigong 3.12.27) (p. I5SaI), we know that the translation must have been
done shortly before that. For Huizhi, see Antonino Forte's exclusive study, "Hui-chili."
188 The Taish6 Chinese Buddhist canon preserves thirteen texts, which is regarded as
belonging to the genre of the Buddholfl:ll:ja vijaya dhiiralJl slUra, includiing the following
nine texts in addition to the four translated under the reign of Empress Wu:
(1) T no. 971: Foshuo foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing (Sutra
preached by the Buddha on the Utmost Superior DhiiralJl of the Buddha's Topknot),
completed by Yijing (635-713) in Jinglong 1t'OO 4 (4 February - 4 July 710)
(Kaiyuan shijiao Iu, T vol. 55, no. 2154, p. 567b2I-23);
(2) T no. 972: Foding zunsheng tuoluoni niansong yiguifa
(Procedures and Methods for Reciting the Utmost Superior DhiiralJz of the Buddha's
Topknot), attributed to Bukong (Amoghavajra, 805-74) (Zhenyuan xinding shi-
jiao mulu, T vol. 55, no. 2157, p. 879c2I);
(3) T no. 973: Zunsheng foding xiu yujia fa guiyi (Procedures for
Cultivating the Yoga of the Utmost Superior [DhiiralJz] of the Buddha's Topknot),
attributed to SUbhakarasiIpha or Xiwuwei 1J;f!!!i:l3! (d.u.), allegedly SubhakarasiIpha's
disciple; see Eun Zenji shOrai kyoM mokurolat (Catalogue of
the Buddhist Texts Brought back by Meditation Master Eun [798-869]; one juan,
compiled in 847 by Eun), Tvol. 55, no. 2168A, 1089b5;
(4) T no. 974A: Zuisheng foding tuoluoni jing (Sutra of the Utmost
Superior DhiiralJz of the Buddha's Topknot), translated by Fatian $:5': (active 973-85);
(5) T no. 974B: Foding zunsheng tuoluoni (Utmost Superior DhiiralJl of
the Buddha's Topknot);
(6) T no. 974C: liaju Iingyan foding zunsheng tuoluoni ji
(Record of the Miracles Related to the Extended U!iIJI!iavijaya DharalJi), compiled by
Wu Che:lEtliit (d. after 765) sometime after 765;
(7) T no. 974D: Foding zunsheng tuoluoni zhuyi (Meanings of the
Utmost Superior DhiiralJl of the Buddha's Topknot), allegedly translated by Bukong;
(8) T no. 974E: Foding zunsheng tuoluoni zhenyan (True Words of
the Utmost Superior DhiiralJl of the Buddha's Topknot);
(9) T no. 974F: Foding zunsheng tuoluoni biefa (Separate Methods
for the Utmost Superior DhiiralJl of the Buddha's Topknot), by Ruona (Skt.
Prajfia?, d.u.) (allegedly active during the Tang).
However, three of these thirteen translations cannot be regarded as independent trans-
lations. T no. 974D is only a reproduction of the dhiiralJz section in Bukong's translation
106 . J1NHUA CHEN
jing by the obscure Indian monk Buddhapalita, which tm:ned out to be the
most popular of all the Chinese versions of the siitra, was an important
step in the formation of Wutaishan cult.
Narrated in a preface to the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing, this legend
has it that Buddhapalita arrived in China in Yifeng 1 (18 December 676-
7 February 677) in order to make a pilgrimage to Wutaishan, the reputed
abode of Mafijusri. On Wutaishan BUddhapalita's sincere prayers bring
about the appearance of an old man, who asks him if he comes to China
with a copy of the vijaya dhiiraIJ-1 sidra, which he believes
is the most effective way to rid the Chinese people of their bad karma.
Receiving a negative answer from Buddhapalita, the old man urges him
to return to India, saying that it is no use seeing Mafijusri without a copy
of the satra in his hand. Buddhapalita complies and returns to India. Seven
years later, in Yongchun 2 (2 February - December 27683), he returns
to Chang'an with a copy of the satra, where he has an audience with
Gaozong, who commissions Divakara and Du Xingyi to translate the satra
into Chinese. After that, the emperor rewards Buddhapalita and tries
to send him off without giving him back the Sanskrit original, but when
Buddhapalita insists it is eventually returned to him. Buddhapalita
then goes to the Ximingsi where he finds a Chinese monk called
Shunzhen Rl&iii (otherwise unknown), who knows Sanskrit well. Then,
with imperial permission and Shuhzhen's assistance, Buddhapalita starts
to prepare a new translation of the satra. After the translation is done, he
leaves Chang'an for Wutaishan, whence he has never emerged.
After relating this legend, the author of this preface refers us to the
Dingjuesi Abbot (sizhu Zhijing who, not unlike
Shunzhen, is not known from other sources
189
. It seems that the author
(T no. 972), with interlinear notes explaining the meanings of the Chinese transliteration
of the dhiiralJl. T no. 974B is identical with T no. 974D except that it is
accompanied by the Sanskrit original of the dhiiralJl while T no. 974D is
not. As for T no. 974C, it is composed of (1) some miracle stories related to the
jaya dhiiralJI, (2) the Chinese transliteration of that dhiiralJl and (3) that of an extended
version of that dhiiralJ! allegedly translated by Subhakarasiqlha or his disciple Xiwuwei
(found in T no. 973).
189 The compiler(s) of the Ming edition of the Fading zunsheng tualuani jing, and
the compilers of the Quan Tang wen, identified the author of this preface as SramaI).a Zhi-
jing of the Dingjuesi in the Tang (Tang Dingjuesi Shamen Zhijing F'l]1$;ijJ). See
EMPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDIllST RELICS 107
introduces Zhijing to us exclusively for the purpose of substantiating the
BriddhapaIita legend itself, as the rest of the preface is devoted to Zhi-
jing's experiences of getting it certified and re-certified by two contem-
porary Buddhist authorities. First, we are told that in Chuigong 3 (19 Jan-
uary 687 - 6 February 688) - exactly the year when Divakara died, while
staying at the Eastern Weiguosi in LUCiyang, Zhijing asks
Divakara about the source of the vijaya dhiiraf}l sutra.
Divakara allegedly tells him the same BuddhapaIita story. Then, Zhijing
gets the very same story re-confirmed two years later (in Y ongchang 1
[27 January - 18 December 689]) at the Da Jing'aisi from a
dharma master called Cheng i'I of the Ximingsi, who was probably Hui-
cheng (a.k.a. Huicheng d. after 695), an important ideologue
of Empress WU
190
The author concludes his story by saying that at the
time he wrote this preface the monk Shunzhen was still active at the
Ximin
'191
gSl .
The spurious nature of this legend is rather obvious. As a matter of fact,
the discreet Buddhist scholar Zhisheng already raised two points of doubt
concerning the chronology implied in this legend. First of all, he calls
our attention to the discrepancy that two Chinese versions of the sutra
were already completed in 679 and 682 (one by Du Xingyi independ-
ently and the other by Divak.ara and Du Xingyi together) on the one hand,
T vol. 19, no. 967, p. 349, editorial note 2; Quan Tang wen 912.14a8-9. This attribution
has been uncritically accepted by modem scholars. This seems doubtful judging by the way
that Zhijing is introduced here (the Rector of the Dingjuesi [Dingjuesi shangzuo .1:.*]).
Generally speaking, in his own composition a medieval Chinese author was not expected
to refer to himself by his official title(s) (such an act would be considered arrogant
and therefore inappropriate in a society in which modesty was regarded as one of the great-
est virtues). Furthermore, in talking about this preface, Zhisheng tells us, "That preface
was composed by somebody sometime after the Yongchang era (689)"
.. Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T vol. 55, no. 2154, p. 565bll; emphases mine). That
Zhisheng here avoids directly identifying the author of this preface as Zhijing suggests that
he actually does not take him as the author.
190 Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 92-93.
191 T vol. 19, no. 967, p. 349b-c. This legend is aslo summarized in Etienne Lamotte,
"Mafijusrl." T'oung Pao 48 (1960), pp. 86-88; Forte, "Hui-chih," pp. 117-118; Robert M.
Gimello, "Chang Shang-ying on Wu-t'ai Shan," Pilgrims and Sacred Sites in China (edited
by Susan Nanquin and Chlin-fang Yli, Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of Cali-
fornia Press, 1992), pp. 130-31; Liu Shufen, "Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing yu Tangdai
zunsheng jingchuang de jianli," pp. 169-70.
108 . JINHUA CHEN
while on the other, the Sanskrit original of the sidra did not arrive in
China until 683 according to the Buddhapalita legend. Secondly, Gaozong
had already moved to Luoyang by 683. How could it be possible that
Buddhapalita saw him in Chang'an in 683?192 We can supplement
Zhisheng's argument by one more piece of evidence from another source
about the same Buddhapalita.
A document which has survived to us by the title, "Xiuchan yaojue"
(Essentials of Cultivating Meditation), starts with this remark:
a ' a
a 0193
Briefly lectured on by Northern Indian Meditation Master Fotuoboli (in Chi-
nese Jueai who was a brahmin [in caste], in response to the inquiries
[asked of him]. Inquired of by SramaI,la Mingxun i3!3'1fj] (fl. 670s) of the
Chanlinsi in the Western Capital (i.e. Chang'an), who also made this record
accordingly. The Indian monk Huizhi of the same monastery acted as
interpreter. It was then the second year of the Yifeng era of the Great Tang
(the sui of dingchou) (8 February 677-27 January 678).
As suggested by its title and confirmed by its contents, this text was a
record of the dialogue between the monk Mingxun and Buddapalita con-
cerning some principle methods of meditation. Regarding the date and pur-
pose of this meeting between Miiigxun and Buddapilita, Antonino Forte
suggests that it happened shortly after Buddapalita arrived in China and
that such a meeting was arranged in order to test Buddapalita's ability and
personality and to find out, on Gaozong's behalf, to what extent he might
be useful
195
This is not supported by the contents of the Xiuchan yaojue
itself. Mingxun begins his queries with his concern that Buddapilita was
192 Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T vol. 55, no. 2154, p. 565b5ff. On 3 June 682 (Y ongchun 1.4.22
[yiyou]), Gaozong arrived in Luoyang, where he stayed until he died on 27 December 683
(Yongchun 2.12.4 [dingsi]). See Jiu Tang shu 5: 109-12, Xin Tang shu 3: 77-79, Zizhi
tongjian 103: 6409-16; Jiu Tang shu 5: 112, Xin Tang shu 3: 79, Zizhi tongjian 103:
6416.
193 Wanzi xuzang jing (Tai-pei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1968-70) (rep.
Dai Nihon zokuzokyo [eds. Nakano Tatsue et al., Kyoto: Z6ky6
shoin, 1905-12) (hereafter XZJ), 110: 834a13-15.
194 This sentence is presented as an interlinear note in the text.
195 Forte, "Hui-chih," p. 117.
EMPRESS WU'S POLfTICAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 109
about to leave China and that there would be no chance for them to meet
again (jiyu huan guo, chonghui wuqi , He repeats
the same concern in his second queryl96. All this proves that the meeting
was conducted shortly before BuddapiHita's departure from China. The
meeting was brought about by Mingxun's desire to consult Buddapalita
on meditation. More importantly, it seems that Buddapalita did not have,
or at least was not known to have, any plans to come back to China on
the eve of his departure. Otherwise, Mingxun would not have so strongly
expressed to Buddapalita his regret on his inability to see him again.
Although we cannot exclude the possibility that he later changed his mind
and did come back, this does undermine the authenticity of the story that
he went back to India to fetch the dhiiral}l text.
Thus, we can say that, on the one hand, this text proves that a North-
ern Indian monk called Buddhapilita did arrive in China and that he left
China either in or shortly after 677; and that, on the other, it also pres-
ents some additional difficulties for us to take the Buddapalita legend at
its face value. The fictitious nature of the preface, which turns out to be
the sale source for his biographies in the Kaiyuan shijiao lu and Song
gaoseng zhuan, has rendered it difficult to accept the theory it fosters
that Buddhapalita returned to China six years later with a copy of the
vijaya dhiiral}l sidra. It is therefore questionable that Bud-
dhapilita was the transmitter or a translator of the dhiiral}l text He was
probably only used as a convenient figure to promote the efficacies of the
on the one hand and Wutaishan's reputation as
Maiijusn's alleged new abode on the other. To have a respectable Indian
monk to confirm Wutaishan's ties with Mafijusn was actually an "inte-
gral part of a far-reaching political project whose aim was to transform
China from a peripheral to a central area of Buddhist civilization"197.
Such a project was urged by Empress Wu's claim to her sacred reign of
China, and potentially the whole world or even the whole universe, as the
new Cakravartin king.
The geographical proximity between Wutaishan and the empress's
native place (i.e. Wenshui :)Ut<" in present-day Shanxi) suggests that the
196 Xiuchan yaojue, Xli 110: 834bl, b4.
197 Forte, "Hui-chih," p. 118.
110 .JINHUA CHEN
Buddhapalita legend was probably a strategy on the part of the empress
and her ideologues to tout her family's divine origin by establishing its
intrinsic ties to this sacred mountain and the principal Buddhist deity
dwelling there - Mafijusn
198
. The fact that one of Empress Wu's kins-
men compiled a text relating some miracles related to the
dharar.ti also attests to the extent to which she and her family were
involved in the cult
199
. Also, the effort made by two
of her major ideologues to promote the vijaya dhiirar.tl sidra
is clearly documented by a commentary, which does not survive but the
title of which is fortunately recorded in two Japanese Buddhist catalogues
compiled at the beginning of the tenth century200.
198 Empress Wu was not the initiator of the Wutaishan cult, which can be traced back
to Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei (r. 471-99), who constructed at least one
temple and thousands of small stone-pagodas on the central peak of the mountain. See the
Gu Qingliang zhuan (Oldest Record of Mount Qingliang [i.e. Wutaishan]; by
Huixiang [active 660s-680s] sometime between 680 and 683), T vol. 51, no. 2098,
p. 1094a25ff; Fayuan zhulin, Tvol. 53, no. 2122, p. 393all-13, 596al1-12. That Empress
Wu's fascination with Wutaishan might have been spurred by her family interest is sug-
gested by Du Doucheng ;j:3J-:9iX; in his Dunhuang Wutaishan wenxian jiaolu, yanjiu
, (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1991), p. 111.
199 This text is the above-mentioned liaju lingyan foding zunsheng tuoluoni ji by Wu
Che, a fourth generation grandson of Wu Shirang, one of Empress Wu's uncles: Shirang
---7 Hongdu SAlt. ---7 Youwang ---7 ? ---7 Che. See Xin Tang shu 74A: 3136-39, where Wu
Che was identified as the governor of Yangzhou i!fJ'I'1 (in present-day Y angxian
Shaanxi), although in the liaju lingyan foding zunsheng tuoluoni ji he identifies himself
as a Grand Master for Court Discussion (Chaoyi dafu iW:lm:*:7i:) and Attendant Censor
(Shiyu shi fi'HI115/:.) (T vol. 19, no. 974c, p. 386a3). In the same work Wu Che tells us that
he started to recite the U from his boyhood. His religious devotion had
become more enthusiastic after he lost his wife in the early Yongtai Zk* reign-era (26 Jan-
uar;uy 765-18 December 766). In view of this, Liu Shufen seems mistaken in identifying
\ViI Che as a person belonging to the ninth century; see her "Foding zunsheng tuoluoni
jing yu Tangdai zunsheng jingchuang de jianli," p. 161.
Hongdu was also known by his style name Huaiyun For Wu Shirang and Wu
Youwang, see notes 142 and 165.
200 This text was called "Zunsheng tuoluoni jing zhulin" (Pearl-
forest of the Zunsheng tuoluoni jing, in one juan), recorded in the Sho ajari shingon mikkyo
burui soroku (Complete Catalogue of Various Dharm:liEsoteric
[Works Brought Back from China by] the [Japanese] Acaryas) (initially compiled in 885
and revised in 902 by Annen [841-904 ?]), which attributes this text to Bolun i!Ii:
(d. after 703) and Xinggan (d. ca. 694) (Tvol. 55, no. 2176, p. 1119b2); and the Hosso-
shU shOsho (by Heiso :sP:f'F [d. after 914] in 914), which identifies Xinggan
alone as its author (Tvol. 55, no. 2180, p. 1139all). Both Bolun and Xingan were impor-
tant Buddhist idelogues for Empress Wu, with one (Xinggan) among the ten Buddhist monks
We cannot be very certain as to when this legend was concocted,
although it definitely appeared before 730, as Zhisheng questioned it in
a catalogue completed in that year. In view of the fact that the last year
mentioned in that preface is 689, we might assume that it was probably
written either in that year or shortly afterwards and therefore that the
Buddhapalita legend also appeared around the same period -exactly on
the eve of Empress Wu's "usurpation" in 690
201
.
After the Zunsheng tuoluoni jing, another dharalJl text translated under
the same empress's patronage ought to be considered. Titled "Wugou
jingguang da tuoluoni jing" (Sutra of the Great
DhiiralJl of Pure Light), this text is a Chinese version of the Sanskrit Ras-
mivimalavisuddhaprabhiidhiiralJl prepared by the Tokharian monk Mitu-
oshan (var. Mituoxian (Mitrasena? or Mitrasanta?; d. after
704) in 704, the very end of Empress Wu's reign, when her enthusiasm
for relic veneration culminated in the transfer of the Famensi relic to
Luoyang.
The earliest known report of Mitrasanta is provided by Fazang in his
commentary on the Laflkavatara Sutra. Mitrasanta had stayed in India
for twenty-five years and knew the Laflkavatara sutra very well. Because
of this, sometime in Chang'an 2 (2 February 702-21 January 703) Empress
Wu ordered him to edit the draft of the Laflkiivatara translation left by
This is Mitrasanta's earliest accountable activity in China, a
fact which suggests that he arrived in China either in or shortly before 702.
The second source about Mitrasanta is Zhisheng, who left two largely
identical biographical notes for him in his two Buddhist catalogues
202

In addition to confirming Mitrasanta' s role in translating the Laflkiivatara
Sutra, Zhisheng also tells us that Mitrasanta and Fazang translated the
Wugoujingguang tuoluonijing in the last year (monian *1f.) of Empress
Wu's reign, which one of Fazang's biographers, the Qing Dynasty Buddhist
who presented to the court the commentary on the Dayunjing on 16 August 690 and the
other (Bolun) actively serving in the translation projects sponsored by the empress. See
Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 97-100.
201 In one of his forthcoming articles on the Buddhapalita legend (tentatively titled
"Fixing Mafijusrl in China in Late Seventh Century"), Forte suggests that the preface was
written sometime between 689 and 695.
202 Xu Gujin yijing fuji, Tvo!. 55, no. 2155, p. 369c23-27; Kaiyuan shijiao lu, Tvo!. 55,
no. 2154,p. 566b27-c4
112
.JINHUA CHEN
monk Xufa ti1t (fl. 1680), dated to Shenlong 1 (30 705-18 Jan-
uary 706)203. This dating seems problematic given what Zhisheng con-
tinues to tells us: shortly after completing the translation of the Wugou
jingguang tuoluoni jing Mitrasanta returned to Tokhara with a lot of gifts
from Empress WU
204
Given that Empress Wu abdicated on 22 February
705, this report of Zhisheng suggests that Mitrasanta's translation was very
likely undertaken in 704, rather than 705. If this is correct, then Mitrasanta
only stayed in China for about two years (702-4).
In contrast with Zhisheng, the Song Buddhist author Zanning, in his
biography for Mitrasanta, dates the translation of the Wugou jingguang
tuoluoni jing to the Tianshou reign-era (17 October 690-21 April 692)205.
This cannot be true if we accept Zhisheng's opinion that Mitrasanta's
Wugou jingguang tuoluoni jing was a second version after s
Ligou jingguang tuoluoni jing, which could not have been made before
695 given that arrived in China either in or shortly before
that year
206
Zanning's dating is particularly implausible if Mitrasanta did
not arrive in China until 702 (or shortly before), as is suggested by Fazang.
In comparison with the vijaya dhiiralJl sidra, the Wugou
jingguang da tuoluoni jing is far less familiar to scholars of East Asian
Buddhism. For this reason, let us make a summary of its contents before
discussing its connections with Empress Wu and its importance for the
cult of "dharma-relics" in East A1>ia.
Like the vijaya dhiiralJl sidra, this text begins with a pan-
icked brahmin who learns from a prognosticator that he is to die in seven
days and is to be reborn in the hell for continuous suffering. Upon this
terrifying revelation, the brahmin runs to the Buddha for help. The Buddha
him to repair a collapsing pagoda which contains some relics
of a Tathi:igata and is located beside a road in Kapilavastu. The Buddha
assures that brahmin that if he puts inside the pagoda a wood tablet
inscribed with some dhiiralJzs and worships it with various offerings, his
203 Fajiezong wuzu lUeji i:M'!!*E.:tl3.l!I/tliC (A Brief Account of [the Lives of] the Five
Patriarchs of the Fajie [i.e. Huayan] Sect; completed 1680), XZJ 134.548al-2.
204 Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T vol. 55, no. 2154, p. 566c3-4.
205 Song gaoseng zhuan, Tvo!. 50, no. 2061, p. 719c5-6.
206 See Sik<!linanda's biography in the Huayanjing zhuanji, Tvol. 51, no. 2073, p. 155a12-
15.
life will be significantly lengthened and after his death he will be reborn
in heaven. Asked the details of this dharalJl procedure, the
dha starts to lectUre on three dharalJzs and the corresponding methods for
honoring them.
The flrst is the so-called "root-dharalJl " (genben tuoluoni t.tt*lltf.lfE),
for the worship of which the Buddha prescribes the following procedure.
On the eighth, thirteenth, fourteenth or fifteenth day of the month, one
should clockwise circumambulate a pagoda seventy-seven times and recite
this dharalJl the same number of times. Then, one should purify oneself
and make seventy-seven copies of this dharalJl on a ma1J4ala which should
be well protected and ornamented. The seventy-seven dharalJl-texts are
finally placed inside the pagoda. One can also make seventy-seven minia-
ture clay pagodas, into each of which is inserted one of the seventy-seven
dharalJl scripts.
Regarding the second dharalJl, which is for the "central pillar" at the
top of the pagoda (xiangluntang zhong tuoluoni
ninety-nine copies of this dharalJl must be reproduced which are used to
surround the xiangluntang. A copy of the dhiiralJl will also be inserted
into the core of the central pillar of the pagoda. One can also make a
miniature clay pagoda and have a copy of this dharar/i inserted into it.
The third dharalJl, which is for the center of the "rings around the top pil-
lars" of a pagoda (xianglun tuoluoni ;J:El.IltMfE), should be recited 1008
times before the construction of a pagoda. The reciting of this dharalJI will
bring forth unusual fragrances from the pagoda. Of this dharalJl, an
unspecified number of copies will also be made properly, and will be
enshrined in the pagodas and their central pillar too.
After the Buddha introduces to his audience these three dharalJls and
their corresponding procedures, Bodhisattva
(Ch. Chugaizhang recites a dharalJI, called "the dharalJl for
the seal of self-mind" (zixinyin tuoluoni This dharalJl,
preached by ninety-nine kotis of Buddhas, will also be reproduced ninety-
nine times and the ninety-nine dharalJz-scripts will also be put inside, or
spread around, a pagoda.
207 Close to the top of a pagoda are some rings (i.e. xianglun fiIifIi), which are surroun-
ded by a central pillar (i.e. xianglun-tang).
114 ,JINHUA CHEN
After approving the dhiira{ll and its procedure as recite4 and formulated
by Sarva-nivarax:ta-vil?kambhin, the Buddha lays out an overall procedure
for observing the four dhiira{lls in connection with the pagoda cult. The prac-
titioner should properly reproduce ninety-nine copies of these four dhiira{llS;
and then construct in front of a Buddha-pagoda a square ma{lr.jala, on which
some specific rituals are to be performed. These rituals will be followed by
the enshrinement of the dhara{ll-copies around the pagoda or inside the
central pillar at the top of the pagoda. After that, one starts to visualize the
Buddhas in the ten directions, simultaneously reciting a:fifth dhiira{ll twenty-
eight times, which will succeed in evoking the appearance of various
deities, who will empower the pagoda and turn it into a great mani pearP08.
Throughout the whole sidra, the author has spared no energy in empha-
sizing the numerous mysterious merits that a pagoda sanctified with the
four dhiira{lls, no matter whether separately or collectively, will yield.
These merits include longevity, rebirth in TUl?ita heaven, extirpation of bad
karmas on the part of the practitioner of the dhiira{ll-pagoda cult. How-
ever, the erection (or ornamentation) of such dhara{ll-pagodas will ben-
efit not only the erector/embellisher but also those sentient beings who,
no matter whether consciously or adventitiously, come into contact with
the dhiira{ll-pagodas. All sentient beings, including human beings and all
kinds of animals, who are under the shadow of such a pagoda or hear the
, sound of the bells at its top, will1tttain liberation. The place where such
a pagoda is erected will be free from all human and natural disasters. All
this strongly reminds us of the extraordinary powers that the
vijaya dhiira{ll sutra attributes to an pillar.
It is interesting to note that although this is a Buddhist text, it is not
within the circle of scholars of East Asian Buddhism, but that of experts
on the history of East Asian science and technology, that the Wugou jing-
guang da tuoluoni jing is best known. This is not so hard to understand
as it appears to be, given that the earliest known evidence for printing tech-
nology in East Asia still remains a wood-block printed version of this
text excavated in 1966 from a Buddha-pagoda at the Pulguksa in
208 A more general summary of the contents of the Wugou jingguang da tuoluoni jing can
be found at Mimi Hall Yiengpruksawan, "One Million of a Buddha: the Hyakumanto Dharani
in the Scheide Library," Princeton University Library Chronicle 48 (1986-87), pp. 230-31.
Kyongju !Hl'l of Korea, which was constructed in 751. Evidence shows
that the same dhiirmJJ sidra (probably also a printed copy) had already
been placed inside a pagoda in a different Korean temple almost half
century earlier (in 706)209. Peter Kornicki suggests that the pra<;:tice of
enshrining this dhiiral}z text in a pagoda might not have originated from
the Korean peninsula; rather, he points to its possible connections with
Empress WU
210
This opinion is shared by Forte:
To go back to the printed material found in Korea and Japan, it is obvious
that here we are dealing with a Buddhist religious practice that is directly
related to the dhiiralJ! in question. Now, it is known that Korean and Japan-
ese Buddhism in the eighth century is purely and simply an emanation of
Chinese Buddhism. It is unthinkable that any Buddhist religious practice
existing in Korea or Japan in that period was not also to be found before in
China. In the last analysis, it is all too obvious that one must think of China
as the place from which the practice spread east, and all the more so if we
consider that the text in question was translated in China between 690 and
705 by the monk Mituoshan. The fact that the text found in Korea contains
special characters, used until 705, leads to (sic) believe that the text, after
translation, could immediately have been printed and some copies sent to
Korea, which was under the control of China at that time
211

The likelihood of this hypothesis seems rather high given that some time
between 764-770, around six decades after Empress Wu's death, the
209 For this important archaeological discovery, see Li Hungjik $5LtiIi:, "Keishii
Bukkokuji shakato hakken no Mukujoko dai daranikyo"
ChOsen gakuhO 49 (1989), pp. 457-82; and Kawase Kazuma
"Shiragi Bukkokuji ShakatO shutsu no Muku joko dai daranikyo ni tsuite"
Shoshigaku, 2nd Series, 33/34 (1984), pp. 1-9. Denis
Twitchett, Printing and Publication in Medieval China .(N ew York, Frederic C. Beil, Pub-
lisher, 1983), pp. 13-14.
210 Peter Kornicki, The Book in Japan: A Cultural History from the Beginnings to the
Nineteenth Century (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998), pp. 114-117.
211 Private correspondence dated 20 May 2001. See also Forte, "Scienca e tecnica," in
Cina a Venezia: dalla dinastia Han a Marco Polo (Milano: Electa, 1986), pp. 38-40. The
English version of this article was published as "Science and Techniques" (in China in
Venice: From the Han Dynasty to Marco Polo [Milano: Electa, 1986], p. 38-40), which, as
Professor Forte told me, was not checked by him and contains many errors. He kindly pro-
vided me an emended version of the relevant passages in the English version. The passage
I quoted here is from this emended version. Forte maintains his opinion in another of his
articles, "Marginalia on the First International Symposium on Longmen Studies," Studies
in Central & East Asian Religions 7 (1994), p. 77.
116
JINHUACHEN
Japanese female ruler Empress ShOtoku (a.k.a. Koken 718-70;
r. 749-58, 764-770), whose reign bears comparison with that of her coun-
terpart in China, sponsored an enormous project of creating one million
miniature pagodas containing printed copies of the same dhilral}ltext
212

Partly based on Kornicki's study, T. H. Barrett has recently associated this
dhilral}z text, or the dhilral}zCs) contained therein, with the funeral rites of
the empress. He suggests that the 706 text in Korea might be traced back
to the effort on the part of Zhongzong to honor (or pacify) the empress's
spirit by spreading printed copies of the dhilral}z text to the whole king-
dom and several neighboring states including Korea
213
. This dhilral}z text
was picked not only because it was one of the last translations that the
empress had ever sponsored, but also its alleged inconceivable posthumous
benefits for the deceased.
We cannot conclude this discussion of Empress Wu's involvement in
dharma-relic veneration without mentioning a third text, which, although
much shorter than the two discussed above, was also important for the
dharma-relic cult. Entitled "Foshuo zaota gongde jing"
(Sutra Preached by the Buddha about the Merits of Constructing Pago-
das), this siitra was translated by the same Divi'ikara in Yonglong 1 (21
September 680 - 24 January 681)214. As this text has been accurately trans-
lated and capably studied by DaIljel Boucher, here let me but observe
that by urging its readers to reproduce the pratltyasamutpiidagilthil, which
212 Sh6toku is well known for her deep reliance, both political and emotional, on the
Buddhist monk D6ky6 (d. 772), who was believed to have been her secret lover and
who almost succeeded in becoming an emperor in his own right. See Yokota Ken'ichi
:fJjE,El%t-, Dokyo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa k6bunkan, 1959); Ross Bender, "The Hachi-
man Cult and the D6ky6 Incident," Monumenta Nipponica 34 (1979), pp. 125-53; and Paul
Groner, SaicM: The Establishment of the Japanese Tendai School (Seoul: Po Chin Chai
Ltd, 1984), pp. 10-1l.
For the construction of the one million miniature pagodas sponsored by Empress ShOtoku
(generally known as "Hyakumant6" in addition to Nakane Katsu's $;fJ!t.oo mono-
graph, Hyakumanto darani no kenkyft (Osaka: Hyakumant6 darani
no kenkyil iinkai, 1987), see also Nakada Sukeo $EE1ti;;\;::, "H6ryiiji Hyakumant6 darani
no insatsu" Bunbutsu 49 (1981), pp. 72-85; Brian Hickman,
"A Note on the Hyakumant6 DharanI," Monumenta Nipponica 30 (1975), pp. 87-93; Yieng-
pruksawan, "One Million of a Buddha."
213 Barrett, "Stiipa, sfttra and 5arira in China," pp. 51-58.
214 T no. 699. The translation date is recorded in the Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T vol. 55,
no. 2154, p. 564a8.
it regards as the Buddha's dharamkiiya (fa fashen and put the
copies into pagodas, this sidra presents an interesting contrast to the
former two dhiirw}.l siitras, which conceive or pagodas
contaning dhiiral}f-texts as pagodas
21S

As is presented in the version prepared by Divakara, the pratftyasamut-
piidagiithii is composed of the following four lines:

All dhannas arise from a cause,
I have explained this cause.
When the cause is exhausted, there is cessation.
I have produced such a teaching
216

(VI) Ties by Blood and Dharma: A Comparative Study of Emperor Wen
and Empress Wu's Political Use of Buddhism
As noted above, the founding emperor of the Sui Yang Jian, the patron
of three large-scale relic-distributions at the beginning of the seventh cen-
tury, was a predecessor for Empress Wu in her relic veneration. A com-
parison of these two sovereignd might therefore shed some new light on
this aspect of Empress Wu's complicated political and religious life. Let
us start this comparative study with these lines:

, 0
cpJm.:Em ' 0
0
.*
215 Daniel Boucher, "The pratftyasamutpiidagiithii and Its Role in the Medieval Cult
of the Relics," Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 14/1 (1991),
pp. 1-27. See pp. 8-10 for his English translation of this sutra.
216 Tvo!. 16, no. 699, p. 801blO-11; translation by Boucher at p. 9 in the article quoted
above. The same giithii also appears in the Yufo gongde }ing (Sutra on the
Merit of Bathing the Buddha) translated by Yijing in 710; see Tvo!. 16, no. 698, p. 800alO-
12; Boucher, "Sutra on the Merit of Bathing the Buddha," p. 65.
118
, Ii t3i1:5'! 0

' 0
JINHUACHEN
Gaozu rose to launch a revolution:
Approaching the sun, he merged himself with it in brightness;
Modeling himself on Heaven, he matched the [ancient] sages.
He renewed the Way of the [Former] Kings,
and penetrating deep into the dharma-nature.
Regulating and manipulating Pure Harmony,
he led people to the bliss and purity.
The relics of the Buddha's body
[make] the emperor's manners numinous and lofty.
In their eight tints, [the relics are] bright and brilliant,
they shine dazzlingly with five colors.
Putting jewels together to build pagodas,
melting metal to cast images.
Directing merits to the buddhas in the ten directions,
billions upon billions of people looked at [His Majesty] with reverence.
Some expressions in these lines, such as geming :$$ (revolution), usu-
ally a euphemism for usurpation, and Zetian ("to model on heaven"),
one of Empress Wu's self-imposed titles, might suggest that the empress
is the subject here. Is this correct? It is not. These lines are from an
inscription on a memorial stele fot a pagoda set up at a temple built by
Yang Zhong (507-568), the father of the fIrst Sui emperor Wendi217.
It might go too far to assume that the title Zetian was copied from this
inscription, as the concept is in fact traceable to such classics as the Lunyu
(Analects)218. However, it is undoubtedly significant that both
217 See "Da Sui Hedong jun Shoushan Qiyan daochang sheli-ta bei"
w;fiJliIHl!:!i!i;'@f5fIJ:I&1iI1I (Stele for the Pagoda at the Qiyan daochang at Shoushan of Hedong
Prefecture; by He Deren [557? -627?] around 608), Shike shiliao xinbian I.4.3059b4-7.
For the Qiyansi and He Deren's inscription for the reliquary pagoda at the temple, see
my discussion in Monks and Monarchs, Chapter Two and Appendix A.
218 See The Analects, VIII:
'fB ' ! ftft-'f-' 1
1
ft7(.t.;;k' 0 1UJi-'f- 0
*1n!(;J;i]-tl!. ' 0 (Yang Bojun [tr.], Lunyu yizhu
[Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958], p. 8)
The Master said, "Great indeed was Yao as a ruler! How lofty! It is Heaven that is great
and it was Yao who modelled himself upon it. He was so boundless that the common people
Empress Wu and Emperor Wen's ideologues happened to cast their patrons
in terms of the same ideal. Moreover, this inscription also carries another sig-
nificant echo in its reference to the young Yang Jian' s guardian, the "Divine
Nun" Zhixian, as the "Divine Mother" (shenmu ::p:jI1), which remind$ us of
the title that the empress first assumed on 21 June 688, the "Sacred Mother
and Divine Emperor" (Shengmu shenhuang All this under-
scores the necessity of comparing these two medieval Chinese monarchs.
As soon as we subject them to a comparison, a number of significant
similarities emerge. They are both famous for their enthusiastic patron-
age of Buddhism, and they were both regarded in Chinese historiography
as usurpers, one taking the rule from her own son, the other from his
"grandson"22o. What makes this comparison more interesting and reward-
ing is the fact that they were relatives.
Empress Wu was one of the three daughters of Wu Shihuo
(577 -635) and his wife nee Yang (Madam Rongguo 579-670)221,
whom he married around 620 as his second wife. This marriage is note-
worthy for the following two reasons. First, it was arranged by Tang
were not able to put a name to his virtues. Lofty was he in his successes and brilliant
was he iII his accomplishments!" (D. C. Lau [tr.], The Analects [penguin Books, 1979],
p.94)
219 For Shenmu, see "Da Sui Hedong jun Shoushan Qiyandaochang sheli-ta zhi bei,"
Shike shiliao xinbian I.4.3058b3. For Empress Wu's adoption of the title "Shenmu shen-
huang," see Xin Tang shu 4: 87; Forte, Political Propaganda, p. 4, note 1.
220 Yang Jian's daughter, Yang Lihua (561-609), officially known as Empress
Yang (Yang Huanghou was the first of Zhou Xuandi's JilllJ!!:w (578-79) five
empresses. Although the biological mother of Yuwen Yan (573-81), Xuandi's eld-
est son and the future Zhou Iingdi Jilllfl!w (r. 579-81), was another ofXuandi's empresses,
Zhu Huanghou (547-86), because of Empress Yang's paramount status among
Xuandi's five empresses and many consorts and concubines, he automatically became her
son when he was proclaimed as the Heir Apparent in 579. In this sense, Iingdi was regarded
as a grandson of Yang Jian. It is interesting to note that Empress Yang seemed to have
identified herself more closely with the Yuwen family in general and her "son" Iingdi in
particular than with her father Yang Jian, as her biography tells us that she was strongly
opposed to her father's usurpation in 581; see Zhou shu JillliJ (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1971),9: 146. She was granted the title Princess Yueping sometime after her father
founded his own dynasty. Boodberg briefly discusses this woman in his "Marginalia to the
Histories of the Northern Dynasties," Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg (comp. Alvin
P. Cohen, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, Berkeley, 1979), p. 322.
221 In 660, five years after she became Gaozong's empress in 655, Empress Wu won
for her mother the title "Madam Rongguo"; see iiu Tang shu 4: 81.
120 JINHUA CHEN
Gaozu (Li Yuan) and his daughter Princess Guiyang whose husband,
Yang Shidao mgmm (?-647), was a cousin of nee Yang (their fathers
were brothers [see below])222. Second, Madam Rongguo was from the
imperial family of the Sui. Her father, Yang Da mJl (551-612), was a
younger brother of Yang Xiong mot (542-612) (Shidao's father), who was
a zuzi 1J!R.::.f of Yang Jian according to some historical sources
223
. Another
source suggests the opposite - Yang Jian was a zuzi of Yang Xiong -
in other words, Yang Jian and Yang Xiong belonged to the same clan,
with one (Yang Jian) one generation junior to the other (Yang Xiong). Let
us here have a quick look at the latter view regarding the relationship
between Yang Jian and Yang XionglY ang Da.
Under the section of the Yang family in the "Zaixiang shixi" of the Xin
Tang shu, we fInd the following information about Yang Jian's lineage:
[1] Yang Qu [2] Yang Xuan [3] Yang Yuanshou
[4] Yang Huigu [5] Yang Lie [6] Yang Zhen [7]
Yang Zhong mJiS\ [8] Yang Jian
222 Nee Yang was already forty-two years old when she was manied to Wu Shihuo (sup-
posed the maniage happened in 620 [see below]). Her life and family background are
described in a memorial epitaph, entitled "Wushang xiaoming Gao Huanghou beiming
bing xu" (Epitaph, with a preface, for the Grand Empress
Wushang Xiaoming). See Quan Tang wen 239.6a-17a; also included in the Baqiongshijin-
shi buzheng IUt::ii:5fl1lJE (Baqiongshi's Supplementary and Correcting Remarks on
Metal and Stone Inscriptions), Shike shiliao xinbian 1.7.4727b-4732b. The inscription was
written by Wu Sansi on 6 February 702 (Chang'an 2.1.15) (this date is given in the version
of the Baqiongshi jinshi buzheng, but not in the Quan Tang wen version), almost one
decade after Empress Wu had the posthumous imperial title "Wushang xiaoming Gao
Huanghou" accorded to her in 693. According to this epitaph, shortly
after Wu Shihuo lost his fIrst wife, Li Yuan heard of the good reputation of the future
.;Madam Rongguo and asked his daughter to act as a go-between for Shihuo and her. This
is confmned by the Cefu yuangui, which also reports that this remaniage happened dur-
ing the Wude era (618-26) (853: 3273b8-11). See also Guisso, Wu Tse-t'ien, p. 15,207,
209 (Guisso dates the marriage to 620). The same epitaph also identifies Yang Da, Yang
Shao m;m (d. ca. 557) and Yang Ding mjE as her father, grandfather and great-grandfa-
ther (Quan Tang wen 239.7a4-8al; Shike shiliao xinbian I.7.4728a1ff). This remarkable
maniage is also recorded in the inscription that Empress Wu commissioned Li Qiao *iI\lij
(644-713) to write in early 702 for her father's mausoleum, the "Panlong-tai bei"
(Inscription of the Panglong-tai), Quan Tang wen 249.lOa2ff.
223 In the Bei shi, Yang Xiong and Yang Da's biographies follow that of their father,
Yang Shao (Beishi 68: 2369-70, 2371), while Yang Xiong's biography is followed by
Yang Da's in the Sui shu (43: 1215-17,1218). Yang Xiong's relationship with Yang Jian
is noted in Sui Shu 43: 1215.
E/vIPRESS WU'S POLITICAL USE OF BUDDIIIST RELICS 121
After this, we are told the following about Yang Da's family:
[1] Yang Qu [2]? [3] Yang Xing mJ! [4] Yang Guo ml@
[5] Yang Ding [6] Yang Shao [7] Yang Da
224
.
Thus, contrary to the Sui shu, which implies that Yang Da was a zuzi of
Yang Jian, the Xin Tang shu, by identifying Yang Da and Yang Jian as
seventh and eighth geneneration grandsons of the same Yang Qu, estab-
lishes Yang Jian as a zuzi of Yang Da. Which one is correct? It is hard
to make a decisive answer on the basis of the material at our disposal.
Given that the Xin Tang shu provides much more detailed information
about the family backgrounds of both Yang Jian and Yang Da, it seems
reasonable that the view supported by the Xin Tang shu is to be preferred.
If this is correct, then Yang Jian was a kinsman one generation senior to
Empress Wu, whose ninth generation grandfather, Yang Qu, was his
eighth generation grandfather.
No matter which account about Empress Wu and Emperor's kinship
relationship is correct, there is no room to doubt this relationship proper.
It also seems certain that Empress Wu's mother Madam Rongguo, like
her granduncle Yang Xiong, was a devout believer in Buddhism too,
which seemed to have been their family faith. We already noted in
Section (I) Yang Xiong's role as a chief director of the Renshou relic-
distribution campaigns. The staunch early Tang Buddhist apologist Falin
#.i::e!* (572-640) highly praised Yang Xiong for his effort to promote Bud-
dhism, attributing to him the construction of the Buddhist temple Guiyisi
Regarding Madam Rongguo's devotion to Buddhism, Yancong
(d. after 688) tells us the following:
' , , 0
22
6
[She] revered the True Teachings [of Buddhism], widely built "merit-gates";
had [Buddha-]images built and [Buddhist] scriptures copied, and continu-
ously engaged in the [temple-]construction projects.
224 Xin Tang shu 71: 2347-48,2350-58. These two lineages in the "Zaixiang shixi" are
also discussed by N unome ChOffi ;;(P $$., although he does not note its discrepancy with
what is said about Yang Xiong's relationship with Yang Jian in Sui shu. See Nunome, Zui
To shi kenkyu (Kyoto: Nakamura insatsu kabushiki gaisha, 1968), p. 173-74.
225 Bianzheng [un T voL 52, no. 2110, 518a12-18.
122 JINHUACHEN
The kinship background shared by Yang Jian and WlJ. Zhao might lead
one to assume that Empress Wu' s attitudes towards, and use of Buddhism
were influenced by her Sui relatives. It even does not sound so far-fetched
to assume that Empress Wu's usurpation might have been to some extent
inspired and encouraged by that committed by Sui Wendi, arguably her
most preeminent male relative. These assumptions are bolstered by a
number of similar strategies that they employed in justifying and solidi-
fying their secular power.
To snatch power from a close relative would probably have been con-
demned by many societies
227
In particular, the ways by which Sui Wendi
and Empress Wu seized supreme power were unacceptable in traditional
Chinese political theory, which is centered around the idea of the "Heav-
enly Mandate" (tianming According to this theory, a secular .rule
was established by virtue of the Heavenly Mandate, although the confer-
ment of the Heavenly Mandate was neither unconditional nor eternal.
Should a recipient of the Heavenly Mandate prove incompetent and/or
immoral, it could be revoked and re-conferred on a more qualified candi-
date. As a matrilineal relative of a ruling emperor, Yang Jian (Sui Wendi)
or Wu Zhao (Empress Wu) was regarded as a member of the imperial
family, the current holder of the "Heavenly Mandate." The "Heavenly
Mandate" involved not just the individual ruling emperor; it also
embraced his extended family. Ks theoretically a challenger to the holder
of the "Heavenly Mandate" had to come from outside the latter's family,
neither Yang Jian nor Wu Zhao was qualified to be the substitute of the
incumbent ruler as the new recipient of the "HeavenlyMandate." Both
of them were therefore faced with a serious legitimacy problem. For
,;Empress Wu, the problem of political legitimacy was heightened by the
fact that she was not only a usurper, but also a female usurper - in impe-
rial China, political ethics forbade a woman from assuming supreme
226 Ii Shamen buying baisu dengshi (Collection about Buddhist
Monks not Bowing to the Secular [Authorities] and Other Issues; compiled sometime after
662), Tvo!. 52, no. 2108, 456a6. Cf. Guang Hongmingji, Tvo!. 52, no. 2103, p. 284c28.
See also Chen Yinque, "Wuzhao yu fojiao" and Rao Zongyi, "Cong shike lun Wu Hou
zhi zongjiao xinyang."
227 This might not have been true in Central Asian nomadic societies, from which the
Tang were ultimately descended.
power
228
As they committed some traditionally unacceptable political
misdeeds, Sui Wendi and Empress Wu turned to Buddhism for legitima-
ting their usurpation.
First of all, they had themselves depicted as restorers of Buddhism:
Wendi saved Buddhism from the Northern Zhou state persecution, while
Empress Wu rescued Buddhism from the rather less brutal prohibition it
had suffered at the hands of the first two Tang emperors (Gaozu and
Taizong)229. To be specific, Wendi and his ideologues manufactured and
promoted a legend of his birth. In this legend, he is raised in a Buddhist
nunnery by a mysterious figure, the so-called "Divine Nun, "who became
, almost a"Dynastic Guardian"for the Sui rulers in the state ideology.
As this legend has it, this "Divine Nun" saw Yang Jian as a bodhisattva
reborn in China, where, she predicted, he was to restore Buddhism, which
was then suppressed by the Northern Zhou rulers. The most illustrative
expression of this ideology is found in the Lidai sanbao ji
(Records of the Three Treasures through the Ages; compiled in 598) by
Fei Zhangfang :Jf*m (d. after 598), who himself was a chief ideologue
of Emperor Wen. Not only does Fei Zhangfang depict Yang Jian as a
heavenly emissary appointed to rule the world and restore Buddhism, but
also he hails the Sui replacement of the Northern Zhou ruler as a triumph
of the dharma - an evil anti-Buddhist force was eventually overcome by
a virtuous king intent on reversing the course of decline or even extinc-
tion of Buddhism in China
230
Similarly, Empress Wu's Buddhist ideo-
logues also described their patroness as a bodhisattva (or even Maitreya)
reincarnated in China for a similar mission
231
. Here the two usurpers are
depicted as two divine saviours of the dharma and by extension, also of
228 See Yang Liansheng :m1WP1i!f, "Female Rulers in Imperial China" (Harvard Jour-
nal of Asiastic Studies 23: 47-61), pp. 50-52; Richard Guisso, Wu Tse-T'ien, p. 68.
229 For Gaozu and Taizong' s effort to reduce the power and influence of Buddhism, see
Tang Yongtong Sui Tang fojiao shigao (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1982), pp. 10-18; and Weinstein, Buddhism under the Tang, pp. 5-27. Arthur Wright
discusses Taizong's attitudes and policies towards Buddhism in "T'ang T'ai-tsung and
Buddhism," Perspectives on the Tang (eds. Arthur Wright and Denis Twitchett; New Haven
and London, Yale University Press, 1973), pp. 239-63.
230 Lidai sanbaoji, Tvo!. 49, no. 2034, p. 107b17-25; Chen Jinhua, Monks and Monarchs,
Chapter Three.
124 JINHUACHEN
the world whose operation depends on the dharma. A that might
be condemned by secular moral standards was thus justified by being
presented as a necessary measure to invest a bodhisattva reincarnate with
secular power, which would enable him or her to fulfil a divine mission.
These two Chinese emperors took further measures in order to cast
themselves as Buddhist universal sovereigns (cakravartin). In the legend
of Yang Jian' s birth and a story inserted into a Chinese translation of a
Sanskrit text (see below), the Sui ideologues make no secret of their inten-
tion to depict their patron as an incarnate bodhisattva or even a Buddha,
an idea which is also unmistakably conveyed by Yang Jian's self-proclaimed
designation "Bodhisattva Son of Heaven" (pusa tianzi Fur-
thermore, prodded by his ambition of becoming an Asoka-like cakravartin
sovereign, Wendi elaborately planned and performed the relic-distribution
campaigns during the last few years of his protracted reign.
Empress Wu similarly presented herself as an incarnation of the Dev!
Jingguang 7\:; (Skt. Vimalaprabha, literally, "Pure Light"). She and her
ideologues also carried out an ambitious project to alter, re-interpret and
disseminate two Indian Buddhist scriptures, the Baoyu jing and
Dayun jing233. As a matter of fact, on 13 October 693, the Empress pro-
claimed herself as the Golden-wheel king, the highest of the cakravartin
sovereigns
234
. The splendid complex of the mingtang completed in 689
was also, as Antonino Forte convincingly demonstrates, constructed under
the guidance of the cakravartin ideology235,
To their satisfaction, Sui Wendi and Empress Wu found in the cakra-
vartin theory a very attractive ideal of a universal sovereign and a very
effective means of political legitimation in comparison to traditional
232 Wright, "The Formation of Sui Ideology," p. 98.
233 Forte, Political Propaganda, Chapter One (for the Dayun jing) and Chapter Three
(for the Baoyujing). The Baoyujing (i.e. Foshuo baoyujing (Skt. Ratnamegha
sutra; Sutra of the Precious Rains), translated by Dharmaruci (a.k.a. Bodhiruci; Ch. Puti-
liuzhi 572?-727) in 693, Tno. 660. While Empress Wu's ideologues contented
themselves with re-interpreting the Dayun jing, they altered the original of the Ratnamegha
sutr, to which they added some passages aimed at glorifying Empress Wu's image as a
female cakravartin sanctioned by the Buddha.
234 Jiu Tang shu 6: 123, Xin Tang shu 76: 3483, Zizhi tongjian 205: 6492; Forte, Politi-
catPropaganda, pp. 142-43.
235 Forte, Mingtang, especially pp. 254-55.
theories of kingship. As is clearly shown by the pictoriographic fonn of
the Chinese character indicating a ruler, wang X, Chinese kingship the-
ory understands a ruler as a connection between the three aspects of the
universe: heaven, human and earth
236
; he is no more than a human rep-
resentative of heaven; or simply put, an agent of the divine, who is nom-
inated, approved by and responsible to this higher principle. In contrast
to the Chinese traditional kingship theory, the Indian cakravartin idea
regards a king as an incarnation of the Buddha who wielded unlimited
power over the whole world. Thus, represented as Indian Bodhisattvas
reborn in China, Sui Wendi and Empress Wu found themselves power-
ful enough to disregard Chinese traditional political ethics and furthennore,
found themselves entitled to rule not only China but the whole world.
This unconventional ideology of political legitimation appeared more
effective and powerful than the traditional one - it was universal in
comparison to the traditional one which was local in the sense that it was
confmed to China, which, according to Buddhist cosmology, only repre-
sented a tiny quarter of the universe.
In order to demonstrate better the nature of the connection between
Emperor Wen and Empress Wu with regards to their political recapital-
ization of Buddhism, let us here elaborate on their exploitation of the
famous legend of Candraprabhakumara's (Ch. Yueguang tongzi t3 *li-F)
pre-destined mission in China.
The Candraprabha story is first expounded in one of the three extant
Chinese versions of the Candraprabhakumiira sutra, the Foshuo shenri
jing -&Ilm$ according to which Candraprabha would be reborn in
China (Qinguo as a sage-king (shengjun who would promote
236 Before being reiterated in Xu Shen's i\"f'tA (30-124) authoritative lexicon, the
Shuowenjiezi (completed in 100), this understanding had already been asserted
by the Former Han (206 BC -25) philosopher Dong Zhongshu 1if$M (179-104 BC). See
Julia Ching, Mysticism and Kingship in China: The Heart of Chinese Wisdom (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 35.
237 Tno. 535, voL 14; one juan, translated by Zhu Fahu f1. 266-
313). The other two versions, one also attributed to (the Yueguang tongzi jing
T no. 534) and the other (Shenrier benjing $ S by GUI:tabhadra (394-
468, T no. 534), are also both in one juan. The passage regarding Candraprabha, only
found in the Foshuo shenri jing and not in its two different versions, was obviously an inter-
polation made by its translator in order to please the Chinese rulers.
126 JINHUACHEN
Buddhism so enthusiastically and effectively that not only China but also
her neighboring regions, including Shanshan (Ruoqiang Xin-
jiang), Wuchang (=Wuchang Udyana or UQQyana), Guici
Mit (Kucha), Shule (Kasha, in Xinjiang), Dayuan (one of the
thirty-six states in the "Western Region" [Xiyu in present-day
Ferghana, Russia), Yutian (Khotan), and all the other "barbarian
territories," would be turned into Buddhist countries238. Inspired by this
story, Emperor Wen's ideologues had the Indian monk Narendrayasas
(Ch. Naliantiliyeshe a.k.a. Naliantiyeshe 490?-
589) insert a lengthy passage into his Chinese translation of the Srlgup-
tasiitra, the Dehu Zhangzhe jing (in two juan)239.
In this passage, the Buddha makes the following prophecies about Can-
draprabhakumara and his reincarnation. After the Buddha's Parinirvar;ta
Candraprabha will rise to protect the Law of the Buddha; futhermore,
when the Buddhadharma enters the "Last Period" (mofa he will
be reborn in a country called Great Sui within the Jambudvlpa Continent,
to be a great king with the name (or title?) of "Daxing" :*ff (Great
Practice). Under his rule, all the sentient beings in the Great Sui would
take faith in the Law of the Buddha, and plant various good roots. In par-
ticular, King Daxing would worship the Buddha's alms-bowl (jobo
with great faith and great power of virtue, which would, in a few years,
cause the arrival in the Great Sur' of the Buddha's alms-bowl via Kash-
gar (Ch. Shale tJ>lWJ) and other countries. Making great offerings in the
place of the Buddha's alms-bowl, King Daxing would maintain the Law
238 T vol. 14, no. 535, p. 819bl-5. For the importance of Candraprabha in Chinese
,prophetic and eschatological literature, see E[rik] Ziircher, "Eschatology and Messianism
in Early Chinese Buddhism" (Leyden Studies in Sinology: Papers Presented at the Confer-
ence held in Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Sinological Institute of Leyden
University, December 8-12, 1980 [ed. W. L. Idema, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981], pp. 34-56),
and his "Prince Moonlight: Messianism and Eschatology in Early Medieval Chinese
Buddhism" (T'oung-pao LXVIII 1-3 [1982], pp. 1-75); the Shenri jing prophecy about
Candraprabha's rebirth in China is discussed in "Eschatology and Messianism," pp. 46-47
and "Prince Moonlight," p. 24; see also Kang Le "Zhuanlunwang guannian yu
zhongguo zhonggu de fojiao zhengzhi" Bulletin of the
Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 67/1 (1996), pp. 128-30.
239 T no. 545, completed in 583. This text is related to the Candraprabha-kumara siUra
both in content and form. N arendrayasas has biographies in the Xu gaoseng zhuan (T vol. 50,
no. 2060, p. 432a-433b) and the Lidai sanbao ji, T vol. 49, no. 2034, pp. 102c-l03a.
. EMPRESS WU'S POLmCAL USE OF BUDDHIST RELICS 127
of the Buddha by copying countless Mahayana "Extensive and Equal"
(Ch.fangdeng Skt. vaipulya) sutras; by making countless Buddha-
images and Buddha-pagodas (fota and by arousing countless
sentient beings' "never-retreating" (Skt. avaivartika, Ch. butuizhuan
/fJg") faith in the Law of the Buddha. Subsequently, the Buddlia turns
to prophesy the fate cif King Daxing himself. By virtue of all the merits
accumulated through the offerings he had made to the Buddha, Candra-
prabha (now King Daxing) would be reborn in the places of the immeas-
urable, boundless and ineffable Buddhas and would always rule as the
Cakravartin King in all the "Buddha Realms" (Jocha Skt. buddha-
Always possessed of the good fortune of encountering the Bud-
dha, he would worship, respect and praise the "Three Jewels," and erect
pagodas and temples. In the middle of his life-span, he would abandon
secular life and join the sarp.gha, setting an example for all the people in
Jambudvlpa to emulate. Finally, the Buddha prophesies that King Daxing
will become a Buddha in the future
241
.
In his Lidai sanbao ji, Fei Zhangfang, a.Buddhist ideologue of Emperor
Wen, quotes this prophecy in the Dehu zhangzhe jing and asserts its verac-
ity by referring to the Northern Zhou persecution of Buddhism and the
efforts Emperor Wen made to rescue the religion from this severe set-
back242.
Interestingly enough, a very similar passage is found in a Chinese ver-
sion of the Ratnamegha siitra, the Baoyu jing, prepared by Empress Wu' s
. Buddhist ideologues in 693. In this passage, a Devaputra (Ch. tianzi :Rr),
also called Candraprabha, is prophesied by the Buddha to appear in the
last period following the ParinirvliI}.a (i.e. the fourth five-hundred year
period) when the dharma is about to fade away, in Mahacma (i.e. Great
China) in the north-western region of this continent of Jambudvlpa, where
he, manifesting himself in a female body, will assume the position of
240 Understanding the fota as relic-shrines, Ziircher believes that the text here refers to
Emperor Wen's imitation of King Moka's effort to construct Buddhist pagodas. As this
did not happen until the very beginning of the seventh century, Ziircher ("Prince Moon-
light," p. 26) suspects that the insertion of this passage into the Dehu zhangzhe jing may
have been made at this date, or somewhat later.
241 T vol. 14, no. 545, p. 849b-c. A partial English translation of this passage is found
in Ziircher, "Eschatology and Messianism," p. 47.
242 Tvol. 49, no. 2034, p. 107b7-25.
128 . JINHUA CHEN
Avaivartika (i.e. Avaivartika Bodhisattva, the never-retre,ating Bodhisattva
who goes straight to nirvalJa). He/she will sustain and promote the Law
of the Buddha, erect pagodas and temples and honor the sramaI.las by
offering them all the necessities. Endowed with the name "Yuejingguang"
("Moon-like Pure Light"), he/she will be an Avaivartlka Bod-
hisattva and a Cakravartin King243. As Antonino Forte and other scholars
rightly point out, this passage, which is not found in other three Chinese
versions of the Ratnamegha sidra, was forged by Empress Wu's Buddhist
ideologues
244
. However, its remarkable similarities with the passage in the
Dehu Zhangzhe jing (e.g. the rebirth in China as a great king, the ideals
of the cakravatin king and never-retrogressing faith [or Bodhisattva]245,
the protection of the "Three Jewels," etc) strongly suggest that this pas-
sage in the Baoyu jing was actually inspired by if not directly modeled
on that in the Dehu zhangzhe jing concerning Emperor Wen
246
.
Some Concluding Remarks
As soon as we examine Empress Wu's involvement in relic veneration
throughout her sustained rule, we immediately find that it started and
ended with the Famensi relic, which was closely related to, if not directly
derived from, the Renshou relic distribution campaigns sponsored by her
Sui relative, Emperor Wen. We also note with interest the important role
that Daoxuan, who can be taken as a "dharma-nephew" of Tanqian, an
architect of the Renshou relic-distribution campaigns, played in escorting
243 See Forte, Political Propaganda, pp. 130-32 for an English translation of this pas-
sage. In the same book (p. 131, footnote 23) Forte suggests that the name of Yuejing-
.. guang was chosen purposely in order to remind the reader of the name of the Devakanya
Vimalaprabha (Jingguang), the object of the Buddha's prophecy in the Dayunjing.
245 As a matter of fact, the Sanskrit term avaivartika can mean an avaivartika bod-
hisattva and avaivartika faith as well, since the two are considered inseparable (an avaivar-
tika bodhisattva is a bodhisattva with avaivartika faith).
246 Ziircher ("Eschatology and Messianism," p. 48) has already noted that Emperor
Wen's political use of the Prince Moonlight legend had set up a precedent which Empress
Wu and her ideologues might have followed. This is supported by Hubert Durt, Problems
of Chronology and Eschatology; Four Lectures on the Essays on Buddhism by Tominaga
Nakamoto (1715-1746) (Kyoto: Italian School of East Asian Studies, 1994), p. 54. How-
ever, neither of them has raised the possibility that the two passages in the Dehu zhangzhe
jing and the Baoyu jing might have been directly connected.
the relic back to the Famensi in 662. When Empress Wu was approach-
ing the end of her life, both politically and biologically, she once again
resorted to the Famensi relic, apparently in hope of halting the gradual
dwindling of her power as her age and health turned against her. In this
case, the "divine relics" proved to be as inefficacious as they had been
exactly one century earlier with her great Sui relative who embraced them
with equal fervour, enthusiasm and high expectations. Just like Emperor
Wen, who died (or was murdered by his own Crown Prince as some his-
torians suspect) three months after the third relic-distribution was under-
taken under his command
247
, Empress Wu also breathed her last barely
ten months after bringing the Famensi relic to her capital. In comparison
with Emperor Wen, Empress Wu appears to be the more pitiful figure
given that she was even betrayed by, among others, a Buddhist leader
whom she had trusted for years and who was a, if not the, director of the
Famensi relic veneration of 705.
The exhuming of the numerous relics in the Guangzhai quarter and
their subsequent distribution allover the country was obviously an important
aspect of the ideology prepared for the empress's subsequent usurpation.
It is important to note that Guangzhai (19 October 684 - 8 February 685)
became the second reign title that the empress adopted for her regency
after deposing one of her sons, Zhongzong, and then neutralizing the
other (Ruizong), whom she had set up and manipulated as a puppet-
emperor until she had him abdicated in 690. By doing this, she obviously
hoped to refresh and reinforce people's memory of the Guangzhai relics
and their profound implications. It is clear that this politico-religious strat-
egy was inspired by the Renshou relic-distribution campaigns, although
the latter were more directly driven by Emperor Wen's expansionist
agenda, rather than the need to legitimate a likewise problematic rule.
This makes the following fact particularly meaningful for us to understand
the complicated relationship between Empress Wu and her relatives in the
Sui: one of her grand-uncles, Yang Xiong, had figured in the Renshou
relic-distribution campaign. Our brief comparison between Sui Wendi
247 Emperor Wen died on 13 August 604 (Renshou 4.7.13 [dingwei]), only three months
after the third and last relic distribution during the Renshou era, which was executed on
11 May 605 (Renshou 4.4.8).
130 JINHUACHEN
and Empress Wu not only points to the direct p o l i ~ i c a l connections
between them, but it also suggests that the whole series of pro-Buddhist
policies adopted by Empress Wu was very likely modeled at least as
much on Sui Wendi as it was on ideas taken from Buddhist canonical lit-
erature. Weare here presented with two excellent examples of how the
family faith of two medieval Chinese rulers informed their political per-
spectives. As two of the most "Buddhist" rulers of a unified China, both
Emperor Wen and Empress Wu seem to have been obsessed, at least in
a certain phase of his or her rule, with the vision of establishing a Bud-
dhist kingdom in China. Evidence even shows that they might have tried
to supplement their expansionistic pursuits with their Buddhist ideals.
For different reasons, their efforts in this aspect failed, but not without
leaving some profound legacies, which require serious assessment.
Although tradition attributes the discovery of the Guangzhai relics to
the prognostic ability of an unspecified soothsayer, it appears to be of lit-
tle doubt that the relics were buried there in advance by Empress Wu's
ideologues for excavation. Throughout the Guangzhai relic campaign, the
role of a so far almost entirely neglected man is particularly suspicious.
He is Facheng, or Wang Shoushen. Both his secular and monastic biog-
raphies depict him not only as a prudent and wise official but also as a
devout Buddhist practitioner. However, given that before becoming a
monk Wang Shoushen had been ian important member of Empress Wu's
secret police system and that he was latter ordered to reside at the Guang-
zhaisi (the Qibaotaisi) - apparently as a leader of this highly political
monastery, I suspect that this man was very likely a mastermind behind
the Guangzhai relic campaign (I am even willing to suggest that his
::issumption of a monastic life might have been arranged for supervising
the Guangzhaisi). His role in the construction of the "Pond for Releasing
Life" in the Western Marketplace of Chang' an, which pointedly reminded
people of the connections between the Sui and Great Zhou dynasties through
the prophesy borne on a stone stele, also betrays his intention of justify-
ing Empress Wu's usurpation with some sort of divine legitimacy. It is
also noteworthy that this project might have been accomplished through
his collaboration with Empress Wu's daughter Princess Taiping.
It warrants our attention that the Renshou relic campaigns appear to
have been a main source of inspiration for Empress Wu' s political use of
Buddhist relics, as is remarkably shown by the cases of the relic veneration
surrounding the Fanjingsi, the Renshousi Maitreya Pavilion and probably
also the Jingzhou Dayunsi. On the other hand, although the scale of the dis-
tribution of the Guangzhai relics was even larger in comparison with its
Sui precedent, no evidence shows that the empress followed the Sui prece-
dent by building new pagodas to enshrine the relics. Empress Wu's deci-
sion of not fully following her Sui relative in handling the divine relics
might have been primarily out of economic considerations. Also, there
might have been the suspicion that the Renshou campaigns had not exactly
gone well- Emperor Wen died soon after the last Renshou relic campaign.
fusofar as relic veneration is concerned, Empress Wu differed from
her Sui relative in one more important point. While Emperor Wen was
limited to the corporeal relics of the Buddha, Empress Wu was perhaps
the flIst Chinese ruler to promote the cult of "dharma-relics," which again
were cheaper, easier to produce and control. It is also important to note
that the empress's patronage of the dharma-relic veneration based on the
Wugou jingguang da tuoluoni jing was fostered towards the end of her
reign and life. It seems to have been largely derived from her personal
concerns and fears: her heart-felt repentance for some heinous crimes
that she had committed in the course of seizing and solidifying supreme
power, her strong desire to lengthen her life and to neutralize all her bad
karma in order to escape punishment in the after-life
248

Although no evidence shows that Empress Wu constructed pagodas
during the Guangzhai relic distribution in 678, she did have at least one
pagoda built at Songshan, probably around 700, for one hundred grains
of relics, which probably came from the Guangzhai quarter too. This is
another indicator of her fondness for Songshan, a mountain which she fre-
quented, either along with her husband or on her own, and at which two
248 The bitterness with which the empress repented her previous crimes is demonstrated
by an inscription carved on a "gold slip" (jinjian Jit:M) and dated 29 May 700 (Jiushi
1.7.7). In this inscription the empress humbly begged Taoist deities to pardon her by remov-
ing her name from the records of the sinners. This inscription is included in Daojiao jin-
shi We (comp. Chen Yuan and ed. Chen Zhichao et aI, Beijing: Wenwu chuban-
she, 1988), p. 93. For an excellent reproduction of the "gold slip" bearing this inscription,
see To no jotei Sokuten Buko to sono jidaiten (Tokyo:
Tokyo National Museum, 1998), p. 158. Barrett quotes and discusses this inscription in
his "Stiipa, SUtra and SarITa in China," pp. 47-48.
132 JINHUACHEN
of her kinsmen retired as recluses for long periods. It is remarkable that
in 700, the same year that the empress undertook her VIsit to Songshan,
which was probably driven - at least partly - by her unfuifilled desire
to "cut the ribbon" for the newly completed reliquary pagoda there, the
empress summoned to Luoyang the most prominent Northern Chan leader
at the time - Shenxiu
249
Given (i) the influence of Northern Chan at
Songshan, where there was a large and active group of meditation prac-
titioners led by Shenxiu's chief disciple Puji, and (ii) Wu Pingyi's close
association with Puji at Songshan, it is tempting to speculate that the
empress's interest in Northern Chan might have been aroused and
increased during her stay at Songshan and that the summoning of Shenxiu
might have been, at least partly, due to the recommendation of one, or
both, of her two hermit-kinsmen who lived on the mountain.
Songshan was, however, not the only "sacred mountain" implicated in
Empress Wu's relic veneration. Wutaishan also stood out in this respect,
especially for her cult of dharma-relics. As we already noted, what was
at stake here was not only the Wu family's divine status, but also China's
alleged status as the Buddhist center of the world (or of the universe, as
Empress Wu's Buddhist ideologues would claim) as a result of the
empress's ruling as the cakravartin sovereign. This ideological project
proved to have had epochal significances in the development of Buddhism
in East Asia. For example, this irrtage of China as the new Buddhist cen-
ter in the world, supported by Wutaishan's reputation as the abode of
Mafijusrl and other stories both historically true and fake, was extensively
exploited by members of the Japanese Tendai school, which lacked a
direct relationship with an Indian sidra. They seemed more eager than
of their Chinese "dharma-brothers" to establish China's position as
a new source of authority in Buddhism
250
.
What particularly intrigues us is, however, the inclusion of a dharalJl
text like the vijaya dhiiralJl siitra, which was functioning as
249 Shenxiu's glorious entry into Luoyang is recorded in his biographies in the Song
gaoseng zhuan and several Chan chronicles, in addition to his funeral epitaph written by
Zhang Yue. For a careful and detailed reconstruction of this event based on these his-
torico-biographical sources, see McRae, The Northern School, pp. 51-54.
250 See Chen Jinhua, Making and Remaking History: A Study ofTiantai Sectarian His-
toriography (Tokyo: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1999), pp. 135-40.
EMPRESS WU'S POLmCAL USE OF BUDDIDST RELICS 133
a core of the cult of dharma-relics, in this. major politico-religious prop-
aganda. Was it- the intrinsic connections between the Asokan ideal and
relic veneration 'in general that invited Empress Wu's attention to our
dharar;.z text? It sounds logical, although this requires further supporting
evidence.
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136 JINHUACHEN
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138 , JINHUA CHEN
Lidai sanbao ji (Records of the Three Treasures through the Ages),
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Shenrier benjing $ B %)j\:!.\ll! (Skt. Candraprabhakumara satra), 1 juan, tr. GUJ:.la-
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Song gaoseng zhuan (Biographies of Eminent Monks, Compiled in the
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"Song Kaogong Wu Yuanwai xueshi shi Songshan shu shelita"
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Song shi *51: (History of the Song Dynasty, 960-1279),496 juan, completed
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Sui shu fl#1If (Book of the Sui, 581-617), 85 juan, compiled by Wei Zheng
(580-643) and others in 636 and 656; Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 1973.
Sui Tang jiahua (Beautiful Anecdotes of the Sui and Tang), 3 juan, com-
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Sui Tiantai Zhizhe Dashi biezhuan (A Separate Biography for
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Taiping guangji ;t3Jl_1lC (Broad Records Compiled in the Taiping[xingguo]
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Tangchao minghua lu (Record of the Renowned Painters and Their
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Zhu Iingzhen Zhu Iingyuan *:ilt7G, active in the 840s) sometime in
the early 840s; see Soper 1958.
Tang da zhaoling ji (Compilation of the Tang Imperial Edicts), 130
juan, compiled by Song Minqiu *11&* (1019-1079) in 1070 on the basis
of a draft left by his father Song Shou *i1I't (d. 1040); Shanghai yinshu guan
l:mfP1If1, Shanghai, 1959.
Tanghua duan (On the Tang Painters and Their Paintings) ---7 Tangchao
minghua lu
Tang huiyao (Collection of Essential Materials of the Tang), 100 juan,
completed by Wang Pu (922-82), Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 1998 (the
fourth reprint of the 1955 edition).
140 ,JINHUA CHEN
Tang liangjing Chengfang kao (Investigation of Walls and Quar-
ters of the Two Tang Capitals [Chang'an and Luoyang]), 5 juan, by Xu Song
(1781-1848), published in 1848; reproduced in the T'ang Civilization
Reference Series, vol. 6;pp. 1-74.
Tang Tae Ch'onboksa kosaju pon'gyong taedok Popchang hwasang chon (Ch.
Tang Da Jianfusi gu sizhufanjing dade Fazang heshang zhuan)
(Biography of the Preceptor Fazang, the Late Bha-
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Ch'iwon *3&Jj (857 - after 904) ca. 904, T no. 2054, vol. 50.
"Tang Taizong yu xingzhen-suo Ii qisi zhao" (Tang
Taizong's Edict Ordering the Construction of Seven Temples on the [Seven
Previous] Battlefields), issued by Tang Taizong (r. 626-49) sometime
between 19 January -17 February 630; included in the Guang Hongming ji,
T no. 2103, vol. 52, pp. 328c12-329a6; and Tang da zhaoling ji 113: 586.
Tongdian (Comprehensive History of Regulations), 200 juan, by Du You ttlti
(735-812), Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 1988 (5 vols.).
Wang Wu Tianzhu guo zhuan (Record of Travels in Five Indic
Regions), 1 juan, completed by HyechO (Ch. Huichao) _1m (active 720-73)
sometime after 727; Tno. 2089/1, vol. 51, 979b3-7; cf. Kuwayama, 1992.
Wei shu ftt!f (Book of the [Northern and Eastern] Wei, 386-550),114 juan, com-
piled 551-554 under the Northern Qi by Wei Shou ftJ& (506-572), revised
572, Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 1974.
"Wushang xiaoming Gao Huanghou beiming bing xu"
(Epitaph, with a Preface, for the Grand Empress Wushang Xiaoming), by
Wu Sansi lit.:::.,!!!. (?-707) on 6 February 702. Quan Tang wen 239.6a-17a;
and Baqiongshi jinshi buzheng/Shike shiliao xinbian I.7.4727b-4732b.
"Wuyouwangsi baota ming" "Da Tang Shengchao Wuyou-
wangsi Dasheng zhenshen baota beiming bing xu"

Xin Tang shu (New History of the Tang, 618-907), 225juan, compiled by
Ouyang Xiu (1007-72), Song Qi *:ff5 (998-1061) and others between
;" 1043 and 1060; Zhonghua shuju, Beijing, 1975.
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TRANSFORMATIVE HISTORY:
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALjpA.KARAJ:TAM
mSTIN T. MCDANIEL
Introduction: Conceptions of Nation and Religion in the Nihon Ry6iki and
the JinakiUamalIpakaraI).am
In the wake of Said's critique of Orientalism and the seminal work of
Benedict Anderson, scholars of Buddhist History have become acutely
aware of how they understand and make understood historical "Buddhist"
groups and agents. Generally, there has been a reluctance to view histor-
ical Buddhists and Buddhisms through the lens of modern conceptions of
nationhood and local/regional identity. Instead, Buddhologis such as
Gimello, Gyatso, Obeysekere, Lopez and Hallisey have attempted to ask
how those historical actors (Le., the writers, epigraphists, architects and
artists) conceptualize the group, the local or the state either relationally
or independently. The search for pre-modern conceptions/assertions of
local Buddhisms is a crucial issue to the field and forms the backdrop of
the present study.
Before Anderson the general conception of local textual histories in
Asia is that there was an indigenous historical and national/regional con-
sciousness, which the historical writer held, and that the text in question
rose out of the matrix of this pre-formed consciousness (e.g., an imperial
chronicler in medieval Chengdu had a sense of being Chinese, a 12th cen-
tury Kashmiri identified with India as a place or the epigraphist in Angkor
saw himself and his inscription as reflecting an essential 'Cambodian'
quality). Anderson, Chatterjee, Gellner, Taylor and others have asked us
to abandon this Eurocentric presumption of an agent with a conscious
conception of local (read: national), cultural and historical identity. Alter-
natively we should investigate how the historical writers themselves con-
sciously or perhaps unconsciously conceived of their spatial and tempo-
ral group identity outside the paradigm of the Western conception of
"nation. "
152 JUSTIN T. MCDANIEL
Inspired by Anderson, Vietnam historian Keith Taylor argues in his
November 1998 article "Surface Orientations inVietnam: Beyond His-
tories of Nation and Region," that we cannot understand pre-colonial/pre-
modern Asian pasts, espedally Vietnam's, unless we abandon ideologi-
cal notions of nation and region. By doing this we give up conceptions
of "Vietnameseness" or pre-colonial Vietnamese people being conscious
of their belonging to a clearly defined group occupying a bounded space.
Taylor, like Chatterjee and Gellner, argues that the pre-modem Asian
agent did not have a conscious conception of regional and historical iden-
tity that was analogous to modem understandings of the term "nation."
Taylor wants to resist designating the pre-modem peoples living roughly
in an area known today as Vietnam as "Vietnamese" because he sees
human experience as "ultimately episodic, not evolutionary."l In an analy-
sis of Taylor's work Matthew Wheeler asks: "can we sustain historical
1 I am indebted to Matthew Z. Wheeler, masters candidate in Regional Studies East
Asia at Harvard University, for pointing out this source to me. See Keith Taylor, "Surface
Orientations in Vietnam: Beyond Histories of Nation and Region," Journal of Southeast
Asian History 57, no. 4 (1998): 949, 970. See Wheeler's "Challenges to Narrative His-
tory: Bifurcated History and Surface Orientations." Unpublished paper, January, 1999.
The question of whether the modem conception of the "nation" is applicable to culturally
bounded spheres of pre-colonial Asia is at the center of the debate between East and South-
east Asian historians, most notably: Pelley,lGellner, Anderson, Taylor, Chatterjee, Wheeler
and Duara. Although the history of this debate is beyond the scope of this paper, what is
important to note is that Taylor's latest critique of Duara's thesis that there is a continuity
between politicized cultural identities and modem conceptions of nation states is not sup-
ported by evidence in Lanna. As we have seen, Lanna chroniclers made great efforts to
posit a bounded identity based on spatial and temporal paradigms. Even though Lanna is
no!, a modem nation state, the monarchy and the chroniclers attempted to create a political
as well as cultural conception that is analogous to modem conceptions of a nation. Based
on this notion Duara, often citing Ricoeur's theories of the relation between the historian
and historical narrative (clearly influenced by Gadamer), asserts that the historian of the
present can understand conceived identities by pre-modern states by understanding their
evolution into what is conceived by Enlightenment thinkers as modem nation states. See
Taylor, "Surface Orientations in Vietnam," pp. 949-978; Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing His-
tory from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modem China (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago
Press, 1995); John Breuilly, "Approaches to Nationalism," in Mapping the Nation, ed.
Gopal Balakishrishnan (New York: Verso, 1996): pp. 146-174; Ernst Gellner, Nations
and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1983); Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Com-
munities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1991
(revised from 1983); Hobsbawm, Eric. Nations and Nationalism since 1870. Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1987; Chatterjee, Partha. Nationalist Thought and the Colonial
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALiPAKARAJfAM 153
inquiry while refusing to acknowledge a subject possessing an identity?"2
Is it plausible to assume that pre-modem Asian people had no conscious-
ness of belonging to a cultural, political, linguistic or religious entity that
formed their identity? In the rough draft of an unpublished paper titled
"Buddhism, Nationhood and Cultural Identity: the Pre-colonial Forma-
tions," Gananath Obeyesekere says no. Obeyesekere critiques Anderson's
basic assumption, employed by Taylor, that there was no consciousness
of group and regional identity before the colonial period
3
. He believes that
"this historical definition of the emergence of the nation-state is ... unsat-
isfactory because it ... rules out forms of life that might have close fam-
ily resemblances to nationalism Eurocentrically defined. "4 Looking at Sri
Lankan historical chronicles, like the MahiivaY(lsa and the DzpavaY(lsa,
he shows that Sinhalese speakers largely identified with the "siisana." "By
contrast [to siisana] 'nation,'" Obeyesekere writes,
"is an alien word that has no parallel in the Sinhala lexicon. It is siisana that
takes place. ill the doctrinal tradition siisana refers to the universal Bud-
dhist community or church that transcends ethnic and other boundaries.
This meaning coexists with another meaning that is found in post-canoni-
cal historical texts: siisana is the Buddhist 'church' that is particularized by
the physical bonds of the land consecrated by the Buddha - in the present
instance, Sri Lanka. Here is the word [concept other than nation] we were
looking for: it is the siisana of Sri Lanka or, for most purposes, simply, the
siisana .. . Sinhalas had no term that could be translated as 'nation;' they had
a term that perhaps belonged to the same polythetic class as nation, namely
siisana."5
World: A Derivative Discourse. Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1993; and,
Wheeler, "Challenges to Narrative History," p. 1-23.
2 Wheeler, "Challenges to Narrative History," p. 23.
3 Ibid., pp. 18-20.
4 Gananath Obeyesekere, "Buddhism, Nationhood and Cultural Identity: The Pre-colo-
nial Formations," Rough Draft of Unpublished Paper: p. l.
5 Ibid., pp. 34-35. Even though Kashrniri pandits travelled all over greater India and
we fmd manuscripts of Kashmir Sanskrit works in places as far away as Kerala and Tarnil-
Nadu, Kashmiri writers emphasized the uniqueness and superiority of their country. See
Mohammad Azhar Ansari, Geographical Glimpses of Medieval India (Delhi: Idarah-I
Adabiyat-I Delli, 1989): pp. 16, 88-116. For example, SyfunTIaka in the drama P iidatadi!aka
associates the most wretched prostitutes with foreign places like Gujarat (8 :5), and K ~ e m e n
dra's longest poem harangues various people from foreign lands; namely, Bengalis,
Gujaratis, Maharastris, etc. (de Vreese notes that Kashmiris had their own script, the
Sarada, that did not advance past the Gupta stage like the Punjabi script, but was used for
Obeysekere's use of the term siisana seems to confirm Apderson' s under-
standings of the pre-modern polity; namely, being bounded by a "sacral"
or script language which gave "access to ontological truth," being ruled
by monarchs who were considered divine and having a "conception of
temporality in which cosmology and history were indistinguishable."6
However, Obeysekere emphasizes that he does not want to posit such a
"radical break between the premodern and the post" which Anderson rei-
fies by assuming that no premodern society possessed any conception of
most literary works in the medieval period). De Vreese, "Review of G.H. Schokker's crit-
ical-text edition of the Piidatadifaka of Syamilaka in the Indo-Iranian fournal13 (1971):
44-46. See also Piidatadifaka of SyfunIlaka (8:5). One verse in Desopiideia
pokes fun at a Bengali student who visits Kashmir and disgusts the local Kashmiris with
his physical repulsiveness. It reads: "kiilakailkiilasatfrsacchatro deiiintaragata/; karaflkasam-
kiiya duriitjanake varjyatejanaiJ;" ("Chatra [the Bengali] resembling a black skeleton,
having entered from another region is turned away in public by people in fear of his skull. ")
(Desopiideia 1.2). Another verse explicitly separates the five major groups of Brahmins
(all associated with the Gangetic plains of India) from the learned in Kashmir. This verse
also carries a hidden meaning associating these five foreign groups with the five lowest
professions; namely, butchers, barbers, prostitutes, leatherworkers and gamblers (Des-
opiidesa I.14). Alberuni referred to Kashmir as a place separate from India (Hind) and
Kashmiris as different from Hindus, but called it one of the greatest centers of Sanskrit
leaming. Indeed Kashmir produced considerable Sanskrit literature and thanks to the Georg
Buhler's manuscript finding mission of the 1870's we now can confinn the Kashmiri ori-
gin of seminal works like the Dhviinyalofa and Abhinavagupta's Locana. (See Georg Biih-
ler, "Detailed Report on a Tour in Search of Sanskrit MSS made in Kashmir, Rajaputana
and Central India," fBBRAS, Extra Number (1877). See also the introduction to The
Dhviinyaloka of Anandavardhana with the Locana of Abhinavagupta, trans. Daniel Ingalls,
Jeffrey MoussaieffMasson and M.V. Patwardhan, ed. Daniel Ingalls (Cambridge: Harvard
Univ. Press, 1990). What British historian, Vincent Smith, wrote in 1919 remains true:
Kashmir has ordinarily occupied a position politically isolated from India,
the influence of the country on the religion and civilization of its neighbours has been
considerable." Still, although many pandits from the Gangetic plain and Southern India
traveled to Kashmir to learn in a language that was associated with Indian culture and
Kashmiris were well versed in non-Kashmiri, Sanskrit literature, Kashmiri literati and
Hindus and Muslims outside of Kashmir considered Kashmir a place other than India (Vin-
cent Smith, The Oxford History of India (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1919): pp. 177-78).
The degree the use of "desa" in Sanskrit or "pradesa" in Thai was used by writers and
how much it reflected their consciousness of living in a "country" or "nation" as we under-
stand the term in the modem West is a topic for another paper, but what is important to
note is that Obeysekere's suggestion that there were alternative terms used by pre-modem
Asain writers that had a family resemblance to "nation" leads us to examine regional lit-
erature like that of pre-modem Kashmir.
6 Ibid., pp. 4-5.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIlpAKARA.ljAM 155
historical and spatial identity that could have evolved into what is under-
stood in the modern West as nationalism.
Situating myself in this discourse, I will look specifically at two types
of Buddhist histories written in the pre-modern period. The first history
is a collection of tales about the origins and extraordinary feats of different
Buddhist images, nuns and monks known as the Nihon Ryoiki (NR), a
history compiled sometime in the late 8
th
and early 9
th
centuries by a Bud-
dhist monk, named Kyokai, residing at Yakushi-ji1. I see the NR as partly
supporting Anderson and Taylor's view of pre-modern Asian historical
works, in that it does not posit the existence of a regional or nationitI
identity. Instead it runs counter to efforts by the Imperial government and
Buddhist ecclesiastic elite to centralize and formalize the study and prac-
tice of Buddhism in the regions of Kyoto and Nara. I will demonstrate
that a close reading of the text reveals an attempt by Kyokai to create an
alternative source of Buddhist life for his readers which was not subsumed
under Imperial control. Therefore, Obeyesekere's interpretive schema is
also helpful, because this alternative Buddhism has a "family resem-
blance" to is a type of consciousness of group identity. Kyokai was part
of one of the most important Buddhist temples in Japan and held the com-
pany of scholarly monks, but had a particular affinity to lay devotees who
visited the temple
8
After the famed Dokyo incident, the state control of
the sangha increased and imperial decrees were issued with great fre-
quency outlining rules for Buddhist community organization and disci-
pline
9
. The details of the historical context will be discussed below. First,
let us look at two representative examples from the NR. First, the short text
of "On a Nun Who Painted a Buddha Image out of Gratitude for the Four
Kinds of Blessings and Gained a Power to Show an Extraordinary Sign. "
7 See Kyoto Motomochi Nakamura, Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist
Tradition: the Nihon Ryoiki o/the Monk Kyokai (Cambridge: Harvard Uillv. Press, 1973):
pp. 3-8. There is some controversy on the dating of the NR. However, by looking at the
autobiographical information the author provides scholars can narrow the dates of his life
to approximately 767 C.e. to 825 c.e. The NR was probably written, according to dates on
the four extant manuscripts, from 810-824 c.e.
8 Ibid., p. 7.
9 For detailed information on the Dokyo incident see Ross Bender, "The Hachiman Cult
and the Dokyo fucident," Monumenta Nipponica 34, no. 2 (1979): 125-54.
"fu a village ofYuge, Wakae district, Kawachi province, there lived a highly
disciplined novice nun. Her name is unknown. She lived ill a mountain tem-
ple at Heguri, and, organizing a devotee's association, painted a Buddha
image with a picture of the six existences in order to give thanks for the four
kinds of blessings. When completed, it was enshrined in the temple. after the
dedication ceremony. Meanwhile she left the temple, going from place to
place on errands. During that time the picture was stolen, and she looked
for it in vain, crying pitifully. Still leading the devotee's organization, she
wanted to free living beings, and the members went to Naniwa to visit the
market. When saw a basket in a tree, they heard various animals crying in
the basket. They waited for the owner to return, for they thought there must
be animals in the basket and they wanted to buy them and set them free.
Meanwhile, the owner returned. When they said to him, 'We heard some
animals in your basket, and we have been waiting to buy them from you,'
the owner said, 'No, there is nothing alive in it.' The nun did not give up,
however. She continued begging till the merchants around them said to the
owner, 'You should open the basket.' The owner was frightened, and he
ran away, leaving the basket. When they opened it, they discovered the
stolen image. fu joy and tears the devotees cried, 'Since we lost this image,
we have been longing for it day and night. Now by chance, we have found
it. How happy we are! ' When the merchants heard this, they gathered around
and praised the nun's perseverance. Joyfully the nun and the others set liv-
ing beings free, held memorial services, and reconsecrated the image in the
original temple, where it remained an object of devotion for both clergy and
laity. This is indeed a miraculous event." 10
... i
This story is similar to numerous others in the NR. There are tales of buried
images that cry out from the sand to be rescued by passing provincial
monks and other images made from wood that has been struck by light-
ening and emits music that protect court officials. In terms of a miracle
t ~ l e regarding a relic of the historical Buddha, one reads:
"Niu no ate Otokami was a man of Iwata district, Totorni province. Although
he made a vow to build a pagoda, he could not fulfill the vow for many years.
He always regretted this and tried hard to find a way to do it. fu the reign
of Emperor Shomu, a girl was born to Otokami, though he was seventy and
his wife was sixty-two. The baby's left hand was clenched. fu wonder, the
parents tried to open it, but it was clenched more tightly than ever and never
opened. Lamenting, they said, 'It is a great shame for us to have given
untimely birth to a crippled baby. But you are born to us as a result of the
10 Ibid., pp. 150-51.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINA.KALAMAIlPAF..ARA1!AM 157
work of causality.' And they nursed her with great care and never neglected
her ... At the.age of seven she opened her fist to show it to her mother, say-
ing, 'Look at.this!' When the mother looked at the child's palm, she found
two pieces of sari, the sacred ashes of the Buddha. In joy and wonder she
relayed the news to people everywhere ... ProvinciaI magistrates and district
governors rejoiced, organized a devotee's association to build a seven-story
pagoda, and enshrined the sari in the pagoda ... At the of the
pagoda, the child suddenly passed away. This is what people mean when they
say that a vow once made will be achieved and fulfilled without faiI."ll
These stories of material objects connected to the power of the historical
Buddha and Buddhist lokottara power in general reveal ,Kyokai's explicit
or implicit efforts to either create or relate a local Buddhism in Japan.
Their subjects are the activities of common people and their experience
as Buddhist agents in the quotidian world outside the world of the court
and Imperial monsateries. These stories seem to confrrm Anderson and
Taylor's notion of pre-modern Asian history. They are local and specific
and contain no reference to the notion of Japan as a nation or its people as
possessing that notion, but at the same time they are working to foster
some type of group identity. However, before making any determinations
as to the author of the NR's understanding of Japan as a nation or Bud-
dhism as a trans-local phenomenon, I turn to Medieval Northern Thailand
for a reading of a different kind of miracle tale.
The Jinakiilamiitipakarar,zam (JKM) is a Pali historical chronicle com-
posed by Ratanapafifia between 1516 and 1528 in Lanna (modern North-
ern Thailand and Northwestern Laos). A few passages from the JKM will
suffice to cast light on the efforts of the text to establish temporal and
spatial authenticity for a local expression of Buddhism that differed sig-
nificantly from the NR12. In describing the founding of the sacred city of
11 Ibid., p. 203.
12 This story is also in the CamadevivaT{lsa. See George Coedes, "Documents sur
l'histoire politique et religieuse du Laos occidental," BEFEO 25, nos. 1-2 (1925): 141-170.
See also Sanguan Chotsukra, Prachum Tamnan Lanna Thai, Vols. 1&2 (Krung Thep:
Odiansadon, 1972); and, Donald Swearer and Sommai Premchit, The Legend of Queen
Cama: Bodhiranisi's CamadevivaT{lSa Translation and Commentary (Albany: SUNY Press,
1998): pp. 63-65. See also James Pruess, ed., "The That Phanom Chronicle: A Shrine
History and its Interpretation." Cornell Univ. Data Paper, no. 104 (1975) for an extremely
similar story in structure regarding the breast-bone relic. See especially p. 6 (note this text
was originally written in Lao with Tham script). A slightly different story is found in the
Haripufijaya in Lanna, Ratanapafifia relates the story C?f the crow that
drops excrement in King Adicca of Lanna's mouth. The king is told by
his advisors to capture the. crow and place a young boy in its cage so it
can learn the crow's language. After many years the king learns from the
child translator that the crow was trying to prevent Adicca from Urinating
on the place where the Buddha had placed one of his relics over 1500 years
previously when he had flown to Haripufijaya13. The king finds the place
the Buddha had flown to and predicted the founding of a great city and the
rule of Adicca. Henceforth the relic was honored by the entire populace
with gold, flowers and incense and numerous monks were brought in to
watch over the reliquary14. This story not only claims that the Buddha
Tamnan Mulasasana Wat Pa Daeng. There, in the reign of Adicca, a golden cedi m a g i ~
cally appears, but when the king attempted to dig a trench around it in order to approach
it sank into the ground. The king's Bhikkhus advised him to fill in the trench (suggesting
something sacred about the land itself): the relic re-appeared. The king realizing he could-
n't move the relic from that space built a cedi with gates around it and a vihara next to it.
See Donald Swearer and Sornmai Premchit, "A Translation of Tamnan Mulasasana Wat
Pa Daeng: The Chronicle of the founding of Buddhism of the Wat Pa Daeng Tradition,"
ISS, vol. 65, part II (1977): 77-78.
13 A similar description of the Buddha's prediction of Adicca finding the relic and
becoming a great Buddhist king is found in the Chronicle of Lampun. Notton's translation
reads: "Le Buddha considera l'emplacement et declara: 'Lorsque je serai parvenu au
Nibbiina, une grande capitale sera fondle dans ce lieu, un souverain du nom d'Aittaraja
[Adicca] regnera sur ce pays, et ma relique, placee a cet endroit, sera retiree par lui afin
d'tre adoree par les humains et les Dewitii.'" Camille Notton, Annales du Siam, Vol. II
(paris: Limoges, 1930): p. 6.
14 See the Ratannapaiiiia, Iinakiilamiilf, transcribed from the Siamese text and edited
by A.P. Buddhadatta (London: PTS, 1962): pp. 106-110.
_. Note the similarity to this episode to the narrative of the transfer of relics in the Thupa-
vaT{lsa, where Sonuttara is told of the Buddha's prediction that a relic will be established
in Sri Lanka. Vacissaratthera, The Chronicle of the Thupa and the ThupavaT{lsa, trans.
N.A. Jayawiclcrama (London: PTS, 1971): p. 124. Although the greater part of the
SiisanavaT{lSa, written in 1861 in Burma, provides a history of Buddhism in various regions
of Burma, it also includes a chapter about the establishment of Buddhism in Northern
Thailand. One episode relates how the Buddha unwittingly tosses a seed from a yellow
myrobalan fruit which does not land on the ground but hovers in the air. The Buddha
smiled and told Ananda that in the future a relic would be situated in this place (i.e., Hari
[a yellow myrobalan] puiijaya [eating]). It also explains that after this time the religion was
founded in Kamboja (Cambodia) and Ayudhya among other places. The founding of the
religion actually happened five more times in Northern Thailand (Y onok country) by
famous teachers with magical powers. See Pannasami, The History of the Buddha's Religion,
trans. B.C. Law (London: PTS, 1952): pp.54-59.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIlpAF.ARAl!AM 159
himself saw something valuable about the land of Lanna before he passed
into parinibbana, but also that he predicted, and therefore sanctioned, the
reign of King Adicca
15
. Furthermore, it shows the power that a relic has
for attracting monks, laypeople and wealth to a city. Interspersed through-
out the remainder of the text the relic is mentioned as a place where for-
eign kings, most notably the kings of Burma and Ayudhya, monks and
masses of people, come to pay homage. Recording these visits works
implicitly to inform the reader that even foreign military enemies of Lanna
acknowledge the importance of the place, royal lineage and the relic that
they must travel out of their own kingdoms to visit.
In the last section of the text we find another telling passage in which
the author emphasizes the importance of Lanna as a place. In this short
passage Ratanapafiiia mentions more than 13 different place names in
Northern Thailand in relating the story of King Jethhadhipati's sponsor-
ship of the construction of several monasteries. He tells us that the monas-
teries attracted monks from three different Theravada lineages and had the
most blessed Buddha images installed in them. Learned ascetic elders
chose Lanna to reside in and there they chanted the Tipitaka and received
gifts of robes of the "fillest silk. "16 The king is depicted as single-hand-
edly assuring the propagation sasana and having the power to appoint the
Sangharaja (head of the sangha), a claim which is controversial in a land
populated by six major Theravada kingdoms17. One passage from the last
15 Karen Derris, a doctoral student in the study of religion at Harvard University, has
helped me considerably in understanding the importance of place in this particular episode.
See her "The Questions We Ask of History." Paper delivered at the Graduate Student
Conference in Buddhist Studies, Harvard University, December, 1997. Cited with per-
mission of the author.
16 Pannasami, The History a/the Buddha's Religion, p. 182.
17 See A.B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, "Epigraphic and Historical Studies,
No. 12, Inscription 9," ISS, vol. 62, part I (1974): 95, 110-111, regarding the title of
Sangharaja in Medieval Northern Thailand. Although Griswold and Prasert correctly point
out that we do not know if there was one Sangharaja for the entire Sangha in multiple king-
doms, they fail to note that these monks traveled from city to city nine months of the year,
but belonged to one temple which they resided in for the rains retreat. Some inscriptional
evidence proves that scholastic monks who were abbots of temples in the North were
travelling from Chiang Mai to Sukhotai to Sajjanalaya to Ayudhya. Moreover, even though
the monks were residing in different places they were part of the same order and accord-
ing to the 1KM and the inscriptions acknowledged one Sangharaja of their order. Slab III
section highlights Ratanapafuia desire to depict his mo?arch as a dham-
marilja. It reads:
"[A]nd again, during the month of Phussa, the soveriegn Lord installed at
the Uposotha-hall of the Monastery of the Great Bodhi, with. manifold
ministrations and honour, the Kamboja Image in a golden pasada which was
beautifully painted with diverse designs and inlaid with purified gold.
He invited thirty-six great Elders versed in the TIrree Pitakas led by the Great
Rajaguru ... and he honoured (the Dhamma) with (the gift of) a pair of excel-
lent robes to each one of them. Even on the full-moon day, he made the royal
emissary from the South [Ayudhya], pay homage to the Great Relic of
Haripufijaya ... [O]n Thursday the thirteenth day of the month of Magha
was begun the work of construction of a visitor's rest at the Rattavana
Monastery. And next, the King gave his consent to the Sihala Fraternity to
carry out, under the planetary combination of Jettha, the formal act of
conferring the higher ordination on Saturday the fourth day of the dark
fortnight of the month of Citra in the year 885 of the Royal Saka Era, the
year of the Goat [1524 C.E.]. And it was concluded on the last quarter.
There were 240 aspirants to higher ordination. A detachment of soldiers set
out to the North on Sunday the fifth day of the fortnight. On Saturday the
eleventh day, the royal prince named Jayaganga born in the dynasty of
the overlord of Khema, together with his followers, solemnly pledged by
oath in the presence of the Triad of Gems at the Sihalarama and drank his
oath of allegiance." 18
(6-23) also shows that their were different Sangharaja for each order, but members of
each order traveled far and wide and had temples in different muang in the areas in
Northern Thailand. We must be wary of applying local political borders to the translo-
cal travelling Sangha in mainland Southeast Asia. See also Prasert na Nagara, Tamnan
Munlasatsana by Wat Suan Dok, pp. 22-32. The Northern Thai chronicles follow a pattern
in which famous Bhikkhus always end off their travels in Lanna .
. 18 Ibid., pp. 181-182. The Pali reads:
"Phussamasamhi pana rajadhipati Mahabodharame uposathagaramhi anekasakkara-
sammiinehi vividha-vicitta-ratta-niddhantasuvannakhacite suvmpJapasade Kambojapatimam
aropesi. Atthamito parthiiya yava pUl:ll}amiya Maharajagurumukhe chattil?1sa-tipiraka-
dharamahathethere nimantetva ... dhammapariyayal?1 suni; ekekena varacfvarayugena pujesi.
PUlJlJamiyal?1 yeva raja DakkhilJarajadutam pi Haripunjayamahiidhiitul?1 vandapesi ...
Maghamase terasamiyal?1 Guruvare Rattavanaviharamhi agantuka-utrhanaparikammal?1
ahosi. Tato pana raja pancasltyadhike arthasata-Sakaraje Ajavassamhi Citramasassa
ka!apakkhe catutthiyal?1 Sorivarasmil?1 Ierthanakkhattayoge Slha!agalJassa upasampada-
kammal?1 anujani ... Catta!lsadhika dvisatanaga ahesul?1. Pancamiyal?1 Ravivaramhi uttara-
disaya balakiiyo niyyasi. Ekadasamiyal?1 Sorivarasmil?1 Slha!arame Khemadhipatino val?1se
jato I ayaganga nama rajaputto saha parivarehi ratanattaya-sammukhatrhane saccal?1
katva sapathodakal?1 pivi." Ratanapaiifia, Iinakiilamall, pp. 125-126.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAI1PAKARAlfAM 161
This passage as well as the story of the crow are just two examples of how
Ratanapafifia establishes Lanna as the most sacred Theravada kingdom in
mainland Southeast Asia
19
. The narrative is strung together by stories of the
construction of great reliquaries and Buddha images, the visits of auspi-
cious white elephants and the establishment of monasteries
20
These sto-
ries reinforce the notion of Lanna as a sacred space. In fact, I believe that
the author included the passages about neighbouring kings paying homage
to sacred places in Lanna not only to fix Lanna as one sacred place in the
Theravada world of Southeast Asia, but as the most sacred of kingdoms.
Charles Hallisey notes that this effort at establishing authenticity is seen
in the use of the term "vaI!1sa." V af!lsa, Hallisey states, is the word for
"bamboo" as well as "chronicle/lineage/dynasty" and invokes the image
of linear growth from a single root. Therefore, the highest section of the
bamboo is not one of many branches but is the absolute apex. In the con-
text of the history of the growth of Buddhism he suggests that the term
vaf!lsa is used to suggest the idea that once the tradition grows it has no
need to go back to its origin21. This image helps us understand the rela-
tionship between temporal and spatial authenticity in the JKM. Ratana-
pafiiia constructs a history in which Lanna is depicted as the place where
the Theravada will flourish, because it is predicted by the Buddha as a
sacred place. That prophecy is fulfilled by a series of Lanna monarchs who
patronize the sasana and protect the images and relics of the Buddha.
It is connected to its origin, but its segment is spatially separate.
19 I am using the tenn "sacred" in the sense that Durkheim and Eliade used it; namely,
connected to a pristine primordial time. However, like Turner I see the conceptions of
"holy" or "sacred" changing over time. Images, shrines and relics are connected to a
primordial past in the history of Buddhism, but their degree of sacredness grew over time
and was conceived differently in different places. See note #61 below.
20 The white elephant (Thai, chang puak) has long been a symbol of royal auspicious-
ness in Thailand and Laos. White elephants were depicted on the pre-communist Lao flag
and the present king of Thailand is considered the most auspicious of all Thai kings because
he has over 19 white elephants in his royal elephant corale.
21 The Sihingnidiina by Bodhiransi (1402-1442), author of the Camadevival!lsa, recounts
the history of the movement of a Buddha image in Ceylon to Bunna and then to Nakorn
Sei Thammarat, Ayudhya, Kamphaengphet, Chiang Rai and finally Chiang Mai in 1407.
This chronicle can be seen as paralleling the JKM's notion of Chiang Mai being the [mal
and most legitimate resting place of relics, images and famous monks.
162 mSTIN T. MCDANIEL
Having looked briefly at how the NR and the JKM establish the pres-
ence of different kinds of local Buddhisms, I will attempt to provide some
answers to the larger question of how Buddhologists today can talk about
Buddhism in a particular time and place without reifying post-colonial
notions of nation and historical consciousness and projecting them back
onto pre-modem Buddhist agents. From there I will show how Kyokai and
Ratanapafifia diverge. Kyokai, although understanding his own connection
to the larger, trans-local Buddhist religion, wanted to provide authenticity
to local Buddhist practice (outside the power of the Imperial control of
Buddhism and the elite community of bureaucratic monks residing in
royal temples). Ratanapafifia may have wanted to signal the emergence
of a legitimate local expression of Buddhism that was protected by the
king and sanctioned by a prediction of the Buddha. His history may have
been part of a process of state formation and so, unlike Kyokai, wanted to
fuse the practice of Buddhism and the rule of the king versus undermining
state control.
Understanding siisana as Obeyesekere does, as a conceived reality by
which Buddhist historians across Asia understood themselves as being a
part, we can examine regional, "Buddhist" chronicles in pre-colonial
Asia as not emerging out of a pre-conceived conception of nation or region,
but forming a connection with the siisana that in tum defined themselves
as distinct regional expressionsJQf that siisana vis-a.-vis other regional
dynastic polities. Examining the JKM and NR, I will show not only on
how Ratanapafifia and Kyokai understood their time and place as part of
the siisana, but also what service their texts may have had in shifting
relations between the state and religion in Japan or Lanna state and cul-
tural formation in an emerging Southeast Asian polity. My main queries
3:re how the two authors, using the genre of history, assert local identity and
independence in the Nihon Ryoiki and Jinakiilamiilfpakara1J.am? How did
they conceptualize the local, the present and the political in relation to
the translocal, the past, and the religious? How can their work be read as
polemical? And finally, what type of history are the NR and the JKM
imagining that could be analogous to modem notions of nation and region?
To answer these questions, I will first examine how the JKM explicitly
or implicitly established temporal and spatial authenticity for political
power in medieval Lanna, as well as demonstrate how regional political
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKA.LAMAIlpAI<ARA]fAM 163
trends impacted the literary production of chronicles. Moreover, I will
show that arbitrary divisions between "religious" and "political/dynas-
tic" histories long held by Southeast Asianists need to be deconstructed
to fully understand the role of history writing in Lanna. In the final
analysis I hope to make evident the political subtext of the JKM. This will
demonstrate that Ratanapafiiia's text could have been used as a type of
weapon in a war to maintain Lanna's independence from empire build-
ing states on its borders. This in turn will demonstrate that even though
we may not establish that the author held a pre-formed, conscious notion
of historical and local identity in terms of the Eurocentric concepts of
nation and region, his work can be read as creating a local identity by
establishing uniqueness in relation to its expansionist neighbour and cohe-
siveness with the larger siisana. Therefore, the production of history in
Lanna can be freed from analyses based on conceptions of "identity" and
instead be examined as being crucial to state formation in emerging poli-
ties on the boundaries of the Buddhist world.
From there I will highlight how the NR's notions of history are different
from the JKM. We will see that in the NR, Ky6kai paid more atten-
tion to the power, values and individuality of the Buddhist practices and
lives of "commoners" instead of a detailed and cohesive history of the
Imperial temples, their elite monastic residences and their court patrons.
By unpacking the miracle tales presented above, I will assert that Ky6kai
was writing at a time when many monks, recoiling from the corruption
and control of religion at the hands of the Imperial court and elite, were
attempting to forge their own orders and build their own temples outside
of Imperial control. Examined under this light, Ky6kai can be seen as,
along with SaichO and Kfikai, one of the earliest Japanese proponents of
the move away from Imperial control of Buddhism. His own vision of the
Japanese Buddhist siisana was different from that of the state in which
he lived and in his writing he attempts to project that -vision to his readers.
Moreover, he can also be seen, along with Gy6gi and D6shO, as an extremely
early propagator of Buddhist belief to the common people of the Japan-
ese countryside, which became popular much later under Shinran, Ippen
and Nicheren.
In the conclusion, I will posit that these two histories have transforma-
tive aspects, because they not only are written at a time of great societal
changes, but also by authors who wanted to play a rol.e in facilitating
those changes. I hope to demonstrate that both the NR and the JKM pres-
ent history in such a way as to shift the center of the Buddhist world.
The JKM depicts Lanna as center of the Buddhist world of Southeast
Asia, while the NR depicts the mountains, villages and commuriities of
merchants and farmers as the center of the Japanese Buddhist world.
I should be evident that by seeing these histories as transformative, we can
avoid projecting notions of nationhood and national consciousness back
onto these two pre-modern writers. Intead, we can see them as creating lit-
erature that in turn created alternative visions of the sasana which may
have had "family resemblances" to modern conceptions of nationhood.
Jinakalamallpakarm}am: Establishment of spatial and temporal authenticity
No Thai, Lao or Western academic study of historiography in medieval,
mainland Southeast Asia that I have come across has commented in any
detail on the political motivations of the JKM or other Pali historical
chronicles commonly known as tamnan in Thai or labeled "universal his-
tories" by Southeast Asianists. Prince Damrong, Charnvit Kasetsiri,
George Coedes, Camile Notton, David Wyatt, Craig Reynolds and others
have divided Lanna's medieval historical writing into two types - the
tamnan and the phongsavadan. The tamnan, they all emphasize, is "reli-
gious history," while the phongsavadan is secular/political. This division
is made because the subject of the tamnan histories, the JKM, the Camade-
viva1!1sa (CDV) and the Mulasasana (MS) among others, are charac-
terized by providing the reader with a chronological history which traces
the history of Buddhism from Gotama or previous Buddhas through
the establishment of the Theravada in Sri Lanka to its establishment in
Northern Thailand with the accouterments of relics, scriptures, stupas and
images
22
. The phongsavadan histories, the Phraratchaphongsavadan
22 Note that there are several other shorter extant tamnans written in Thai Yuan includ-
ing the Tamnan Muang Ngoen, Yang Chiang Saen, the Tamnan Muang Suwannakhomkham,
the Tamnan Singhanawatikuman and others which attempt to create temporal and spatial
authenticity for their respective muang (city-states) through linking their muang with the
lineage of the Buddha and justifying their temples as authentic "depositories of merit."
Wyatt notes that they are "localized in their subject, they are at the same time universal
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKAl.AM.ALlPAKARAlYAM 165
Krung Si Ayudhya chabap Luang Prasoet being the clearest example,
provide king lists and, according to Wyatt, are "secular," "not religious"
because they do not provide a history of Buddhism or of the wandering
of Buddhist relics, but simple, chronological royal lineages justifying the
legitimate transfer of power from Ayudhya to Bangkok's Cakri dynasty
after the Burmese invasion of 1767
23
Even though tamnan 4etail reli-
gious history this does not account for their possible subtext. What these
scholars have overlooked is the arbitrariness of these genre labels which
is made evident by examining the texts in their historical context as well
as understanding the need for temporal and spatial authenticity for king-
doms to politically survive in medieval "Thailand" and "Laos."24
Examining the claim to temporal and spatial authenticity we can flesh out
the political motivations that drive the JKM's narrative. In similar ways
to the "Sri Lankan" and "Burmese" chronicles (MaMvarrzsa, Culavarpsa,
Dfpavarpsa, Buddhavarrzsa, Thupavarrzsa, Dhatuvarrzsa, Siisanavarrzsa) the
JKM traces the history of the Theravada from the life of Gotama through
Asoka's reign to the establishment of the dhamma in Sri Lanka. From there
it provides an account of the advent of the Theravada in Burma and finally
in Lanna. This linear chronology is methodical and heavily detailed in order
in quality." Wyatt, however, dismisses their political motivation when their local power
was being threatened by Chiang Mai, Lan Xang and later Ayudhya. See David Wyatt,
Studies in Thai History (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994): pp. 5-11. These histories
are designed to justify local nile associated with the local leaders ' possession of Buddhist
relics. This subject of relics is too vast to be discussed here and I encourage the reader of
Thai to consult Sanguan Chotsukrat, Prachum Tamnan Lanna Thai, Vols. 1&2 (Krung
Thep: Odiansadon, 2515 [1972]); and, Prasert na Nagara, Tamnanmunlasatsasana Chiang
Mai Chiang Tung (Krung Thep: Ekasanwichagan Samakhom Phrawattisat, 1994). Camille
Notton, Annales du Siam, I-III: Chronique de Xiang Mai (paris: Limoges, 1932) is also
an excellent collection. For a brief history of later Sri Lankan and Mainland Southeast
Asian chronicles in Pall see K.R. Norman, "Pali Literature," in A History of Indian Litera-
ture, vol. 7, pt. 2, ed. Jan Gonda (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1983): pp. 140-144.
23 See also P. Schweisguth, Etude sur la litterature siamoise (paris: Jmprimerie nationale,
1951): pp. 43-44; and, O. Frankfurter, "Events in Ayudhya from Chulasakaraj 686-966,"
JSS 6, no. 3 (1909): 38-62.
24 This position runs decidedly against Swearer's interpretation of the pedagogical func-
tion of the Camadevivarrzsa. He writes that the CamadevivaT(lsa "was intended to be read
and heard, primarily as a document of religious instruction." Even though this was
certainly a function of the text, it can not be claimed as the primary one. See Donald
Swearer and Sommai Premcit, The Legend of Queen Cama: Bodhiramsi's Camadevivarrzsa
a Translation and Commentary (Albany: SUNY, 1998): p. xxiii.
to convey, without a doubt, a clear, legitimate progression of Buddhism
from its founding to its royal patronage in Lanna
25
. The effort of the JKM
and other Lanna chronicles to establish temporal authenticity has long
been understood by Southeast Asianists and Buddhologists
26
. However,
what has not been observed is the Lmma chronicles' simultaneous claim
of spatial legitimacy for Lanna as a place in the Theravada world of main-
land Southeast Asia that had no completely dominant cultural or political
center.
JKM: History as weapon
Heine-Geldem, Keyes, Swearer, Reynolds and most notably Tambiah
have written extensively on the idea of the medieval Southeast Asian
city as a sacred center, what Tambiah calls, a "galactic polity. "27 They
all note that cities, like Chiang Mai, Ayudhya, Angkor, Sukhotai were
designed and built in the shape of a m a r : t ~ a l a which would conceptually
25 See Donald Swearer, "Myth, Legend and History in Northern Thai Chronicles,"
ISS, vol. 62, part 1 (1974): 69 for information on the dating of the JKM. Regarding the
name of the author, the JKM reads: "[W]hosoever sage who was living there receiving
that king's active patronage, was given the name Ratanapafifia as wisdom (Panna) to him
as a jewel (ratana); he indeed wrote thalNaluable book." See Ratanapafifia, Iinakalamaif,
pp. 125-26. See also Coedes, "Documents sur l'histoire politique et religieuse du Laos occi-
dental," BEFEO, XXV, nos. 1-2; as well as the English translation of the Pali Text Society
entitled: The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conquerer, trans. N.A. Jayaywick-
rama (London: PTS, 1968). For this line see: Iayawickrama, The Sheaf of Garlands of the
Epochs of the Conquerer, 185. Norman notes that the original Pali version shows par-
ticularities of Northern Thai Pali; namely: "unhistorical gemination of consonants and
the' converse, unusual retroflexion of dentals, and unusual spellings. These were regarded
as errors and removed from the European edition, but it is possible that they are genuine
characteristics of Pali as it was spoken in Northern Thailand in the sixteenth century"
(Norman, "Pali Literature," p. 144).
26 Northern Thai inscriptions usually focus specifically on establishing temporal authen-
ticity through detailed king lists, but by the fact of their immobility they can be seen as
suggesting a value to the place they occupy. For a good example of one of these king
list concerning the royal line of King Mangrai, see Cham Tongkamwan, "Kam An Sila-
jareuk Wat Phra Yeun Jangwat Lampun," Sinlapakorn 1 (1957): 61-69.
27 Tambiah notes that the use of the term "mar;t<;lala" geopolitically is found in Kau-
tiliya's Arthasastra. See his World Conquerer, World Renouncer: A Study in Buddhism
and Polity in Thailand Against a Historical Background (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ.
Press, 1976): p. 102.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAUPAKARAJ:1AM 167
mirror the cosmos as understood by the Theravada
28
Tambiah writes:
"[T]he [Southeast Asian ] kingdom was a miniature representation of the
cosmos, with the palace at the center being iconic of Mount Meru, the pil-
lar of the universe, and the king, his princes and the ruling chiefs repre-
senting the hierarchy in Tavatirp.sa heaven. "29 This urban/cosmic paral-
lelism is well known and I will not needlessly go over it in any more
detail here, but this will help us understand the political subtext of the JKM
and other Northern Thai chronicles. Looking specifically at cities in Lanna,
Swearer discusses this concept in specific relation to Chiang Mai and Lam-
pun. He notes that "sacredness" in Northern Thailand is always associated
with Buddhist history and how a particular place relates in that history. The
most important physical connection to that history is a relic of the Buddha
whose reliquary became the "axial center of the sacred-city-kingdom."3o
Swearer also shows that the chronicles relate the establishment of twelve
reliquary centers in the Theravada world locating eight in Lanna and none
in Ayudhya and only one in Southern Burma
31
. This establishes an entire
"sacred geography" in which Lanna becomes the center vis-a.-vis Ayudhya.
28 See Frank Reynolds and Mani B. Reynolds, trans., Three Worlds According to King
Ruang: A Thai Buddhist Cosmology (Berkeley: Dniv. of California, 1982): introduction.
Note that the pioneering work about sacred space and relics being the "axial center" of a
city and a kingdom is found Paul Mus's Barabudur: Esquisse d'une histoire du bouddhisme
fondee sur la critique archeologique des textes, 2 vols (Hanoi: Imprimerie d'Extreme-
Orient, 1935). .
29 Tambiah, World Conquerer, p. 109. See also Swearer regarding the Brahmanical
origins of the Yuan Thai conception of the ma/F!ala and Buddhist cosmology in his "The
Northern Thai City as a Sacred Center," in The City as Sacred Center: Essays on Six Asian
Contexts (Leiden: E.I. Brill, 1987): p. 105.
30 See Swearer, "The Northern Thai City," p. 108. Swearer writes: "[T]he sanctity of
the Northern Thai city ... also depends on the support and virtuousness of the reigning
monarch, not simply his discovery of sacred Buddha relics and the presence of powerful
Buddha images. Tilokaraja (1441-1487), whose rule initiates the apogee of the Chiang
Mai kingdom, models his reign after King Asoka, or at least the chroniclers seem to
see him in this light. He sends emissaries to India to get saplings of the sacred Bodhi Tree
which he then enshrines within the precincts of one of the great Chiang Mai monasteries.
He also reputedly regularized the monastic order and the sacred Pali texts by calling what
the Thai consider to be the 8th ecumenical Buddhist Council, Tn short, through his support
of the Sinhalese Mahavihara monastic tradition, he assures a greater degree of religious
and political unity which was important for the extension and assertion of his own power
and authority" (109).
31 Ibid., pp. 110-111.
What Tambiah, Swearer and others have failed to note, is how religious
historians used spatial terminology and the establishment of sacred geog-
raphy in their histories for. regional, political purposes
32
By seeing how
the JKM combines the establishment of sacred geography and linear Bud-
dhist history to establish temporal and spatial authenticity for Lanna we
can better understand motivations for the composition of the text and the
historical context of its writer. The military and political history of main-
land Southeast Asia can only be understood by understanding the prob-
lem of manpower. Due to the relatively low population in medieval Thai-
land kingdoms competed with each other for the control of a relatively
small workforce. For a long time it has been known that the civilization
of Angkor declined because it could not economically support a workforce
and its population began moving to other urban centers in the region
33

This abandonment of cities by the workforce was also a problem in Lanna
at the time the JKM was composed and was a concern of the monarchy.
Stuart-Fox notes that the power vacuum that followed the fall of the
empires of Angkor, as well as the more distant Pagan and Yunnan in the
13
th
century, allowed various muang (city-states) with Tai-speaking pop-
ulations to establish small regional kingdoms in the areas of modem day
32 This critique can surely not be maderaf scholars studying chronicles, relics and polit-
ical power in Sri Lanka. See especially: R. Gunawardana, "The Kinsmen of the Buddha:
Myth as Political Charter in the Ancient and Early Medieval Kingdoms of Ceylon," in
Religion and Legitimation of Power in Sri Lanka, ed. Bardwell Smith (Chambersburg,
PA: Anima Books, 1978): pp. 96-106. Jonathan Z. Smith more generally emphasizes the
relationship between political power and relic possession in his To Take Place: Toward
Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
; > . , . ~ 3 Taylor's description of Nguyen Anh provides further evidence for the importance of
manpower in mainland Southeast Asian warfare. Nguyen Anh, a ruler in 18
th
century
Southern Vietnam, had served as a vassal in King Rama I's court in Bangkok, when he
retllQ1ed to Southern Vietnam, Taylor writes, he: "brought a new style of warfare among
speakers of Vietnamese, a style of warfare that [he] ... had leamed while campaigning with
Rama I against the Burmese. Warfare practiced by Vietnamese speakers had tended towards
territorial goals, whether in acquistition or in defense, in contrast to control of manpower,
as was more explicitly practiced among the Siamese. Rather than simply gaining territory
to defend, Nguyen Anh attracted an.d governed an entourage of aspiring, competing indi-
viduals, all seeking to demonstrate their worthiness for advancement; in his "seasonal
compaigns" of the early 1790's, he accumulated men more effectively than he did terri-
tories, and one wonders if that was not then his immediate priority." Taylor, "Surface
Orientations," p. 967.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAUPAI(ARA]fAM 169
Thailand and Laos
34
; Like the aforementioned regional states in early
medieval mdia; Lanna, Lan Xang and Ayudhya existed side by side in
relative peace iti the 14th and 15
th
centuries each controlling an econom-
ically viable geographical space. No kingdom had the power to ~ r e a t e a
empire of Tai speaking peoples that could replace the Angkorian empire
of the previous three centuries. However, beginning in the late 15
th
cen-
tury Ayudhya began a systematic campaign to incorporate the kingdoms
of Lanna and Lan Xang into its kingdom35. The greater part of the Lanna
history section of the JKM relates the reign of King Tilok (1441-1487 C.E.)
who defended his kingdom against the encroachments of Ayudhyan armies
under King Trailok (1448-1488 C.E.). Lanna and Ayudhya were con-
stantly in competition for this manpower base in order to raise armies,
work fields and build cities
36
. Ayudhya's power had been growing because
it was able to attract a large, mobile workforce
37
Ayudhya was founded
in the most fertile wet-rice growing valley of Southeast Asia, this agri-
cultural base combined with the city's river access to the sea and its royal
family's connection with Chinese maritime merchants allowed Ayudhya
to increase its wealth, control the major river systems in the Menam basin
and attract a workforce from the Southern peninsula, Cambodia and lower
Bunna
38
. Furthermore, Wheatly shows that this economic power allowed
34 Martin Stuart-Fox, The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang: Rise and Decline (Bangkok:
White Lotus, 1999): pp. 32-33.
35 A.B. Griswold and Praset na Nagara's study of the medieval Thai historical poem,
the Yuan Pai, (composed around 1475 in the city of Ayudhya) reveals the extent of the
use of religion as a weapon in war. The poem, as well as, the Chiang Mai Chronicle, tells
of Ayudhya using Burmese monks with magical powers to infiltrate Lanna's defenses and
influence the King Tilokaraja of Chiang Mai. See their "A Siamese Historical Poem," in
Southeast Asian History and Historiography: Essays Presented to D.GE. Hall, ed. C.D. Cowen
and O.W. Wolters (Ithaca: Cornell Univ.Press, 1976): p. 139.
36 Chamvit Kasetsiri, The Rise of Ayudhya (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1976):
p.102.
37 Tambiah notes that it was extremely common for local Tai, Mon and Khmer peoples
to move from city to city in search of work and allegiance to one city was dependent on
economics. See Tambiah, World Conquerer, p. 121.
38 Kasetsiri, The Rise, p. 19. Chamvit notes that Angkor saw the Menam basin of Ayud-
hya as the most important economic region in mainland Southeast Asia and that Chiang
Mai and Sukhotai could never economically compete with their power due to this agri-
cultural base. See also Chamvit's chapter V (Ayodhya: the Forerunner of Ayudhya) for
information regarding Chinese merchants role in the power of Ayudhya. The importance
Ayudhya to expand its "organizational capacities" beyond "the physical
limits" of its urban center
39
. Ayudhya slowly adjusted to this growing
workforce by adopti..TJ.g old Angkorian systems of political organization.
This "importance of manpower maintenance," Kasetsiri writes,"can be
seen from the regulations and laws imposed by Ayudhyan rulers to pre-
vent the scattering of its population. For example, in the 'Law on Abduc-
tion,' believed to have been promulgated in 1355 during the reign of
Uthong, severe penalties were specified for abductors or those who were
indirectly involved in helping remove slaves or corvee labour from their
assigned places. "40 Other laws promulgated in the early 151
h
century
demanded the return of any runaway slaves from neighbouring muang and
punished those who housed runaway slaves. Along with these laws, the
Ayudhyan kings demanded an oath of allegiance from all officials and
their subjects in the outer muang
41
In addition to these punitive devices,
King Trailok extended his bureaucratic control of the population of the
satellite cities of Ayudhya. He instituted a program of tatooing numbers
onto the workforce to mark them as Ayudhyan and created a numerical
hierarchy of classes
42
. The tattooed numbering defined the individual's rights
under Ayudhyan law
43
. This bureaucratic system was a stark contrast to
of access to the sea is seen in the Chiang"Mai Chronicle. In one episode a court astrologer
interprets a dream the mother of King Mangrai had before he was born. It reads: "[T]he
Lady ... will bear a son most illustrious who will conquer the lands to the south, all the
way to the sea, to be sure." Aroonwut Wichienkeeo and David Wyatt, The Chiang Mai
Chronicle (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1998): p. 17.
39 Paul Wheatley, Nagara and Commandery: Origins of the Southeast Asian Urban Tra-
ditions (University of Chicago Department of Geography Research Paper, Nos. 207-208,
1(83): p. 9. Chamvit notes that Ayudhya began to control a vast area in the 15
th
cen-
tury, but that the historical chronicles of the later Bangkok kings exaggerate the extent of
Ayudhya's territorial control. Kasetsiri, The Rise, pp. 93-94.
40 Kasetsiri, The Rise, p. 102.
41 Ibid., p. 103. See also: Chulalongkom, Ruang Phraratchaphithi sipsong duan (Bangkok:
Royal Press, 1920): pp. 250-270 for evidence of the ceremonies of allegiance to the king
of Ayudhya and later Cakri kings.
42 For a good analysis of Ayudhyan systems of social control see M.R. Akin Rabib-
hadana, "The Organization of Thai Society in the Early Bangkok Period," a masters the-
sis published by the Cornell Southeast Asian Program in 1969. I thank Jeffrey Shane, PhD
candidate in Southeast Asian Studies at Ohio University, for calling my attention to this
source.
43 See Tambiah, World Conquerer, 72-74.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALlpAKARAlfAM 171
the traditional patron-client relationship that was characteristic of Lanna
political control
44
.
Charnvit writes that" [I]t is clear with the foundation of Ayudhya a real
centre had arisen in central Siam. "45 Lanna kings had to defend against
this new center which was expanding outwards
46
. King Tilok and other
monarchs of Lanna, facing an empire builder to its south, had to develop
systems for the social control of a workforce. However, Lanna could
not compete economically, administratively or militarily with Ayudhya's
growing power. Therefore, I surmise, it competed for manpower with the
only weapon it had and the one aspect of culture the entire Tai speaking
world held in common - the Buddha siisana. Like the relationship
between the cities of Babylon and Agade in the Ancient Near East or
even the modern relationship between St. Petersburg and Moscow, Lanna
had long been the cultural and religious center of mainland Southeast
Asia in comparison to Ayudhya (or its predecessors Lopburi and Supan-
buri). Tambiah notes that Lanna attracted the most famous monks who
were "the leading intellectual and cultural force in Thailand. "47 This is
important because groups of Theravada monks who regularly traveled
between Pagan, Ayudhya, Phisanulok, Sukhotai, Luang Prabang and the
cities of Haripufijaya and Chiang Mai of Lanna brought cohesiveness to
the cultural world. By establishing monasteries kings could attract these
monks to reside in their city. Famous monks attracted large groups of
labourers. Not dissimilar from today, medieval monasteries were the cul-
tural centers of their respective towns and villages. In fact, the historical
chronicles claim that most cities were founded by traveling religious figures.
44 See Keith Taylor, "The Early Kingdoms," in Cambridge History of Southeast Asia,
vol. 1, ed. Nicholas Tarling (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992): p. 17l.
45 Kasetsiri, The Rise, p. 93.
46 Trainor notes that J.z. Smith's assessment of the mobile nature of the "locative
specificity" of the sacred "center" on account of the portability of a relic is more accurate
than Eliade's well-known study of cosmological patterns which grounds the "center" in
one place within a greater cosmological map. See Kevin Trainor, Relics, Ritual and
Representation in Buddhism." Rematerializing the Sri Lankan Theravada Tradition
(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997): pp. 105-106; see also Smith, To Take Place,
chps. 1 & 5.
47 See Tambiah, World Conquerer, pp. 76, 125. Here Tambiah emphasizes that South-
east Asian kingdoms used cultural prestige to attract population.
For example, Lao legends and chronicles assert that Lua,ng Prabang was
founded by a religious ascetic. In the JKM and CDV, the sage, Vasudeva
founded Haripufijaya and installed Queen Camadevi on the throne
48

Chamvit provides a good description of how monks and phakao (non-
ordained, traveling Buddhist attracted people to their temples
49
He
writes:
"[A] number of factors which made resettlement or expansion of the city
possible should be considered. In first place, the phakao could persuade
clansmen and monks to come to the new settlement because he could claim
that it was a centre of Buddhism; and he strengthened this claim by build-
ing a new temple to house Buddhist monks. His clansmen, later followed
by non-relatives, came to the new site because it offered new opportunities
with plenty of land available for cultivation. Settlement in a new centre of
Buddhist religion or attachment to a Buddhist temple, according to old prac-
tice of the Menam Basin, were grounds for exemption from corvee labour.
Those who became kha-phra or temple slaves were no longer eligible to be
drafted for corvee labour by any ruler. They worked only for a temple and
its monks, and the service required by the Buddhist order was considerably
48 Chamvit writes: "[T]hey [sis, chipakao or other Buddhist and Brahmanic holy men]
commanded the respect of local people because of their fudian learning ... They tended to
act as a sources of legitimation for established rulers of the area." Kasetsiri, The Rise,
p. 42. He also refers to the Chronicle of Nakorn Sri Thammarat which reports that that city
was founded by phakao. The story of founding of the city of Haripunjaya is
found in the Camadevivarrtsa. See Swearer "Myth, Legend and History in the Northern
Thai Chronicles," ISS, voL 62 (1974): 75-79 regarding this story. Swearer notes that the
legitimacy for Haripuiijaya is established in three stages. First, the Buddha deposits his relic.
Second, Vasudeva founds the city with magical intuition (generated by his compassion)
of its wealth. Third, Queen Cama was the fust ruler chosen by Vasudeva because of her
piety and virtue. When she marches into the city she is accompanied by 500 bhikkhus,
500 ascetics, 500 scribes, 500 sculptors, etc. See also Sommai Premcit, "Palm Leaf
Manuscripts and Traditional Sermon," in Buddhism in Northern Thailand, ed. Saeng
Chandranngaam (Chiang Mai: Proceedings of the 13
th
Conference of the World Fellow-
ship of Buddhists, 1980): p. 75. Sommai notes that the Kings of Chiang Mai used the
erection of Buddhist monuments and images as occasions to invite Bhikkhus from all over
the Theravada world to come to Chiang Mai. For example, King Y od Chiang Rai in 1492
built the Tapodarama and invited the famous monks. Veluvana Thera, Nanabodhi Thera,
Surasiha Thera, Narada Thera and Saddhammasanthira Thera to consecrate the sIma.
49 Archaimbault's study of hagiographicallegends in Laos reveals the importance of
the non-ordained religious ascetics, magicians and soothsayers in Lan Xang, generally
called "phu mi bun" (literally: person possessing merit). See Charles Archaimbault, Contri-
bution it l'etude d'un cycle de legendes Lao (Paris: Ecole Franliaise d'Extreme-Orient,
1980): pp. 105-123.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIlPAKARAlfAM 173
less strenuous than demanded by kings or rulers ... As for the ruler or king
who authorized a new settlement [or new temple] of this kind, he supported
it because it provided him with a way of expanding his realm and height-
ening his prestige largely by concentrating and increasing his pool of man-
power. Support of religious activities such as the construction of temples
became one way of guaranteeing that manpower was within reach of command.
Buddhist temples had become a binding force which tied the population
together and this was one of the basic concerns of the rulers in the area. It must
be noted that not everyone settled around a temple could escape corvee
labour ... a ruler usually had ways of preventing the number of kha-phra
from increasing beyond certain limits. "50
We saw that the last section of the JKM reads as a simple record of how
the Lanna king sponsored the building of temples, made additions and
expanded living quarters at old ones and invited monks to live, teach, per-
fonn ceremonies, copy scripture and consecrate images at the temples.
The traditional relationship between the monarchy and the sangha in the
Theravada has been discussed by Ishii, Jackson, Mus, Tambiah and
Wyatt
51
. Swearer and Sommai's specific study of the reigns of Lanna
monarchs in the 15
th
and 16
th
centuries unequivocally establishes this link.
Referring to Tilok they write:
"Tilokaraja is the great unifier of northern Thailand. Historically, the increas-
ing dominance of the Sihala Nikaya facilitates this role. Furthermore, the king
is surrounded by the symbols of a universal monarch [relics, monasteries,
Buddha images, palaces, cedis, etc] which enhance both the sacrality and
magical power of his territory. The Buddha and the gods support his reign.
Of all the monarchs of Lanna Tilokaraja best exemplifies efforts to build a
single moral community unified on the sociological level by a common reli-
gious institution, and symbolically by his own person as cakkavattin. His
reign, then, embodies ... the symbiosis between the religious and political
spheres, and lays the groundwork for the golden age of Buddhist scholar-
ship in Lanna during the reign ofPhra Muang Kaew (1495-1528)."52
50 Kasetsiri, The Rise, pp. 42-43.
51 See especially Sommai Premcit, "Palm Leaf Manuscripts and Traditional Sermon,"
81-82; and, Yoneo Ishii, Sangha, State, and Society: Thai Buddhism in History, trans.
Peter Hawkes (Honolulu: Univ. of Hawaii Press, 1986): pp. 59-65.
52 Donald Swearer and Sommai Premchit, "The Relationship between the Religious and
Political Orders in Northern Thailand (14'h to 16
th
centuries)," in Religion and Legitima-
tion of Power in Thailand, Laos and Burma, ed. Bardwell Smith (Chambersburg, PA:
Anima Books, 1978): p. 31.
The JKM explicitly associates the connection between the various Lanna
kings and the Asokan model of ideal the cakkavattin, who by protecting
and patronizing the sangha ensures the success of the kingdom and the
propagation of the sasand
53
Kings, like Adicca and Ietthadhipati, built
large monasteries which, Ratanapafiii.a tells us, attracted the leading mem-
bers of all three Tai speaking Theravada orders
54
. These scholastic monks
attracted novice students and the monasteries grew
55
. For example, an
inscription from Lanna reveals that one of the most famous monks of
medieval Theravada Buddhism, Sumana (a Sihalabhikkhu monk of the
Mahasami Udumbara order and abbot of the Ambavanarama monastery
in Sukhothai) was invited to Haripuiijaya where King Kilana (1355-1385)
built him a new monastery56. Sumana was believed to have discovered a
relic of a Buddha through following instructions from a tree-spirit. He gained
53 There is inscriptional evidence from Sukhotai which reveal that as early as the
14th century kings were appointing the Sangharaja and abbots of particular temples.
See Griswold and Prasert, "Epigraphic and Historical Studies, No. 12, Inscription 9," ISS,
vol. 59, no. 1 (1971): 97-98.
54 These orders were the Sihalabhikkhus (forest monks who were considered the most
prestigious in medieval Southeast Asian Theravada); the village dwelling monks and the
Brah Rupa about which little is known. A good description of the origins of the differences
of these orders is found in the Tamnan Munlasatsana's of Wat Suan Dok, Pa Daeng and
Yang Duang. They are based on ordination lineages, the manner in which the alms bowl
is carried when on alms rounds, rules regarding the handling of money, pronunciation of
Pali, and the preformance of certain ceremonies. For example, see Prasert's (1994) cen-
tral Thai edition of the Munlasatsana Wat Suan Dok, 18-20 and 28-36; and, Sanguan
Chotsukrat, Tamnan Muang Nua (Krung Thep: Odiansadon, 2508 [1965]): pp. 451-455.
Clearly our best source for understanding the Buddhist sects/schools in medieval Lan
Xang, Lanna, Sukhotai and Ayudhya is found in the Tamnan Mulasasana Wat Pa Daeng
(see note #32).
;:'55 Formerly, Lopburi, the Angkorian capital of the Menam Basin before the rise of
Ayudhya had been a formidable learning center (the Northern Kings Rarnkhmahaeng,
Mangrai and Ngammuang might have studied there) and slowly declined in the 15
th
cen-
tury with the rise of schools in Ayudhya. Griswold and Prasert note that the famous
ascetic from Chiang Mai traveled to Ayudhya in the 1320's to look for the Tripitaka, but
there is no evidence for Ayudhya's place as a center of Buddhist learning after this point.
Not until the sack of Chiang Mai by the Burmese in the late 16
th
century do we have evi-
dence of Ayudhya as a place noted for Buddhist scholarship. See A.B. Griswold and Prasert
na Nagara, "Epigraphical and Historical Studies, No. 10, King Lodaiya of Sukhodaya and
His Contemporaries," ISS, vol. 60, no. 1 (1972): 24.
56 A.B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, "Epigraphic and Historical Studies, No. 13,
the Inscription of Wat Pra Yun," ISS, vol. 62, part 1 (1974): 123-124; and, "Epigraphi-
cal and Historical Studies, No. 12, Inscription 9," pp. 93-96.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKAlAMJJ..jPAKARAl'fAM 175
many followers and brought the relic to -Lanna. Therefore, he was able
t(j attract many of his old students and brought prestige to the city that
can be seen from the building of a cetiya which he inscribed
57

The JKM, especially in the story of the crow, repeatedly emphasizes
that the reason monks were attracted to the temples of Lanna and to the
cities of Chiang Mai and Haripufijaya was the existence of relics
58
It was
believed that one could gain merit by being near and paying homage to
the relics of the Buddha. As Swearer showed, Lanna's historical chroni-
cles recorded the establishment of eight of the 12 known major relics of
the Buddha. Therefore when kings built stupas to house these relics and
monasteries to protect them they were simultaneously competing for the
most valuable commodity of Southeast Asia - labor. The Lanna chron-
icles continually emphasize the great number of people who were attracted
to the temples in Lanna and how the kings constantly endeavored to build
new monasteries in the Lanna towns of Chiang Tung, Chiang Saen,
Lampun, Chiang Rai, etc. for famous teachers like N anagambhira and
Dhammakitti. At one point Chiang Mai had over 500 monasteries all
attracting new ordinations, temples slaves and construction workers
59

Moreover, these reliquaries became major pilgrimage sites and by locating
them in Lanna, monks and laypeople could travel to them in succession,
hence solidifying the various religious centers of the kingdom and increasing
the self-definition of Lanna as a spatial designation
6o
The JKM describes
the establishment of these religious centers and the king's unwavering
patronage of them in detail and herein lays its political subtext.
The JKM's historical narrative claims temporal and spatial authentic-
ity for Lanna. It emphasized the region's possession of the Buddha's relics
57 In the Tamnan Muang Nua we fmd an episode where Sumana is invited as the "most
eminent swami [and] head of the sangha in Lanna Thai of the Sri Lankan sect" to reside
in Chiang Mai by the king. See Sanguan, Tamnan Muang Nua, p. 457.
58 For more information regarding the cult of relics in the Theravada world and the estab-
lishment of "presence" or local religious prestige, see especially Trainor's ielics, Ritual
and Representation, pp. 96-135.
59 Swearer and Sommai, "The Relationship between the Religious and Political Orders,"
pp.28-30.
60 Almost no work has been conducted on pilgrimage in Lanna or Lan Xang. For a gen-
eral study of pilgrimage and the definition of sacred space see Sacred Places, Sacred
Spaces, ed. Robert Stoddard and Alan Morris (Baton Rouge: LSU, 1997).
and depicted the lineage of Lanna kings as true Asokan prptectors of the
Theravada. In this way the JKM can be analyzed as Foucault analyzed
the written historical records of disciplinary institutions. Foucault saw
history writing as attempts t6 negotiate power. Through meticulous. detail
written histories revealed the "coherence of a tactic" which seeks to estab-
lish absolute authority for the factual history61. Therefore, when reading
history, Foucault writes: "one's point of reference ... [should be] to that
of war and battle. The history which bears and determines us has the
form of war rather than that of language: relations of power, not relations
of meaning. "62 This notion of history as weapon was also asserted by
61 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vinatge,
1977): p. 139. Thai historian, Satien Goset, disagrees with this notion and sees the writ-
ing of history as pedagogical in aim and nature. See his "Wicha Brawattisat," Silapakorn
1, no. 3 (1957): 70-74.
62 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-
1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980): p. 114. Foucault's
theories on historiography and power help us understand the JKM. These theories come
from his work on Discipline and Punish and Power/Knowledge in the mid-seventies. His
later work in the History of Sexuality sees in the writing of history the efforts to make a
"perceived enemy" in history writing, like Ayudhya, into something wholly "other." There
is much evidence in the JKM and other Northern Thai chronicles and inscriptions that the
Lanna historians saw Ayudhya as non-Tai and thus not as legitimate rulers of Tai-speak-
ing peoples. Keith Taylor is the only schol;;rr that I have come across that explicitly notes
the two "versions" of being Tai - the Lafina version and the Ayudhyan. Ayudhya was
located in the former center of the Angkor Empire and its administration, royal ceremonies
and laws were distinctly Angkorian (Taylor, "The Early Kingdoms," p. 171). The Lanna
Sinhanavati Chronicle emphasizes the enmity between the kings of Lanna and Angkor
and glorifies the saving of "the independence" of Lanna from the Khmers. See Notton,
Annales du Siam, Vol. 1., p. 146. There is much inscriptional evidence that would suggest
that ,A.yudhyan kings saw themselves as culturally Khmer. An inscription in Northeast
Thailand that was inscribed in 1562 in which the Ayudhyan authorities used Khmer
characters for writing in Thai. In fact, Ayudhyan royal inscriptions in Chainat (Central
Thailand) used Khmer script unti11717, even though Thai script had been developed and
used in the region since approximately 1296. Since Lanna had its own script different from
the central Thai script since the 13
th
century, Ayudhyan kings could have used the central
Thai script for inscriptions to set themselves apart from Lanna, but explicitly chose to use
Khmer. See Michael Vickery, "Review of Prachum Chotmaihet Sarnai Ayuthaya Phak I,"
JSS, vol. 60, part 2 (1972): 31; see also Griswold and Prasert, "Epigraphic and Histori-
cal Studies, No. 12, Inscription 9," p. 89; and, see Justin McDaniel, "New Perspectives
on Scripts and Inscriptions in Northern Thailand and Laos," paper presented at the National
Meeting of the American Oriental Society, Portand, OR: 2000. Linguistically it is now
believed that Tai Yuan (spoken in Lanna), Luang Pabang Lao and Isan were very similar
in the early medieval period and distinctive from Central Ayudhyan Thai. See Suchita
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIlPAKAR.Al'fAM 177
Mary Douglas' analysis of a conception of pollution, that, Pelley writes:
"fixates on boundaries and that insistently distinguishes between internal
and external; danger always presses in from the outside. Douglas supposes
that ideas about external transgression function primarily to 'impose. system
on an inherently untidy experience. It is only by exaggerating the differ-
ence between within and without ... that a semblance of order is created.' "63
Wongtet, "Kamnamsaneur," in Mahagap Kong Usakanae Tao Hung Kun Cheung Wirbu-
russongfangkong, ed. Suchita Wongtet (Bangkok: Singhakom, 1985): p. 17. Sketchy car-
tographical evidence is inconclusive. Ayudhyan mapmakers associated themselves and
their kingdom with Old Angkor. Victor Kennedy fonnd a rare map from Ayudhya which
mapped out Khmer territory and areas in Northeast Thailand and Central Laos, but was
vague or completely neglectful of any territory in Lanna north of Phisanulok. This may
only be due to a lack of opportnnities to survey Lanna as it was occupied by the Burmese
in the late 16
th
century, but since the map was produced as late as the 19
th
century, it seems
to point out that Ayudhya considered the mapping of Khmer areas along with central Thai-
land more important Tongchai Winichakul has studied a map fonnd by Michael Wright
which at the time of writing I was not able to acquire or consult. Tongchai's comments
suggest that it depicts Lanna territory as part of Ayudhya; however, I am not aware of the
proximate dating or subject of the map. See Victor Kennedy, "An Indigenous Early Nine-
teenth Century Map of Central and Northeast Thailand," JSS Special Volume in Memo-
riam Phya Anuman Rajadhon, ed. Tej Bunnag and Michael Smithies (1970): 317; and,
Tongchai, Siam Mapped, p. 26. Much further work needs to be done.
63 See Patricia Pelley, "The History of Resistance and the Resistance to History in Post-
Colonial Constructions of the Past, in Essays into Vietnamese Pasts, ed. Keith Taylor and
John Whitmore (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1995): p. 243. See also Wheeler, ''Chal-
lenges to Narrative History," p. 2. Note also that Douglas is explicit in her support of
Durkheim's conception of religion as "eminently social." Douglas believed that the human
structure of thought was socially constructed. Looking specifically at notions of purity and
impurity in Leviticus, she emphasizes .that ancient Jewish society determined something
"holy" or pure by its "wholeness" or "completeness" and by how well it fit into a pre-
determined class, see Mary Douglas, "The Abominations of Leviticus," in Purity and
Danger (New York: Praeger, 1966): p. 51. She provides this cogent example:
"[T]he [Israelite] army could not win without the blessing [of God] and to keep the bless-
ing in the camp they had to be specially holy. So the camp was to be preserved from
defilement like the Temple ... all bodily discharges disqualified a man from entering the
camp ... [a] warrior who had an issue of the body in the night should keep outside the camp
all day and only return after sunset, having washed ... [l]n short the idea of holiness was
given external, physical expression in the wholeness of the body seen as a perfect container"
(Ibid., pp. 51-52). .
Furthermore, holiness was bestowed upon that which fell under distinct "categories of
creation;" it involves "correct definition, discrimination and order" (Ibid., p. 53). There-
fore, the pig was considered impure, because it did not fit into the category of cattle,
camels, sheep and goats which produced milk and hides (Ibid., pp. 54-55). Pigs are cloven
animals, but do not possess all the qualities that make up the class of milk and hide
This is exactly what the JKM did. We saw that the JKM,heavily focuses
on the detail of the establishment of relics and the building of temples
producers. In this way they were considered hybrid creatures, as were flying quadrupeds,
reptiles (who live on land, but do not have feet) lUld other various anomalous creatutes. These
creatures were seen as symbols of unholiness or impurity. Symbols, for Douglas, reflected
a society's attempt at making meaning and that structure of meaning-making was socially
determined. Understanding what a society designated as pure or impure allows under-
standing of their conceptions of universal order and their notions of the relationship between
the divine and the human. Douglas does not expand on how structures of thought which
lead to the production of symbols originate, how new symbols can reflect new structures
of thought, or how new structures of thought are possible without a change in the social
structure. Turner attempts to answer these questions. He agrees with Douglas' claim that
symbols of impurity are determined in some ways by the things that remain outside of clas-
sification, like neophytes, who are neither adult nor children. In fact, he expands Douglas'
point by emphasizing how designating something or someone as symbolically deviant
actually reifies the social structure by determining societal boundaries. See Victor Turner,
"Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage," in Reader in Compara-
tive Religion: An Anthropological Approach, ed. William Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt, 3rd ed.
(New York: Harper & Row, 1965): p. 342. For example, neophytes, the "symbolically
invisible" must be taught the "sacra" of a society - its notions of theogony, cosmogony
and mythical history (Ibid., p. 343). They are taught culture, hence continually establish-
4lg what defInes culture (Ibid., 346). However, unlike Douglas, Turner understood the
dynamic nature of societies and symbolic production. He believes that anthropologists
have been too concerued with stable and fixed structures instead of processes in which
the relation between a symbol and its referent and between an individual and society is
continually being changed. For example, a pilgrimage can serve as a process in which
social structure is transformed. He writes':
"[A]s a pilgrim moves away from his structural involvements at home his route becomes
increasingly sacralized at one level and increasingly secularized at another. He meets with
more shrines and sacred objects as he advances, but he also .encounters more real dangers
such as bandits and robbers, he has to pay attention to the need to survive and often to earn
money for transportation, and he comes across markets and fairs ... where the shrine is
flapked by the bazaar ... but all these things are more contractual, more associational, more
v"01itional, more replete with the novel and the unexpected." See Victor Turner, Dramas,
Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press,
1974): pp. 182-83).
In other places he showed how caste rules were relaxed and new relationships formed
in Saivite pilgrimages and obilgations were relaxed, leading to new rule formation, in
Islamic pilgrimages. For Turner, the pilgrimage served the same purpose as the neophyte
"anti-structure." Through it society transformed itself, created new religious symbolic
associations and questioned the existing social structure. Since Turner saw symbols as
meaning-making, we can surmise that his understanding of the transformation of symbolic
status would lead necessarily to subtle transformations in the structure of thought in a
community. In this way, Turner clarifIes the relationship between the individual and the
social and the former's ability to transform social structure and symbolic status - some-
thing both Douglas (and Geertz) failed to adequately explain. Using analogies to drama,
NIHON RYOIKI AND IINAKA.LAMALiPAKARAJ:1AM 179
in its claim to authenticity. This claim was essential to Lanna's fight for
i n d e p e n d e n c e ~ Lanna and Ayudhya were in a state of constant warfare
in the 15
th
and 16
th
centuries. Lanna needed, as historian Keith Taylor
notes in 1992, to create a "distinctive regional cultural identity" vis-a-vis
its neighbours. I suggest that the writing of history was one of the tools
to do that. The JKM can be understood as a weapon in the war with
Ayudhya in the context of our understanding of Lanna's difficult eco-
nomic position, its efforts to remain an independent regional state when
faced with a growing empire on its borders, the scarcity of manpower in
Southeast Asia, the supreme cultural value placed on relics and the impor-
tance of monasteries as population centers
64
. The literary claim to regional
authenticity established through linear time and the sacralization of place
was a claim to political survival, not simply a recording of religious history
for didactic purposes as Chamvit, Wyatt, Swearer, Vickery and others
have assumed.
This use of the genre of history also reflects an alternative type of what
Pollock called, "vernacularization;" namely, it took a cosmopolitan text-
type, the Pali "varrzsa" Buddhist histories of Sri Lanka and used the lit-
erary structure of that text-type for its own political purposes. The JKM
was composed in a "cosmopolitan" or classical language. However, it
"vernacularizes," or perhaps regionalizes the Pali source text, the Maha-
varrzsa, by manipulating the history so that Lanna would appear simulta-
neously as temporally connected to Sri Lanka and India and spatially
superior to Ayudhya. This "vernacularization/regionaliztion" achieves its
Turner challenges other anthropologists to see societies as dynamic historical processes.
However, he leaves his readers unclear as to how the study of religion is different from
other meaning-making systems in a cultural system. His analysis of pilgrimages implic-
itly suggests that he saw no important distinction between a religious perspective and an
economic or aesthetic one.
64 Keyes notes that Lanna was being attacked from all sides as early as the time of
Ratanapafifia. In his "New Evidence on Northern Thai Frontier History" he notes that the
Burmese had been attacking Yuan Thai/Lannavillages in the early 16
th
century until their
final conquest in 1558. See this article in the ISS Special Volume in Memoriam of Phya
Anuman Rajadhon, pp. 230-231. I believe that this provides further evidence for the the-
ory of the Lanna chronicles as political weapons in a time of war. We saw that the two
"foreign" envoys that the JKM mentions visiting and paying homage to the Haripufijaya
relic were the King of Burma and the King of Ayudhya. Ratanapafifia, Iinakalamall, p. 181.
fmal incarnation in relic histories like the That Phanom written
in Lao with Tham script and -the Tamnan Phra Kaeo Morakot originally
written in Yuan Thai and translated into Pali. Theyrnimic the genre of
the Pali Mahavarrzsa or the Pali JKM and therefore "domesticate" the
cosmopolitan Pali varrzsa text. They are composed in local languages,
focus on local relic history (rather than Buddhist history beginning in
India) and emphasize regional history65. However, these relic histories
are politically motivated as well if we understand the motivation to estab-
lish spatial authenticity through local possession of relics. I believe that
Ratanapafifia employed history, as Pollock writes discussing South Indian
vernacular poets, to "define themselves in significant if variable ways on
the basis of literature they share, and they create new literatures in serv-
ice of new defmitions. "66 Ratanapafifia by using the structure of the Varrzsa
and writing in the cosmopolitan language, linked Lanna temporally and
religiously to Sri Lanka and India (i.e. to the Buddha) and used the translo-
cal prestige of the Theravada to authenticate his region politically and
religiously vis-a-vis the growing empires around it. The genre of history
proved the most powerful literary weapon in their regional defense of
independence. An understanding of the inter-regional political subtexts of
these histories helps us to move beyond interpreting the use of cosmo-
politan languages and literary codes in the vague, functionalist manner of
local writers usurping prestige. Irfstead we can see them as conscious lit-
erary choices made in a politically charged atrnosphere
67
.
IKM: Conceptualizing the Local
'Having briefly explained how Ratanapafifia used the genre of history
to establish spatial and temporal authenticity for Lanna vis-a.-vis Ayudhya,
we can now return to the larger issue in Buddhist studies; namely, how
do we understand the possible ways in which local, pre-modern Buddhist
65 Pollock, "The Cosmopolitan Vernacular," pp. 8,27.
66 Ibid., p. 9.
67 See Pollock's critique of the prevailing "paradigm for understanding the social foun-
dations of Sanskrit cosmopolitan culture, namely, legitimation theory and its logic of instru-
mental reason: Elites in command of new forms of social power deployed the mystifying
symbols and codes of Sanskrit somehow to secure consent." Ibid., p. 13.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALiPAKARAf:1AM 181
historians conceived of time and place outside Eurocentric conceptions of
nation? In the previous two sections we saw how Ratanapafifia simulta-
neously emphasized Lanna as a spatially unique place in relation to
Ayudhya and temporally connected to the origins of the Buddhist siisana
in the context of the ongoing inter-regional war. Does this thesis reify
modem conceptions of the "nation" or the "regional identity" and proj-
ect them onto a pre-modem Buddhist history writer? It does if I assume
that Ratanapafifia had conscious, pre-formed notions of regional identity.
This is exactly what I do not assume. I want to make a distinction between
conceptions of regional identity and conceptions of the siisana on the one
hand and a distinction between local histories based on local identity and
local histories based on state formation on the other. I am asserting that
the siisana existed as a conceptual category, even though explicit con-
ceptions of local identity may not have. Ratanapafifia continually empha-
sized that temples, lineages, relics and texts that were created or resided
in Lanna were connected to the Buddha siisana. By reciting these histories
publically, establishing the authenticity of relics and images and construct-
ing massive temple complexes that generated employment, the monarchs
and intellectuals of Lanna created a "siisana community" or a regional
expression of the siisana, which the populace identified with and profited
from and which intellectuals praised and rulers supported
68
The siisana,
as I have suggested, was the only conceptual category that had com-
merce among the different regional kingdoms in mainland Southeast Asia.
68 Obeyesekere only mentions the "obligatory pilgrimage" as the "crucial mechanism"
of siisana identity and the forming of a "moral community"among the masses in South
Asia. By providing the example of the village of Rambadeniya in Northeastern Sri Lanka,
he shows that villagers have Buddhist rituals which create and continually reinforce their
identity as Buddhists, but when they go on a pilgrimage to a neighbouring village, they
acknowledge that they are no longer under the care of their "local deity but under the
aegis of another whose sima or boundry ... [they] are now crossing" (p. 32). As they move
from one space to another they are joined by other pilgrims. I agree with Obeyesekere on
this ability of pilgrimage to form a siisana community, and we saw that happening in 16
th
century Lanna as monks and laypeople and rulers moved from reliquary to reliquary on
pilgrimage and created a sacred space and expanded their local urban and village bound-
aries into regional boundaries. However, in this case of Lanna, there were other "crucial
mechanisms," like: the movement of monks for scholarship purposes, the parade of images
and the recitation of a regional historical chronicles within the boundaries of a region,
which created and repeatedly defmed Lanna as a siisana and political region. See Obeye-
sekere, "Buddhism, Nationhood and Cultural Identity," pp. 31-34.
Therefore, claiming a space within the siisana vis-a-vis neighbouring
"Buddhist" kingdoms was a political statement grounded temporally and
spatially. In this way, I agree with Obeyesekere's notion that the siisana
had a "family" resemblance to categories of nation or polity and that, con-
tra Anderson, pre-modem Asian, rulers, literati and people had concep-
tions of identity that were in some ways analogous to the concept of the
"nation" or were evolutionary pre-cursors to that concept. The siisana was
a conscious concept, continually reasserted in texts, that had regional
cohesive force and defined boundaries
69
It was a pre-modem conceptual
category, like the Catholic conception of "the church," with which local
agents could and certainly did identify.
By claiming an unbroken and unparalleled temporal connection to the
one conceptual category of identity that the religious and local leaders as
well as a great deal of the masses understood and respected as forming
part of their selfhood, Ratanapaiifia, perhaps not consciously, asserted
spatial superiority and prestige for Lanna in relation to Ayudhya. Just as
Indologists were forced to ask each other questions concerning the rea-
sons why linear history is written since the discovery of the Riijataranginf,
scholars of South and Southeast Asian Buddhism, since being confronted
with works like the Mahiivar(1sa, Culavar(1sa, Dfpava7[lsa, Buddhava7[lsa,
Thupava7[lsa, Dhatuva7[lsa, Siis:ZJlava7[lsa, Camadeviva7[lsa, Tamnan
Muang Nua, the Mulasiisana and the JKM, have been concerned with
Buddhist history writing and its assumed assertion of local identity7o.
69 Ibid., p. 1. Duara also asserts that their were cultural formations in pre-modem China
w,l;)j"ch are analogous to modem conceptions of nations. See Duara, Rescuing History from
the Nation, esp. 1-29. One critique of Duara, besides Taylor's antithetical stance, is pointed
out by Wheeler, Breuilly and Hobsbawm. They show that the concept of pre-modem
nations is "enormously difficult, since it implies discovering the sentiments of the illiterate
who formed the overwhelming majority of the world's population before the twentieth
century. We are informed about that section of the literate who wrote as well as read
- or at least some of them - but it is clearly illegitimate to extrapolate from the elite to
the masses, the literate to the illiterate, even though the two worlds are not entirely sepa-
rable, and the" written word influenced the ideas of those who only spoke" (Hobsbawm,
p. 48). See also: John Breuilly, "Approaches to Nationalism," in Mapping the Nation,
ed. Gopal Balakrishnan (New York: Verso, 1996): pp. 146-174; and, Wheeler, "Challenges
to Narrative History," p. 16.
70 This history of the study of Kalhana's RajataraJigini (1148 C.E.) is particularly inter-
esting for our study, because it shows that there is a much larger question in Indology
NIHON RYOIKI AND lINAKALAMALiPAKARAl'!AM 183
What is interesting about these linear historical narratives is that they
were produced in regions outside of what was generally conceived of as
regarding "history writing" in South Asia in general. This debate is not particularly active
today, but its focus and conclusions are an interesting contrast to the present focus of peo-
ple like Anderson, Chatterjee, Duara, Taylor and Obeysekere. When the Rajataraliginl
(RTA) was discovered in a Persian translation in the 19
th
century, it generated great inter-
ests among Indologists, because was the first piece of Sanskrit writing that seemed to
reflect a similar way (Thucydidean) of understanding history to the West; namely, a lin-
ear history written by an historian who cited and was critical of his sources. I provide a
brief history of the debate here for those interested in comparison: it has been held up by
Indologists since the 19
th
century as the only extant work of history in Sanskrit. Therefore,
many scholars have used it to defend the accusation that India produced no true histori-
ans. Noting the primacy of this allegation, Sheldon Pollock writes: "[P]erhaps no issue in
Indian intellectual history has been as frequently commented upon and as univocal!y adju-
dicated as the tradition's presumed lack of historical ;J.wareness" (Sheldon Pollock,
"M""lIlliiqlsa and the Problem of History in Traditional India," lAOS 109.3 (1989): 603).
The RTA seemingly stands alone and has merited much scholarly attention due to its
apparent uniqueness. Most people studying the RTA describe it as a history in two ways:
first, it has been labeled a "didactic" history in the way it the author seeks to imbue his
narrative with timeless lessons on how polities existing in time should operate; second, its
author holds an conception of time congruent with the traditional Indian understanding of
negative progression; namely, that history is entropic and human morality and quality of
life is becoming less and less palpable over time. Kalhana's work has been referred to by
almost every scholar of medieval Indian history or Indian historiography in general as a
unique example of Indian historiography; however, very little textual study has been
made of it. It has been used to confirm certain dates, create king lists, and as proof that
India produced historians in the pre-colonial periods. Due to this lack of attention to the
RT A, there has been almost no study of its literary features or analyses of its author's
understanding of fundamental issues in Indian political science, philosophy or ethics.
Furthermore, there only has been a very superficial discussion on what type of history
Kalhana produced reflecting the lack of development in the philosophy of history in modem
Indology. J. N. Sarkar writes: [A]ncient India suffered from paucity of professed histo-
ries ... Archives and genealogies of rulers might have been maintained in every important
Hindu court. But Kashmir is the only area of India with a tradition of historical writing.
The Kashmir historian, Kalhana, then author of the Rajatarangin'i (wr. A.D. 1148-9), stands
alone among Hindu historians" (Jagadish Narayan Sharkar, History of History Writing in
Medieval Indi(1 (Calcutta: Sreenath Press, 1977): p. 2). Romila Thapar emphasizes that
Kashmir is "commonly accepted" as the only region of modem India that had a flourishing
tradition of historical writing and that Jonaraja and Shrivara, later medieval historians of
Kashmir, simply followed Kalhana's lead as the fIrst attested historian of India" (Romila
Thapar, "Writings in Medieval Kashmir," in Historians of Medieval India, ed. Mohibbul
Hasan (New Delhi: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1982): p. 45). Shankar Goyal has a much
broader view of what constitutes history writing in Ancient and medieval history and
includes Bana's Har$acarita and the PuralJas along with the RTA (Shankar Goyal, His-
tory Writing of Early India: New Discoveries and Approaches (Jodhpur: Kusumanjali
Jambudvipa (modem India excluding Kashmir and As.sam), in modem
day Sri Lanka, Southern Burma, Northern Thailand, Laos and Kashmir.
Prakashan, 1996): p. 144). However, he notes in his study ofV.S. Pathak's interpretation
of carita kavyas that in the early 19
th
century the RTA was often the only textual source
considered reliable for reconstructing medieval Indian history by British colonial histori-
ans. M.A. Stein, the first person to introduce. the RTA to English speaking world, as well
as the writer of the most comprehensive commentary on Kalhana's life and work, also
sees the RTA as an unique example of historical writing in India. (Stein notes that their
was an English translation of the RTA completed in 1887 by Yogesh Chunder Dutt, but
it is based on the corrupt manuscript of the Calcutta edition of 1835. It is lacking in infor-
mation about Kashmiri geography and social institutions. See his Kalhana's Riijataranginf:
A Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir. Vol. 1. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Pub., 1900):
p. xiii). In the introduction to the English edition, he writes: "[I]t has often been said of
the India of the Hindus that it possessed no history as a science and art, such as classical
culture in its noblest prose-works has bequeathed to us ... India has never known among
its Siistras the study of history such as Greece and Rome cultivated or as modern Europe
understands it." Furthermore, he remarks that Sanskrit kavya has always been an "artifi-
cial product" because the demands of competition in ancient Indian literary circles and the
"panegyrical character" of the poems. Therefore, the RTA marks the rare occasion when
Kalhana broke away from the typical demands of glorifying the past so as to legitimize
the reign and power of his monarchial patron and looked at history sources critically, as
Josephus, Thucydides and Heroditus (See Michael Witzel's "On Indian Historical Writ-
ing," JJASAS 2 (1990): 4, for a summary of historical poetry in Sanskrit pre-dating the
RTA). Sukla Das has investigated the apparent uniqueness of the RTA more seriously in
his efforts to explain the lack of "historical consciousness" in ancient India. He asked
how the Indians could not have producld historians after having contact with the Greeks
and the Chinese, who took the craft of history writing as a serious endeavor (Sukla Das,
"Craft of History Writing: An Early :rndian Perspective," in Aspects of Indian History
and Historiography, ed. P.K. Misra (New Delhi: Kaveri Books, 1996): p. 226). He notes
that this was a question even the first Muslim scholars in India asked, like Alberuni,
who remarked upon this lack of Hindu historical works. Stein associates the RTA with a
particular type of "Indian mind" (Stein, Kalhana's Rajataranginf, p. 3; and, Das, "Craft
'6f Histo]), Writing," p. 231). Das gives ten reasons for this lack of writing based mainly
on the "Indian ideal, outlook and psyche." (Ibid.). In ancient and medieval India, he states,
a writer was a poet who could not abandon his craft to use historical facts to bring out
"larger principles governing human affairs" (Ibid.). From here, Das believes it is neces-
sary to show how Indians saw history and produced texts that reflected their "psyche." Das
encourages the use of Kau!ilya's categories for what constitutes history, in this way, the
Itihiisa epic history, the Kavya epic poetry (i.e. the Riimiiyana) and the Puriif}.as would
all be considered history along with the Harlfacarita and the RTA as examples of how
Indians saw their place in the movement of time. It is not my concern here to comment
on the possibility that there is an Indian "psyche" or a particular Indian "outlook" that
we identify, especially by ignoring the regional qualities of the mass of literature that Das
refers to as possessing some pervasive "Indian" understanding of history. However, what
Das does impress upon our study of the RTA is that it can neither be looked at as the only
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKA.IAMALiPA.KARAlfAM 185
Obeysekere demonstrates how the chronicles in Sri Lanka used the "fairly
constant" ideology of the Buddhist sasana to legitimate the generally
"politically unstable" rule of the various regional Sri Lankan kingdoms
"true" piece of Sanskrit history writing and that there are qualities to the RTA which
deserve fuller treatment. He writes: "[H]is objective approach is striking as he made no
attempt to conceal the failings of the king Harsa that evoke condemnation in spite of his
family gratitude for the king. This boldness can in no way be underrated. History accord-
ing to Kalhana was not something to learn but to make people live and understand life.
He portrayed both sides of all issues and pointed out the failings of the faulty monarch"
(Ibid.). If the RTA is to remain relevant to South Asian scholars then it must be willing
to increase the number and variety of questions we ask when reading it. Michael Witzel
shows through a much more in depth study of little known historical works in Sanskrit that
labeling the RTA as unique is misleading. He has found that fudians have had a sense of
history as reflected in whole classes of texts that have been ignored by fudologists. On the
question of the fudian "sense of history," Witzel notes that inherent in the Sanskrit
language is a sense of the past; namely, there are several past tenses. Furthermore, he
shows that history can be thought of and recorded even within a cosmological system that
considers time as cyclicaL Even though yugas may be repetitive, the history of the pres-
ent yuga (i.e. the one the historian lives in) can be viewed historically (Witzel, "On fudian
Historical Writing," pp. 5-7). Besides looking at Itihiisas, PuriilJas and the Epics, as well
as inscriptions, coins and the historical value of manuscript colophons, he describes the
varrzsavali texts (Ibid., p. 12). The varrzsavalis, of which the Gopariijavarrzsavali is
the greatest surviving example, are dynastic lists of individual dynasties which show sim-
ilarities to paramparas and varrzsas in Pall, Thai, Singhalese, Lao, etc. These varrzsavalis
were not merely king lists like those found in Sumeria, but "included many other events,
such as important data on foundations, etc ... mn these records are mentioned good and evil
events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences" (Ibid., p. 20). fu fact, Witzel notes,
Kalhana referred to varrzsavalis in the RTA (Ibid., p. 33; see also Stein's Kalhana's
Riijataranginl, pp. 21-24, for a description of Kalhana's sources). Therefore, Witzel con-
cludes that "the lack of historical writings and the alleged lack of historical sense is
due, in large measure, more to the accidents of medieval history than to the religious and
philosophical tenets offudian civilization (Ibid., p. 41). Pollock (1989) also disagrees with
the idea that fudians possessed a "non-historical" mentality. Citing Ricoeur, he notes
that "narrative itself is the linguistic form of human temporal existence" (604). He empha-
sizes that we must abandon the notion that a work of history can only be defined as
such by the extent to which it presents an "objective investigation of facts" and see more
how historical narrative distances itself from literary narrative (604). From this theoreti-
cal argument he moves on to cite issues in fudian intellectual history which contributed to
the reluctance to produce works of history (which do not relate to any sort of un-historical
fudian worldview). He demonstrates that the Mlmiirrzsii school of philosophy posited
that the Vedas were inviolably true because they did not have a "referential intention" to
anything temporallhistorical. If they did, they would be fallible (i.e. non-eternal). All sub- .
sequent literature in fudia, most especially the MBh (or the "Fifth Veda") was genetically
linked to the Vedas, a "process which we may call vedicization, that is in fact culture-wide"
(609).
(rajarata-royal province)71. The Mahiiva1'[lsa and others the Bud-
dha's magical visits to the island, his predictions of relic emergence and the
rulers' protection of those relics. Obeyesekere admits that these "charter myths"
or "foundational stories" are common all over the world, but he states that
the Sri Lankan Buddhist chronicles are different because they use the sasana
as "validation" to their authenticity72. They created Sri Lanka as an "imag-
ined space" inhabited by diverse peoples under the umbrella of the sasana
occupying a bounded space
73
As we saw, the JKM uses similar stories to
connect itself to the sasana and defme itself as a legitimate Buddhist space.
The question remains: why would these border areas need to write his-
tory to negotiate space within the conceived sasana? Understanding the
general commerce of the sasana as a prestigious, legitimizing force in
Southeast Asia, we can suggest that the leaders of these regions needed
history as a genre because the kingdoms they ruled were newly emerg-
ing polities in the midst of regional wars and threatened by expansionist
states on their borders. The Buddha sasana was the only cohesive force
in Southeast Asia in the medieval period and the rulers of these respec-
tive regions desired to establish a connection to the sasana that would
mark them as superior to their neighbours. Although Ratanapafiiia may
have not been conscious of a concept of region or state and there is no
Pali word that can be translated as "nation" in our modem sense of the term,
he was conscious of the sasan(/as an entity. Understanding the histori-
cal context and the observing how Ratanapafiiia defined Larina as a sacred
space, temporally connected to the Buddha sasana, we can see the JKM's
political subtext and how it could have been employed as a tool in "Bud-
dhist" state formation. Ratanapafiiia may not have held a conscious con-
.ception of "Lannaness," but his text creates this identity as a spatial and
temporal regional entity within the sasana. By affiliating local lineages,
relics and texts with the sasana, history writers in the various medieval
kingdoms in Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand and Laos claimed space within
the sasana. This claim can be seen as moving from the religious to the
political in the case of the JKM and sixteenth century Lanna.
71 Obeyesekere, "Buddhism, Nationhood and Cultural Identity," pp. 21-22.
72 Ibid., p. 25.
73 Ibid., p. 30.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIlpAKARAljAM 187
Nihon Ryoiki: Miracle Tales and the Common Man
. As we saw rpm the examples cited above, Kyokai's collection of mirac-
ulous tales about Buddhists in 8
th
and 9
th
century Japan focuses on the ways
in which common women and men participated in the Buddhist world.
This collection marked a change in Japanese Buddhist narratives from
tales of the origin of Buddhism through gifts of images and texts from
Korea to elite families in the Nihon Shoki (720 c.e.) and Kojiki (712 c.e.).
Unlike Ratanapafifia, Kyokai did not want to write a history that would
legitimate the state and elite ecclesiastic control of the Buddhist siisana.
He wanted to liberate the practice and study of Buddhism from that
control.
The Heian period marked a change in the Imperial government's rela-
tion to the Buddhist ecclesiastic organization. By the end of the Nara
period, certain elite monks residing at Imperial temple complexes had a
powerful influence on the government. Buddhism enjoyed royal favour
and Buddhist monks served as royal envoys, advisors and scribes. Over-
time that service for the government transformed itself into control of
the government culminating in the "Dokyo incident," when the retired
empress was rumored to be having an illicit affair with a court monk
named Dokyo. He encouraged the retired empress to usurp the throne
from the child emperor. After she did and had the emperor killed, Dokyo
attempted to usurp power from her. He was unsuccessful, but Emperor
Kammu moved the capital from Nara to Nagaoka to Kyoto to remove
the court from the detrimental influence of the powerful, elite sangha.
Kammu issued dozens of imperial decrees that limited the power of the
sangha. Between 798 and 804 c.e., many decrees attacked monks who
were married and were not maintaining the precepts outlined in the Vinaya
and preserved in Japan by the Ritsu schooL Kitagawa notes that the "line
of demarcation between the upper and lower strata that characterized soci-
ety during the Nara period continued to exist in the Heian period. The aris-
tocrats and clergy were two main 'bearers of culture.' "74 Aristocrats had
economic privileges in the form of material gifts from the emperor, land
74 Joseph Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History (New York: Columbia Dniv. Press,
1966): p. 53.
and servants. They also paid fewer taxes and had less severe punishments
for crimes. Landholders' wealth increased dramatically and the large
manors that were created and their own elite schools. This stratification
of society was also seen in the stratification of the sangha. The Heian
period was characterized by "extreme clericalism." Monkhood was seen
as the only way open to certain ranks in society of moving up the social
ladder, so Nakamura writes that many people "entered temples not in search
for the truth but in quest for worldly riches and priviledges."75 Temples
themselves became powerful landholders. Not only did the emperor order
monasteries to reserve land for the housing of old and infirm nuns and
monks, but lay landowners would donate much of their land to monas-
teries to make their land exempt from taxes and to gain merif6. "In other
words," Kitagawa writes, "the aristocracy and the clergy needed each
other for their mutual benefit, and they supported each other. "77
It is against this background that we must see the work of Ky6kai.
The only two major works in French, German or English on Kyokai are
by K.M. Nakamura and William LaFleur. I will be citing from Nakamura's
study and translation of the NR and LaFleur's long article "In and Out
of Rokud6: Kyokai and the Formation of Medieval Japan" extensively.
However, I am approaching the NR from a different direction. Nakamura,
although providing a short overview of the possible and generalized
Chinese literary influences on the NR and discussing the scholarly con-
troversy surrounding the dating of the text, looks at the text solely as a
didactic source for ethical lessons. Like LaFleur, his project is to see the
NR as an example of early Japanese Buddhist literary prowess and bur-
geoning moralism. LaFleur's study follows Nakamura in that it studies
the NR only for its ideological stances; however, he does acknowledge
the "revolution in thought" that the NR may have worked to initiate.
He sees this revolution in terms of the NR's emphasis on the notion of
karma. This use of historical narrative through a collection of tales from
75 Ibid.: p. 56.
76 See Kiyoshi Inoue, Geschichte Japans: Aus dem Japanischen und mit einem Vorwort
von Manfred Hubricht (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1993): pp. 71-79, He gives detailed
information on the various priveledges temples held in terms of landholding, taxes and slaves
in the late Nara and early Heian period.
77 Ibid,: p. 57.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIipAKARAJjAM 189
the past was a unique way to stress the dangers of karmic retribution in
Japanese literature and harkens back to Pali Jatakas. Even though the
genre was relatively new to Japanese writers, LaFleur asserts that the per-
ception of the world in terms of karma was shared by his contemporaries,
so "the wide sharing of this interpretation of reality is what makes it
possible to speak of the medieval episteme in Japan."78 Therefore, the NR
"may not have single-handedly changed the mind of the Japanese, it did
much to shape the epistemic possibilities of medieval Japan."79 This view
of the NR shows that Lafleur saw the significance of the text, but he
strangely does not suggest any political ramifications Ky6kai might have
intended or what politico-societal polemical stance he might have held.
Therefore, LaFleur's interpretations of different stories in the NR, includ-
ing the story of the girl who holds a Buddha relic in her fist, are relegated
to the way they reflect how karma operates in the world
8o
.
Both LaFleur and Nakamura's relatively ahistorical literary approaches
have considerable merit as they both provide informed thematic studies
of the ethical issues broached in the stories and, in the case of Lafleur,
their place within trends of Japanese religious thought. What they do not
provide the reader with, however, is a historicist view which would allow
his audience to see the context and hence the possible ideological systems
. Ky6kai reflected or was attempting to create. The neo-historicist view,
expounded by Foucault, does not endeavour to simply see how the writer
78 William LaFleur, "In and Out of Rokudo: Kyokai and the Fonnation of Medieval
Japan," in The Karma of Words: Buddhism and the Literary Arts in Medieval Japan, ed.
William LaFleur (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1983): p. 33.
79 Ibid., p. 34.
80 Ibid., pp. 39-41. LaFleur's analysis of the story of the girl who is born with relics
of the Buddha in her fist emphasizes the author's understanding of karma and then shows
how it reflects traditional Japanese notions of Buddhist cosmology. The interactions between
Buddha's, gods, hell-beings and humans in this story and others show how karma effected
the transmigration of the soul through the various levels of the Buddhist cosmos. Futher-
more, it shows an attempt by Kyokai to make Buddhism fit in with certain Shinto notions
of the universe. In this way, LaFleur sees the NR as being part of the larger medieval
religious episteme of the effort to syncretize Shinto and Buddhism. See also Fanny Hagin
Mayer, "Religious Elements in Japanese Folk Tales," in Studies in Japanese Culture,
ed. Joseph Roggendorf (Tokyo: Sophia Univ. Press, 1963): pp. 1-16. Mayer gives a sim-
ilar analysis of oral folktales collected by Sasaki Kizen between 1886 and 1933 in Iwate
prefecture.
was influenced or reflected the "spirit of his age," but to "reconstruct,
in methodical ways, the differential and contradictatory' patterns within
which ... works constitute themselves and are constituted. "SI Taking this
approach, I cannot limit myself to a pure literary study, but instead must
see the overdetermined ideological, sociological, political, economic and
literary world in which Kyokai worked. This approach combined with
an affinity to Foucaltian understandings of history writing as negotiations
in a power dynamic allows me to move beyond Nakamura's literary
analysis to a see the NR as having political, economic and sociological
motives and, I believe, implications. This approach is taken by scholars
of Japanese literature, like Michele Marra and Hermann Ooms, when
reading later texts, such as the Taketori Monogatari, the Ise Monogatari,
the Hojiki, and others, but by examining a text of the early Heian period
we can see how history writers negotiated power in pre-nationalistic Japan
S2

This is how I see the work of Anderson, Obeyesekere, Taylor, Duara and
others playing a role in literary-historical studies of pre-modem Japan.
I return to these issues in the conclusion. First, however it presents a
socialized/politicized reading of the NR, an attempt to create an alterna-
tive local expression of the siisana.
As we saw, Kyokai was a resident of the Yakushi-ji, an important
imperial monastery. By 795 he had a clerical rank
S3
However, it is evi-
dent from the biography in the NR and the doctrines and characters in the
individual miracle tales that Kyokai was well aware of the incredible gap
between the elite monks and the common people. Nakamura believes that
81 Michele Marra, The Aesthetics of Discontent: Politics and Reclusion in Medieval
Jdpanese Literature (Honolulu: Dniv. of Hawaii Press, 1991): p. 5. See also Michel Fou-
calt, The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language (New York: Pantheon
Books, 1972). This study by Marra is part of a two work study of politics and medieval
Japanese literature, the second part was published by the Dniv. of Hawaii in 1993 under
the title Representations of Power: the Literary Politics of Medieval Japan.
82 Marra, Aesthetics, pp. 6-8. Marra quotes LaFleur's introduction to Karma of Worlds
to support her notion that history cannot be separated from literary studies. He writes:
"[B]ecause he lives at a time when one set of epistemic assumptions is in a life-and-
death struggle with another, the writer cannot do other than defend the one he prefers.
He cannot tell a story or sing a song just 'for its own sake.'" (6) What Marra fails to note
is that LaFleur studies texts like the NR in intellectual/religious history, but not in political
history.
83 Nakamura, Nihon Ry6iki, p. 5.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKAlAMALlPAKARA!:lAM 191
because Kyokai was probably witness to the debates in the imperial tem-
ples between supporters of SaichO and Kiikai and other monks who sup-
ported the court'control of the sangha. The author of the NR "chose not
to identify himself with the eminent monks at Nara, who attempted to
maintain their leadership by revitalizing the traditional doctrinallearnii1g
in the face of these two new schools."84 Furthermore, "although Kyokai
belonged to the Yakushi-ji, one of the greatest centers of Buddhist studies,
and was honored with clerical rank, he was conscious of a gap between
scholarly monks and common devotees with whom he identified himself.
He showed great sympathy for lay devotees whose simple, direct faith he
admired, and he was determined to 'guide all sentient beings' to the western
land of bliss in spite of his own limitations. "85 There is evidence that
hnperial law might have worked to exacerbate the differences between
elite and provincial monks forcing monks who broke hnperial law to
work in the prQvinces of provincial administrators. Emperor Kammu
issued a series of laws "ordering that a roster of 'virtuous monks' be
compiled and sent to the central government so that such monks might
be commended as models for clergy;" and an edict deploring the failure
of the authorities to arrest corrupt monks who choose their own lay patrons
or who tour villages claiming to be able to work miracles, thus deluding
the ignorant masses. Such monks were to be exiled to a distant province
and required to stay in a recognized temple.
86
K yokai' s characters break the
laws established by the court with impunity and he records their activities
"deluding the ignorant masses" as models of bodhisattva behaviour.
Kyokai's doctrinal stance can be inferred from the stories in the NR.
Mappo, or the entropic notion of Buddhist history in which Buddhist
teachings were gradually being corrupted and misunderstood over-
time and Buddhist practice was becoming less rigorous, was entering
Japanese Buddhist discourse. He interpreted mappo as being a causal fac-
tor for the growing difficulty of humans to realize enlightenment. There
are many tales in the NR that relate the "killing, stealing and cheating"
84 Ibid" p. 4.
85 Ibid., p. 7.
86 Stanley Weinstein, "Aristocratic Buddhism," in Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 2,
ed. John Whitney Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999): pp. 454-458.
192 ruSTIN T. MCDANIEL
of humans
87
We saw an example of this in the story of the man who
stole the painting from the novice nun. Kyokai saw his role as a Buddhist
thinker and teacher to "save" all people from the "decadence" of the
age. He states that he compiled the stories so that "by conferring the
merits obtained in writing this work on all beings, who are going astray,
I pray to be born in the western land of bliss with them all. "88 This notion
of saving all beings in the process of saving oneself was one of the major
characteristics of Mahayana thought in general as seen in most popular
Buddhist texts in Japan, i.e. the Saddharmapur.uf,arikasutni and the
Srfmiiliidevisutrii. Furthermore, Amidist notions of the Pure Land were
beginning to come into prominence during the first half of the 9
th
century89.
Kyokai, like SaichO, may have seen fulfillment of the vows of a bodhisattva
to save all beings as his modus operandi and part of his own goal of re-
birth in the western paradise.
For Kyokai the idea of saving all beings was intimately connected with
his own practice. Because of his possible beliefs in mappo, he believed
that he must propagate what he saw as the proper teachings of Buddhism
among all people. He writes that he
"has not studied the yin-yang tao of Huang Ti, nor understood the profound
truth of the Tendai Sage, and he [himself] is stricken with disaster without
knowing how to evade it, worrying and grieving without looking for the
way to do away with disaster. ':'JO
Still, he believed that a person need not be educated in advanced Bud-
dhist philosophy to be saved. Kyokai saw himself as an "ordinary monk,"
whose aim it was to "guide people to salvation by transferring the merit
gained in the compilation of a collection of Buddhist legends. He intended
t d ~ s h o w how dharma was "at work" in everyday life
91
.
Kyokai had a particular affinity to lay commoners. This, I suggested,
may have been due in part to the growing dissatisfaction with the state's
control of Buddhism, but this must be further clarified. Kyokai was part
87 Nakamura, Nihon Ryoiki, p. 13.
88 Ibid., pp. 14, 286.
89 Kitagawa, Religion in Japanese History, p. 74.
90 Nakamura, Nihon Ryoiki, pp. 14, 276-83.
91 Ibid., pp. 14-15.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMAIlPAKAJW:lAM 193
of a growing number of monks who saw the common person as ripe for
teaching. Gyogi and DoshO both wandered throughout the provinces teach-
ing Buddhism tolay commoners and instituting public service projects such
as building bridges and ferries
92
. Kyokai mentions Gyogi seven times in
the NR. In a story about a monk who found a piece of wood that had been
struck by lightening and carved magical Buddha images out of it, Gyogi
is mentioned as an incarnation of Manjusri93. In the story about a monk
who renounces the world in order to practice good at the sight of the
adultery of crows, a yogi compassionately initiated a governor, Shingon,
who was depressed at the sinfulness of all creatures, even crows, into the
renouncer'spath
94
. In others he preaches to common women and men as
a bodhisattva, a Buddha in disguise or as a venerable wandering monk,
in stories of humans who learn lessons from snakes, crabs and frogs95.
Gyogi, a monk who wanders among the people, is the ideal image of man.
His life amongst the people is considered the highest practice of Bud-
dhism as seen in a story where he is compared to another monk, named
Chiko. Chiko was "innately intelligent, and no one excelled him in
knowledge", but Gyogi, because he was a preacher for the common person,
"was innately intelligent, endowed with inborn wisdom. "96 Chiko was a
master of doctrine and a famous monk, but he was not a bodhisattva,
because he had not, unlike Gyogi, perfected compassion. The NR only
confers the title of bodhisattva on four people: Konsu, Eigo, Saru-Hijiri
and J akusen
97
These four are all noted for their missionary wrok among
the rurul commoners. For example, Eigo, "taught and guided people by
the sea" and magically enabled one monk who came into contact with him
to have the power to chant the Lotus Sutra forever, because after his death,
92 Ibid., p. 24.
93 Ibid., p. 115.
94 Ibid., p. 160.
9S See relevant stories in ibid., pp. 170, 172, 177, 178,201,202.
96 Ibid., pp. 77,116.
97 Ibid., p. 77; Nakamura notes that except for the nun, Saru-Hijiri, all these ascetics
were venerated by the emperor. He suggests that the reason Saru-Hijiri may have not been
honored was because he was a hijiri, which was a "charismatic leader of lay Buddhist
movements." See also Ichiro Hori, "On the concept of the hijiri (holy man)," Numen V,
no. 2-3. (1958): 128-160; 199-231.
his tongue stayed alive and continually chanted the scripture on a moun-
tain inside his decayed, empty skull
98

These activities "worked against the government's intention to confine
monks to the temple precincts. "99 The government from the late 7
th
cen-
tury had been trying to control the activities of monks, but only after the
Dokyo incident did these activities become heavily suppressed. The Soni-
ryo was a set of ordinances promulgated sometime after 757 c.e. These
were administrative and penal codes that attempted to subsume monks
and nuns under the power of the central government (Genbaryo) by con-
trolling ordination. Lay people had required a permit from the government
to ordain and the government could at any time strip a nun or monk of
their robes. Other restrictions prohibited men or women who were already
married with children from ordaining. This law particularly effected
Kyokai who ordained at middle-age after having a child and had to spend
a number of years as a novicebefore being granted a permit
lOO
Other
laws, such as requiring high levels of education and the memorization of
certain texts before ordination, as well as a ban on fortune-telling, curing
rituals and exorcism, limited the common person's access to the sangha.
There were many self-ordained monks who broke these laws. Famous
dissenters like Saicho and Kukai called for a retreat from state control
of the sangha and the corruption of imperial monasteries
10l
Kyokai as
98 Nakamura, Nihon Ryoiki, pp. 221-22. For more information on Gyogi's relationship
with Chiko see: Yoshiro Kurata Dykstra, trans., Miraculous Tales of the Lotus Sutrafrom
Ancient Japan: The Dainihonkoku hokekyokenki of Priest Chingen (Kyoto: Kyoto Dniv.
Press, 1983): pp. 27-29.
99 Nakamura, Nihon Ryoiki, pp. 24-25 .
. 100 For deatiled information on the various bureaucratic offices and their duties in the
Heian period see: G.B. Sansom, "Early Japanese Law and Administration," Transactions
of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. 9 (1932): 67-110. The registration of monks and nuns
was controlled by the lYIinistry of Central Affairs (Nakatsukasa-shO). It is interesting to note
that the Departruent of Religious Affairs did not control the affairs of Buddhist, but only
Shinto shrines. In the second part of Sansom's study of early Japanese law he takes up the
subject of the punishment of monks. For our purposes, a punishment is given to "monks
or nuns who, not residing in a monastery or temple, set up [unauthorized] religious estab-
lishments and preach to congregations of the people ... officials of provinces and districts
who being aware of such conduct do not prohibit it shall be punished in accordance with
the law." (128) See G.B. Sansom, "Early Japanese Law and Adminstration: Part II,"
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. 11 (1934): 117-150.
!OJ Ibid., pp. 18-23.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKAlAMJ.LiPAKARAlfAM 195
seen from his stories was probably part of this growing reaction against
the. state.
Kyokai's sympathy for the common person and his polemic against
the state can be seen in the two examples above. In the first story of the
novice nun we see that the heroine of the story is not a ranking member
of the sangha, but a novice nun. Her name is unknown. She is not famous.
Still she possesses keen perception and through her actions teaches the
other-power of the painted image. Moreover, the story takes place in the
lokiya, the lay world of the marketplace
102
. The market becomes the dhar-
masala (dharma hall) and the audience is common people going about
their daily business. This same emphasis on the ability of lay people to
understand the dharma and receive blessings from Buddhist deities is
seen in the second example of the parents of the girl with a clenched fist.
The story begins by stating that the parents were too poor to donate funds
to build a stupa. Moreover, the fact that the parents live outside the capital
is evinced by the fact that provincial magistrates and regional governors
come and pay homage to their "low-class" daughter. Finally, both sto-
ries mention a "devotee's association" which the parents on the one hand
and the novice nun on the other create or take part in. Kyokai himself
led one of these "devotee's associations" that propagated Buddhism in
the provinces.
This emphasis on the quotidian nature of the characters in K yokai' stales
also serves as a polemic against the bureaucratic efforts of the court
to control nuns and monks ordination, travelling and training. As we
saw, KUkai and SaichO asserted their independence vis-a.-vis the state by
founding monasteries on Mt. Koya and Mt. Hiei respectively. SaichO
throughout his adult life fought the state for the right to control his own
102 For infonnation regarding developments in provincial law and Imperial control in
the Reian period see: Francine Rerail, La cour du Japon a l'epoque de Heian (Paris:
Rachette Livre, 1995): pp. 16-19. Rerail writes: "Hierarchie, definition claire dupartage
des competences, notation annuelle des jonctionnaires et avancement au merite tous les
quatre ans, traitements payes par les magasins officiels a dates fixes et selon Ie grade et
Ie rang de chacun, controle strict exerce sur I'ensemble des biens du pays, necessite d'un
ordre ecrit pour les moindres actes, tous ces traits donnent au regime institue par les
codes sa tournure bureaucratique." (18) For more infonnation of provincial law codes see:
G.B. Sansom, "Early Japanese Law and Adminstration, Part II," pp. 118-127.
ordination platfonn
103
He also criticized Nara monks for w h a ~ he saw as their
"Hinayanist" practices and their over-emphasis on Vinaya precepts
and attracted followers to his mountain center. His consistent battle with
Nara monks and his appeals to the state to grant him religious freedom
and the power to ordain is seen in his Shugo kokkai sho and Kenkairon
104

TIlls activity, in addition to his five personal vows focusing on practicing
to liberate all beings before himself, reflects changes in Japanese Buddhism
at the end of the Nara and beginning of the Heian periods. However, this
understanding of this period posits strict dichotomies between urban Nara
monks and mountain practitioners like Saicho that may have been more
complicated. Kyokai, a Nara monk himself, may have been sympathetic
to Saicho's arguments, but remained based in Nara. He must have travelled
far and wide in Japan, as seen in his detailed knowledge of certain regions
and the names of locals in those areas, and it is impossible with our
historical information to know how much Kyokai knew of Saicho. Still,
if we look to the NR, I suggest that the connection between the two is
evident if we concentrate on it as a polemical text. In the first story
cited above, the nameless novice nun resides in a mountain temple, but
comes out to preach to the common people. This temple was not one
of the "licensed temples" (jogaku-ji) and was therefore illegal under the
provisions of Article 5 of the Soni-ryo105. The mention of a mountain
monastery in this story and in numetous others may suggest sympathy with
Saicho's efforts 106. The story also mentions the practice of painting
Buddhist images in the mountain retreat that points to esoteric practices
that were becoming popular under Kukai
107
The fact that the painting
:J03 Umehara Takeshi, "Heian Period: Saich6," in Buddhist Spirituality I/: Later China,
Korea, Japan and the Modern World, ed. Takeuchi Yoshinori (New York: Crossroad, 1999):
pp. 168-69.
)04 Ibid., p. 170.
)05 Ibid., p. 25.
106 See various stories about ascetics and bodhisattvas emerging from the mountains to
preach to the common people in the NR. Ibid., pp. 283-86, 140-42, 196-97, 242-43. For
studies on the role of the mountain in Japanese religions see: Ichiro Hori, Folk Religion
in Japan: Continuity and Change (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968): pp. 141-170;
and, Allan Grappard, "Flying Mountains and Walkers of Emptiness: Toward a definition
of sacred space in Japanese religions" History of Religions 21, no. 3 (1982): 195-221.
)07 Shuichi Kato notes that Kyokai's NR marked a shift (or one "extreme" in the lit-
erature of the period) in the Buddhist literature of the period because it reflected the "tastes
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALlpAKARAl!AM 197
possessed magical properties ties into KUkai' s emphasis that the body,
speech and mind had to be used in Buddhist practice, which he learned
while studying the practices of Amoghavajra and I-Hsing in China. Painting,
calligraphy, physical gestures, chanting dharal)I, etc. were seen as forms
of praxis that imitated the body, speech and mind of Mahavairocana
108
.
Finally, miraculous painting in the story of the novice nun came to be
revered by "clergy and laity" in the mountain temple. This locative speci-
ficity, as we saw in the locating of relics in Lanna, legitimizes the spa-
tial authenticity of the mountain monastery where the nun resided and thus
served as a polemic against the famous urban Buddhist temple complexes
and their intimate connection to the sangha bureaucracy and court rule
restrictions on the activities of monks.
This polemic is also seen in the second story. The explicit moral of the
story is that the poor parents' vow was fulfilled because of their faith and
the power of the ashes of the Buddha. However, historical context indicates
an implicit polemical element contained in its narrative. Mter the daugh-
ter opens her hand to expose the relic "provincial magistrates" and
"district governors" came to pay homage to this girl and her possession.
They built a pagoda and temple, fulfilling the poor parents' vow. This
pagoda/temple was an "uji." Uji were rural temples outside of the jogaku-
ji system that were sponsored and built by Buddhist village groups called
"chishiki." Nakamura states that "it was through their [chishiki] activities
that the common people came into contact with Buddhist teachings."109
They invited monks to preach at their rural temples, copied scripture and
made images. The story also might refer to local magistrates who used
and views" of the common person. See his A History of Japanese Literature: The First
Thousand Years, trans. David Chibbett (London: Macmillan Press, 1979): p. 106.
108 In one story entitled "On attaining great fortune immediately owing to devotion to
Karmon and praying for a share of benefits," a monk, Miteshiro no Azumabito, is called
from his retreat in the mountains to cure the illness of a young girl living in a small vil-
lage using the power of dhara1).ls. The monk from the mountains was the only one who
could save her. Because of his power he was given the girl's hand in marriage and had a
daughter. At the end of the story Kyokai states" Azumabito was richly blessed in this life
because of the mysterious power he gained from his devotional practices and the great virtue
of Karmon. How can anyone not believe that?" Ibid.: pp. 146-47. For more information
on Kiikai and his esoteric practices see: H. Inagaki, "Kukai's Sokushin-Jobutsu-Gi," Asia
Major XVII.2 (1972): pp. 190-213.
109 Nakamura, Nihon Ryoiki, p. 26.
these uji to serve the poor and (as a result or for the express purpose) had
"an instutional base for solidifying their power. ,; 110 Regardless of the
motivations of the provincial magistrates and local governors, Kyokai
implicitly records or composes stories that take place outside the scope
of urban sangha and court jurisdiction. In fact, in other stories Kyokai
mentions with praise monks who criticize the government's efforts to
punish monks. For example, in "On the appearance of good and evil
omens which were later followed by their results," he provides his view
of the history of the Dokyo incident, attacking the immorality of the ruling
families of the past. Then, in a rare autobiographical aside, he discusses
his own failings due to the past effects of karma. However, he discovers
that the way to improve his karmic standing and gain liberation by offering
food to a wandering mendicant that he sees in a dream. This mendicant,
Novice Kyonichi, teaches our author about the value of the life of the
mendicant, through his actions of begging among the common people
and by giving him a scroll with only two characters on it from the Shokyo
yoshU (a collection of miracle stories collected in China by Tao-shih in
659). Upon waking, he announces
"this is the dream I had, and I am not sure what it means. I suspect it is none
other than a revelation of the Buddha. The novice may be an incarnation of
Kannon ... [when (in the dream the novice said)] 'I will visit other places for
begging and come back here' may be paraphrased as 'Kannon's boundless
compassion will fill the world and save all sentient beings, and Ky5kai's wish
[for liberation] will be granted. "lll
This story, which is placed second to last in the collection, provides a user's
guide of sorts to the text as a whole. By inserting his own voice into the
collection the author is able to speak directly to the reader. The poor,
provincial mendicant novice, who is actually an incarnation of Kannon,
shows Kyokai the path to liberation through compassion. This instruction
is done in a dream and through only two characters from a text. This may
suggest a revolt against formal teaching in a monastery with officially
ordained dharma masters. More importantly, by placing this story near
the end of the collection and in the context of criticisms of the imperial
110 Ibid., p. 27.
111 Ibid., pp. 281-83.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALiPAKARAf!AM 199
government, he is rejecting urban, state controlled Buddhist practice and
endorsing the life of a wandering monk among the common people. This
story, combined with the other example we saw, indicates a political sub-
text in the NR 112.
Conclusion: History Writing as Transformative
The miracle tales in the JKM and the NR can be read as polemical
uses of the genre of history. Although I do not want to discount other read-
ings, I believe that an eye to what function the texts may have had and
an eye to what motivated the author to compose them can point to deep
structures and massive transformations in historical societies. Moreover,
this reading allows us to talk about Buddhist history in a certain time and
place without necessary reference to modern notions of nationhood and
national consciousness that may not have been active at the time these
texts were composed. However, it also does not deny the role Buddhist
historians may have had in creating a consciousness of identity that had
"family resemblances" to modern concepts of nationhood.
Therefore, I will now turn to an examination of how the two texts are
both what I want to call "transformative histories." Both texts are
tools in the author's efforts to transform the world outside of the text.
However, they are in the service two opposing goals. We saw that exam-
ining the JKM on the basis of how it attempted to create temporal and
spatial authenticity for the kingdom of Lanna has revealed numerous
insights into its historical context, implicit and explicit compositional
112 See also ibid., pp. 158-160,208-9, 137-38. Shuichi Kato notes that throughout the
history of pre-modem Japanese literature, .. almost all authors and the majority of readers
lived (and live) in cities with city life providing the background for a very large number
of literary works. It is true that in the regions there were orally transmitted ballads and folk
stories, but it was in the cities that these were written down. For example, the Kojiki, and,
even more so, the Fudoki, both of which were compiled in the eigth century, contain a large
number of legends and popular ballads from the regions, but there is no doubt that it was
because of an order from the central government that these were collected and written
down. This is also true of the various setsuwa collections which contain tales set in the
regions, ranging from the Nihon Ryoiki to the Konjaku monogatari ... In Japan in any given
period one city tended to be the country's cultural center." See Kato, A History of Japanese
Literature, pp. 9-10.
motivations and the relationship between the sangha .and monarchy.
It frrst demonstrated that there were political shifts occurring in medieval
Southeast Asia between the 14th and 16
th
centuries that produced struc-
tural anxieties. I use the tenD. "structural" to convey an atmosphere of anx-
iety that was one of the etiological factors for the production of literature.
Just as World War I was the impetus for the contrasting artistic and lit-
erary movements of Futurism, Dada and later Surrealism, I surmise that
the perceived end of regional independence by Lanna was the impetus for
producing massive amounts of historical texts, like the JKM, in a short
period of time. In turn it worked to create the concept of Lanna as a
scisana-region, in Obeyesekere's use of the term. The JKM was just one
of many Pali, Yuan Thai and Lao chronicles written between the 14th and
early 20
th
centuries in Lanna, all of which systematically depicted indi-
vidual cities in Lanna and Lan Xang which had firm historical connec-
tions to the Buddha, Asoka and Sri Larikall3. They also emphasized the
righteousness of their region's kings through their unwavering support of
the sangha, Buddhist scholarship and the proteCtion of monasteries and
their reliquaries. The political significance of these efforts at legitimation
only becomes apparent when understanding the larger context of Ayudhyan
imperial threats between the 14th and 16
th
centuries. Not only were these
regions established as linked in linear time to the origin of the Buddha
.2"
scisana, but also defined as unique places. We have seen how the JKM
negotiated space vis-a.-vis their neighbours. What is important to note is
that the establishment of spatial authenticity for Lanna could be seen as
an essential weapon of war. Because of the problems of manpower in
mainland Southeast Asia in the medieval period, the state that could claim
p t ~ s t i g e and attract a large population through religious claims could
remain independent and economically viable. Furthermore, by highlight-
ing the JKM attempts to establish temporal and spatial authenticity in the
context of its on going war with Ayudhya, we can abandon the arbitrary
genre labels of tamnan and phongasavadan and see the political subtext
of the JKM and other supposed "religious histories" of Northern Thailand.
Just as Herodotus attempted to emphasize a certain quality and nature of
113 Chiang Mai and other northern muangs were still claiming regional independence
until the 1920's. Chiang Mai was officially incorporated into the Siamese Kingdom in 1928.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALiPAKARAlfAM 201
being "Greek" in his Histories to teach his Greek readers about the dan-
gers of hubris and the importance of defending their land and traditions,
the JKM was written in the context of war and the details of its historical
narrative were used to claim a sense of "siisana-ness," even if Ratanapafiiia
did not possess a conception of Lanna-ness or regionalism/nationalism.
The NR is also transformative. However, it had different goals and
used different means. Unlike the JKM, which made explicit and solid
temporal links with the trans-local religion of Buddhism by placing Lanna
temporal sequence with the Buddha and the great Buddhist kingdoms in
India and Sri LaiIka, the NR made no explicit connections with the trans-
local. As we saw, Ky6kai did state in the preface and in the story of his
dream of the novice mendicant that the Shokyo yoshii-, a Chinese text,
was an excellent scripture
1l4
Moreover, he occasionally quotes Chinese
Buddhist texts, most often the Hoke-kyo (Saddharmapur.ujarzkasutrii), in
his collection (although often incorrectly)ll5. However, he does not link
his stories to the Chinese ones through characters or events, he claims no
direct instruction by Chinese (or Indian) masters, and none of his tales
about the origins of relics or images mention the details of their passage
from India, Korea or China to Japan. The one relic story we examined in
detail can be said to legitimize the local by connecting it to the histori-
cal Buddha through his relics, but this is the only place where an actual
relic of the Buddha is mentioned and no reference is given to India, the
past or the larger world of the siisana. In other stories, like the one about
114 Nakamura, Nihon Ryoiki, pp. 276-83.
115 Nakamura sees the Chinese influence on the NR to come mostly from the afore-
mentioned Nehan-gyo, Hoke-kyo and the Chinese collection of miracles tales, Shokyo
yoshu. He also notes that Kyokai was probably familiar with the Myoh6ki, a text about the
dangers of karmic retribution, which was known in Japan. Besides being familiar with the
stories and ideas in these texts, his structure of introducing each story with a date and
name is similar to the Hoke-kyo. For our purposes it is interesting to note that Nakamura
sees the only real difference between the Chinese miracle stories and the NR in the way
that Kyokai does not criticize self-ordained monks "who had not studied Buddhist doc-
trine and who violated Buddhist precepts and the Soni-ryo." Ibid., pp. 36-37. W.G. Beasley
gives a good Illstory of historical writing in Japan, but he overlooks NR when he writes
that the "historical writing ... in the early tenth century ... was replaced, after a hundred
years or so, by the rekishi-monogatari (,historical tales')." (173) See his "Traditions of
Historical writing in China and Japan," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. 7
(1959): 169-86.
the novice nun, miraculous Buddhist images and paintings are created by
provincial novice nuns and monks. Clearly, Ky6kai saw himself as part
of a trans-local religion. He. knew of Chinese and Indian texts, as seen in
his references to the Shokyo yoshu, Hoke-kyo, Nehan-kyo (Mahiiparinir-
valJasutrii) and allusions to various stories found in Jiitakas, Avadiinas and
Nidiinas, but these references are not used to legitimate his stories 116.
He rarely mentions place names outside of Japan, except for the famous
five mountain Buddhist sacred site of Wu T'ai Shan in China, but his
stories could be used as a source for historical cartographers of Japan due
to his meticulous and incessant attention to place names
ll7
. LaFleur notes
that his barrage of historical details, names and places works to give a
sense of "authority" to his text. It also sets the NR apart from other col-
lections of miracle tales in Japan, such as the Kongobuji konryu shugyo
engi by Ninkai, where esoteric ritual tools or entire mountains fly from
China to Japan in order to legitimate the sacredness of certain places in
Japanl18. Ky6kai made the countryside of Japan the center of his history
writing. He was aware of his part in the trans-local, but his text works
in the service of creating the local, not only as separate from the larger
Buddhist world, but also separate from the clerical, urban world of state
Buddhism in Japan. His stories emphasize some of the most elementary
values and concepts of Buddhism: the dangers of bad karma, the impor-
tance of faith and making vows, t h ~ importance of the life of the mendicant
preaching to the people, the saving power of the Buddha and Bodhisattvas,
the Bodhisattva vow to liberate all beings, etc. Therefore, unlike the JKM,
he wants to show that what he saw as the values and concepts of Buddhism
were localized and understood among the characters that he depicts.
His legitimation for the value of the local comes not from physicality or
temporality, but from the timeless, non-locative world of ideas.
Ky6kai not only had a different relationship with the trans-local siisana
than Ratanapaiiiia and hence employed different narrative means to legit-
imize the value of his local subject, he also had a completely different goal.
116 Ibid., p. 36.
117 Ibid., p. 114.
118 See George Tanabe, "The Founding of Mount Koya and Kukai's eternal Meditation,"
in Religions of Japan in Practice, ed. George Tanabe (Princeton: Princeton Dniv. Press,
1999): pp. 354-359; and Grappard, "Flying Mountains," pp. 195-221.
NIHON RYOIKI AND JINAKALAMALJPAKARAl!AM 203
The NR, in the examples we read and in many others, does not seek to
create a state, legitimize political rule of a particular area, or serve as a
weapon of war in inter-regional conflict. It works to implicitly emphasize
the value of the practice of Buddhism outside the jurisdiction of Imper-
ial Buddhism. Imperial Buddhism sponsored Buddhist learning, the copy-
ing of scriptures, creation of religious art and controlled the ordination,
tenure of training and location of practice of Buddhist nuns and monks.
Kyokai was part of a growing movement of elite monks away from the
urban centers of Buddhism in Nara and Kyoto and Imperial Buddhism.
His stories focus on rural or mountain temples, novice practitioners, women,
esoteric practices, merchant life, children and poverty. They work to shift
the scene of Buddhist practice and belief away from the philosophical
debates, sectarian battles, offical ordination platforms, imperial and
"licensed" temples, court life and wealth of cosmopolitan Buddhist prac-
tice sanctioned by the state
119
These foci, I believe, are evidence of the
polemical aspect of these miracle tales, and like the JKM, are a major
aspect and significance of the NR that interpreters like Nakamura and LaFleur
overlooked.
The NR and the JKM are transformative. They reveal through histor-
ical narrative in the form of mythological stories the changes that were
occuring in their respective historical contexts. They also can be read as
attempting to initiate a transformation by giving a voice to those who
were endeavouring to facilitate societal change. This reading moves
beyond a Braudelian notion of the influence of the historical contexts on the
mind of the writer or even a Hayden White-type reading of an emplotted
narrative creating a history that existed coherently only in the mind of the
historian. These two examples give a new way of reading history as trans-
formative; of not just reflecting change, but attempting to create change.
In the case of the Nihon Ryoiki, Kyokai wanted to transform the way
Buddhism was practiced, erase the dichotomies between monk and nun,
common and elite and urban and rural and grant religious freedom to
wandering monks who saw it as their duty to preach and work among all
119 For more examples of the NR's depiction of women in salvific roles and those who
are blessed with miraculous happenings, see stories on pp.: 215-16, 160-61, 161-63 and
171-72.
people. Ratanapafiiia used history and miracle stories to,create Lanna as
a sacred Buddhist space within the politically and militarily volatile world
of medieval Southeast Asia. Approaching histories like the NR and the
JKM as transformative may assist scholars in studying the past. and the
writers of the past without reifying modem conceptions of nation and
region. Moreover, it does not deny agency to pre-modem Buddhist his-
torians whose writings reflect the intellectual history of group identity
analogous to modem ideas of nationhood.
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NAGARJUNA AND THE RATNAv ALi:
NEW WAYS TO DATE AN OLD PHILOSOPHER*
JOSEPH WALSER
There have been two prevailing trends among scholars of Buddhism writ-
ing about Nagfujuna. The first is to simply assume that Nagarjuna lived
sometime around the second century AD. The second trend, dating to the
beginning of the twentieth century, is found among scholars who try to
provide a firm scholarly grounding for this assumption. These scholars
have been discouraged in their efforts to come up with anything defini-
tive concerning Nagarjuna's date or place of activity. Among the more
prominent of the early studies we have statements such as the following
from Max Walleser's 1923 study:
The systematic development of the thought of voidness laid down in the
Prajfiaparamita Scaras is brought into junction with the name of a man of
whom we cannot even positively say that he has really existed, still less that
he is the author of the works ascribed to him: this name is Nagarjuna 1.
Almost eighty years later, the situation has not improved. Surprisingly lit-
tle in the way of new evidence or new interpretation has been brought to
bear on the question of his dates and location in recent scholarship,
although there have been a number of works summarizing the available
data. The most recent of these summaries, "The Problem of the Historical
Nagarjuna Revisited," by Ian Mabbett provides an excellent survey and
analysis of much available scholarship to date. The abstract to his article
minces no words in its evaluation of the current state of Nagfujuna scholar-
ship.
* My sincere thanks to James Egge, Ikumi Kaminishi, and Gary Leupp who read drafts
of this article, and to my wife Radha, who has read and commented on multiple versions.
I M. Walleser, The Life ofNagarjunafrom Tibetan and Chinese Sources, reprint (Delhi:
Nag Publishers, 1979),1. The original article appeared in Asia Major, Introductory Volume.
Hirth Anniversary Volume. (Leipzig: 1923),421-55.
210 JOSEPH WALSER
Nagarjuna, the founder of Madhyamaka, is an enigma. Scholars are unable
to agree on a date for him (within the first three centuries AD), or a place
(almost anywhere in India), or even the number of Nagarjuna's (from one
to four). This article suggests that none of the commonly advanced arguments
about his date or habitat can be proved; that later Nagarjunas are more likely
to have been (in some sense) the authors of pseudepigrapha than real indi-
viduals; that the most attractive (though unproved) reading of the evidence
sets Nagarjuna in the general area of Andhra country in about the third cen-
tury ADz.
The rather intractable problem with which scholars have been struggling
becomes apparent in Mabbett's account of the sources. Although there is
no lack of literary sources discussing Nagfujuna, almost all of the elements
contained therein are mythical at best and conflicting at worst. Further,
very few details contained in these sources can be corroborated with exter-
nal evidence. Most of this material comes from accounts that were written
with hagiographical interests ahead of historical documentation. Clearly,
for those who like certainty, any kind of "proof" of Nagarjuna's dates and
place of residence is a long way off.
Thus far, the details of Nagarjuna's life have been little more than a
passing curiosity to most Madhyamika scholars - a problem which per-
sists but which is assumed to have little bearing on his philosophy (which
is the primary object of their interest). This is naive. Any philosophical
text needs to be read within its so do-historical context. More to the point,
Nagarjuna's philosophy as presented in the Mftlamadhyamakakarika (here-
after the" KariM") is argumentative, and the opponent or opponents are
unnamed. The range of interpretations that one may give to any of the
arguments in the Karika is limited, at least in part, by the assumptions that
ope makes about whom Nagarjuna is arguing against.
The issue of the identity of Nagarjuna's audience has not become an
issue in Nagarjuna scholarship because scholars have tended to read him
through the lens of CandrakIrti or Bhavaviveka, both of whom assume that
Nagarjuna's primary opponent is a Sarvastivadin
3
. There is, however,
2 1. Mabbett, "The Problem of the Historical Nagarjuna Revisited," Journal of the
American Oriental Society 118 (1998): 332.
3 See, for example, Candraklrti's long explanation of the Buddhist path in his
commentary on MMK. 24.4, which seems to come straight out of the 6
th
chapter of
Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAVALl 211
some reason to question this assumption: Richard Hayes
4
has argued that
Nagarjuna's arguments against the svabhiiva theory of the Sarvastivadins
do not refute any theory that the Sarvastivadins actually held
5
More to
the point, Sarvastivada was not just a philosophical school in the ,abstract,
but something that existed as an institutional reality at a specific times and
places. In the ftrst two centuries of the fust millennium, it was centered
in Gandhara and Kashmir, and there is no reason at present to assume that
its influence was pan-Indian.
Thus, when scholars interpret Madhyamika philosophy as a response
to Sarvastivadin tenets they inadvertently import one of three assump-
tions about Nagarjuna' s date and place of residence - assumptions which
they are unprepared to defend. If Nagarjuna's opponent in the Kiirikii
was a Sarvastivadin, then
a) Nagarjuna lived when and where the Sarvastivadins were present; i.e.
he lived somewhere in north India and his arguments were directed at
a local opponent, or
b) Nagarjuna lived at a time and place where there were no Sarvasti-
vadins present and Sarvastivadin philosophy was unheard of, or
c) Nagarjuna lived someplace where Sarvastivadins were not present, but
which had some kind of cultural contact with northwest India/Pakistan.
If the fust option is assumed, then it implies an unstated presumption for
which no evidence has been given. If the second assumption is true, then
we might well question whether Nagarjuna was actually addressing Sar-
vastivadin claims at all. Finally, if the third assuniption is correct, and the
influence of Sarvastivadin philosophy (as opposed to Sarvastivada monas-
teries) extended far beyond the regions occupied by Sarvastivadin monas-
teries, this thesis too would have to be established with some evidence.
None of these assumptions have been argued.
Any interpretation of Nagarjuna's philosophy that involves contextu-
alizing his arguments in larger discourses, either Brahmanical or Buddhist,
involves similar unwitting assumptions about the date and location of the
discourse. Philosophical propositions may claim to be universal, but
4 R. Hayes, "Naglirjuna's Appeal" Journal of Indian Philosophy 22 (1994): 311.
S See, P. Williams, "Some Aspects of Language and Construction in the Madhya-
maka," Journal of Indian Philosophy 8 (1980): 1-45.
212 JOSEPH WALSER
dialectics are always local. Scholars of Nagarjuna do te;nd to ignore this
factor in Nagarjuna's philosophy, yet all but the most formal treatments
of Nagarjuna's logic have. to assume something about his audience.
Mabbett's conclusions, however, need not be the end of the story.
It is the purpose of this paper to argue that if we are willing to accept a
fallibilist proof, or an analysis based on partial information, we can come
to some kind of solution, albeit a tentative one. Given the pressing need
to take some sort of stand on this issue, even a tentative solution is prefer-
able to the present impasse.
In the following, I will identify two propositions that have a bearing
on the date of Nagarjuna. If both propositions turn out to be true, then we
will have placed one event in Nagarjuna's life, his writing of the Rat-
navall, within a thirty year period at the end of the second century in the
Andhra region around Dhanyakataka (modern Amaravati). My interpreta-
tion not only supports Mabbett's "most attractive reading" of third-century
Andhra, but will upgrade it to "the most likely reading, given our current
state of knowledge."
Let me begin by proposing the two sub-theses that could considerably
narrow the range of dates and locations for Nagarjuna. The first sub-the-
sis is that Nagarjuna, the author of the Mulamadhyamakakarika, was also
the author of the Ratnavall. The second sub-thesis is that a Satavahana
king was Nagarjuna's patron. Miny scholars take both of these proposi-
tions for granted, but for our purposes it will be important to review the
evidence. By means of these two sub-theses, I will establish a period and
a location in which the Ratnavati could have been written, thereby estab-
lishing a benchmark event in the life of Nagarjuna.
1. The author of the MUlamadhyamakakiirika was also the author of the
Ratnavali.
Modem scholarship has a problem dating Nagarjuna. The blame for this
lies at least partly in the way that modem scholars have set up the prob-
lem. The first of Nagarjuna's texts to be discovered, and the one which
has attracted the most interest in the West has been the MUlamadhya-
makakarikii. The name, Nagarjuna is then treated as a synecdoche for
"the author of the Karika," and hence it seems strange for us to ask
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAVALl 213
whether Nagarjuna wrote the Karika because he is, by definition, its
author. It only needs to be mentioned in passing that the West was not
the first culture to make these kinds of assumptions, it is merely the first
to use this one text as the sole indication of Nagarjunian authenticity.
For example, to Yijing, Nagfujuna was first and foremost the author of the
Suhrllekha, while for Pure Land Buddhists such as Shinran, Nagfujuna was
assumed to be the author of the Twelve-Gate Treatise.
Be that as it may, by identifying Nagarjuna as the author of the Karikii,
modern scholars have painted themselves into something of a corner when
it comes to the vexed issue of his date. They need to ground their argu-
ments in his text (because the Nagarjuna they are most interested in is,
ftrst and foremost, an author), and yet the only evidence which the Karikii
offers up is of a logical/doctrinal nature. A.K. Warder
6
and David S.
Ruegg
7
have done an admirable job in constructing a "relative chronol-
ogy" of Nagfujuna vis-a-vis the development of Buddhist and Naiyayika
doctrine, but as the other authors they compare him with have even less
secure dates than Nagarjuna, we are left little better off than we started.
For better or worse, in India "absolute chronologies" (i.e., a set of dates
that can be translated into Gregorian dates), have only been worked out
for empires and their political administrators. In order to connect Nagar-
juna to a Gregorian year, we must first connect him to an Indian monarch
for whom the dates are known. To make this kind of connection we need
to find evidence relating to practices or events that leave their mark in the
archeological record. Unfortunately, the Karikii is a peculiar text in that
it focuses so exclusively on classical Buddhist doctrine and logical issues
that it has few cultural references that would help us date it
s
.
The only option left to us is to seek evidence in other texts ascribed to
Nagarjuna, and this is where our scholarly presuppositions leave us in a
6 A.K. Warder, "Piirsva, Vasumitra (ll), Caraka and Matrceta" in Papers on the date
of Kaniska, A. L. Basham, ed. (Leiden: E.I. Brill, 1968),331-5.
7 See D.S. Ruegg, Literature of the Madhyamaka School of Philosophy in India.
A History of Indian Literature. Vol. 7, fasc. 1 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981).
8 The only such reference that I have been able to find occurs in chapter 17 verse 14
where Nagiirjuna refers to a contract of debt (rlJapattra). While this is an interesting ref-
erence, it is hardly of any help in dating the work, as this practice is well attested in
Kauti!ya's Arthasiistra and other DhannaSastras as well as in inscriptions dating from the
early centuries of the common era.
214 JOSEPH WALSER
bind. While nobody wants to defend the thesis that Nagarjuna only wrote
one work, scholars are left in the uncomfortable position of having
recourse to only two criteria by which to determine the authenticity of a
putative Nagarjunian text: a) the testimony of other (preferably early)
authors, and b) similarities of logic, doctrine, style to the Karika. While
these criteria have been effectively employed to eliminate texts as authen-
tic Nagarjuna texts, the same criteria are not so conclusive when it comes
to establishing a text as authentic. Testimony of other authors, doctrine,
logic, and style are, however, the only data we have, and so we must con-
sider the evidence such as it is and make an educated guess as to where
the weight of the evidence lies.
The criteria of doctrine, logic, and style have proven the most prob-
lematic to use. In order to date Nagarjuna, we need specific cultural infor-
mation, and yet most of the texts that present that kind of information are
not concerned with the same doctrine as the KariM, and hence do not dis-
play its logic or style. An example of such a text is the Suhrllekha, which
though universally ascribed to Nagarjuna, displays little of the interests
and penchant for argument of the KariM. There is, however, one text
ascribed to Nagarjuna, which contains some sections with logical/doctri-
nal arguments similar to the KariM and has other sections with signifi-
cant cultural content. This is a work called The RatnavalZ or "The Jew-
,,,;
eled Garland." Because this work contains logical/doctrinal arguments
similar to those in the Karika, its ascription to Nagarjuna can be investi-
gated using the criteria stated above. Once Nagarjuna's authorship ofthis
work has been established, its numerous social and cultural references
can be used to explore the date and location of its author.
1.1. The Authenticity of the Ratnavall
Nagarjuna's authorship of the Ratnaval'i has been well attested in India,
China and Tibet going back at least as far back as the sixth century9.
Paramartha first translated the work into Chinese in the sixth century,
9 Christian Lindtner states that the Ratnavall is ascribed to Nagarjuna by Bhavya, Can-
drakIrti, and "and many other later authors." See, C. Lindtner, Nagarjuniana,
Studies in the Writings and Philosophy of Nagarjuna, (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, reprint
1990), 163.
NAGARJUNA AND THE RATNA.VALl 215
although he does not name its author. The earliest explicit attribution of
this text to Nagfujuna can be found in Bhiivaviveka's Tarkajviilii, where
he quotes verses thirty-five to thirty nine from the fifth chapter of the
Ratniivalz, introducing them with the words, "the great A.rya
Nagarjuna said .... " 10 Though the dates for Bhiivaviveka are even more
elusive than are those of Nagarjuna, it seems safe to place him in the
sixth centuryll - perhaps as a slightly younger contemporary of Para-
martha. CandrakIrti (seventh century) quotes the Ratniivalz a total of six-
teen times in his Prasannapadii
12
and five times in his Madhyamakii-
vatiira. Though he never explicitly ascribes it to Nagarjuna in these works,
La Vallee P6ussin notes that the Ratniival'i verse quoted after verse three
of the twenty-fifth chapter of the Kiirikii " ... est citee Niimasarrzgzti{zkii,
ad 96, oil laRatniivalz est attribuee a Nagarjuna. "13 Similarly, both Hari-
bhadra, in his 8th century PrajfiiipiiramitopadeSaSiistra, and Prajfiiikaramati
(ca. end of eighth beginning of ninth centuries) in his Bodhicaryii-
vatiirapafijikii quote from it, but without attribution
14
It is clear from the
number and the context of these quotations that the Ratniivali was a text
held in great esteem by the Madhyamika School. It is not clear what con-
clusions, if any should be drawn from the fact that so many early schol-
ars felt comfortable quoting it without attribution. Surely CandrakIrti
knew about Bhiivaviveka's attribution of the text to Nagarjuna, and if he
doesn't repeat the former's attribution, neither does he deny it. In the
eighth-century, Jfiiinagarbha and Klu'i rgyal mtshan as well as the team
of Vidyiikaraprabha and [s]Ka ba dPal brtsegs both explicitly attribute
the text to Nagarjuna in their colophons, as does AjItamitra, who wrote
the ninth century {ikii on the work. In short, the work is attributed to
10 "slob dpon chen po 'phags pa na ga rdsu nas ji skad du." Peking Tripitaka, v. 96,
#5256, 145a.
II For a discussion of his date, see S. lida, Reason and Emptiness: A Study in Logic
and Mysticism (Tokyo: Hokuseido Press, 1980),6-12.
12 For page numbers see M. Hahn, Niigiirjuna's Ratniivali (Bonn: Indica und Tibetica:
Verlag, 1982), 10.
B L. de LaVallee Poussin, Miilamadhyamakakiirikiis (Miidhyamikasiitras) de Niigiir-
juna avec la Prasannapadii commentaire de Candrakirti, Bibliotheca Buddhica IV
(Osnabriick: Biblio Verlag, 1970),524, n. 4
14 Haribhadra cites Ratniivalivs. 98 in his Abhisamayiilarrzkiiriiloka (p. 66 in Wogihara's
edition)
216 JOSEPH WALSER
Nagarjuna as early as the sixth century and this attributi9n is repeated in
the eighth and ninth centuries. While these attributions might seem late,
it should be kept in mind that (other than a brief remark by KumarajIva)
Bhavaviveka is the earliest source we have that mentions other texts that
Nagarjuna wrote.
1.2. Doctrine and logic in the Ratniivati
The doctrinal and logical content of the Ratniivati compares favor-
ably with that of the Kiirikii. The Ratniivall is a very different text than
the Kiirikii, and presumably speaks to a different audience. Neverthe-
less, it does contain a number of points of striking similarity to the Kiirikii.
In general, both works are committed to a Mahayana teaching of empti-
ness. There is also a similarity in the topics dealt with in both works as
well as the way these topics are treated. For instance, both works have
lengthy refutations of the three times (past present and future)l5 as well
as arguments about antecedent states of beingl6. The rather peculiar treat-
ment of NirviiI;la as being neither "bhiiva" nor "abhiiva" occurs in both
works
l7
as does the teaching that saqIsara is somehow not different than
nirvaI).a
18
.
The topics discussed, however, do not help us to determine authorship
since a rehearsal of topics is what determines a school of thought.
To determine authorship, we need to isolate those elements that are likely
to be idiosyncratic by determining those elements which were unlikely to
have been emulated by his followers. In the following, I identify three
areas of Nagarjuna' s writing in the Kiirikii that appear to be matters of
individual style rather than modes of discourse characteristic of the early
Madhyamika school. The three areas are: logical syntax, use of scripture,
15 Ratnavalf verses 63-5 and 108-115. Compare with similar arguments in Karikii
chps. 2,5,7,9,11,19,20, and 27.
16 Ratnavali, verse 47, dealing with prior and simultaneous production (prag- and
sahajata) echoes the argument about antecedent states of being in Karika chp. 9 and the
discussion of previous and simultaneous causes in Karikii chp. 6 (there the terms are piirva-
and saha-bhavaT[l).
17 Cpo Ratnavali vs. 42 with arguments in Karika chp. 25.
18 Cpo Ratnavali vs. 41 and 64 with Karikii 25.19-20.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAvAIl 217
and metrics. I will show that these elements are present in the Ratnavalf
while absent in the works of Nagarjuna's closest disciple Aryadeva.
Though the examples of truly logical arguments are fewer in the Rat-
navalf than in the KariM, there are a few passages in the Ratnavati whose
unusual logical syntax is remarkably similar to prominent verses in the
KariM. Compare Ratnavalf 365:
"Past and future objects and the senses are mearringless, [due to the preceding
argument]. So too are present objects since they are not distinct from these
twO."19
And the familiar verse from Karika chapter two:
" What has been traversed is not being traversed. What has not yet been tra-
versed is not being traversed. What is being traversed, apart from what has
been traversed and what is not yet traversed, is not being traversed. "20
Both passages appeal to the law of excluded middle to eliminate a third
term which common sense tells us must exist. Though Aryadeva treats
similar topics in his CatuQsataka and Satasastra, he consistently avoids
expressing the same ideas in this form
21
. There are also a number of
verses in both the KariM and the Ratnavall displaying what we must
assume to be a rather unusual syntax of the form "if a not b; if not a also
not b." For example:
Kiirikii 20.15 "Without partaking of a union, how could cause give rise to
an effect? But again, with the partaking of a union, how could cause give
rise to an effect?22
19 Hahn, 83: "bdag phan ci dan ci bya iesl ji ltar khyed la gus yod pal gian phan ci
dan ci bya iesl de biin khyod ni gus par mdzodll"
20 Poussin,92: "gatal'[! na gamyate tiivad agatal'[! naiva gamyatel gatiigatavininnuktGl'[l
gamyamiinal'[! na gamyatell"
21 Cpo CatulJsataka v. 374 "About the completed it is said, 'It exists'; about the uncom-
pleted it is said, 'It does not exist'. When the process of arising is non-existent, what,
indeed, is it said to be?" "jiiyate 'sfiti n i ~ p a n n o niisfity aJq-ta ucyateljiiyamiino yadiibhiivas
tadii ko nama sa smrtalJll" [K. Lang, Aryadeva's CatulJsataka: On the Bodhisattva's Cul-
tivation of Merit and Knowledge, (Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1986) 142-3. Also
see Satasiistra, chapter 8 in G. Tucci, Pre-Dinnaga Buddhist Texts from Chinese Sources,
(Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1929),65-72.
22 Another example can be found at 6.5.
218 JOSEPH WALSER
Compare this to Ratncivalf verse 68:
"If momentary, then it becomes entirely non-existent; hence how could it be
old? Also, if non-momentary, it is constant; hence, how could it become old? "23
Again, this way of phrasing the issue is unusual and I can fmd no exam-
ples of it in the writings of Aryadeva. This suggests that this way of
phrasing an issue was peculiar to Nagfujuna and not a way of expressing
a thought characteristic of the Early Madhyamika school more broadly.
1.3. Siitra References in the Ratnavall
The Karikii and the Ratniivati both give a prominent position to the
same siitras, and make use of those scriptures in remarkably similar ways.
Taking the most obvious examples, some version of the Parileyyaka sutta
(Samyutta Nikiiya Ill, 94-99) where the Buddha states that some questions
are unanswerable (avyakrta), is alluded to at a number of places in both
works
24
Similarly, the teaching that dharmas are beyond existence and
non-existence from the Kaccayanagotta sutta plays a prominent role in
the Karika
25
and also can be seen a number of places in the Ratnavall
26

We also find allusions in both works to the Buddha's reluctance to teach
as told in the Ariyapariyesana sutta
27
That any Buddhist of the early
centuries of the Common Era woy.ld allude to these siitras is not unusual,
but the way that Nagarjuna's two texts employ these two siitras to justify
the teaching of emptiness seems to be a distinguishing feature.
There is, however, a reference to a siitra in both the Kiirikii and the Rat-
navalf which seems to have been unknown even to the early Madhyamika
tradition:
" , , ~ ,
Kiirikii 18.6 "The Buddhas have provisionally employed the term iitman
and instructed on the true idea of aniitman. They have also taught that any
... entity as iitman or aniitman does not exist. "28
23 Hopkins: "Buddhist Advice for Living and Liberation: Nagarjuna' s Precious Garland
Ithica: Snow Lion Press, 1988)", 103. Also see verse 88.
24 Ratnavalf verses 73, 105-6, 115, and KariM 22.14, and chp. 27.
25 It is mentioned by name at KariM 15.7
26 Ratnavalf verses 38, 42, 46, and 7l.
27 Ratnavalr verse 103 and KariM 24.12.
28 Poussin, Prasannapada 355, "atmety api prajiiapitam anatmetyapi de.ital'{ll bud-
dhair natma na canatma kascid ity api de.ital'{lil"
NAoA.RJUNA AND THE RATNAVA.U 219
Ratniivalf 103: "Thus neither the self nor non-self are said to be appre-
hended as real. Therefore the Great Subduer rejected views of self and non-
se1f29.
Whenever Nagarjuna says sometlting to the effect of, "the Buddha says ... "
the Indian commentaries assume that he has a specific sutra in rriind. Of
the three earliest extant commentaries, the Akutobhayii and the Buddha-
piilitavrtti are the most conscientious about identifying the source of
Nagarjuna's references. The curious fact about their comments on Kiirikii
15.6, however, is that, while they both assume that Nagarjuna is referring
to a specific scripture here, they nevertheless seem hard-pressed to iden-
tify it. They both quote the "Siileyyaka Sutta" of the Majjhima Nikiiya
as the source of this Kiirikii verse. The text which they both quote is from
a sermon in which the Buddha is explaining to a group of Brahmins which
activities of body speech and mind lead to good destinies and which
lead to foul. Among the thoughts leading to a foul rebirth are the thoughts:
"this world does not exist. The other world does not exist. Beings who
are spontaneously produced do not exist, etc."30 The Akutobhayii and
Buddhapiilitavrtti take this passage as describing different dispositions
of converts (gdul bya = vineya) upon entering the order. The teachings
of self and non-self, then are to be seen as antidotes to a specific false
view. This is a bit of a commentarial stretch considering the passage's
original context. The Siileyyaka Sutta never mentions iitman and aniitman
as beliefs to be abandoned. The question remains why these early com-
mentaries didn't find a better proof-text. Certainly, stanzas 22, 93 or 154
of the Suttanipiita's "Atthakavagga" would have been a better choice. An
answer is suggested when we consider the commentaries of Bhavaviveka
29 Hopkins, 109. Cpo Hahn, 40.
30 C.W. Huntington "The 'Akutobhaya' and Early Indian Madhyarnaka" (Ph.D. dis-
sertation, University of Michigan, 1986),432. "gdul ba {sic} gan dag la 'jig rten 'di med
do 'jig rten pha rol med doll sems can brdzus te skye ba med do sfiam pa'i Zta ba de Ita
bu byun bar gyur pa de dag gi bdag med par Ita ba bzlog pa'i phyir bdag go zhes kyang
gtags par gyur toll"
Buddhapalitavrtti Peking Tripitaka vol. 95, #5242, p. 273b: "de la gdul bya gan dag
la 'jig rten 'di med dol 'jig rten pha rol med dol sems can rdzus te skye ba med do sfiam
pa'i Ita ba de Ita bu byun bar gyur bal"
Cpo Majjhima Nikaya 1. 287. " ... natthi ayarrz loko natthi para loko natthi mata natthi
pita natthi satta opapatika ... "
220 JOSEPH WALSER
and Candrakirti. Neither Bhavaviveka nor Candrakirti identify the Sutta-
nipiita as the source of this quote. Both consider its source to be a
Mahayana text, although they identify two different texts. Bhavaviveka
quotes from the Suvikriintavikriimin Sutra
31
, while Candraldrti quotes
from the KiiSyapaparivarta Sutra
32
What is significant here is the textual
histories of these two slUras. According J.W. de Jong, the former text is
fairly late - the terminus ante quem coinciding only with the dates of
Bhavaviveka (sixth century)33. In other words, there is no evidence that
the sutra existed prior to Bhavaviveka who mentions it in the sixth cen-
tury, and hence it is unlikely that Nagarjuna's commentators (much less
Nagarjuna himself) could have quoted from it. The story is different with
the Kiisyapaparivarta. It is, by all accounts, one of the oldest Mahayana
texts, or at least it is one of the earliest to have reached China. The oldest
translation into Chinese is ascribed to a certain Lou-jia-chan ( ~ t i ! l ! ! 11) dur-
ing the second century AD34. Hence, it is historically quite possible that
this is the sutra to which Nagarjuna is referring.
The passage in question, however, does not occur in this earliest trans-
lation
35
. It does occur in the next extant translation (anonymous) finished
31 Prajfuipradfpa, Peking Tripitaka vol. 95, #5253, p. 233a: "de ltaryailji skad du rab
kyi rtsa la gyis mam par gnon pal gjugs hi bdag gam bdag med pa ma yin nol de biin du
tshor ba daill 'du ses daill 'du byed mams daill mam par ses pa yaill bdag gam bdag med
pa ma yin nol"
32 Poussin, Prasannapada, 358.10: "yathoktam aryaratnakurel atmeti kafyapa ayam
eko'ntal;1 nairatmyam ity ayarrz dvifiyo'ntal;1 yad etad anayorantayor madhyarrz tadarnpyam
anidadanam aprati:frham anabhasam- avijfiaptikam aniketam iyam ucyate Kafyapa mad-
hyama pratipaddharmalJarrz bhUtapraty avek:fetill"
,.; which is virtually identical to a passage in the Kasyapaparivarta. Cpo The Kasyapapa-
rivarta: A Mahtiyanasutra of the Ratnakura Class, Baron A. von Stael-Holstein, ed. 1926;
(Tokyo: Meicho-Fukyfi-Kai, 1977), 87, paragraph 57.
Translation in Chang, ed. A Treasury of Mahayana Sutras: Selections from the Maharat-
nakura Sutra (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1996), 394. "Ego is one extreme,
egolessness is the other, and [the two-in-one of] ego-egolessness is the middle, which is
formless, shapeless, incognizable, and unknowable. [To realize] it is called the middle
way, the true insight into all dharmas."
33 J.W. de Jong "Notes on PrajiUiparamita texts: The Suvikrantavikramiparip!ccha" in
Prajfiaparamita and related Systems: Studies in honor of Edward Conze, L. Lancaster, ed.
(Berkeley: Berkeley Buddhist Studies, 1977) 187.
34 Stael-Holstein, ed., Kasyapaparivarta, ix.
35 Ibid., 87, paragraph 57.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAVill 221
sometime between 265 and 420 AD36. If Nagarjuna is indeed referring to
this passage, then we have to conclude that during the fIrst few centuries
of the common eta, some manuscripts of the KiiSyapaparivarta contained
this verse and some !lid not. Whether or not Nagarjuna was referring to
this verse or one from the Suttanipiita, the case of the KiiSyapaparivarta
is illustrative of the status of many texts in early India. Buddhist monks
had access to Buddhist scriptures, but not all Buddhist monks had access
to all Buddhist scriptures: And, just because a monk had access to a Bud-
dhist scripture, we cannot assume that he had access to the same version
that was available to other monks. The fact that Nagarjuna refers to a
scripture with which other members of the early Madhyamika school
were unfamiliar means that access to his version of that scripture was
limited to a few members of the early school - perhaps even limited to
Nagarjuna himself since Aryadeva makes no references to this passage.
The fact that the Ratniivall refers to a sutra of which other early Madhya-
mikas seem to have been unaware increases the likelihood that Nagarjuna
wrote it.
1.4. Poetic Style of the Ratniivali
The fInal aspect of Nagarjuna's work that I would like to introduce is
the issue of his poetic style. The main work on this issue has been done
by Tilmann Vetter in a 1992 article analyzing the statistics of the Ratnii-
valZ's metrics and use of conjunctions in comparison with the same sta-
tistics from the Kiirikii. His fIndings are, not surprisingly, inconclusive.
The metrics of the Ratniivalf do not diverge signifIcantly from those of
the Kiirikii
37
, and while the use of certain particles
38
and compounds does
differ signifIcantly39, he nevertheless concludes:
36 Ibid., ix
37 "The total number of vipulii founs in the Kiirikiis is 160, which is 18% of a total of
884 lines. The 14.4% in the Ratniivall does not diverge significantly from this figure,
though the higher number of ra-vipulii in the Kiirikiis and the occurrence of other vipulii
fauns should be kept in mind." T. Vetter, "On the Authenticity of the Ratniivalr," Asia-
tische Studien 46.1 (1992): 501.
38 "Ca, eva, api, iti, vii, puna!;. and tu" Ibid. 501.
39 Vetter finds that the density of particles in the Sanskrit fragments of the Ratniivali
is about half of their density in the Kiirikii. Further, in the Kiirikii 79% of the verses do
222 JOSEPH WALSER
Concluding these remarks on style we might state: The observations are not
so strong as to force us to deny the authenticity to the RatniivalZ, but if it
was composed by Nagarjuna, it is difficult to imagine that it was written in
the same period as the Kiirikiis. "40
There is nothing in Vetter's statistics to seriously challenge Nagarjuna's
authorship of the Ratnavalf, and in fact his analysis provides us with an
important suggestion. If the Ratnavall was written later in Nagarjuna's
life than the Karikli we might be able to explain some of the slight
divergences between the two texts. It should be remembered that San-
skrit was probably a secondary language for Nagarjuna, and certainly
the highly stylized metrical version used in his works was developed
over years of practice. In ordinary speech, the use of compounds would
have been less frequent - the conjunctive task being taken over by
particles. As the author's poetic style developed over the years, the facil-
ity with making compounds would presumably increase. Vetter's sta-
tistics, then, do seem to indicate that the Ratnavati is a more mature work
poetically if not philosophically. If, then, Nagarjuna did write the Rat-
navati he probably wrote it some years after the Mulamadhyamakaka-
rikli.
This hypothesis gains support when one considers that there are at least
two arguments occurring in the RatnavalZ that do not occur in the Karika.
The frrst of these concerns the doctrine of momentariness. Ratnavalz verse
sixty-three begins a discussion of the three times. The argument is simi-
lar to those in the Karika until verse sixty-six, when the discussion shifts
to the status of the moment Verses sixty-six through seventy
refute the possibility of momentariness in much the same way as each of
the three times is refuted in the Karika. This argument is significant in
light of the importance that this notion would play in the future of Bud-
dhist philosophy (especially in the works of Dignaga, DharmakIrti and
RatnakIrti) and in light of the fact that the concept is wholly absent from
the Karika. The other argument in the Ratnavall that goes beyond the
Karikli is the argument asserting that the object of desire must be a false
not contain compounds, while in the Ratnavali only 51.1 % do not contain compounds.
(Vetter, 503)
40 Vetter, 504.
NAGARJUNA AND THE RATNAVALi 223
construction since the image one attaches to is unitary while the senses
that actually perceive it are five-fold
41

The latter argiIment seems to have been picked up by Aryadeva (in his
CatuMataka vs. 268), although he avoids arguments against
ness in the Satakasiistra. There can be little question, however, of
Aryadeva having written the Ratniivalf. While Vetter's statistical analysis
of the Ratniivalf's style is inconclusive concerning Nagarjuna's authorship,
it nevertheless does rule out Aryadeva as the author.
It may be noteworthy that the 303 lines of the Sanskrit fragments of
Aryadeva's Catul;.Sataka as edited by Karen Lang ... contain only a percen-
tage of 2:3% vipuZii (7 on a total of 303 lines), and only ma-vipuZii. Aryadeva,
so it seems, may be safely eliminated as a possible author of the Ratnii-
vaZz...
42

In all, then, the evidence supporting Nagarjuna's authorship of the Ratnii-
valf is strong. It is ascribed to Naglirjuna by a number of sources begin-
ning in the sixth century and shows an affinity for common Madhyamika
doctrine. Finally, the Ratniivalf contains many of the peculiar stylistic
elements found in the Kiirikii which are not found in other authors of the
early Madhyamika school - such as Aryadeva, Buddhapalita and the
author of the Akutobhayii.
2. Niigiirjuna's Danapati was a Siitaviihana king
The second sub-thesis to be established in dating Nagarjuna is that
Nagarjuna's diinapati and benefactor was a Satavahana king. There are
two factors that I would like to offer into evidence in support of this. First,
41 Ratniivali, vs. 351 When [all] five senses, eye and so forth
[Simultaneously] apprehend their objects
A thought [of pleasure] does not refer [to all of them]
Therefore at that time they do not [all] give pleasure.
352 Whenever any of the [five] objects is known
[As pleasurable] by one of the [five] senses,
Then the remaining [objects] are not so known by the remaining [senses]
Since they then are not meaningful [causes of pleasure].
Translation from I. Hopkins Buddhist Advice, 140] Cpo Hahn, 112.
42 Vetter, 501.
224 JOSEPH WALSER
the earliest and latest dates for Nagarjuna coincide exactly with the
range of dates for the Satavahana dynasty. Second, the way that the hagio-
graphical tradition about Nagarjuna appears to have developed points to
his association with a Satavahana king as one of its earliest elements.
2.1. Earliest and Latest Dates
That Nagarjuna lived during the reign of a Satavahana king must be
admitted as a possibility when the factors establishing his earliest and lat-
est dates are considered. Obviously, Nagarjuna is writing at a time when
the early Mahayana sfitras have already been written. Since the earliest
Prajfiiipiiramitii sfitras are estimated to have been written around 100 Be.
we may take this to be an earliest limit date for Nagarjuna.
On the other end, the earliest of the datable external sources mentioning
Nagarjuna are several translations of the attributed
in their colophons to Nagarjuna. According to Lamotte:
... the Chinese catalogues list among the works translated by
at Ch'ang-an, between A.D. 265 and 313, a P'u-sa hui-kuo ching
This translation is noted in the Ch'u (T 2145, ch 2, p. 8b 17), and the Li
(T 2034, ch.6, p. 63a 23) which remark: "The colophon says that this is an
extract from the Dasabhumikasiistra of Nagiirjuna". It therefore results that
a work ,by Nagiirjuna had reached China about A.D. 265. 43
Whether or not Nagarjuna actually wrote the DasabhUmikasiistra, does
not change the fact that two catalogues (both from the sixth century A.D.)
record that a work was ascribed to someone named Nagarjuna by 265 A.D.
at the latest. This then is the earliest recorded date of an external source
Nagatjuna's name, and as such provides us with a date by which
Nagarjuna must have been an established scholar.
2.2. Testimony of Kumarajiva's school
A third century date is confirmed in the writings of Kumarajiva and his
school. Kumarajiva indicates a third century date for Nagarjuna's death
43 E. Lamotte, The Teaching of Vimalakirti (VimalakirtinirdeSa), Sara Boin, trans.
(Oxford: The Pali Text Society, 1994), xcvii.
NAoARruNA AND THE RATNAyALl 225
in a statement at the end of his translation of Nagarjuna's "Biography"44
which claims that, "From that leave taking [i.e., from Nagarjuna's death]
until today one hundred years have passed"45. Arguably, the "today"
referred to is the time of KumarajIva's translation of the text. According
to Robinson.
It would be hard to defend every item in the Biogrt;lphy, but it is easy to
show that in substance it represents KumarajIva's account. Seng-jui men-
tions the Indian Chroniclers) (t'ien-chu-chuan), which probably means
the biographies narrated by KumarajIva. Hui-yuan's biographical sketch
of Nagiirjuna in his Preface to the Great Perfection of Wisdom Treatise
agrees with the Biography and many of his allusions are intelligible only
with a knowledge of it. Seng-jui mentions the existence of temples to
Nagiirjuna and unfortunately without the date that occurs in
the Biography. But the literary form and style of the Biography are typ-
ically Chinese. It has the standard opening, which states the man's native
region and class,and then indicates that the child was precocious and
received a good education. The laudatory cliches are purely Chinese and
transparently do not stand for Indic originals. Insofar as it is genuine, this
Biography must consist of KumiirajIva's oral account as worded by his
disciples .... In this case, the point one hundred years after Nagarjuna's
death would be sometime during KumiirajIva's residence at Ch'ang-an
(A.D. 401-13). Thus Nagiirjuna would have flourished in the third century
A.D46.
The other set of dates for Nagarjuna comes from a disciple of KumarajIva
named San-jwei (So-yei), who places Nagarjuna at the end of the time
of the xiang-fa = dharma pratirupaka or "Semblance dharma"47).
Correlating this information with the dates of Aryadeva recorded by
another disciple of KumarajIva, Ui comes up with a date of "about 113-213
44 TaishOShinshu Daizokyo (hereafter, T.). 2047, lit. "The Chronicle of the
Bodhisattva Nagarjuna." In the rest of this article, I will refer to it simply as the Biogra-
phy.
45 R. Corless, "The Chinese Life of Nagarjuna," in Buddhism in Practice, Donald
Lopez, ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 53l.
46 R. H. Robinson, Early Madhyamika in India and China, reprint (Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1978),25.
47 Here I am following Jan Nattier's translation of the term. See J. Nattier, Once Upon
a Future Time: Studies in a Buddhist Prophesy of Decline (Berkeley: Asian Humanities
Press, 1991), 86-9.
226 JOSEPH WALSER
A.D." for Nagarjuna
48
. Though this testimony relies on some rather
strained calculations, it does suggest that Nagarjuna may have lived in the
third century A.D49.
The period between the flrst century B.C. and the third Century A.D.
roughly corresponds to the dates for the Satavahana dynasty (the dynasty
ends sometime in the first two quarters of the third century). Hence, that
Nagfujuna lived during the time of Satavahana dynasty is a strong possibility.
2.3. Nagarjuna's Letters
The oldest extant sources testifying to Nagarjuna's connection with the
Satavahana dynasty surround two works - the Suhrllekha and the
Ratniivall. According to tradition, Nagarjuna wrote these as letters to his
patron king. The translations into Chinese and Tibetan are fairly consis-
tent in naming this king. The earliest extant translation of the Suhrllekha,
translated by GUl)avarman sometime after 431
5
. Presumably, it is
GUl)avarman who gives it the title which
may be rendered as "The Essential Verses (giithii) on Dharma Explained
By the Bodhisattva Nagarjuna to King Shan-ta-ka." This name for the
Suhrllekha's addressee can also be found in the 7th century in Yijing's
Nan-haiji-gui nei-fa chuan, where the king is named ("shi-
yin-de-ka")52. It is possible that b.0th of these translate "Dhanya(kanaka"
(modem Amaravati) the name of an important Satavahana site in the
eastern Deccan. If this is the case, GUl)avarman and Yijing are telling us
48 H. Ui, The Vaiseo$ika Philosophy According to the Dasapadartha-Sastra, 2
nd
ed.
(Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, 1962),43. For Ui's discussion of Naglir-
juna's date, see pages 42-46.
49 Using a similar method, one could try to come up with a date for Naglirjuna's birth
based on the testimony of works such as the LaJikavatara Sutra, the Mahamegha Sutra,
or the Mafijusrfmiilatantra, which claim that Nagfujuna was born 400, 700, and 400 years
after the Buddha's Parinirvfu).a respectively. Unfortunately, since we know nothing of the
authors of these texts, we do not know when they thought the Buddha's parinirvalJa was.
Hence, these q.ates are of little use.
50 GUI).avarman was born in India in 367 and arrived in China in 431. Source:
P. Demieville, et ai., Repertoire du Canon Bouddhique Sino-Japonais, Fascicule Annexe
du Hobogirin (paris, L' Academie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Institut de France,
1978),252 (q.v. "Gunabatsuma").
51 T. 1672, 745b.
52 T. 2125, 227c 14-15.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAVAIl 227
important information concerning the kiI.J.g's capitaL Yijing also claims
that this king is a Satavahana (Sha- duo-p6-han-na which he
translates as *1I
53
).
Between 560 and 5705
4
, Paramartha translated the Ratniivall into Chi-
nese, though he does not name the author. He does, however, mehtion its
addressee; The title of this translation in Chinese is .1-T .iElliffl which
can be translated as "Treatise on the Precious Course [Delivered to] King
"Righteous." In this same vein Xuanzang's use of Yin-zheng S I.IE ("lead-
ing to righteousness ") a century later to translate the Sanskrit name
Satavahana (Sha-duo-p6-he suggesting that Paramartha may
also be using the character .IE "zheng" ("righteousness") as a (spurious)
translation of "Siita" (reading it as being somehow derived from the San-
skrit "sat" = "truth" or "righteousness") to designate the king to whom
the RatniivalZ is addressed as King "Siita[vahana] " . A better explanation,
though a more complicated one is that Paramartha does use the charac-
ter .IE to translate the sound "Sata", but that this is not to indicate the
Satavahana dynasty but rather one of the many Sata (Prakrit = "Sada")
kings. There are quite a few Sata/Sada kings mentioned in inscriptions
found in inscriptions from Andhra Pradesh. Inscriptions and coins
mentioning these kings have been found at Chebrolu, Dhanyakataka,
Ramatirtham, Guntupalli, Vaddamanu, Nandayapallem and Velpur5
6
. The
identity of these kings is a matter of some debate. Some scholars consider
the kings whose last name ends in "Sada" to be rulers in the Satavahana
lineage. Others consider them to belong to another dynasty. The debate
over this issue seems to revolve around an inscription found at Guntupalli,
a village in West Godavari District. The inscription reads as follows:
Mahiiriijasa Kalinga(Ma)-
Hisakadhipatisa Mahii-
Mekhaviihanasa Siri Sadasa lekhakasa Culago-
Masa maq,apo diinafTl
S3 Ibid. Mabbett, using Pulleyblank, renders this into its Central Middle Indie equivalent
as "sa-ta-ba-xa-tta
h
". See Mabbett, 336.
S4 For a brief biography of Paramartha, see P. Demieville, (1978), 276.
ss T. 2087, 929a 27.
S6 B.S.L. Rao et al. Buddhist Inscriptions of Andhradesa (Seeunderbad: Ananda Buddha
Vihara Trust, 1998), 54.
228 JOSEPH WALSER
"Gift of a Mandapa by Cula Goma, the scribe of Maharaja Siri Sada who
belonged to the dynasty of Mahameghavahana. and had the title Kalinga-
M 57
This inscription clearly establishes a connection between the Sata kings
and Mahameghavaha Kharavela of the Hathigumpha inscription and men-
tions the extent of his kingdom (namely, the area of Kalinga). D.C. Sir-
car suggests that the name was Sata,indicating that this king was born to
a Satavahana princess, but the form Sada often appears on Satavahana
coins and hence is not necessarily a matronym. On the other hand, if we
include the Sata kings in the Satavahana dynasty, we have to posit a
collinear rule. Whether they were either independent from or under the
suzerainty of the Satavahanas, the Sata kings seem to have been confined
to coastal Andhra
58
throughout their reign which was roughly cotermi-
nous with that of the Satavahanas. In short, for the purposes of finding a
date and location of Nagarjuna, it will not matter much whether his patron
king was a Sata king or a Satavahana as the time period and geographi-
cal range coincide with the most important evidence from the Ratnavati
(see below). It is likely that Paramartha, being from Ujjain, would have
had access to important texts coming from coastal Andhra Pradesh since
the two areas were culturally well connected and well traveled since the
second century at least. Further, he would have passed through Kalinga
on his way to China (he took a sea route).
In the Tibetan translations of these works the addressee of these let-
ters is translated as "bDe spyod," ("good conduct") in the Ratnavati{fka
by Ajltamitra
59
, as well as in the colophon to the Tibetan translation of
the Suhrllekha by Sarvajfiadeva
60
The meaning of this is word is so close
57 Rao, 109.
58 There are a total of eight Sada/Sata kings mentioned in inscriptions: Sri Sada(sata),
Sivamaka Sada (Vaddamanu), Manasada, Mahasada, Asaka Sada, Aira Asaka Sada, Siri
Mahasada and Siva Sada. Concerning their territory I.K. Sarma identifies with
the Maisolia region. (Rao, 109-10)
59 Ajltamitra, in the beginning of his commentary on the Ratnavalf's says: "de la 'dir
btsun pa 'phags pa klu sgrub 'jig rten mtha' dag la phan par bied pas rgyal po bde spyod
kyi dban du mdzad nas dam pa'i chos rin po che'i phren ba dgod pa'i nes pa mdzad de
dam pa'i spyod pa dan mthun pari" Yukiliiro Okada, Die Ratnavalftfka des Ajitamitra,
(Bonn: Indica et Tibetica Verlag, 1990), l.
60 Nagfujuna, Golden Zephyr: Instructions from a Spiritual Friend, L. Kawamura, trans.,
(Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1975),93.
to Xuanzang's translation for Satavahana. ("leading right") that one can-
not overlook the possibility, that it translates Satavahana.
61
Most schol-
ars take this to translate the name "Udayana" following Scheifner
62
, but
since there are no Satavahana kings by that name either in the Purfu).ic
accounts or in any inscription discovered so far, it is more likely that it
is a translation of the name of the dynasty itself. .
Thus, from the colophons of these translations, we have Nagarjuna's
patron identified as one of the Satavahanas whose personal name was some-
thing like "Jantaka." This personal name of Nagfujuna's king is quite com-
mon in later Tibetan literature as well. While Milbbett thinks that this may
be a version of the surname Satka.n;Ii, so common among members of the
Satavahana dynasty63, this reconstruction cannot account for the fact that both
and Yijing explicitly represent a nasal sound in their trans-
literations. Again, it is more likely to be the place name, Dhanya(ka)taka.
2.4. The Elements of Nagarjuna's Hagiography
This general agreement among the translators of Nagfujuna's letters
about the identity of Nagfujuna's patron king needs to be placed in the
larger context of legends about Nagfujuna. Since none of the translators
lived during the life of Nagfujuna, we must consider the possibility that'
their sources of this attribution are the legends about Nagfujuna that were
circulating at the time of translation. Therefore, we must assess the hagio-
graphical tradition surrounding Nagarjuna before we can assess the testi-
mony of these translators who likely drew upon it.
The earliest extant legends about Nagfujuna were translated by Kumara-
jiva into Chinese in about 405 C.E64. After that, legends proliferate in
Buddhist, Hindu, Siddha, and Jain sources. Although I discuss a number
of these sources in what follows, this will not be an exhaustive review of
61 This was suggested by, J.W. de Jong, review of J. Hopkins and Lati Rimpoche,
trans., The Precious Garland and the Song a/the Four Mindfullnesses (London, 1975), in
Indo-Iranian Journal 20 (1978): 137.
62 Scheifner trans., Tiiriiniitha's Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien (St. Petersburg,
1869),2 note 2.
63 Mabbett, 341.
64 T. 2047.
230 JOSEPH WALSER
all the legends told about Nagarjuna. Much of the bibliographic spade-
work and analysis of this material has already been done by Mabbett and
others
65
. This article offers instead a new interpretation of the evidence
already available.
Legends of Nagarjuna were compiled for over a thousand years in San-
skrit, Chinese and Tibetan. When these legends are taken as a group the
diversity and range of the stories is somewhat daunting. Even if we only
look to these legends for information about Nagarjuna' s . patron or place
of residence, we are left with a number of problems. While most of our
sources mention that Nagarjuna's patron was a Satavahana
66
, there are two
dissenting voices in this regard. The first, the Kathasaritsagara (eleventh
century) by Somadeva Bhatta, is a reworking of an earlier Brhatkathamafi-
jarl of (also eleventh century), and the second is the
Rajatarmigir;i by KalhaI).a. The former work seems to be oblivious of
any connection between Nagarjuna and a Satavahana king insofar as it
has one section of stories devoted to King Satavahana and a separate
section for stories related to Nagarjuna, who in turn is the associate of a
King CIrayus ("Long-Life"). No place-name is associated with Nagfujuna
in this work. The Rajatarangir;l by KalhaI).a is a court history of Kashmir
that is often discussed in modern works on Nagarjuna. KalhaI).a mentions
65 In addition to Mabbett's article, I recommend Phyllis Granoff's, "Jain Biographies
of Nagarjuna: Notes on the Composing of a Biography in Medieval India," in Monks and
Magicians: Religious Biographies in Asia, Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara eds.
(Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press, 1988),45-61, and David G. White's Alchemical Body: Sid-
dha Traditions in Medieval India, (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996),62-77.
66 This is mentioned by Xuanzang. See, T. Watters., On Yuan Chwang's Travels in
India 629 A.D. - 645 A.D (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1988),201; Bfu.1a see
Bfu.1a, The of Bal}a, Cowell and Thomas trans. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,
1961),252; a number of Jain sources including the Prabandhakosa, see Prabandha Kosa,
Jina Vijaya, ed., (Santiniketan: Adhis!hata-siIighI Jaina JiianapI!ha, 1991), 84; and the
Prabandha Cintamal}i, see Prabandha Cintamal}i of Merutungacarya, Jinavijaya Muni
ed. part I, (Santiniketan: Adhis!ata Siilgru Jaina JiianapI!ha, 1933), 119; Abhayadatta's
Lives of the 84 Siddhas, see Abhayadatta, Masters of Mahamudra: Songs and Histories
of the Eighty-Four Buddhist Siddhas, K. Dowman, trans. (Albany: State University of New
York Press, 1984), 115; the RasendraMangala, see, White 155; Bu-ston, see Bu-ston, His-
tory of Buddhism in India and Tibet, Eugene Obermiller trans. Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica,
no. 26 (Delhi: Sri Satguru Press, 1932, 1986 reprint, 127; and Taranatha, see Taranatha,
Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India, D. Chattopadhyaya, trans. (Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi
& Co., 1970) 109.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAvAIi 231
Nagarjuna as living at Saq.arhadvana
67
during the reign of either HU1jka,
JU1jka, or
When we come to the issue of Nagarjuna's place of residence, the legends
are much more diverse. KumarajIva's translation of Nagarjuna's legends
mentions a rather vague "South India" (presumably "Dakljinapatha") a
number of times and also mentions that he spent a brief period in the
Himalayas
68
Some (flfth century) versions of the Laftkavatara Sutra
69
(and the MafijuSrzmulatantra
70
) claim that a monk whose name sounds like
"Naga" will live in Vidarbha
71
Xuanzang has Nagarjuna living 300 Ii
to the south-west of the capital of southern Kosala at a mountain called
"Black Peak," or "Black Bee"72. CandrakIrti in his commentary on
67 On this site see Stein's note: "$arjarhadvana, 'the wood of the six Saints,' if rightly
identified by the glossator as (Harvan griime), is the modem village Hiirvan, situated about
one and a half miles to the N.W. of the gardens of Shalimar near Srlnagar. On the hill-
side to the south of Hiirvan ancient remains have corne to light in the shape of highly orna-
mented brick pavements, which were dug up in the course of excavations conducted at
the site in connection with the new Srlnagar waterworks." See M.A. Stein, KalhalJa's
RiijatarangilJl: A Chronicle of the Kings of Kasmlr (Srinagar: Verinag Publishers, 1961),
31 note 173. Could" $arjarhadvana" possibly be used in this story because it is a hom-
onym for "Siitaviihana?"
68 Corless, 528.
69 This passage does not appear in the earliest version of the Lankiivatiira translated
by in 443 C.E .. It does appear in the versions translated by Bodhiruci (trans.
513 C.E.) and (trans. 700-704). The passage in question, according to WaIleser,
may possibly have been added in the fifth century C.E. because the section in which it
appears contains a verse referring to Maurya, Gupta, and Nanda kings of the Kill Yuga.
70 Translated by J. Hopkins in Buddhist Advice for Living, 13. There are only three
substantial differences between this prophecy and that of the Lailkiivatiira Sutra: 1) the num-
ber of years that he appears after the Buddha's parinirviiI]a increases to 400 years and his
life-span increases to 600 years, 2) no place name is indicated, 3) he is the transmitter of
the Mahamayurl mantra. The Lankiivatiira is probably the earlier of the two, and what can
be said of it can also be said of the Manjusrl Mulatantra as far as its testimony of Niigar-
juna is concerned.
71 Hopkins cites 19
th
century Mongolian scholar Nga-wang-bel-den (b. 1797) who in
his discussion of Jam-yang-shay-ba's work, "gives be da (misprinted as pe da) and iden-
tifies the place as Vidarbha (be dar bha)." [Hopkins, 10, note a]. Alternately, P.S. Shastri
suggests that this "Vedalya" could also be "Dehali" which is a site near NiigarjunakOIJ9a,
the site of Vi jay a SiitkarIJi's capital. See I.K. Sharma Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments
and Briihml Inscriptions of Andhradeia, (Nagpur: Dattsons Publishers, 1988), 17. Also see,
Mabbett, 335, note 32.
72 Watters, 201. Watters, by using two different Chinese glosses, reasons that "Po-lo-
mo-lo-ki-li" is probably a transliteration of Bhriimara-gfri (Bee-peak) which is confirmed
232 JOSEPH WALSER
Aryadeva's Catuf.zsataka says that Aryadeva became N:agarjuna's disci-
ple after travelling in South India, perhaps indicating that Nagarjuna lived
there to0
73
The Jain tradition
74
(which is also echoed by Al-beruni
75
)
consistently places Nagarjuna at Mt. Satrunjaya in Gujarat16, the
Buddhist and Siddha traditions consistently place him at Nalanda, Sri-
parvata
77
, Kancipuram
78
, Dhanyakataka
79
, Godavari
80
, and Vidarbha. If we
add Kalhfu;la's assertion that Nagarjuna lived in Kashmir, then we have
to admit that Nagarjuna could have lived virtually anywhere in India.
Indeed, the range of dates and the conflicting traditions concerning
Nagarjuna's residence and royal patronage have led many to dismiss some
of these sources or all of them. For instance, in his article, "Sur la forma-
tion du Mahayana," Etienne Lamotte complains:
A la tradition qui fait de Nagarjuna un sujet des souverains Sataviihana, on
peut opposer Ie temoignage de la chronique cachemirienne qui Ie rattache
aux rois du Nord-Ouest, et et lui assigne
comme residence Ie Bois des six Arhat pres de Hiirwan au KasmIr. Le Kos-
ala meridional n'etait point seul a posseder un SrIparvata, c'est- a -dire, en
sanskrit, un Mont Sacre: toponyme extremement repandu que la Mahab-
hiirata et les Purfu},a appliquent a de nombreuses montagnes et qui designe
notament un site du KasmIr. En ce qui concerne Nagarjuna, il est scienti-
fiquement incorrect de retirer de leur contexte pour les grouper artificille-
ment ses pretendues attaches avec Ie pays Andhra. Les biographies et notices
qui lui sont consacrees fourmiUtnt de legendes, plus ahurissantes les unes
by the ("Black Bee") translation. He cites Beal's reasoning that "Black Bee" is a
synonym for the Goddess Durgii or PiirvatI, and hence, Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li is some fonn of
"Piirvata" (literally meaning "mountain"). James Burgess, following this lead, identifies
!':l"iiglirjuna's abode with Sri-Parvata, a well-known mountain on the Krishna River in mod-
em Andrha Pradesh. Watters, 208
73 See Lang, 7.
74 Jain legends of Niiglirjuna have been discussed extensively in Granoff, op. cit.
75 Alberuni (writing in 1030), mentions that Niiglirjuna lived at a Gujarati site, "Fort
Daihak" near Somnath, one hundred years previous to his writing. See Mabbett, 338.
76 This is called ":phailka" in the Prabandha CintiimaJ;ti p. 119, and "Satruiijaya" in
the Prabandhakosa p. 84.
77 Bu-ston, 127.
78 Abhayadatta, Buddha's Lions: The Lives of the Eighty-Four Siddhas, J. Robinson,
trans. (Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1979), 75
79 As both Bu-ston and Tiiriiniitha assert.
80 This attribution can be found in the Tantra Mahiil7J.ava. See White, 113.
NAGARJuNA AND THE RATNAFAU 233
que les autres et qui cancement au mains quatre Niigiirjuna differents ...
81
[italics mine]
If the reports of the later traditions conflict, the question at this point is .
what to do with the testimony as it has come down to us in these traditions.
Contemporary Buddhist scholars lean toward a kind of academic agnos-
ticism when it comes to looking for historical evidence among legendary
materials. As in Christianity's" Search for the Historical Jesus," the
"Search for the Historical Buddha," has told us much more about the
early compilers of the Buddhist suttas than about the Buddha himself.
Recently, Jonathan Walters has proposed four ways of reading legendary
materials, the first two of which are the "Historical Source Mode" (read-
ing the texts for historical information about the subjects which they
relate), and the "text of its day mode" (reading texts for historical infor-
mation about the compilers/readers of the texts). The first of these modes
is much maligned in his article in that it assumes that the authors of these
legendary texts, "were somehow trying to objectively report historical
facts in a would-be nineteenth-century European way." He concludes,
"So long as this assumption remains operative, there is nothing to do
except judge the suttas as though they had been compiled by Edward
Gibbon; and given that they were not, the impasse reached by scholar-
ship in this mode seems inevitable"82.
Although there may be very good reasons to assume an impasse in the
"Search for the Historical Buddha," the same need not be assumed at
the start for all figures in the history of Buddhism. This is, of course,
not to say that we should read Nagarjuna's legends as if they were BBC
press releases. As rich as these legends are, they yield little in he way of
historical evidence about Nagarjuna. Nevertheless, I believe that some
historical information can be recovered from these texts if we can imag-
inatively put ourselves in the world of the writers of these texts.
In order to interpret these legends, the most productive position is to
assume that all pieces of information in the legends were included for a
81 Etienne Lamotte, "Sur la formation du mahayana," in Asiatica: Festschrift flir
Friedrich Weller (Leipzig: Otto Harrowitz, 1954), 388.
82 J. Walters, "Suttas as History: Four Approaches to the Sennon on the Noble Quest
(AryapariYeSana Sutta)," History of Religions (1999): 259.
234 ,JOSEPH WALSER
reason. The purposive element will be stronger for tho1!e elements of the
story that occupy a prominent place in the nariative. For those who are
uncomfortable with the ",intentional fallacy," I will say merely that we
must impute a purposefulness or a strategy to the text in to inter-
pret it in its historical context. In this way of reading the Nagarjuna leg-
ends, we must start with Walter's of its day mode." In general,
hagiographers compose their stories ,with two purposes in mind, spiritual
edification and institutional legitimation. Elements of hagiographies put
there for spiritual edification tend to echo or illustrate themes found in
scripture, such as acts of altruism (Nagarjuna offering up his head upon
request in a number of these legends, echoes the kind of radical giving
found in the Vessantara Jiitaka and a number of Mahayana Sutras). Ele-
ments of hagiographies put there for legitimation are sometimes more
difficult to spot. These fall into two groups. In some stories, the charac-
, ter of Nagarjuna is placed in juxtaposition to a person, place, or theme
that is independently famous. For example, Nagarjuna is often said to
reside at a place called Srlparvata. Srlparvata was already famous by the
time Nagarjuna legends were being written as a powerful and auspicious
place. By locating Nagarjuna there, the character of Nagarjuna takes on
some of the (in this case, magical) legitimacy already associated with the
site. Legitimation also goes the other way. Once Nagarjuna became
famous, his association with piigrlmage sites lent an air of legitimacy
(and antiquity) to those sites (we may speculate that this is partly respon-
sible for Nagarjuna's association with NaIanda in some of the post-tenth
century legends).
If I am correct in describing the rationale for the composition of these
then we have a powerful tool with which to look for historical evi-
dence. Any detail which is present in a story for the purposes of spiritual
edification or for purposes of legitimation may be hypothesized to tell
us more about the compilers of the legend than about the subject of the
legend itself. These elements should be read in the "text of its day mode"
and should not be assumed to tell us anything about Nagarjuna himself.
Note that the existence of such a literary device does not prove that there
is no factual basis; an element of a story may serve the plot and also hap-
pen to be true. Nevertheless, the presence of such devices should make
us question the historical accuracy of the information until we have some
NAOAAJUNA AND THE RATNA.vALf 235
reason to think otherwise. By the same token, if an element of the Nagar-
juna legend proves to be an early element in the tradition, and if it does
not have an obvious role in edification or legitimation, then we have no
choice but to assume that it was included into the hagiographies because
it was "common knowledge" to the compilers of these texts. This does
not mean that the information is objectively true, but rather that the com-
pilers assumed that it was a given, a fact that their readers probably already
knew. To contradict this information even in a legend probably would be
equivalent to someone writing a legend about George Washington in
which he becomes a benevolent ruler of Thailand. Few would buy it
because it goes against what we believe is common knowledge. In the fol-
lowing, I will argue that Nagarjuna's association with the Satavahana
king was this kind of information - which may be as close as we can
come to "proving" his relation with the dynasty.
The Nagarjuna legends are diverse, but the diversity seems to stem
from a just a few factors. In the following, I will discuss what I see to be
four sources by virtue of which the Nagarjuna legends were legitimated.
The fIrst two are traditions, originally independent of the Nagarjuna legend,
that were drawn into the Nagarjuna legend. The other two sources are the-
matic elements that can be found in all of Nagarjuna's legends, which take
on a life of their own. Almost every element that occurs in Nagarjuna
legends can be attributed to at least one of these four sources, while some
of the stories have multiple determinations.
2.5. Other Nagarjunas
Other scholars who have tried to sort out the details of the Nagarjuna
legend have attempted to solve the problem by postulating more than one
Nagarjuna, or many authors using "Nagarjuna" as a nom du plume: one
Nagarjuna who was a Madhyamika philosopher, one who was a tantric
adept, and one who was a medical practitioner. While this hypothesis
should not be accepted without question
83
, it also cannot be completely
83 The multiple Nagarjuna hypothesis has been most seriously criticized by J. Hua, in
his article, "Nagarjuna, One or More? A New Interpretation of Buddhist Hagiography,"
History of Religions 10 (1970): 139-53.
236 JOSEPH WALSER
dismissed. Clearly, there were a number of people harking to the name
Nagfujuna in the history of India. But this does not mean that these "other
Nagarjunas" were operating under a pseudonym, any more than the mod-
ern Telegu actor named Nagarjuna is (Nagarjuna is still a common name
in Andhra Pradesh)84.
The fact that there were a number of later Nagarjunas, does not, how-
ever, help us sort out the details of Nagarjuna's hagiography. We cannot
claim that all of the tantric/alchemical elements of Nagarjuna's hagiog-
raphy belong to a seventh century "tantric" Nagarjuna when these same
elements appear in Kumarajiva's forth/fifth century Biography. Further-
more, works ascribed to a Nagarjuna such as the Yogasataka and the
Rasendra Mahgala do not claim to be written by the same author as the
Miilamadhyamakakdrika
85
and are easy to distinguish. Thus, for the most
part, the assumption of other Nagarjunas will not help us much in sorting
out the details of his hagiography.
There was, however, one other early Nagarjuna (a Jain) who lived in
the early fourth century A.D. who was incorporated into the Nagarjuna
legend translated by Kumarajiva. The Jain legend could be a source for
Nagarjuna's association with Sura*a/Gujarat in Jain sources and as well
as a source for the stories of Nagarjuna' s role in compiling the Mahayana
siitras. In Kumarajiva's account of Nagarjuna and a monk in the Hima-
layas we can discern a borrowiri'g from Jain traditions of the Jain Third
Council. This occurs shortly after Nagarjuna is ordained and after he has
mastered the Tripitaka.
Then [Nagarjuna] sought other texts, but completely failed, so he went to
the Himalayas. In those mountains there was a pagoda, and in that pagoda
there was an old b h i k ~ u who gave him the Mahayana texts
86

It is conceivable that this brief detail of Nagarjuna's biography was assim-
ilated into the story from the (Svetambara) Jain Ardhamagadhi canonical
84 White mentions a number of these other Nagarjunas. Xuanzang met one of the
disciples of Nagarjuna, "who looked thirty despite his 700 years." Similarly, there are a
number of texts of a much later date written by authors named Nagarjuna. The first of
these is the Yogasataka datable to the 7
th
or 9
th
century. Similarly, the 14th century Rasendra
Mangala is ostensibly by a "Srtman Nagarjuna." White, 75.
85 White, 164.
86 Corless 528.
NAGARruNA AND TIlE RATNAvALi 237
text, the Nandisutta, where a Jain Nagfujuna (unrelated
87
) is said to be the
disciple of a master named "Himavat."
35. Homage to Nagarjuna the teacher who was an able sramaTJa of Hima-
vant, and who was the memorizer of the earliest (holy texts) and was
the memorizer of the interpretation of the Kiilika scriptures.
36. Homage to Naglirjuna the canter, who taught the Ogh.a sruta, who
attained the ability to recite in proper order and who was perfectly
acquainted with subtlety and subtle things88.
In the Jain tradition, as in the Buddhist tradition, there were four "Coun-
cils" to determine or confirm the scriptural tradition. The third of these
Councils was held at V alabhi, in the first half of the fourth century and
presided over by a monk named Nagfujuna. This Nagfujuna, according
to the Nandi Sutta passage quoted above, had been the student of a cer-
tain "Himavat ("Snowy"), who entrusted Nagarjuna with the memo-
rization of the early Jain texts and the Kiilika sruta (texts which are to be
read at a specific time). The Nandi Sutta was probably composed some-
time in the fifth century89, but the story obviously dates back to the third
Jain council itself. From the above, it seems likely that the Buddhist tra-
dition (recorded by KumarajIva) that Nagarjuna received an important
set of scriptures (the Mahayana sutras) from a monk in the "Himalayas"
(lit. "Snowy Mountains"), is borrowed from the Jain tradition that a
Nagarjuna, who was a student of "Himavant", memorized two important
sets of texts, the Kiilika srutas and the Piirva (srutas). If the Jain legend
of Nagfujuna is indeed the source of the tradition that places the Buddhist
87 If the Nligiirjuna of the MuZamadhyamakakiirikii is the same as the author of the
Ratniivalithen we can say that he definitely was not a Jain. Ratniivaliverses 61-2 discusses
the superiority of Buddhism to Srupkhya, V a i s e ~ i k a and Jainism insofar as none of these
have a teaching that is beyond existence and non-existence. Similarly, in verse 237 Nligiir-
juna tells the king not to revere other religious specialists (Tirthikas).
88 A. Mahaprajna, ed. Nandi: Prakrit Text, Sanskrit Rendering, Hindi Translation, Com-
parative Notes and Various Appendixes, (Ladnun, Rajasthan: Jain Visva-Bharati Institute,
1997),9.
v. 35 "kiiliyasuya-alJu-ogassa dhiire dhiire ya puvviilJa'!ll hima'!lvatakhamiisamalJe
vaf!lde lJiigajjulJiiyariell"
V. 36 "miu-maddava-sa'!lpalJlJe alJupu'!lvvi vayagattalJaf!! pattel oha-suya-samiiyiire
niigajjulJavaye vaf!ldell"
89 Natubhai Shah, lainism: The World of the Conquerors, (portland: Sussex Academic
Press, 1998) 17.
238 .JOSEPH WALSER
Nagarjuna in the Himalayas, then we have grounds to question the claim
that Nagarjuna was there. In later hagiographies of Nagarjuna, the con-
nection with the Himalayas is dropped and Nagarjuna is only said to have
received these texts from the Naga kingdom. Nevertheless, the element
of the story that claims Naglirjuna to be the bearer of an important class
of religious texts remains.
In terms of the effect of this connection, on the one hand, the character
of Nagarjuna receives some authority by a partial merging with the char-
acter of the more recently famous Jain Naglirjuna. At the same time, Kumlira-
jIva's story demotes the status of the Himalayan monk/Himavantaclirya,
thereby taking legitimacy away from the Jain tradition even as it borrows
legitimacy from a Jain saint. Nagarjuna learns what he can from this monk,
but is dissatisfied and looks for other Mahayana siitras elsewhere.
2.6. The Mahiimegha Prophecy and related Siitras
One of the best ways to grant legitimacy to a Buddhist saint is to have
his birth and career predicted by the Buddha. This was certainly the idea
behind the prophecy about the monk "whose name sounds like Naga" in
the Lahkavatara Sittra. There is another prophecy that may have factored
into the construction of the Nagarjuna legends - a prophecy that, in its
original context was unrelated W/Naglirjuna but was conscripted into the
Nagarjuna legend at least by the time of CandrakIrti (seventh century).
Like the Jain Naglirjuna, this proph:,ecy may also be a source for the leg-
ends locating Naglirjuna's residence in Gujarat. On the other hand, we
must also consider whether this prophecy could also be the source for the
Jmdition associating Nagarjuna with a Satavahana king. In his Madhya-
makavatara, CandrakIrti relates the following prophecy about Nagarjuna:
Also from the Mahamegha (Great Cloud) Sutra in 12,000 [verses]: "Ananda,
this Licchavi youth called 'Joy-When-Seen-By-All-Beings,' when 400 years
after my parinirviU)a have elapsed, will be a fully ordained monk named
Niiga [who will] spread widely my teaching. Finally, in the world realm
called the 'Pure illumination,' (Prasannaprabha
90
) he will become an arhant,
90 Demieville has, "Suvisuddhaprabhabhiimi." See P. Demieville, "Sur un passage du
Mahiimeghasiitra," appendix 2 of "Les versions chinois du Milindapafiha," Bulletin de
I 'Ecole jranraise d'Extreme-Orient 24, (1924): 218.
NAGAR.ruNA AND TIlE RATNAVAIl 239
a Samyaksambuddha, named 'Jfianakarapriibha.'91 Therefore, by means of
this iigama [Niigarjuna's prediction] has been necessarily, and unmistakably
.
The section of the Mahiimegha Sutra to which CandrakIrti is refe:rring has
the Buddha talking about the past and future lives of a certain Liccavi youth
named "Pleasant-to-See-by-all-Sentient-Beings" (sems can thams cad kyis
mthon na dga' ba,). Versions of the prophecy concerning the lives of this
youth also appear in the Mahabherfharakaparivarta Sutra, and the Suvar-
1}aprabhiisottama Sutra.
The problem with this prophecy insofar as Nagarjuna is concerned
is that, while the earliest translation of the Mahiimegha into Chinese
93
does mention that a Licchavi youth will be reborn as the monk who will
protect the dharma, it does not mention the monk's name. The closest
that this translation comes is to say that the Licchavi youth was formerly
a mysterious naga king
94
, named MahavTryanagaraja
95
The
Licchavi is, however, associated with a Satavahana king in a future
life
96
The Buddha foretells that 1200 years after his death, the Licchavi
youth will be reborn to a brahmin in the kingdom ruled by a great South
Indian king named Satavahana (So-duo-po-he-na whose
kingdom is called (Sura-rtra - modem Gujarat). He will be born
in a village called "shan-jang-shi" :ft1:f1!e: on the river "hua-huan"
During this lifetime he will become a monk who, among other things,
91 ye ses 'bYUli gnas 'ad.
92 "yan 'phags pa sprin chen po stan phrag bcu gfiis pa las kyanl kun dga' po li tsa
byi gzon nu sems can thams cad kyis mthon na dga' ba zes bya ba 'di ni na my a nan las
'das nas 10 bzi brgya Ion pa na klu zes bya ba'i dge sian du gyur nas nai bstan pa rgyas
par rab tu bstan tel mthar gyi sa rab tu dan ba'i ad ces bya ba'i 'jig rten gyi khams su de
bzin gsegs pa dgra beam pa yan dag par rdzogs pa'i sans rgyas ye ses 'byun gnas 'ad ces
bya bar 'gyur ro zes gsuns sol de'i phyir 'dis lun phyin ci ma log par nes par grub boll"
L. de la Viuee Poussin, Madhyamakiivatiira par Candraklrti, Bibliotheca Buddhica IX.
(Osnabruk: Biblio Verlag, 1970) 76.
93 Translation done = an Indian monk who arrived in
China in 412. See Demieville (1978), 243.
94 T. 387, 1l00a7-8.
9S TIlls is Demieville's reconstruction. See, Demieville (1924), 225.
96 "The one who at that time was the niiga king MahavIrya is now the Licchavi,
Priyadarsana, and will become the who protects the dharma." IIif
T. 387, 1l00b5-6. See Demieville, 228.
240 JOSEPH WALSER
teaches the vaipulyasatra of the Mahayana, supports and lifts up the
Dharma, and distributes this (the Mahamegha) sutra throughout the world
97

Thus, whoever this person is, he is associated with western India, and a
Satavahana king. Given that there are a number of different versions of
the Mahamegha Satra in existence, we cannot rule out the possibility that
CandrakIrti is actually quoting from the version that he knew, a version
that is no longer available. However, given the fact that Nagarjuna's name
also does not appear in any other version of this prophecy98, it seems
more likely that CandrakIrti' s statement reflects more of the reading prac-
tice of the Buddhist community that he represents than an actual textual
variant.
Mabbett takes another of the Mahamegha's prophecies to refer to Nagar-
juna. This is the prophecy that occurs at the very end of the slitra and
discusses a certain princess who will be the daughter of a "Satavahana"
(his reconstruction of king on the south bank of the river
in a town called "Dhanyakataka." He concludes, "the
Mahiimegha Satra therefore offers us a 'Niiga' and a 'Nagaraj a, , named
in proximity to a prophecy about a Satavahana ruler at Dhanyakataka"IOO.
Mabbett may be reading this sutra too much through the lens of later
Tibetan sources. Bu-ston and the other Tibetan historians do place Nagar-
juna at Dhanyakataka, but the version of the Mahamegha &ttra that Mab-
bett (through Demi6ville) cites does'not. The "proximate prophecy" to which
Mabbett refers, occurs many pages after the prophecies attributed to
Nagarjuna by classical sources with nothing to link them. Furthermore,
it is clear from the text that the Dhanyakataka story is a prophecy relat-
ing a future birth of the devl, who is a character in the story unrelated to
tl1e future-B -Licchavi/past -Nagaraj a.
Not all traditional authors were convinced that the "Niiga" to whom
CandrakIrti alludes in this prophecy refers so unmistakably to Nagarjuna.
97 Demieville, 227; T. 387, 1099c-llOOa.
98 The Mahiibherfhiirakapanvarta Sutra does give a name to this monk, but that name
is "Mindful." See Hopkins, p. 15. Similarly, the name Nagarjuna is nowhere mentioned
in the corresponding prophecy in the SuvanJaprabhiisottama Sutra. See J. Nobel, ed.
SuvaTl;zaprabhiisottamasutra: Das Goldglanz-Sutra, (Leiden: E.J. Brill Publishers, 1950),
12-17.
99 The Sanskrit is from Mabbett's reconstruction. See Mabbett, 337.
100 Ibid.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAvAU 241
Bu-ston, for one, provides an extended quotation from the Mahiimegha
Sidra contextualizing Candraklrti's citation, and then adds, "So it is to be
read, but it is not clear, whether (this passage) really refers to Nagar-
juna. "101 From the passage that Bu-ston quotes, it is clear that his version
differs from Candraklrti's, insofar as in Candraklrti's version the monk
is named Niiga, whereas in Bu-ston's version, the monk bears the name
of the Buddha (presumably some form of "Sakya-"). Bu-ston explains that
others have made this misattribution based on the fact that Nagarjuna's
ordained name is said to have been "Sakyamitra" 102. Nevertheless, he
remains skeptical.
Given that this prophecy probably had nothing to do with Nagarjuna
initially, the question of how its subsequent association with Nagarjuna
was justified in the minds of its interpreters becomes more significant.
Why this prophecy? Was Nagarjuna associated with this prophecy because
it has a monk associated with a Satavahana king or is Nagarjuna associ-
ated with a Satavahana king because he is associated with this prophecy?
In order for Candraklrti to make his interpretation of the text plausible,
we have to assume that there was some element of the future Licchavi's
life that corresponded to information that was already known about Nagar-
juna. Unlike the prophecy in the Lankiivatiira Sidra that gives specifics
of the monks philosophical activities, this prophecy does not tell us any-
thing about the future monk's affiliations except that he is an advocate
for the Mahayana and propagates the Vaipulya Sutras. We are not given
a name for this monk, so the attribution cannot be on similarity of name.
Niigas playa big part in the Mahiimegha Sutra (a factor which will
be discussed more below), but unlike the Riijataranginl, the particular
story in the Mahiimegha that is associated with Nagarjuna is not a story
about Nagas, except insofar as the monk had been a Niiga king two births
previously. Neither of these factors alone should have been enough to
identify Nagarjuna with this monk. The attribution of Nagarjuna to the
prophecy about the Licchavi youth only crosses the threshold of plausi-
bility when these two elements are taken together with the association with
the Siitaviihana king. The future, unnamed monk who in a past life was
101 Bu-ston, 129.
102 Ibid. 129-30.
242 JOSEPH WALSER
a Niiga king, who will teach the Mahayana, and associate a Satavahana
king in his future life, probably did sound like Nagarjuna to Candraldrti.
Thus, we should see information about Nagarjuna and the Satavahana
king as leading to the association of Nagarjuna with this prophecy, and
not that Nagarjuna is associated with this prophecy and therefore becomes
associated with the Satavahana king.
2.7. Nagas
There are a number of elements that occur in every story related to Nagar-
juna, and some elements that have a more isolated occurrence. I will exam-
ine two of these elements - niigas and alchemy - to show how they have
a bearing on his association with particular kings and place names.
Every account of Nagarjuna has some etiological myth related to his
name, i.e., some myth relating to niigas or snakes. This is not the place
to go into all of the cultural significance of niigas in early India, but suf-
fice it to say that niigas were considered to be creatures of great magical
power, who were often conscripted into the service of Buddhism in Bud-
dhist legends. Nagarjuna's connection to niigas usually involves his receiv-
ing some gift or boon from a niiga king. In the this is an
antidote to all poisons, a gift of the moon. In Kumarajlva's Biography and
in the Tibetan historical tradition,Jhe gift is the Prajfiiipiiramitii Siitras.
In these myths we see an attempt to tie the character of Nagfujuna to some
other element desirable to the hagiographer (such as alchemy or Mahayana
Buddhism) through the instrument of his name.
Other associations made with niigas are more complicated. Phyllis Gra-
noff has identified this theme as one of the threads unifying all Jain biogra-
phies of Nagarjuna103. These stories are replete with niiga associations. The
most obvious of these is the fact that in Jain hagiographies Nagfujuna's father
is the niiga king, Vasuki. Subtler use of the niiga connection is made in
Nagarjuna's association with, Stambhana Trrtha.
What makes Nagilrjuna's association with Stambhana rrrtha possible is the
sinuous snakes. Stambhana was in fact revered for being the locus of a mag-
ical image of the rrrthamkilra Parsvanatha. Now biographies of Parsvanatha
103 Granoff, 47.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAvALl 243
are unanimous in pointing out connection between this rrrthamkitra and the
snake god Dharanendra. Niigitrjuna is said to have brought the magical image
of Parsvaniitha to Stiimbhana in the advice of his father the snake king, in
order to make his elixir, in an act that now must seem almost natural in the
associative world of these texts: the son of the snake God brings to the holy
site the image of the tfrthamkiira protected by the snake deityl04.
As we have seen, niigas are a contributing factor in CandrakIrti's associ-
ation of Nagar-juna with the Mahiimegha Si1tra. This sutra is primarily a
vehicle for transmitting a rain-making mantra. As such, the role of niigas
as both listeners of the sutra and as characters in the story is emphasized.
In addition to the Satavahana connection, CandrakIrti's association of
Nagarjuna with the Licchavi youth was probably aided by the youth's
past life as the Nagaraja (one cannot help but notice the play-on-words with
"Nagar-juna") MahavIrya.
The niiga connection played a more critical role in the assimilation of
the Nagarjuna legend into the chronicles of Kashmir in the Riijatarangir}L
In this work, Nagar-juna and his Mahayana followers are credited with
leading good brahmins away from the rites of the "Nlla[mata]puriir.za,"
with the result that the niigas sent the snows to destroy the people. Those
who did not adhere to Buddhism and still performed the rites were mag-
ically spared, while all of the Buddhists were destroyed. The snows only
abated when a certain brahmin, Candradeva practiced austerities to please
NTIa, "lord of the [Kashmir] Nagas, and protector of the land." This NTIa
then reestablishes the rites previously revealed in his puriir.za. The story
is then summed up as follows: "As the first Candradeva had stopped
the plague of the Y thus the second brought an end in this land the
intolerable plague of the 105. The entire story is a reworking of
an older legend contained in the Nllamata Puriir.za
106
with Nagar-juna
104 Granoff, 48.
105 A. Stein, 33.
106 See Stein 33, note 184. uK. refers here to the legend told in the Nilamata (vv. 325
sq.) regarding the liberation of the land from the Pisacas. The latter ... occupied Kasnllr
under a sentence of KiiSyapa during the six months of winter, while men lived there for
the remaining six months only, and emigrated each year before the month of Asvayuja.
The deliverance of the country from the Pisacas and the excessive cold was effective after
four Yugas through the observance of the rites which Candradeva, and old Brahman,
descended from KiiSyapa, had learned from the Nila Naga ... The story told by K[alhana]
244 .JOSEPH WALSER
imported into the beginning of the story to explain why the Niigas were
angry. That there were Buddhists in Kashmir was certainly common
knowledge. The detail ofNagarjuna at the head of the Buddhists seems
to have been added as a poetic way to connect Mahayana Buddhists (we
can assume that it was common knowledge by that time that he was a
Mahayanist) with a story about Nagas. However, unlike the Jain stories,
Nagarjuna is the villain who is antagonistic to the niiga king, Nila. Thus,
pending any discovery to the contrary, the associations of Nagarjuna with
both Stambana Trrtha and Kashmir should be regarded as serving a legit-
imating function in their legends and not as fact.
2.8. Alchemy
Another element common to all traditions concerning Nagarjuna is that
he was an alchemist. At the time that these legends were first composed
(ca. fifth century), alchemy was of great interest in the courts and
monasteries in India as well as in China. Whether one is trying to sell
the Nagarjuna legend to an Indian audience or whether one is trying to
export the legend to a Chinese audience, claiming that the saint is an
alchemist would have ensured the audience's attention. While the Jain
tradition is perhaps the first to actually use the term "rasayiina siddha"107
("alchemist") to describe Nagatjuna, this idea clearly has roots going
back to Kumarajlva's stories of Nagarjuna. In Kumarajlva's Biography,
Nagarjuna is credited with making an "elixir" ( ~ ) of invisibility. In the
story, he and some friends go to a magician for the formula. The Magi-
cian, wanting them to remain dependent on him, doesn't give them the
l;rmula, but gives them pills that they are to grind to a paste and put on
their eyelids. Nagarjuna smells the resulting paste and guesses its 70
ingredients along with their quantities. The theme of Nagarjuna detect-
ing the formula for an elixir appears again in the PrabandhacintamiilJi,
where there it is an ointment for flying which he smells under the ruse
in i. 178-184 is obviously in particulars a mere rechauffe of the ancient legend. The char-
itable comparison between the Pisacas and the Bauddhas leaves no doubt as to the source
from which K. borrowed it."
107 For example, Rajasekhara Sfui uses this term in his Prabandha Kosa, p. 85.
of washing his master's feet (the ointment works when applied to the
feet) 108. In Xuanzang, Bu-ston, Taranatha, and the PrabandhacintamiilJi,
Nagarjuna is credited with turning rocks into gold10
9
In Xuanzang's
account, this is done in order to help a Satavahana king out of financial
straits, while in Tibetan accounts, it is done to feed the Xuan-
zang reports that, "Nagarjuna had the secret to long life,"110 though
the source of this long life is not mentioned. In Bu-ston, Taranatha, the
Brhatkathiimafijiiri, the Kathiisaritsiigara, and Jain sources, he is credited
with producing an elixir of longevity. In the PrabhiindhacintiimalJi, this
is in order to prove his perfection of charity. In Bu-ston and Taranatha
this elixir is shared with the Satavahana kinglll whose life is prolonged
thereby.
That Nagarjuna is consistently associated with alchemy explains a
number of details that we find in biographies of Nagarjuna. Granoff points
out that Nagarjuna is associated with Padaliptiicarya by virtue of the fact
that the Jain master was "the best known of all wizards in the Jain tra-
dition"ll2. Of course, the niiga connection also played a role in the asso-
ciation, insofar as Padaliptacarya was the boon of the snake Goddess
Vairothya to his barren parents. Further, according to the Prabandhakosa,
Padaliptacarya was really named "Nagendra." 1 13 Nagarjuna' s connection
to Padaliptacarya may be one of the rationales behind his association
with Gujarat in general and Mt. Dharrka in particular. Padaliptacarya is
associated with the mountain and Nagarjuna is associated with the iicii-
rya
114

108 Granoff, 49-50.
109 This theme also shows up (predictably) in tantric stories related to Nagfujuna. White
mentions two such incidents; one in the Rasendra Mangala, where Nagarjuna promises
the Goddess Prajiiaparamita that he will tum Srlparvata into gold. On the other hand, in a
14th century Telegu work, the Navanatha by GauraI.J.a, the credit for this feat is given to
Nagarjuna's student (also named Nagarjuna). See White, 166.
110 Watters, II: 201.
III In Xuanzang's account the length of the Satavi'ihana king's life is also tied to Nagar-
juna's, but no elixir is mentioned.
ll2 Granoff, 47
113 Ibid. 57.
114 The way to the association of Nagarjuna with Gujarat is opened by his identifica-
tion with the monk in the Mahtimegha Sutra (Mt. Satruiijaya is in Bhavnagar
district, Gujarat).
246 JOSEPH WALSER
The alchemical connection is also the inspiration for the story in the
Brhatkathamafijarz and the Kathiisaritsiigara, where the king is named
"C-rrayus" ("long-life"). Clearly, the king's name is merely a function of
a story about Nagarjuna' s alchemical feat of producing an elixir of immor-
tality. Finally, it is worth considering whether Nagarjuna's association
with Sriparvata may be an association made by his biographers solely
through his association with alchemy, as the name Sriparvata had strong
associations with the study of alchemy dating back at least to the fIfth/sixth
century (when some of the earliest biographies were written). Nagarjuna's
association with this site may be nothing more than the association of his
alchemy with the most famous alchemical site.
In fact, the numerous stories about Nagarjuna's alchemical prowess
may even confrrm Nagarjuna's South Indian origin. This is because, while
there are so many hagiographical details are associated alchemy, the curi-
ous fact is that there is no evidence that Nagarjuna was an alchemist.
Although there are a number of works surviving in the Tibetan canon
which are ascribed to Nagarjuna, according to White, "Of the fifty-nine
works attributed to Nagarjuna and translated, in the twelfth through thir-
teenth centuries A.D. into Tibetan in the Tanjur, none contains any alchem-
ical material"1l5. This is a curious circumstance for a fIgure who became
the alchemist par excellence not only in his own religious tradition but in
the Hindu and Jain traditions as,well. No other Buddhist figure has been
so widely renowned for alchemy and appropriated into other traditions as
an alchemist. Thus, the origin of the alchemical association requires some
explanation.
In Kumarajiva's Biography, we find three examples of Nagarjuna's
magic (only the first of these feats is alchemy proper). The first story is
Nagarjuna's mishap with the invisibility potion, the second is his magi-
cal battle with a brahmin and the third is his conversion of the south
Indian king. At the beginning of each of these stories there is something
to tell us that he is in South India. As a matter of fact, of the four times
South India is mentioned, three of these introduce a story about his
alchemy or wizardry. It should be kept in mind that while there are no
115 White, 70.
NAGARJUNA AND THE RATNA'VAL! 247
Indian sources from the fifth century which explicitly talk: about alchem-
ical practices, alchemy was already finnly ensconced in the popular imag-
ination of the Chinese for whom Kumarajlva was writing. In fact, in Ge
Hong's Baopuzi
1l6
(ca. 320 A.D.) there is a discussion of an
potion. It is quite possible that the early associations of Nagarjuna with
alchemy came from Kumarajlva trying to appeal to Chinese interests.
The question remains why this practice would be associated with South
India. The answer could be as simple as South India being a vast unknown
region to Kumarajlva and hence the appropriate location for exotic heroes.
Yet, by the time that Kumarajlva is writing, the trade routes between
north and south are well traveled and the exotic South does not seem
to be a major theme in the literature and drama of the day. This, coupled
with the fact that, there are sources (such as Candraklrti's CatuJ:tsata-
kavrtti) which mention South India apart from any mention of alchemy,
leaves us with the impression that, for Kumarajlva, Nagarjuna's South
Indian origin was probably a fact independent of his association with
Alchemy.
So where does all of this leave us? Tracing the literary connections in
the various legends of Nagarjuna has led us to question the validity of
Nagarjuna's associations with Kashmir, the Himalayas, Mt. Dhanka,
Stambhana rrrtha, and Srlparvata. Similarly, the stories of Nagarjuna's
association with King C-rrayus, and with and have
also been called into question. The only element of these stories that does
not seem to have been put there for specific sectarian/institutional/ideo-
logical motivations is Nagarjuna's association with the Satavahana king.
As far as his residence is concerned, we are left with three names that occur
prominently in Nagarjuna legends - Nalanda, Vidarbha, and possibly
Dhanyakataka.
Nalanda cannot be taken seriously as a possibility for three reasons.
First, it was not a strong monastic center until about 425
117
, i.e., after
Kumarajlva's report that Nagarjuna had been dead over one-hundred
years. Second, Nagarjuna's associations with Nalanda are confined to
116 J.R. Ware, Alchemy, Medicine, and Religion in the China of A.D. 320: the Nei P'ien
of Ko Hung (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1966) 16.2a.
117 K. Satcidananda Murti, Ntigtirjuna (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1971),50.
248 . JOSEPH WALSER
Tibetan Buddhist sources that are concerned with p!acing him in the
transmission lineage for the Guhyasamiijatantra, a text that was impor-
tant in the curriculum at Nalanda. Third, Xuanzang and Yijing both spent
considerable time at Nalanda and studied Nagar-juna's texts there. It is
strange that they would have spent so much time there and yet heard
nothing of a man whose works played such an important part in the
curriculum.
Though absence of evidence cannot be taken as evidence of absence,
the silence of the pre-tenth-century sources about a north Indian origin for
Nagar-juna should be carefully examined. Kumar-ajlva was born in Kucha,
and at the age of nine, went with his mother to libin (IjJlijJr - Kashmir)
where he received his early schooling. Presumably, it was in Kashgar
that he studied and memorized the texts of Nagfujuna 118. If he was between
fifty and sixty years old when he translated Nagarjuna's Biography in
Changan and testified that Nagarjuna had been dead nearly one-hundred
years, we may assume that Nagar-juna had been dead considerably less
time than that when he first studied his texts before the age of twenty.
Given this, it seems unlikely that he would not have heard any news of
Nagarjuna having lived on the same trade route as the places where he
(Kumarajlva) studied. By the same reasoning, Xuangzang, Yijing, and
Huichao traveled to India during the sixth through eighth centuries and
spent considerable time at Nalanda University, and none of them heard
stories connecting Nagar-juna with North India or with a North Indian
king, while all of them (Kumarajlva included) heard stories connecting
Nagar-juna with South India and two of them heard of his association with
a Satavahana king
119
.
Thus far, we have shown that all but two of the place-names associ-
ated with Nagar-juna are associated with him for reasons of questionable
historical value, and that sites and kings in North India are unlikely. The
118 Robinson, 72.
119 In this connection, however, it should be mentioned that Xuanzang visited
Dhanyakataka and did not hear any stories about Nagarjuna. I would argue that this case
is different from that of Nalanda insofar as Nalanda was still a vibrant university when
he visited there (and hence, one should expect some institutional memory of a former
master to survive), whereas many of the monasteries around Dhanyakataka were deserted.
See Watters, 214.
NA.GARruNA AND THE RATNA:vAIl 249
two remaining sites are in South India. Furthermore, the sites of Vidarbha
arid Dhanyakataka (provided this latter attribution does not come from the
Kiilacakra sutra) do not seem to be connected to stories about alchemy
or niigas, and should be taken seriously as possible sites for Nagarjuna's
residence. Since these two sites had strong associations with the Satava-
hana dynasty, these sites may also lend their weight to the" connection
between Nagarjuna and a Sataviihana king.
The Sataviihana connection fInds further support in the fact that, while
all of the elements in the Nagiirjuna hagiography discussed so far have
some connection either to niigas or alchemy, the Sataviihana dynasty does
not have strong connections to either; This is especially noticeable in the
Kathiisaritsiigara, where the legends of Nagarjuna and those of Satava-
hana are separated. All of the stories about alchemy and niigas go with
Nagarjuna while none of these elements are contained in the story of
Sataviihana. The Sataviihana king is mentioned in the Mahiimegha legend,
but as I argued above, it is unlikely that the Mahiimegha is the source of
this information. In short, Nagarjuna's connection to a Sataviihana king
seems to have occurred independent of any of the hagiographical patterns
of legitimation we have discussed so far. True, in later hagiographical
literature, it is not uncommon for a saint to have interactions with a king,
but in most of these legends, the king is unnamed. It does help the legit-
imacy a saint to be associated with a king, but if this association were
made up, we should expect to not see unanimity as to the name of the king.
The diversity of the legends about what Nagarjuna did with this king rule
out a single, "ur-" source for this information. Hence, we are still pressed
to explain why Nagarjuna is associated with this dynasty. While there
are a number of legends about K a n i ~ k a as a great patron of Buddhism,
the only stories about a Sataviihana king being a benefactor of Buddhism
occur in conjunction with legends of Nagarjuna. As far as the early Indian
literary imagination was concerned, the Sataviihana dynasty was proba-
bly not the best dynasty to attach your saint to. Until another explanation
can be offered, we simply have no choice but to consider that Nagarjuna's
hagiographers assumed this information to be common knowledge. Thus,
through a long process of elimination, the best reading of the information
we have points to Nagarjuna's residence in the Deccan during the reign
of a Sataviihana king.
250 JOSEPH WALSER
3. The Ratnavali and the Satavahana Dynasty: The Impge of the Buddha
Thus far, I have established that two facts are likely: that a Satavi'ihana
king was Nagarjuna's patron and that Nagarjuna was most likely the
author of the Ratnavall. How do these two pieces of information get
us closer to determining the date or the residence of Nagarjuna? Simply
put, the Ratnavalf instructs the king to say a certain ritual formula three
times a day in front of an "image of the Buddha," and to construct images
of the Buddha "positioned on lotuses." If the arguments concerning
Nagarjuna's patron and his authorship of the Ratnavall are correct, then
the it would have to have been written:
a) during the reign of a Satavahana king
b) at a time and in a region where Buddhas sitting on lotuses were a
motif in use
c} at a time and in a region where Buddha images were available as dis-
tinct objects of veneration and/or propitiation
d) to a king who could have had access to an appropriate Buddha image
to recite Nagarjuna's twenty verse prayer
Although anthropomorphic images of the Buddha had wide currency around
Gandhara and Mathura as early as the first century, during most of the S a t a v a ~
hana dynasty anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha were absent
in the Deccan. In fact, very few of the Satavahana kings were alive at a time
and a place to meet all of the aJ50ve criteria for the Ratnavall's addressee.
In the following, I argue that probably the only Satavahana king meeting all
three criteria is Yajfia Sri, and then only during the years when he ruled from
Dhanyakataka. If the Purfu)ic accounts concerning the length of Satavahana
,reigns are accurate, then the Ratnavalf must have been written within a
29-year period somewhere in the area of the lower Krishna River valley.
In the Ratnavall there are three verses where Nagarjuna mentions
images of the Buddha
120
.
120 Wooden images of the Buddha are also mentioned in verse 2 of the Suhrllekha: "Just
as the wise ones will respect a statue of the Sugata, even though it be made of wood [and]
however [unadorned] it may be, so in the same manner, although this composition of mine
may be pitiful, may you not criticize it, for it is based on the Sublime Teaching." See
Golden Zephyr, 6. GUl).avarman's translation does not specifically mention wood, but refers
to a "Buddha image which is carved and painted" ("MI::':f1llif") T. 1672, p. 745b14.
However, since Nagarjuna's authorship of this text is more difficult to defend, I will shall
limit our inquiry to the relevant verses of the Ratnavall.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAvAIl
Verse 231: You should respectfully and extensively construct
. Images of Buddha, Monuments, [stiipasJ and temples
And Provide residences, abundant riches, and so forth
121
.
Verse 232: Please construct from all precious substances
Images of Buddha with fme proportions,
Well designed and sitting on lotuses,
Adorned with all precious substances
122
.
Verse 465: Therefore in the presence of an image [of the Buddha 123J
Or monument [stiipaJ or something else
Say these twenty stanzas
Three times every day124:
251
121 Translation of these verses is from Hopkins, 124-5 and 159. There is no Sanskrit
available for any of these verses.
Tibetan: 231. sans rgyas sku gzugs mchod rten danl gtsug lag khan dag gus tshul dul
sin tu rgya chen gnas mal sogsl rgya chen phyug pa bsgrub par mdzodll
Variant readings: 23lc [Narthang and Peking] "gnas lam" vs. "gnas mal" in Chone,
Derge and in Rgyal tshab Ije's commentary on the Ratniivali. Halm, 78.
T. 1656, 498b26-27.
122 232. Tin chen kun las bgyis pa yil sans rgyas sku gzugs dbyibs mdzes sinl legs par
bTis pa padma lal Mugs pa dag kyan bgyid do stsolll
Variations: v. 232b Narthang and Peking have legs sin whereas Chone and Derge have
mdes sin. 232d; Narthang and Peking have two lines: biugs pa dag la Tin po chel kun gyis
brgyan pa bgyid du gsoll. The Chone and Derge versions, however, are conftrmed by
Rgyal tshab Ije and Piiramiirtha's translation (below). Halm, Ibid.
Dunne and McClintock write the following note: "The Zhol, Narthang and Peking
editions of a slightly different reading. Following those editions, the verse would read as
follows: "From all kinds of precious substances, please make well drawn and beautifully
proportioned images of buddhas seated upon lotuses and adorned with all kinds of gems. "
Dunne, and McClintock, The Precious Garland: An Epistle to a King, (Boston: Wisdom
Publications, 1997), 118, note 50. My thanks to John Dunne and Wisdom Press for pro-
viding me with a copy of this translation.
Paramiirtha's translation:
(var. Ming mss. "jf") i'!itL.
-tJJ3?illfm T. 1656, 498b28-28.
123 Both Dunne/McClintock and Hopkins translate "sku gzugs" as "icon," which is
certainly acceptable. For our purposes, however, "icon" could refer to any of a number
of non-anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha (such as the empty throne, the Bud
dhapada, etc.) prevalent in fudia until the third century CE. It should be noted that a more
literal translation for sku gzugs would be "body-image." Since the word sku is the respect-
ful form for Ius = "body," it is implied that the image the king is to go in front of is an image
of the Buddha's body. The phrase is nnequivocal in Paramiirtha's Chinese translation:
Therefore, rise up determined and appear before a Buddha or caitya ... "
124 465. de phyir sku gzugs mchod rten gyil spyan sna 'am yan na gian yan runl tshigs
su bead pa Hi su 'dil Hin gcig biin yan dus gsum brjodll Halm, 155.

T. 1656, 504b 12-13.
252 JOSEPH WALSER
That these verses refer to actual images of Buddhas (as,opposed to Bud-
dhas to be visualized in meditation) is clear from the context. Verses 231
and 232 begin a long list. of construction and public works projects for
the king to perform. Nagarjuna is clearly not talking about meditation in
this section. It is also likely that the image referred to in verse A65 was
also a physical image, as this practice of using physical images in a
Mahayana ritual context has been found in other sources contemporary
with the Ratniivalz
l25
If Nagarjuna lived at some distance from the king,
we might refine our criteria further by stating that the motif of a Buddha
on a lotus had to have been available at a time and in a place where
Nagarjuna could have been aware of it, whereas the king merely had to
have access to a free-standing image of the Buddha (preferably one not
embedded in a narrative context), in front of which he could perform this
ritual. I am of course assuming that Nagarjuna would not have suggested
that the king go in front of an image of the Buddha knowing that such a
thing did not exist where the king lived.
3.1. The Buddha Image in the Deccan
For a Satavahana king to be able to stand in front of an anthropomor-
phic image of the Buddha (as opposed to an iconic representation) and
recite a formula, he would most4ikely have to have lived in the eastern
Deccan sometime after the fIrst century A.D. Though the western Deccan
sites of Nasik, and Paithan were centers of Satavahana political activity
125 Paul Harrison writes, " ... there can be no doubt that by the second century C.E.
some Buddhists were indeed practicing a form of buddhiinusm{'ti that ... included detailed
visualization of the physical body of the Buddha, and was accompanied by the use of
images. The principle evidence for this is provided by a Mahayana siitra called the Pratyut-
panna-buddha-saT{lmukhiivasthita-samiidhi-sutra . .. the first translation of which was made
by the Indo-Scythian in 179 CE." Paul Harrison, "Commemoration and Iden-
tification in Buddhiinusmrti," in In the Mirror of Memory: Reflections on Mindfulness and
Remembrance in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism, Janet Gyatso, ed. (Albany: State Univer-
sity of New York Press, 1992),220. It is interesting to note in this regard that while
Mahayana siitras such as the Ugradattapariprcchii and the late
mention a Mahayana ritual similar to the one that NagiiIjuna describes in the Ratniivalr,
the Ratniivali is the only text that instructs the adherent to stand in front of a statue or stiipa
and not to stand in front of a (human monk?) Mahayana Bodhisattva.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAv.1Li
253
until at least the reign ofYajfia Sri Sataka,nft, (170-198 A.D126.) virtually
no anthropomorphic images (sculpted or painted) of the Buddha have
been found anywhere in the western Deccan during the Satavahana
dynasty. Most scholars place the beginning of anthropomorphic. repre-
sentation of the Buddha in the Western Deccan much later, during the
reign of Harisena (ca. 450-500 CE) of the Viikataka dynasty127. Thus,
even if A.M. Shastri is right in claiming that Kumbha Satakan;ri, Kart;la
Satakarni, and Saka Satakarni were the last three rulers of the Satava-
. .
hana dynasty who ruled from Vidarbha right up to the beginning of the
Viikataka dynasty128, it is still unlikely that any of these were Nagarjuna's
patron, because none of them would have had access to a Buddha image
in that region. For this reason, any king who could have been Nagarjuna's
patron would have had to live in the eastern Deccan.
126 Though the controversies surrounding the dates and chronology of the Satavahana
dynasty are far from over, throughout this article I will use the dates provided by Shastri.
See A.M. Shastri, The Satavahanas and the Western Kshatrapas: A Historical Framework
(Nagpur: Dattsons, 1998), 131. Since I am fixing Niigiirjuna's dates to the reign ofYajiia
Sii, one should adjust the dates of the former to correspond to discoveries concerning the
date of the latter.
127 See W. Spink, Ajanta to Ellora, (Ann Arbor: Marg Publications, 1967),7-8. There
is one notable exception. It is, however, an exception that perhaps proves the point.
Marilyn Leese has documented two anthropomorphic images of the Buddha at cave 3 at
Kanheri. These images (which she takes pains to prove were carved during the reign of
Yajiia Sii) are quite small, only about a foot high, and are placed at the top of a pillar so
as to be inconspicuous. She attributes their small size to their being modeled after portable
images procured through trade with the north. See M. Leese, "The Early Buddhist Icons
in Kanheri's Cave 3," Artibus Asiae, 41 (1979): 93. M.K. Dhavalikar, however, attributes
their small stature to another motive: "[The Kanheri Buddha images] have been carved
on the top of the pillar. No one can normally see it and it therefore seems highly likely
that the sculptor had stealthily carved it without the knowledge of the donor." M.K. Dhava-
likar, Later Hinayana Caves o/Western India, (poona: Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute, 1984),66. Dhavalikar takes this as proof positive that the Buddha image
had made it to the Western Deccan by the end of the second century, perhaps in order to
support his claim that some of the shrine niches found at Kanheri may have contained
wooden images of the Buddha. Be that as it may, the fact remains that no such images have
been found. This coupled with the avoidance of any open anthropomorphic representation
of the Buddha in stone or in paint, leaves us with the impression that whereas the Buddha
image may have been known at this time, its representation was considered somehow dis-
tasteful.
128 See A.M. Shastri, "The Closing Phase of the Satavahana Power and Allied Issues,"
in Early History o/the Deccan, (Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan, 1987): 38-44.
254 JOSEPH WALSER
There are only a few places in the eastern Deccan which were home
to Satavahana kings. It appears that Pulamavi, Sivarriakaskandha Gau-
tamiputra and Yajfia Sn Sataka.rr)i may have ruled from Dhanyakataka and
Vijaya ruled from Nagatjunakonda (also known as Vijayapura). It is not
known from whence the last two Satavahana kings listed in the Pfufu).as,
Candrasn and Pulumavi II, ruled. It is possible that Candrasn continued
to rule from Nagarjunakonda as the pne inscription mentioning him comes
from Kodavolu in Godavari district. Using this same reasoning, however,
we would have to place the last Satavahana king far west of Nagarjuna-
konda, due to the fact that Pulumavi II's only surviving inscription was
found at Myakadoni in Bellary district, Karnataka
129
In the following,
I will explore the art history of these regions to determine which of these
kings would have had access to an image of the Buddha.
At this point a note should be added about the nature of art historical
evidence available to us. All of the work that has been done on the rela-
tive chronology of art in India during the period that concerns us has been
on art carved in stone. The reasons for this are obvious. Images made of
materials that decay or break simply have not survived. Clearly, the Bud-
dha could be represented in other media, such as paintings and wooden
or clay sculptures. The earliest mention of the figure of the Buddha, refers
to a painting130. Similarly, literary evidence for the representation of
the Buddha on cloth can be in the "Rudriiyaniivadiinam" of the
Divyiivadiinam where there is a legend that king Bimbisara allowed his
image to fall on a piece of cloth in order that his image might be painted13l.
Such portable images of the Buddha were popular at the time of Yijing
where we have testimony of the use of portable drawings of the Buddha
travelling monks 132. Finally, M.K. Dhavalikar notes that there are
129 H.P. Ray, Monastery and Guild: Commerce .under the StitlIVtihanas, (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1986), 40.
130 See R.C. Sharma, Buddhist Art of Mathurti, (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1984),
viii-ix.
131 R.C. Ray 144, Vaidya, Divyiivadtinam p. 466.
132 "The priests and the laymen in India make Kaityas or images with earth, or impress
the Buddha's image on silk or paper, and worship it with offerings wherever they go.
Sometimes they build stupas of the Buddha by making a pile and surrounding it with
bricks. They sometimes form these stupas in lovely fields, and leave them to fall in ruins.
Anyone may thus employ himself in making the objects for worship. Again when the
NAGARmNA AND THE RATNAyALl 255
wall sockets for installing wooden images in a number of caves at Kan-
heri
133

Indeed, the issue of what kind of representation is intended in the
Ratniivati is ambiguous in the absence of the Sanskrit original. Both the
Chinese and Tibetan indicate that the images of the Buddha are to be
drawn or painted (Paramartha " iE" Tibetan "bris pa"). Both of these
terms, however, could translate the Sanskrit -Vlikh, (lit. "to scratch" but
also "to write" or "to draw"). It is possible that the Ratniivall is refer-
ring to the practice of scratching a line drawing of the subject on the
rock before sculpting
134
This translation assumes that the Buddha images
were drawings or paintings (as opposed to sculptures or statues). Whether
paintings of the Buddha existed during Sataviiliana times is difficult, at
our present state of knowledge, to know. Paintings from Sataviiliana times
have been found in the western Deccan, but none of the Buddha. The Chi-
nese and Tibetan translations do not allow us to reconstruct the Sanskrit with
any certainty; the Chinese seems to point to some form of -Yzikh whereas
the Tibetan bgyis pa, "to make" suggests some form of -Vklrp.
While we do not know if cloth paintings were in use at the time of the
Ratniivati, we do know quite a bit about the art history of the time. Though
there is no need to assume that stone sculpture was the only form of art at
this time, we would need to come up with a special explanation of why the
anthropomorphic image of the Buddha (on a lotus, no less) should be por-
trayed in non-stone artworks when it is consciously avoided in stone sculp-
tures. Until such an argument can be made, we must assume that the motifs
of non-stone artworks generally mirrored the motifs seen in stone works.
Our task, then, is to determine when the motif of the lotus-pedestal
first appears in the eastern Deccan. In the eastern Deccan, Art Historical
scholarship has really only focused on two sites: Amaravati and Nagar-
junakonda. I will discuss some of the relative dates of images from these
people make images and Kaityas which consist of gold, silver, copper, iron, earth, lacquer,
bricks, and stone, or when they heap up the snowy sand (lit. sand-snow), they put in the
images or Kaityas two kinds of sariras. The relics of the teacher, and the Giithii of the
chain of causation." I. Takakusu, A record of the Buddhist religion as practiced in India
and the Malay archipelago (A. D. 671-695), (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1896), 150-15l.
133 Dhavalikar, 5l.
134 Elizabeth Rosen Stone, The Buddhist Art of Niigiirjunako,:uja (Delhi: Motilal Banar-
sidass, 1994), pI. 187.
256 .JOSEPH WALSER
sites and assume that the sequence was the same at 9ther sites in the
region unless we have a reason to think otherwise. A considerable amount
of work has been done on the art sequence at the Amaravati sropa. The
most recent work is that of Anamika Roy, who has done a thorough inves-
tigation of the epigraphy, art and architecture of that site, in order to
determine its chronology. On the basis of her findings, she outlines the
development of the site into four distinct phases 135 The first phase goes
from ca. third century B.C. to first century A.D., and contains noanthro-
pomorphic images of the Buddha. During this time, while quite a num-
ber of Buddhist narratives are portrayed in sculpture (both narratives from
the life of the Buddha as well as his past lives), an anthropomorphic
image of the Buddha is conspicuously and uniformly avoided. fu its place,
we find the Buddha represented symbolically by the Bodhi tree, the
dharma cakra, etc. This avoidance of representing the Buddha anthro-
pomorphically seems to be a Deccan-wide phenomenon and not confined
to any particular sect in the Deccan during this period.
The second phase spans the first century A.D. and includes the fIrst
anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha. Roy lists two examples
of this early form of the Buddha in catalogue numbers 187 and 188 of
the Madras Government Museum. These are both hybrid representations
of the Buddha; images that use both symbolic representations as well as
anthropomorphic depictions. Sigpificantly, both depictions of the Buddha
from this period have the Buddha sitting on either throne ("paryanka")
or a long seat (" iisandi")136 in abhiiya-mudrii.
The third phase marks the height of Buddhist art at Amaravati and
lasts roughly until the second half of the second century. It is during
"this phase that the majority of the Jiitaka tales were carved on the rail
copings. fu this phase, no new anthropomorphic representations of the
Buddha appear, and the style again reverts to symbolic manifestations
137

135 These phases are actually a revision of the four phases first proposed by Sivijra-
mamurti, "Amaravati Sculptures in the Madras Government Museum", Bulletin of the
Madras Government Museum, 4 (1956), 26-32.
136 For a discussion of these seats, see Sivaramamurti, 136-7.
137 A. Roy, Amariivati Stilpa: a critical comparison of epigraphic, architectural, and
sculptural evidence. (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1994), 138.
NAGARmNA AND THE RATNA.VALi 257
Nevertheless, there is no evidence to suggest that the previously installed
Buddha images were taken away during this period.
The Satavaharia kings who might have ruled over the area during to these
two artistic periods (and hence would have had access to an image of the Bud-
dha) were Putumavi I, Satakarr:ri, Siva Sri, and Sivamakasada.
Possibly Gautarniputra Satakarr:ri was late enough to be included in this list,
although all inscriptions bearing his name locate him in the western Deccan.
It is unlikely, however, that any of these kings was the king to whom
the Ratniivall was addressed. The reason is that during this artistic phase
there is no evidence for the existence of the lotus throne (padmapl{ha)
motif in the Deccan area this early. Even at Gandhara and Mathura during
the dynasty, where the anthropomorphic depiction of the Buddha
begins quite early, the vast majority of Buddhas are depicted as sitting on
three-tiered rectangular platforms whose flat front face served as a place
for an inscription or an additional motif
138
. Buddhas depicted on lotus
thrones in that region tend to be dated to the third century or after
139

At Mathura, sometime toward the end of the second century, we find
cushions made of grass added to the simple pedestal on which the
Buddha sits, but no lotus thrones 140. Coornaraswamy, places the advent
of the lotus throne motif sometime during the second century, but does
not offer any more precision as to the time or the place of its advent
141
.
138 For examples of this motif, cf. N.P. Joshi and R.C. Sharma, Catalogue of Gandhtira
Sculptures in the State Museum, Lucknow, (Lucknow: The State Museum, 1969).
S. Nagar, Gandharan Sculpture: A Catalogue of the Collection in the Museum of Art
and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia, (Columbia: The Museum of Art and
Archaeology, 1981).
139 See, Nagar. There are, perhaps, some early exceptions from Sikri, which Sir John
Marshall dates to the first century CE. See. J. Marshall, The Buddhist Art of Gandhara:
the story of the early school, its birth, growth, and decline (Karachi: Dept. of Archaeology
and Museums, Govt. of Pakistan, 1973), 56 and plate 50.
140 See R.C. Sharma, plates.
141 Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography, (New Delhi: M. Manoharlal,
1972 ), 39. Precursors to the padmapi{ha can be found earlier. For example, in the State
Museum of Lucknow, there is an image of HaritY whose feet rest on a square base deco-
rated with lotus petals. See N.P. Joshi and R.C. Sharma, Catalogue of Gandhara Sculp-
tures in The State Museum, Lucknow, State Museum catalogue series; no. 3 (Lucknow:
Uttar Pradesh State Museum. 1969), fig. 68 (accession num. 47.105). At Bharhut, there are
two medallions with reliefs of Sa Lakmi standing on a lotus rising out of a pUrI}a-ghara
and a standing on a lotus. See B. Barna, Barhut: Aspects of Life and Art, book ill,
258 . JOSEPH WALSER
Unfortunately, it is precisely this precision that we neep if we are to date
the Ratniivall from its mention of a lotus base ("padmapf{ha," "padmii-
sana", or "kamaliisana"). If, however, we can assume that a Satavahana
king ruling over either Dhanyakataka or Nagarjunakonda patronized
Nagarjuna, then we need only to look for a rough date of the first pad-
mapf{ha in this area to find a lower limit for the composition of the
Ratniivall.
Roy does not discuss the advent of the lotus pedestal motif in the art
of Amaravati, but a review of the documented sculptures from Amaravati
containing this motif reveals that each of them belongs to her fourth phase
of sculpture and to the second part of the fourth epigraphic phase. There
are relatively few sculptures from Amaravati exhibiting this feature. We
find it on a pillar (Madras Government Museum [MGM] 247), a frieze
decorated with alternating Buddhas and stilpas (MGM 256), a drum slab
(British Museum [BM] 79) and a railing pillar (BM 11). All of these are
dated by Roy to be from the third century or a f t ~ r (Roy's fourth phase),
as they all share stylistic features common to whose Buddha images dllte
from the second half of the third century)142. The fourth and [mal period
of Amaravati art, according to Roy, was marked by a change in artistic
style. The human forms are noticeably more elongated. Fortunately, there
is also a change in epigraphy which corresponds to this stylistic change.
The epigraphy becomes more omate, characteristic letters being a notched
"ba" and a "pa" with a descending hook (l:r and 'liJ)143. It is the latter
development that distinguishes the writing style of Siva Skandha's Ama-
ravati inscription from that of his immediate successor, Yajfia SrI 144.
Of the four images depicting a Buddha on a lotus from Amaravati, three
.:,of them have inscriptions. The inscription on MGM 247 is of little help for
(Calcutta: Indian Research Institute Publications, 1934-5) pIs. LXVI. 79, LXVII. 80 and
LXVIIl. 81. Similarly, (and perhaps related) there is a beautiful image of the Buddha's
mother, Maya, sitting on a lotus (also rising out of a pim:za-ghafa) from SmchY. See Mar-
shall and Foucher, Monuments of Siiiid, vol. 2, (Delhi: Swati Publications, 1982.) pI. 41.
142 The same dates are also concluded by Robert Knox for the pieces in the British
Museum. Cf. R. Knox, Amaravati: Buddhist Sculpture from the Great Stilpa, (London:
British Museum Press, 1992), 60, 139-40.
143 See Roy, appendix 4, table 4.
144 Compare tables 3 and 4, Ibid.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAl1AI.i 259
dating the image
145
The inscriptions on BM 79 and MGM 256, however,
do seem to belong to the same period as their sculptures, and Roy assigns
both of these mscriptions to the second part of the fourth epigraphical
phase (ca. third century A.D.). Though the drum slab (BM 79) containing
this motif has an inscription, Roy is somewhat uncertain of her ciating of
it. Her best guess is that it belongs to the fourth phase of epigraphy at
Amaravati:
BM no. 79 ... : Half of the inscription is chipped off. Out of the remaining
few letter forms, only one word Bhadanta is intelligible and on the basis of
these few letters, we may tentatively date it in the late 2
nd
or early 3
rd
century
A.D. (Fourth phase)146.
The inscriptions must, however, be more recent than the sculpture, because
parts of the inscription continue between the heads of the uppermost figures
of the frieze. Hence, Robert Knox's comments on the date of the sculp-
ture will be relevant.
The extreme, fleshy naturalism of the carving of this relief places it at once
in the ArnaravatI High Period. In the tightly packed, nervously energetic
decoration of the slab it falls easily into the 2nd phase of the 3
rd
century
AD 147.
With all of the examples of the lotus pedestal placed in the fourth epi-
graphic and sculptural phase of Amaravati, we may reasonably place the
writing of the Ratniivall within the same period, because it is only in this
phase that we find the motif of Buddha standing and sitting on lotus
flowers.
To what extent can we translate this into a range of dates? Of key
importance to this study is the fact that, on epigraphical and stylistic
145 Roy (p.152) describes this piece as follows: "The carving on this fragment is divided
into three panels. The uppennost shows a stiipa sunnounted by an umbrella and the lower
panels show the haloed figure of the Buddha on a lotus pedestal. Between the second and
the third panels there are two inscriptions belonging to two different periods. One belongs
to the first century Be, while the other belongs to the 7
th
century A.D. Moreover, the
sculpture does not belong to the period of either of the inscriptions. It seems that the first
inscription was engraved on the plain octagonal pillar in the 1
st
century B.C., and that this
pillar was then recarved in the 3
rd
century A.D. Subsequently, in the 7
th
century A.D.
another inscription was engraved on it."
146 Roy, 198.
147 Knox, 141.
260 JOSEPH WALSER
grounds, the dome slab with the Buddha standing on, lotuses discussed
above belongs to the same epigraphic phase (Roy's N.2) as the dome slab
mentioning the reign of Yajna SrI Satakan;ti.
The latter inscription is not by Yajfia Sri himself but from an upiisaka
from Ujjain.
1. Sidham rajiio Gotamapu[trasya] Srl-Yajiia-[Sa]-takru;risya sarp.vatsare ...
... ... vasa-pa 5 divase 8 Ujjayini-upasakena
2. Jayilena ......... mahacetiye .. , ...... karitam ........ .
3. . ........ Dhanakata-cetiyal48
Unfortunately, while the inscription tells us that it was donated on the
eighth day of the fifth fortnight of the monsoon, the regnal year is missing.
Thus, all we know is that this was inscribed sometime during the reign
ofYajfia Sri Satakan).i (which, by Pural).ic accounts, lasted 29 years). As
the sculpture on which the inscription is found still uses a non-anthopo-
morphic representation of the Buddha, we might assume that it was carved
near the beginning of the fourth phase of Amaravati art and that it pre-dates
our Buddhas on lotuses discussed in the RatniivaZl. This allows us to date
the Ratniivalf no earlier than the reign of Yajfia Sri (last quarter of the sec-
ond century).
The reigns of the three Satavahana kings succeeding Yajfia Sri were
fairly short (Vijaya six years, Candra Sri three or ten years, and P u ~ u m a v i
ill seven years). Hence, if Nagarjuna wrote the Ratniivalf during the reign
of a Satavahana king and during a time when the padmapf{ha motif was
available, it would have to be written within a period of fifty-two years.
However, not all of these kings ruled from Dhanyakataka/Amaravati.
We know from an inscription found at Nagarjunakonda, that Vijaya
Satakan).i had moved the capital to that site which is about one hundred
kilometers distant
149
While the Buddha image (with or without lotuses)
continued to be produced at Amaravati, upstream at Nagarjunakonda,
artists and/or patrons showed a reluctance to use anthropomorphic images
148 H. Sarkar, "Some Early Inscriptions in the AmaravatI Museum," Journal of Ancient
Indian History 4.1-2 (1971): 8.
149 H. Sarkar, "NagfujunakOI).9a Prakrit Inscription of Gautamlputra Vijaya SatakarI).i,
Year 6," Epigraphia Indica, 36 (1965-66): 273-275. A number of other inscriptions refer
to Nagarjunakonda as "Vijayapuri." Cf. Vogel, "Prakrit Inscriptions from a Buddhist Site
at NagarjunakoI).9a," Epigraphica Indica 20, (1920-1930): 22.
NAGARruNA AND THE RATNAvALl 261
of the Buddha at alL In fact, the fIrst images of the Buddha at this site can
only be dated to the reign of Mathanputra (236-260 AD.)lSO
or later. The first Buddha in a non-narrative context (i.e., carved for the
purpose of worship) only comes into existence during the time of Ehuvala
Cfuptamilla (261-285 AD.)l5l. Thus, while images of the Buddha on a
lotus existed in the Deccan during the reign of these last three Siitavahana
kings, it is unlikely that such an image was available to any king living
at until the time of the second king (i.e., long after the Satava-
hana dynasty was over).
Though the location of the other two kings is uncertain, it appears from
the location of their inscriptions that they also were not at Amaravati152.
Until more is known about the reign of these last two monarchs, it would
be dangerous to speculate about the availability of Buddha images to
them. The only surviving inscription mentioning II comes
from the eighth year of his reign and is located at Myakadoni in Bellary
district in Karnataka. If II had in fact relocated to that area,
then it is unlikely that he would have had access to an image of the
Buddha even at his late date. Nevertheless, we cannot rule either of these
last two kings out as possible patrons for Nagarjuna simply because we
do not know enough about them. If, however, further investigation finds
that they continued Vijaya's rule from Nagarjunakonda, they would be
unlikely candidates for Nagfujuna's king. By process of elimination, this
leaves us with Yajfia Sn Satakan;ti (ca. 175-204 A.D.) as the most likely
candidate for Nagarjuna's patron, with Candrasn (ca. 210-213 or 210-
220 A.D. - the punilJ-as do not agree about the length of his reign) and
II (ca. 213-220 or 220-227 AD.) as other possible candidates.
If Nagarjuna's patron had been a Sata/Sada king (as suggested by Para-
martha's translation of the Ratniivall), the date does not change because
the few images of the Buddha found elsewhere in coastal Andhra certainly
do not predate those of Amaravati. Therefore, the best determination we can
make of the composition of the Ratniivall has to be between 175-204 AD.
150 For the dates of the kings, see H. Sarkar, "The Nagfujunako1).qa Phase of
the Lower Valley Art: A Study Based on Epigraphical Data," in Indian Epigraphy:
Its Bearing on the History of Art, ed. F. Asher and G.S. Gai (New Delhi, 1985), 31.
151 Stone, 17.
152 H. Ray, 40.
262 JOSEPH WALSER
or between 210-227A.D, somewhere in the Lower Kri,shna Valley, with
the earlier dates being more likely than the latter.
4. Conclusion
I have argued throughout this paper, the date and location of Nagarjuna
is dependent, in part, on our conclusions concerning two factors: Nagar-
juna's proximity to the Satavahana dynasty and his authorship of the
Ratnavalf. Under these conditions, the Ratnavati must have been written
during the reign of Yajfia SrI, because prior to his reign, there is no
evidence for the motif of Buddhas on lotuses in the Satavahana kingdom.
This hypothesis will hold until someone either discovers an earlier image
of a Buddha on a lotus, until someone establishes that this motif existed
in some other medium while it was being avoided in stone, or until some-
one finds convincing evidence proving that Nagarjuna did not write the
Ratnavall.
ENACTING WORDS
A DIPLOMATIC ANALYSIS OF THE IMPERIAL DECREES
(BKAS BeAD) AND THEIR APPLICATION IN THE
SORA SBYOR BAM PO ONIS PA TRADITION
1
CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB
Dedicated to the memory of a very dear friend, Graham E. Clarke
1. Chancery. Phraseology and practice
The manifold aspects of the transmission of Indian Buddhism to Tibet
during the VIIth_ IXth century are some of the most interesting cultural phe-
nomena in the study of the Indo-Tibetan tradition. The fact that several
secular documents and religious manuscripts of the same period have
been found in hiding places or in sacred deposits of Central Asia, in par-
ticular Dunhuang, reveals (and at once complicates) the picture of the
interwoven relations occuring at this time between Indian, Tibetan and
Chinese societies, to speak: of them only. If, as we said on another occa-
sion, the quest for pristine sources may be seen as a verito-machie
2
, the
I Presented at the VIIJ.th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies,
July 25-31 1998, Indiana University, Bloomington. I am grateful to Peter Skilling and
Tom Tillemans for having carefully corrected (ius) and revised (iu chen) the English.
Errors left are of course only mine.
2 That is, the result of a prolonged and tortuous effort to authenticate the "original"
(text, document, etc.). Indeed, as we have had occasion to say earlier (Harvard Manu-
scripts Workshop 1999), in the study of a manuscript, be it a philosophical text written on
birch-bark or paper, or an ostracon transmitting a "decodifiable" fragmentary text - some-
thing which makes sense -, one of the motivations if not the motivation is a kind of
"verito-machie" {"truth-o-machy"], as we are overtly engaging in a search of "authen-
ticity" and attempting, consciously or not, to establish a hierarchy of truths, if not facts
of truth. Take for instance the case of constructing stemmae to establish the genesis of a
document (diplomatic analysis) or to study text-stratigraphy (philology).
Notwithstanding the fact that diplomatic (Lat. diplomatica see infra n. 28) and philo-
logy are essential instruments for a rigourous approach to texts and documents, the search
264 CRlSTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB
study of textual genesis and stratigraphy is a plunge into the field of inter-
pretation. The sGra sbyor bam po gfLis pa, partially surviving in four
old incomplete manuscripts (the fourth discovered only recently3) and in
a canonical version, attests to the fact that the Buddhist instituHon, as an
integral part of the Tibetan Empire, "emerges in this period as a textual-
ized artifact"4. Indeed, the first epigraphical records, such as the inscrip-
tions of bSam yas or Zwa'i lha khan, and some of their contemporary
extant documents, bear witness to the existence of chancery and archival
practices where originals or copies of the public acts, which were also kept
on stone were stored. It is clear that the verito-machie, besides its obvi-
ous authoritative value, aimed to prevent forgeries and hand public acts
down to future generations, as expressed by the well-known formula
inherited from ancient Indian epigraphy and appended to public acts " ...
and may this orderledictldecree!grant!charter endure as long as sun and
moon [endure]. .. "5.
A genuine example of chancery phraseology and practice is embedded
in the last paragraphs of the inscription at Zwa'i lha khan
6
. Two pillars
for pristine sources should never obscure the search of meaning, nor end in a striving for
"truth" ... For the unconscious historical motives behind the search of "truth", see Paul
Yeyne (1983: 17-27) "Quand la verite historique etait tradition et vulgate", ib. 23: "Le
grand mot est Hiche: l'habitude de citer ses autorites, l'annotation savante, n'a pas ete une
invention des historiens, mais vient des c0ntroverses tMologiques et de la pratique juridique,
ou l'on alleguait l'Ecriture, les Pandectes ou les pieces du proces: dans la Summa contra
Gentiles, saint Thomas ne renvoie pas aux passages d'Aristote, car il prend la responsabilite
de les reinterpreter et illes tient pour la verite meme, qui est anonyme; en revanche il cite
l'Ecriture, qui est Revelation et non pas verite de I'anonyme raison .... Bref, l'annotation
savante a une origine chicaniere et polernique: on s' est envoye les preuves a la tete, avant
.. 1e les donner a partager aux autres membres de la "cornrnunaute scientifique". La grande
raison en est la montee de l'Universite, avec son monopole de plus en plus exclusif sur
I' activite intellectuelle".
3 The fourth, is a short passage so far unidentified and preserved in the India Office
manuscript collection of the British Library (IO Tib J 76) and may now be added to the
three extant incomplete manuscripts, see Appendix II.
4 Borrowed from James J. O'Donnell "The pragmatics of the new: Trithemius,
McLuhan, Cassiodorus", in: Geoffrey Nunberg 1996.
5 See for instance Pelliot tib. 134 (Scherrer-Schaub 1999-2000: 226 and 237) and com-
pare with the formulae "a-candraditya kalIya" attested in a Yakataka's copper plate, dated
ca. ythc. (Burgess 1975: 118,120-121 and 123-124), and
(Sircar 1996: 140 and nn. 1-2,392 and 397). Alternative formulae, such as nam du or
g-yun drun du, are used in Old Tibetan to express perpetuity.
6 Richardson 1985: 43-61.
ENACTING WORDS 265
flanking the entrance of the lha khan record the privileges granted by
Khri Ide sron btsan (r. 800-815? to Ban des MyaIi Till ne 'dzin to whom
the King owed affection, respect and probably also his sovereignity9.
Without entering into a detailed analysis of the charter, we will mention
some interesting elements of chancery procedure.
First of all, if we compare the inscriptions from the time. of Khri Ide
sron btsan with those of the preceding reign of Khri sron Ide btsan (755-
794?), we note (without surprise) that with time the chancery becomes
more complicated (in phraseology) and bureaucratized (in praxis). For
instance, the text appearing on the Western pillar at Zwa'i lha khan dis-
tinguishes between the original document or exemplar and copies, lists the
officials in charge of the chancery court, and attests to the existence of a
deposit 10, constructed (brtsigs) to contain and preserve the exemplar of
the document. The text carved on the pillar (rdo rin) by the lapicide, fol-
lowing a common and universal procedure, recapitulates the act in order
to ensure its publicity, that is, "to make the text known by everybody"
(kun gyis ses par bya ba'i phyir)l1. Moreover, the procedure of consult-
ing (reading, readjusting, renewing or reconfirming?) the charter is pre-
cisely established and phrased, including the gesture of taking in hand the
7 Dates according to Richardson 1985. Cf. Uebach 1987: 30.
8 It may be worth noting that if we admit that the Tabo document genuinely dates
to 783/795, that is, the date of the second and middle bkas bead, then the title "Ban de"
(equivalent of "Bhadanta") as designation for a high ecclesiastic office must have been
already in use at the time of Khri sroil Ide btsan. The title, apparently, appears in "pub-
lic" for the first time in the inscription of Zwa'i lha khan.
9 Cf. Scherrer-Schaub 1999-2000: 229-230; 2001: 696, n. 13.
10 gtsigs kyi mkhar bu, lit. a small fortress, that is a deposit having the form of a cas-
ket or a cofferfor storing a public act. See Li and Coblin 1987: 265,11.26-27 and Richard-
son 1985: 48,11.26-27. In fact, the act was probably deposited in the socle of the stone
pillar or the "coffered recess" bearing a seal: see Richardson 1985: 45 and Plate 6.
11 Zwa'i lha khan, West Inscription, 11. 25-26, Richardson 1985: 48-49. Compare the
injunctive clause of the 814 Edict of Khri Ide srOIi btsan or the "third and last authorita-
tive decision concerning the ehos kyi skad" appearing in the sOra sbyor bam po gfiis pa,
infra, p. 317.
There is no doubt that the chancery has, as other disciplines, some underlying univer-
sal principles. Public acts were and are read on special occasions, although the evidence
in rather scarce. In this respect the Dhauli edict of King Asoka is remarkable in that it attests
that the edict had to be read or listened to at a precise time; ekatho iyal!l ea lipi tissanak-
khattena sotaviyii al!ltaZii pi ea tissena ... See Bloch 1950: 139-140.
266 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB
document
l2
(lag sbrella dgyun tin I phyir yan 'di hZinphyag rgya dan I
rin lugs kyi rgyas btab ste I gzag par gnan no II), as are the officials
appointed to that office (gtsigs gyi mkhar bu 'di II nam zig dbye dgos na
ymi I sras dpon chab srid kyi mna' gan mdzad pas rin lugs thugs ches pa
gtsigs bdag 'dran ba gsum yan cad bsko ste 1)13. The text announces the
validation sign (gtsigs kyi mdo I rdo la mnon bar bris te mtha' phyag
rgyas btab nas)14, here the seal, which appears at the end of the public act
carved on stone. It is worth noting that in this particular case, the affixed
seal (rare in epigraphical records) appears on stone probably because, as
seen, a copy of the edict was kept in the socle of the pillar itself.
In fact, ever since the discovery of the Old Tibetan Chroniclels and other
important administrative documents, kept in the collection of Dunhuang,
certain aspects of chancery terminology and practice of the Old Tibetan
period became partially known. Marcelle Lalou's "Revendications des
fonctionnaires du Grand Tibet au VIlle siec1e" remains a fine and inspir-
ing piece of scholarship, as are the current researches of Helga Uebach and
Tsuguhito Takeuchi
l6
.
In analysing the traditions preserved in the mKhas pa'i dga' ston of dPa'bo
gtsug lag 'phren ba (1504-1566)17 and "concerning STOn brcan sgam po as
first legislator and organizer of Tibet", G6za Uray reached the conclusion
that "there was no codification and deliberate administrative organization
12 Gesture, exchange of objects, as well as formal declaration and oath, the use of
which is confirmed from the time of the first epigraphical records, for instance the inscrip-
tion of :lol, r. of Khri srOIi. Ide btsan, where the charter is granted by oath, Richardson
1985: 16-17, and 16, 11. 5-7: II btsan po Khri sron Ide brtsan gyi fa sna nas dbu siiuiz gnaiz
ste II, corroborate the written act. As said on another occasion, there is much to learn in
waste paper, in spite of its being less attractive than art or living/contemporary societies.
Texts are not inert matter: they are memories of past societies which are alive as soon as
we handle them. See Scherrer-Schaub forthcoming
c
.
13 Richardson 1985: 52, 11. 58-62.
14 See Richardson 1985: 48,11.27-28. Properly speaking this is the announcement of
the corroboration or the legal confirmation of the edict.
15 The documents have been studied by several scholars beginning with Bacot, Thomas
and Toussaint (1940-46) and Macdonald-Spanien (1971). G6za Dray, in one of the last mise
au point concerning these historical texts to appear so far, adopted the appellation "Old
Tibetan Chronicle", and further distinguished between "Chronicle manuscripts" and
"Genealogy manuscripts": see Dray 1992.
16 See for instance, Lalou 1956, 1965; Debach 1992, 1999; Dray and Debach 1994,
Takeuchi 1995.
17 Dates according to the masterpiece of an unconventional scholar: see Martin 1997 s.v.
ENACTING WORDS 267
under Sron-btsan sgam-po, alias Khri Sron-btsan"; rather "this took place
only under Khri Man-slon Man-rtsan in 654-655". However "in spite of
the deliberate forgeries and errors, the traditions are not far off the his-
torical truth, as the administrative organization and codification.executed
shortly after Sron-btsan sgam-po's death and later attributed to him, are
but the last stages on the development during his reign"18 ..
The Tibetan scholar dGe 'dun Chos'phel, and other scholars after him
19
noted that epigraphical records and probably some old documents were
known to later historiographers, in particular dPa'bo gtsug lag'phren ba
who reproduces the edict (bka' gtsigsfO of Khri sron Ide btsan, which, as
Tucci says "can be considered as the foundation-chart of the Tibetan
Buddhism". It appears that when Buddhism became the official religion
of the Empire, the administrative machinery permeated the ecclesiastic
state
21
. In this respect, the "sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa" is one of the old-
est documents of ecclesiastic chancery. There is no doubt that, in spite of
the fact that it is functionally a manual of translation techniques, this
complex document is, at the same time, a charter, a public act, corroborated
18 Uray 1972: 68, Stein 1986: 185.
19 dGe 'dun Chos'phel (1905-1951), Deb ther dkar po, Tucci 1950, Stein 1963,
Macdonald-Spanien 1971 and Uray 1972.
20 Kannay 1988: 1, dates the bka' gtsigs to 779 and the bka' mchid to ca. 761, when
at the age of twenty the Sovereign "began to contemplate the idea of taking up again the
religion which had been subjected to a ban since the assasinationof his fatherKhri lDe-
gtsug-btsan in 755 A. D.". Richardson (1985: 27) argues convincingly a precise dating of
the bSam yas inscription, which, as it is known succintly recapitulates the bka' gtsigs in
question: "It is largerly due to the brief inscription at Bsam-yas that we can accept as
authentic the valuable light thrown on the history of Buddhism in Tibet by these two doc-
uments [that is the bka' gtsigs and the bka' mchid] in PT [i.e. dPa'o gTsug]. The first of
them, moreover, makes it possible to date the inscription to within a few years. The prin-
cipal witness to the detailed edict was the Chief Minister Zhang Rgyal-zigs shu-theng who,
according to the T'ang Annals, demitted office in 782 A. D. Accepting that the great tem-
ple at Bsam-yas was completed in the sheep year 779 A. D. the inscription and the other
documents [our emphasis] can be placed between those two years and therefore earlier
than the culmination of rivalry between the Indian teaching of gradual and the Chinese of
immediate enlightenment in a great debate, probably in 792 A. D." SI/lrensen (1994: 383,
n. 1171) dates these documents of 780, thus agreeing with Richardson.
This dating sheds light on the genesis of the sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa tradition. The
"Tabo version" might well have been issued in the wake of these documents, which would
speak in favour of 783 for the second and middle bkas bead, see infra p. 290, n. 84.
21 Cf. Uray 1972, Stein 1986: 185-188.
by validation and presumably circulated in several copies throughout the
Empire, as the use was in vogue at the time and precisely attested in the
bka' gtsigs of Khri sronlde btsan, statuting that
Also, the text of an authoritative account [bka'mchidJ of how the religion
of the Buddha came to Tibet both in earlier and later times has been deposited
together with the edict [bka' gtsigs]. Such an original was made in thirteen
copies. One has been placed in the archives. Two have been sealed and one
each deposited with the religious communities of the 'Phrul snan temple in
Ra-sa and the Bsam-yas Lhun-gyis-' grub temple of Brag dmar. Ten copies
have been sealed at the end and one each has been given to the 'Phrul snan
temple of Ra-sa, the temple of Bsam-yas Lhun-gyis-'grub, the temple of
Bkra-shis-lha-yul of Khra-'brug, the religious community of the palace, to
the Rgya-btags Ra-mo-che of Ra-sa, Khams-sum Myi-ldog-sgrol of Brag-
dmar, to the country of Bru-fa, the country of Zhang-zhung, to Mdo-smad
and to the jurisdiction of sde-blon [sde blon ris], to be held by the religious
community of their temples
22
.
(sans rgyas kyi chos bod yut du I sna phyir ji ltar byun ba'i bka' mchid kyi
yi ge gcig kyan zla la biag go II dpe 'di 'dra ba bcu gsum bris te I gcig ni
phyag sbal na biag go II gfiis ni phyag rgyas btab ste I ra sa'i 'phrul snmi
gtsug lag khan dan brag dmar gyi bsam yas lhun gyis grub kyi dge 'dun la
re re biag go II bcu ni mthar phyag rgyas btab ste I ra sa'i 'phrul snan gtsug
lag khan dan I * bsam yas lhun gyis 'grub kyi gtsug lag khan dan *23 khra
'brug gi bkra sis lha yul gtsug lag khan dan I pho bran 'khor gyi dge 'dun dan
Ira sa'i rgya btags ra mo che dan I brag dmar gyi khams gsum mi ldog sgroi
dan I bru za yul dan I zan zuft"yul dan I mdo smad dan I sde blon ris dan I
'di mams kyi gtsug lag khan gyi dge 'dun pa dpe re re 'chan du stsald to 11)24
We may note that the itemized copies assigned to various religious sites
are treated differently. The first of the thirteen copies was placed in the
. .,repository (phyag sbal)Z5. The remaining twelve are authenticated: two
22 Richardson 1980, reprinted with funny interpretation of Richardson abreviations, in
Richardson 1998: 92-93, tib. 96. See also Tucci 1950: 45-46, 97.11 1-12.
On these temples and their location, see Richardson 1985: 26-27 and Uebach 1990.
23 The Peking edition erroneously omits this passage.
24 dPa' bo gTsug lag phren ba (fl. 1504-1566), mKhas pa'i dga'ston: 372.5-15.
25 Lit. "In the palm of the hand": a metaphor for a place where things are hidden or
concealed? The expression is attested in inscriptions, Richardson (1985: 170 s.v.); Li &
Coblin (1987: 94). "dkor kyi phyag sbal", attested in the west inscription of the Sino-
Tibetan treatise at lHasa.
David Seyfort Ruegg (1989: 68, n. 136) cites a passage of the sBa bied (cf. Stein 1961:
62, 1. 15, 65, 11. 13-15) referring to the bka' gtsigs issued after the Debate of bSam yas,
ENACTING WORDS 269
of them bear a seal and are assigned to the main sites, while the others
bear a "seal at the end" (mthar phyag rgya). The expression is attested
in the inscription at Zwa'i lha khan (Richardson 1985: 48, 1. 28), where
indeed at the end of the east inscription one may see "a cofferyd recess
which once held the king's seal" (ib., Plate 6, see supra n. 10). Other
examples could be the so called "sceaux c a r n ~ s tibetains" affixed to the
end of some Dunhuang manuscripts
26
. It might be that the seal [a great
seal?] stamped on the two copies assigned to the main sites, bore evi-
dence to the ratification and authenticity or attestation of authority by the
btsan po. The seal stamped at the end attests to the authenticity of the
ratified document, and seems to have also functioned as the document's
closure, granting security and avoiding alteration. This is confirmed by
the Dunhuang documents alluded to above (another example is Pelliot
tib. 1089), in which the seal is affixed to the right part of the bottom
page, preceded by hatching lines. Moreover, the different degrees of
validation, so to speak, seem to reflect the hierarchy of importance of the
plates where the vidimus copies of the edict were placed.
The Study of public acts
To reconstruct and interpret textual history, that is, the history of a
text's formation or "stratification"27, in particular when dealing with pub-
lic acts emanating from a political, social or religious institution, the well-
established discipline, known as "diplomatic"28 may and, as we will see,
has been advantageously applied. As this word has sometimes been used
in a rather metaphorical or metonymic acceptation, it is useful to recall
its basic meaning. Although the expression "diplomatic edition" of antique
according to which of three copies "One is said to have been deposited in the Tibetan
King's own hand (rje'i phyag [sball); another is said to have been in IRa sa; and a third
is said to have been taken to Khams".
26 Pelliot tib. 1083, 1085, Spanien & Imaeda 1979: 16-17; Macdonald-Spanien 1971:
324-325.
27 Cf. Ueyama Daishun a propos Ch'an texts of Dunhuang - "Tonka ni okeru zen no
shosa", Ryfikoku Daigaku RonshU 421, 1982, pp. 114-115.
28 Although its use is rare the term is consecrated by the New Shorter Oxford English
Dictionary, s. v. "Sing. & plur. The paleographic and critical study of old documents". The
term is coined on Lat. diplomatica, cf. French diplomatique.
manuscripts has been consecrated as a term for a specific editorial pro-
cedure, the discipline known as "diplomatic" refers more specifically to
the study of written documents, be they the result of a juridical or insti-
tutional act or the record of ajuridical or institutional fact, haying been
redacted according to a specific form and formulary and provided with a
criterion of validation, for instance a seal, the names of the persons
involved in the act or a formula, functioning respectively as validator
(the person) and validation (the formula).
Diplomatic, the art and features of which were well-known in classi-
cal India, was born in the European Middle Ages, with the intent to
discriminate between authentic documents and forgeries. It can count
illustrious representatives, such as Lorenzo Valla or Nicolas Cusanus, the
famous Humanist who collected ancient Latin manuscripts. Successfully
applied, as early as 1950, to the collection of charters and.records of the
Kamakura period by the French scholar J otion des Longrais
29
, diplomatic
was applied to the study of Old Tibetan documents by the late Geza Uray
and his followers. One of the most important contributors to the field is
Jampa L. Panglung (1994), who collated the extant canonical version of
the introductory part of the sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa (Fig. A 1) together
with the corresponding manuscript fragments from Tabo, which were
identified by Panglung Rinpoche himself in 1991 among the confused
mass of folii of the Tabo collection. His conclusions may be summarized
as follows:
1. The edict opening the canonical version of the sGra sbyor and dated,
according to annalistic style, to 814 "must be taken as a confirmation
by Khri IDe srmi btsan of the earlier edict of his father as transmitted
in the Tabo version"30.
2. The earlier edict attested by the Tabo fragment may be dated to 795
or 783, although "the reference to the residence Zuil-kar which in
29 A. Joiion des Longrais. Age de Kamakura. Sources (1150-1330): archives, chartes
japanaises (Manja). Tokyo-Paris, 1950.
30 Pang1ung 1994: 171-172. A consequence noted by Panglung is that the "annalistic
entry including the names of the great councillors of the earlier edict had to be replaced by
an actual one. However, the names of the great monks Yon tan and TiIi. fie 'dzin who were
still in office had been kept" and "it is noteworthy that the canonical version shows a pro-
motion in rank of the great monk Yon tan whose name is preceded by the honorific dPal".
ENACTING WORDS 271
historiographical literature traditionally is the place where Khri-sron
lde-bcan lived in his old days (or had retired to) and where he died
would be in favour of the year 795" (1994: 167)31.
3. The narrative and the dispositive (1994: 168-171), as transmitted in
the two versions, differ. In particular, the canonical version is "more
elaborate than the Ta pho version" (ib.: 171) and contains an "enlarge-
ment of the guidelines" for the translators which "doubtless are a con-
sequence of increasing experience in translating" (loc. cit.).
It is noteworthy that the Tabo version almost certainly descends from a
copy transmitted to Western Tibet at the end of the VlIIth century fol-
lowing the procedure for public acts at that epoch alluded to above. If this
is the case, given that the Tabo version begins with the edict of Khri sron
Ide btsan
32
dated, according to annalistic style, to 783 or 795, one can sur-
mise that a copy of the "bkas bcad" edict of Khri sronlde btsan reached
the Western regions of Zan zun in the period between the end of the vrn
th
century and the first decade of the IXth. This raises the vexing question
of Buddhism in Western Tibet during the first propagation (sfla dar) of
Buddhism in Tibet. According to the account of Huichao, in the regions
situated to the north-east of Kashmir, visited by the Chinese pilgrim on
his way back from India to his homeland in 727
33
, lie "the kingdoms of
P'o-lii, Yang-t'ung (= Zail-zun?) and So-po-tz'u (7). Those three king-
doms are under suzerainty of the Tibetans. The clothing, language and cus-
toms are completely different ... The country is narrow and small, and the
mountains and valleys very rugged. There are monasteries and monks
and the people venerate faithfully the Three Jewels. As to the kingdom of
Tibet to the East, there are no monasteries at all and Buddha's teaching
is unknown; but in the [three above mentioned] countries the population
consists of Hu, therefore they are believers"34. Petech, astonishingly
31 Compare however infra pp. 290-291 and 314.
32 The Tabo manuscript begins on the recto side of the first folio, which according to
the old system of pagination making use of letter-numerals, is indicated with the letter
"ka". For the pagination of Old Tibetan manuscripts see Scherrer-Schaub 1999: 20-22.
33 For the date of Huichao journey, see Kuwayama 1994.
34 Petech 1977: 10 and n. 2; cf. Demieville 1952: 185 and n. 3. Following Pulleyblank,
Petech (ibidem) thinks that "Hu" "for Hui-ch'ao ( ... ) it applied to the Iranian popUla-
tions, which would fit perfectly well with the Dards of Ladakh (but not with the people
enough ignored by Jettmar (1993), clearly and rigourously summarizes the
political situation of these regions where already in 727 "Ladakh, if and
as far as included in Great P'o-lii [Baltistan], was under Tibetan suzerainty",
from where "the Tibetans in 737 launched an attack against the King of
Bru-za (Gilgit, Little P'o-lii)"".
The Royal Annals of Tibet witness the fact that "in the summer of 721
many envoys from the Upper Region paid their respect "to the Tibetan
King"". And "In 737/738 "(a military expedition) was led by the coun-
cillors Skyes-bzan to the Bru-za land; in the winter the residence (of the
Tibetan King) was in Brag-mar, and the Bru-za king, defeated, paid (there)
his respect""35. The same year "The Chinese envoy Wail 'Do si having paid
of Zan iun)". Beckwith (1987: 97) translates "Hu" by "Westerners". Beckwith's affrr-
mation is doubtful, to say the least, in light of Des Rotours (?), that ""Hu" did not mean
just "Serindian" during the Tang period, but anyone of Indo-European race (our empha-
sis) no matter where they were born ... " (ib. 142 and n. 212). Boucher, whose recent ter-
minological mise au point is particularly relevant, renders "Hu" as "Western" and notes
(2000: 21, n. 37) in addition that "In more generic application, hu could refer to Indians
or Central Asians (esp. Iranians), and by Tang times, also the Arabs and others from the
Mediterranean world" (nuance ... ).
As far as the geographical areas are concerned one should stress that we are dealing
with approximations. We do not in fact know precisely what "Kashmir" ( ) referred to
at this precise epoch, nor what Huichao meant by "East Tibet". On Kashmir in Chi-
nese sources, see Petech 1950: 63-80, especially 72-73: "I must, however stress a point
which is often lost sight of. Modem scholars are sometimes apt to think unconsciously
of Kashmir state as it appears on our maps. Modem Jammu and Kashmir state is a crea-
tion of the British, and its birth date is the treaty of Arnritsar in 1846. Historical Kash-
mir has always included only and alone the valley of Kashmir and the inner slopes of the
ring of mountains that surround it; we except of course the campaigns of conquest of Kash-
miri kings towards the plains. The whole of the Indus valley, and mainly the commer-
.cially important Gilgit area, although occasionally invaded by the kings of Kashmir and
although always open to the cultural influence of the valley, was never an integrant part
of the kingdom. Moreover, if Kashmir lies on one of the easiest routes from Central Asia
to eastern Panjab and the Ganges valley, it emphatically does not represent a convenient
or logical passage from Central Asia to the centres of Gandhara culture in Eastern
Afghanistan and the North-Western Frontier Province. The normal route in this case
was not that through Kashmir, nor even the direct but terribly difficult track along the
Indus, but the once very frequented trails through Gilgit and then Chitral (to Kapisi) or
Swat (for Gandhara). This simple geographical fact must be kept present if one is to avoid
drawing wrong conclusions from historical data." On Kashmir in Chinese sources see now
Enomoto 1994.
35 Dray 1979: 282-283. Cf. also Petech 1967: 252-253, 1977: 9-12; Beckwith 1987:
116.
ENACTING WORDS 273
homage, the Chinese abolished [their administration] [of Little Balm?] ... "36
These facts are well-known. Tibet started to raid these regions quite early
and royal alliances with tail iuri, Bru za (Gilgit), Gog/Kog (Wakhan)
and Baltistan eventually assured the victory of the Tibetan amiy37. It is
difficult to identify the name of the defeated [petty?] king (rgyal po) of
Bru za, mentioned in the Tibetan Annals who "paid (his) respect" to the
Tibetan btsan po in 737/738, although Christopher Beckwith (1987: 123)
identifies him with the Bru za rJe
38
, that is the "Lord of Little Balm" [Gilgit],
to whom "in the fall of 740" the Tibetan princess Khri rna lod - possibly
"to her deep sorrow... as the literary cliche in vogue had it"39 - was
given "as bride".
The fact that Khri sron Ide btsan, some decades later, stipulated by
authoritative decision in his edict (bka' gtsigs) proclaiming Buddhism the
state religion
40
, that copies of his edificatory discourse (bka' mchid), nar-
rating the spread of Buddhism in Tibet and written along with the bka'
gtsigs, should be transmitted also to the countries of Gilgit (Bru za) and
36 Beckwith 1987: 116, n. 45.
37 See Macdonald-Spanien 1971, Bogoslovskij 1972, Petech 1977, Uray 1979, Beck-
with 1987, Jettmar 1993. The Old Tibetan Chronicles mention the conquest of tail-iun and
of the borderlands at the time of King 'Dus sron (676-704) when "also many kings from
the Upper Region [sTod], viz. from [Eru-ia and] Kog, etc. and from the Southern Region
(Himalayan countries) were included among the subjects" (Uray 1979: 286). Cf. Mac-
donald-Spanien 1971: 253 and 255 and Beckwith 1987: 30. Later accounts, such as the
Royal Geneaology of Ladakh and Ngari, confirm these facts. We read in the mNa' ris rgyal
rabs and the La dwags rgyal rabs that 'Dus sroft man po rje "conquered the regions of
Glo bo gad rift and sBal yul nail gon / sBal ti srail gi nail gon". Some decades later, accord-
ing to the mNa' ris rgyal rabs, Khri sron Ide btsan "took over sBal ti and 'Bru sha", that
is Baltistan and Gilgit. See Vitali 1996: 104-105. However, Geza Uray (1968: 292-297)
analysed the historical tradition of the annexation and concluded "that the quarrel between
Lig Myi-rhya and the Tibetan King and the annexation of tail-iun must be put to the
time of Khri Sron-brcan, that is, Sron-brcan sgam-po" This is also the opinion of Beck-
with, following Sat5: see op. cit. 25 and n. 67.
The (re-)writing of history in Tibet is particularly rich. Furthermore, a later Bon po
tradition "attribue a partir du XIV" s. environ la conquete du tail iuft et l'assassinat de
Lig-mi rgya a l'epoque de Khri sron Ide btsan": see Macdonald-Spanien 1971: 260-261.
38 That is, Sushilizhi according to the Chinese transcription: see Beckwith 1987: 123
and n. 94, 132-133, following Chavannes. Cf. Jettmar 1993: 84; v. Hiniiber forthco-
ming.
39 On this literary cliche, see Macdonald-Spanien 1971: 265. Cf. also Uebach 1997: 62.
40 On the date, see supra n. 20.
Western Tibet (Zan iun), de facto demonstrates not 0n!y that Buddhism
was practised and present in these regions, which in fact does not need
to be demonstrated
41
, but above all that the King wanted to impose Tibetan
Buddhism on these regions, thus impelling them to adhere to the royal
(rgyal khrims) and ecclesiastic laws (chos khrims). The question is deli-
cate and fascinating, although far beyond the scope of this article. If we
admit that the edict of Khri sroIi Ide btsan, pertaining to the codification
of the rules of translation, was transmitted to the Western regions
somewhere between 783/795 and 814, we may surmise that at that epoch
the work of translation into Tibetan was, to some extent, flourishing
there
42

41 It seems plausible that given the proximity of Western Tibet to Kashmir and North-
ern India, Buddhism could well have been present there, even if sporadically, before the
annexation of these regions to Tibet. This has been suggested with reference to Gilgit
by Richardson 1985: 27: "Bru-zha, the Gilgit area, had been raided by the Tibetans as
early as 719 A. D. and was dominated by them from 737 until the early part of the
9th century. Buddhism had been established there long before the Tibetan connection"
[our emphasis].
On the kings of Gilgit in the- VIIth_VIII
th
centuries, v. Hintiber 1985, 1987 and forth-
coming. G. Fussman (1993: 16-17) refers to the Patola kings and notes: "les noms et
les titres n'ont rien de bouddhique, mais rien de specifiquement hindou non plus. lis deno-
tent un desir de lier la dynastie au souvenir de Vikramaditya ( ... ) done aux Guptas. De la
meme ces rois Patola, malgre leur nom non-indien, pretendent se rattacher a la lignee
k:jatriya de Bhagadatta, fils de Naraka, done petit-fils de et de la Terre ( ... ) li s'agit
done d 'une dynastie locale, mais tout a fait indianisee, comme la dynastie contemporaine
d'Assam, qui se proclamait egalement descendante de Bhagadatta. Que la dynastie des
Patola $lihi rut bouddhiste ne l'empechait pas d'employer un personnel, vraisemblablement
brahmane, capable de lui foumir des horoscopes, une genealogie prestigieuse, des noms et
des titres hindous, et de rediger des inscriptions qui, malgre quelques fautes de langue ( ... )
sont aussi indiennes et sanskrites que celIe de la vallee du Gange". The Buddhist bronzes
,bearing inscriptions describing themselves as "religious gift" of the Pa!ola sovereigns
(Fussman 1993), attest abundantly to the presence of Buddhism, in these regions prior to
the Tibetan invasion.
In this respect it would be interesting to investigate the epoch and circumstances under
which the "JayamaiIgalavikramadityanandi of the Indianized Buddhist [Pa!ola $ahi
Dynasty] ... " bronze reached the Jokhang of lHasa. Equally interesting is to note the coin-
cidence, that the Patola $lihi "controlled the area of Baltistan [Great Balur] and Gilgit
[Little Balur] in present-day northeastern Pakistan and whose territory was even occupied
for a certain time around 722 by the Tibetans" O. v. Hiniiber in Henss 1996: 61. Cf. infra
p.313.
42 On the political side, after 783, the Tibetans were active in the Western regions and
in Central Asia "involved in a protacted war with the Arabs", and "had been able to
expand unassisted into the area of the Hindu Kush via the Pamirs". See Beckwith 1987:
ENACTING WORDS 275
Leaving aside the early and uncertain mission of Thon mi sam bhota,
who went to the Western regions, Kasmrr or Magadha as the case may
be, in search of models for the Tibetan script, the fact that bilingual Bud-
dhist scholars were present in these regions at this epoch might be inferred
from the historiographical tradition that the Kashmiri scholar, translator,
and brahmin, Ananta, functioned as personal translator of the great Ben-
gali Acarya on his fIrst trip to Tibet, about 763
43
. On the other
hand, if we relate this tradition to the equally well-known one that at
precisely this epoch translations were made from the language of Zan zun,
U<;l<;liyana (or according to some sources, Khotan) and Bengal (Za hor)44,
we may legitimately assume that at least some of the translated texts were
brought to Tibet by scholars from regions bordering Western Tibet4
5
(e.g.
the brahmin, Ananta, just mentioned) and those from Eastern regions (e.g.
the learned Maestro from Bengal). The result is that the pic-
ture ofthe transmission of Buddhism to Tibet takes, so to speak, a some-
how more solid shape. Buddhism entered Tibet in successive stages, from
different regions, each of which, in one way or another, laid claim to Indian
157, cf. 149-163. Concerning Buddhism, Vitali (1996: 166, n. 223) notes that isolated facts
attest to the presence of [rDzogs chen] masters in Puran-Guge, at the end of the VIII'h c.
according to a passage from Nan ral (p. 313.14-18): de nas sNubs Nam mkha'i sHin po slob
dpon HU1]1 ka ras I yan dag sgrub pa rtsa rgyud Ita bu Ia 'grel chen sgron me lta bu mdzad
nas Mad I yan dag Ius kyi khog pa dan 'dra ba la de'i sfiin dan 'dra ba'i me gcig ma gnan
nas I 10 gcig gser gyi brag bya (skyibs) can du bsgrubs pas ... "sNubs Nam mkha'i sfiiil
po received the teaching of the Yan dag sgrub pa rtsa rgyud (Ita bu Ia 'gre! chen sgron me
Ita bu mdzad nas Mad) composed by Burp. ka ra [himself] and further was meditating dur-
ing one year at gSer gyi brag bya skyibs can", on the northern shore of Ma pham gyi
mtsho, cf. Vitali op. cit. n. 646. On gNubs Nam mkha'i sfiiil po, cf. Karmay 1988: 98.
"A" Bal po paJ)Qita Burp.kara is credited with having been chaplain of Khri Ide sron
btsan, Sad na legs, according to Srlbhutibhadra's Yig mkhan Sa kya'i dge bsfien, see
Srensen 1994: 408 and n. 1407.
43 On the life of see Seyfort Ruegg 1981 and 1989.
44 The narrative varies: see for instance Bu ston, Chos 'byun fo1. 891.3-5: snon lha sras
Yab kyi ril'! Ia mkhan po Bo dhi sa tva dan lYe ses dvan po dan I Zan rgyal fien fia (4)
bzan dan I Blon Khri bier San si dan I 10 tsa ba Dzfia na de wa ko dan I ICe khyi 'brug
dan I Bram ze Ana nta la sogs pa chos kyi skad Bod la ma grags pa'i man dag gcig byun
iin I rGya dan Li dan Za hor la sogs pa sna tshogs nas (5) bsgyur bas brda mi 'dra ba
man pos chos bslab dka' bar gzigs nas II Sheer coincidence or not, these were the regions
under Tibetan suzeranity in the VIIIth century: cf. infra n. 47.
45 On the history of Western Tibet see Petech 1997. On the meaning of the expression
stod phyogs "western regions" in Old Tibetan sources, see Beckwith 1987: 203-208.
Buddhism
46
. Buddhist scholars, monks and thaumaturges coming from
regions as distant as the Pamir and the Bay of Bengal (regions where
during its Secolo d'oro Tibet excercised degrees of power, if not sover-
eignty47), were entering a: country to which Buddhism was nothing new,
not only because translations from Chinese were possibly already in use,
but also because the Tibetan ruling class had had occasion to meet Bud-
dhism in China, where some of their scions had been educated
48

The suggestion that to impose Buddhism as state religion was a natu-
ral consequence of the "intemationalisation" of the Tibetan Empire seems
quite plausible and that valiant, if not cruel, generals were in prominent
positions in state affairs closely related to the ecclesiastical institution, as
we will see with Stag sgra and rGyal zigs, is perfectly in the nature of
things. As Samten G. Karmay noted, "The adoption of [Buddhism] as
state religion took place in a period when the Tibetan Empire was at its
apogee. Its political and military power reached the four comers of Asia:
in the east, Ch'ang-an (now Xi'an), the capital of the T'ang Dynasty was
46 Including China of course. One cannot but quote, once again, the fine and pioneer-
ing work of Jean Naudou, who mentions the "Annals of Ladakh" according to which, the
Kashmiri Ananta preceded the Bengali Master in Tibet, working there as transl<ltor and
teaching scholastic philosophy. Naudou (1968: 84) adds: "n semble donc se confinner que
les relations entre Ie Tibet et l'Inde s'etablissaient, comme il est normal, par l'intermedi-
aire des provinces himalayennes, et Nepal, et que Ie Kli.SmIr a joue un role dans
l'evangelisation du Tibet a ses debuts, en raison de sa situation geographique, mais aussi
du cosmopolitisme qui obligeait les a comprendre Ie vemaculaire utilise au
marcM de Srlnagar et dans les caravanserails de la Vallee et permettait sans doute a qui
Ie desirait de s'initier au tibetain". On aspects of Buddhism claiming an Indian pedigree
in the regions of KasmIr, Gilgit and Khotan, as illustrated in the narrative of the Vimala-
pr:abhaparipTccha, see Scherrer-Schaub [1998] forthcoming'.
,';" 47 See Hoffman 1990: 383 "The Tibeto-Chinese peace treaty of 783 confirmed Tibetan
dominion over east Turkestan, Kansu, and a large part of Szechwan. During this period
Tibetan influence also extended to the south and the Buddhist king of Magadha and
Bengal, DharmapiUa (circa 760-815) acknowledged Tibetan overlordship - the reason why
the Muslim writers refer to the Bay of Bengal as the "Tibetan Sea"." An interesting and
beautiful literary record of the extension of the Tibetan Empire is preserved in a letter
from Dunhuang [pelliot Ch. 2555, sub finem] dated 763, where in few lines the author paints
a political picttire of the military and economic power of Tibet at this epoch: see Demieville
1952: 297-299.
48 Demieville 1952: 188 (footnote) "Entre 705 et 710 un decret imperial prescrivait
encore d"'agreger a des flls de l'Etat (kouo tseu hiue), pour y faire leurs etudes,
les flls et petits-flls des Rois du Tibet ou des qaghan, desireux d'etudier les Classiques (con-
fucianistes ... ""
ENACTING WORDS 277
captured in 762 and the Chinese who had previously discontinued pay-
irig tributes to' the Tibetans were again obliged to give 50'000 silk rolls
each year; in the west, Gilgit was made a vassal state; in the north,
Turkestan became virtually a part of the empire; in the south, .the Pala
kings of Bengal were made to pay tributes"49.
On the other hand, we have already alluded to the fact that when com-
menting upon the period we are dealing with and up on the narrative of the
motives which inspired the hnperial authoritative decision (bkas bead)
regarding the "Dharma-language" (ehos kyi skad), later historiographers
speak of former translations into Tibetan made from Chinese, Khotanese
and the languages ofU rgyan(UQ-Q-iyfu;la) and Za hor (Bengale)50. It turns
out that this fact seems indeed to be reflected in practice. Among the mdo
man kept in the Collection of Schilling von Constandt
51
, some texts - whether
49 Kannay 1988: 1. Demieville 1952: 189, cites a passage from the Tibetan Chroni-
cles where it is stated that Khri Ide gtsug btsan (r. 712-755) "a confedere tous les princes
par la grande couronne de la bonne loi" (chos bzan ni gtsug che bas II rgyal pran ni kun
/cyan 'dum II): see Bacot, Thomas et Toussaint 1940-1946: 113. The same passage, sum-
marised by Macdonald-Spanien (1971: 343), apparently refers to the renewed altegeance
of the petty king of Nanzhao to the Tibetan bTsan po. As Ariane Macdonald-Spanien has
correctly observed, in the song adressed to the Ambassador of Nanzhao, Khri Ide gtsug
btsan "se defmit a travers Ie premier ancStre, et pose les principes qui rendaient en quelque
sorte ineluctable la relation de vassal a suzerain qui s'est etablie entre Ie roi du Nan-tchao
et lui..." Stein (1986: 177) refers to the same passage and translates" ... il a soumisles
roitelets par sa "bonne religion". Stein (against Macdonald-Spanien), basing his ariument
on contemporary evidence, thinks that the narrative alludes here to Buddhism. Whether this
is so, or open to discussion, the fact remains that Khri Ide gtsug btsan, credited with having
instituted religious sites, might well have appropriated the maxim religione obstrictos
habere multitudinis animos ... cf. supra p. 274.
50 mNa' bdag Nail. ral Ni ma 'od zero Chos 'byun me tog siiin po sbran rtsi'i bcud.
Lhassa 1988, p. 420.
51 Baron Schilling von Constadt, in the fIrst part of the XJX'h century, collected
Mongolian and Tibetan texts with great acumen probably, as surmised by Jacques Bacot,
following the advice of Buddhist scholars. The collection was given by Schilling von
Constadt to the Library of the "Institut" in 1836. Jacques Bacot attempts to retrace the fIg-
ure of S. v. C., the history of the Tibetan collection and its content: "Pour Ie tib6tain seul,
sans parler du mongol, la collection comprend 79 numeros ou volumes pour 48 ouvrages.
Sur ces 48 ouvrages, 25 sont purement canoniques et traduits du sanscrit," formant un lot
de 54 volumes. 18 ceuvrages, egalement religieux, n'ont pas de titres sanscrits. Quelques-
uns panni eux sont des ceuvres originales tibetaines, comme Ie Mani kam boum, ceuvre
historique et religieuse attribuee a Srong tsan gam po, premier roi bouddhiste au Tibet, qui
regnait au vue siecle. Restent 5 ouvrages profanes, dont un sur l'astrologie, un sur la
authentic or forgeries - bear unusual incipits, mentioning titles in Zail
ZuIi, Sum pa, and other languages; although written in Tibetan script, some
languages are unkilown
52
, Similar incipits, attested in the Gondhla (Lahul,
lIP, India) collection, have been brought to my knowledge by my col-
league Helmut Tauscher. As far as the Schilling von Constandt collection
is concerned, one item strongly inclines us to suspect forgeries or later
remakes of history. The dPan skon phyag (b)rgya pa['i mdop bears a
colophon, that reflects later narrative (Bod du dam pa 'i chos 'byun ba'i sna
ltas su lRa tho tho ri sfian sal gyi sku rin la pho bran Yum bu bla mkhar
du nam mkha' las babs mi rab sna nas 'di'i don ses pa 'on zes rmi lam du
lun bstan te chos kyi dbu brfies so II) and, moreover, it is kept together with
a copy of Chos skyon ba'i rgyal po Sron btsan sGam po 'i bka'i 'bum, better
known as MalJi bka' 'bum. The legend relating the introduction (dbu brfies)
of Buddhism to Tibet and the motive of the "rain of books" or ' ~ d a r ma
fallen down from heaven", is attested relatively early (Richardson 1977,
Stein 1986). But, in the words of Per Sjljrensen, it "either was formulated
in the late dynastic period ( ... ) and then went unaltered through the hands
of Atisa, dNos grub and Nail ral, the Indian master and the gter-ston-s
independently responsible for the Vita-compilation of Srong-btsan sgam-
po and its initial dissemination. Or are we to assume that the latter here
introduced the element with this fabulous king in order to tinge their own
rDzogs-chen tradition with the luster of authenticity and importance?"54.
2. Reading the sGra sbyor bam po gills pa as being a public act
The sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa, this complex text being at once a
vademecum destined for translators, a public act, and a richly argued
lexicographical commentary, displays a strong normative character as it
deals at once with "language" which, by definition, is a code and with
medecine et deux dictionnaires. Sur ces 79 volumes, il y a 67 xylographes et 12 manuscrits.
Ces derniers sont ecrits en lettres d'or ou argent sur papier glace noir ou bleu fonce. Ce
sont les moins bien conserves ... " Bacot 1924: 323-324. Cf. Lalou 1931.
S2 See Francke 1927: 129.
S3 Same title as in T5hoku N 267, sDe dge vol. Ya, fol. lal-5b2 and 1.0.211. Cf. Stein
1986: 191 and n. 54.
S4 S!,!rensen 1994: 535, n. 23.
ENACTING WORDS 279
"authoritative prescriptions" regulating the procedure of translating and
ratifying the usages of a term, and thus stating functions of legislation.
It might be unusual, although not incorrect, to say, as stated above,
that the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa, handed down through the c ~ o n i c a l
version, may be seen as a complex charter. When analysed the document
may be seen as consisting of three main parts (Fig. A).
1. The [lIst part (Fig. A 1), usually referred to as the "Introductory
part of the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa", may also be considered as the
protocol of the act. It mentions three "authoritative decisions" issued by
Imperial command
55
, related to the procedure of translating Buddhist
texts, as well as principles and rules for the art of translating and coining
new words.
2. The main part (Fig. A 2), the text of the sGra sbyor properly speak-
ing, may be seen as the main body of the act. It consists of a detailed
commentary on some difficult or hitherto unsettled lexical items. This
part is introduced by the last sentence of the introductory part or protocol
(Fig. A 2, 1)56, which states
Given that previously [some] lexical entries (skad kyi min) have not been
(formally] decided (gtan la ma phab pa) nor fixed as terms (min du ma
thogs pa), [our text gives] at fIrst ... (dan po'or ... an explanation [of these
lexical entries] in conformity with [the meaning and derivation] elicited
from the Mahayana and HInayana treatises and from thegrammaticaltrea------
tises [of the Indian tradition]58.
55 It is worth noting that the tenn "bkas bead" appears in the second or middle decree
of 783/795 and, again, immediately after the reconfirmation of the first and early autho-
ritative decision, promulgated at the occasion of the translation of the Ratnamegha and
Lankiivatiirasittra. The reconfirmation occured at the occasion of the second and third
decrees. In this passages the expression [skad kyi lugs 'di ltar] bkas bead pa applies to the
three (or two) previous events. See infra p. 322.
56 Omitted in the Dunhuang version.
57 The version of Tabo has "bam po dan po", but the canonical version seems prefe-
rable. Unless, as evidenced by some Tibetan canonical texts (the Ratnamegha for instance),
"barn po dan po" is announced at the beginning and not at the end of the corresponding
portion of text. Cf. infra n. 131.
58 The main body ends with a colophon giving the title of the three "vyutpatti" trea-
tises that is preserved in the canonical version only. It is difficult to decide whether or not
it was added later, as suggested for instance by Yamaguchi 1979: 15-16.
3. The final part of the "virtual" document or eschajocol (Fig. A 3),
extant only in the canonical version and closing the sOra sbyor, restates
the authoritative decision of 814 (Fig. A3, I) issued at the 'On can rdo
Imperial Court
59
It confirms the validation of the authoritative decision
(bkas bead) on the part of Emperor Khri IDe sron btsan (Fig. A3, IT) and
authenticates the document (Fig. A3, III).
Recurrent terminology confirming the normative character of the sOra
sbyor bam po gfiis pa occurs throughout the whole text. Principles and
rules expressed in the protocol (Fig. A 1) are echoed and applied in the
main body of the act (Fig. A2). Again, validation formulae found in
the eschatocol (Fig. A3) reflect the former authoritative decisions, men-
tioned in the protocol (Fig. A 1). Moreover, in reading the protocol
(Fig. AI) we may note that the chancery formulary and procedure related
to the third and last authoritative decision, issued in 814, must be read
together with the eschatocol (Fig. A3), thus consistently showing that
the entire text of the sOra sbyor, as transmitted in the canonical version,
presents itself as a coherent public act. Whether or not a similar and
complex document existed at the time of the last redaction of this public
act, that is in 814, the canonical version of the sOra sbyor bam po gfiis pa
shows that, at the time of its collation, it was still considered a formally
and duly authenticated document.
The year 814 is generally aisumed to be the date of the edict con-
cerning the codification (bkas bead) of the rules and principles of trans-
lating buddhist texts, issued by Khri IDe sron btsan (r. 800-815), alias Sad
na legs and, as it is known, Geza Dray (1979) has retraced the "deviat-
jng" tradition, according to which the edict was wrongly attributed to
Khri gTsug Ide btsan (r. 815-836), alias Ral pa can. The horse year 814
is also commonly assumed to be the "date" of the so called "vyutpatti"
treatises
60
, often associated with the "skad gsar bead", literally "the new
59 However it is worth noting that apart from the mention of the Imperial Residence where
the event took place, the phraseology corresponds word-to-word with the phraseology of the
authoritative decision of 783[795, as we have it in the Tabo version, and could well represent
the vestige of at least part of the act of the second or middle bkas bead. Cf. infra p. 324.
60 That is, the three repertories of words, namely the *Alpao, MadhyaO and Maha-vyut-
patti. See Simonsson 1957: 226-233, Hadano 1983: 304-336, Uray 1989, Scherrer-Schaub
1992 and Seyfort Ruegg 1998: 116 and n. 2.
ENACTING WORDS 281
lexical entries/new language (skad gsar) [sanctioned by Imperial (bkas)]
decision (bead),", sometimes referred to as the "revision of the former
translations" and variously interpreted in the light of later accounts.
Indeed, later historiographers mention the authoritative decision(s) (bkas
bead) or Imperial decree(s). Some of them speak of "three" bkas bead,
again with various attributions and significance, the result of recastings
of the tradition. With time, the bkas bead gsum have even been assimi-
lated to the three vyutpatti treatises. How far is that correct? In other
words, what does our document really say?
3. Focussing upon the three authoritative decisions
As said before, the protocol (Fig. Al =} Fig. B and Appendix I)
mentions three events or circumstances which occasioned a specific
authoritative decision related to the procedure of translating Buddhist texts.
Two of them are now dated quite precisely, but the fIrst and earliest event
can only be dated relatively.
1. The third and last event occured "In the horse year [that is 814,
when] the bTsan po was staying at the 'Oft can rdo Imperial Court"61.
2. The second and middle event, now openly revealed thanks to the
collation of the Tabo fragment, took place "In the pig-year [that is 795
or rather 783
62
, when the bTsan po] was staying at the Zuft kar Imper-
ial Court".
3. The fIrst and earliest event is more opaque. It occured, according
to the canonical version, "at the time of the Father (Yab)" or, according
to the Tabo version, "at the time offather and forefathers (Yab myes)".
In this case, the formulary is minimal.
These three events may in tum be analysed according to
1. the narrative of the motives which occasioned the authoritative
decision,
61 As noted by Uray and Panglung, the date follows the fonnulary used in the Old
Tibetan Annals in various degrees of complexity.
62 Cf. infra p. 313.
2. the dispositive/contentltext of the authoritative decision, stipulating
the prescriptions and conditions of application, and
3. the authors (and actors) who issued the authoritative decision and
the persons intervening in the complex procedure of deliberating, ratifying
and enacting the decision.
Focussing on Fig. B and Appendix I, the three events will now be delineated
according to the preceding headings.
1. The edict (bkas bcat!)63 of 814 (Fig. B III and Appendix I p. 317-
318), ill the reign of Khri IDe srOIi btsan (800-815), alias Sad na legs.
1.1. Narrative or the motives which occasioned the present authori-
tative decision. Part of the terminology [formerly] established (min du
btags paY, at the time of the Father (Yab) by Bodhisattva [i.e.
Yeses dbaIi po and others, having not been established according to the
rules expressed in the present decree and being the result of former trans-
lations, made at the time when the Dharma-language (chos kyi skat!) was
not yet widely known in Tibet (Bod la ma grags pa las)64, shall be [now,
correctly] "formed" (bcos).
The alleged motives deserve closer examination. We gather not only
that the process of translating existed before 814, a well known fact, but
also that ever since the beginning of the more or less organized, although
seemingly 1;10t yet institutionaliz@d, process of translating Buddhist texts,
that is since the first translations, performed by the team of San-
taralqita
65
and Yeses dbaIi po, some sort of procedure for establishing a
terminology was already in force, notwithstanding the fact that over time,
it had showed its weaknesses and limits. Interestingly enough, the narrative
"''''ii
"
63 The expression is attested in the esehatoeol, see Fig. A 3.
64 See supra p. 275.
6S "went from Nepal to Tibet for the first time in about 763, and (oO.) he
again resided there from about 775 to the time of his death in about 788": Seyfort Ruegg
1981, p.88-89 and 89, n. 284. Apparently then he is no more of this world at the epoch
ofthe second and middle bkas bead, recorded in the Tabo manuscript, dated of 783/795.
Hence, the event referring to him in the narrative of the 814 bkas bead must be prior to
the 795/783 bkas bead. Unless we accept, with Samten G. Karmay, that the Great Teacher
passed away in 783 and, at the same time, the date 783 for the second bkas bead. If we
follow SfIlrensen (1994: 400, n. 1362), the Bengali Acarya passed away in 797! See infra
p.313-314.
ENACTING WORDS
283
here must refer to a period prior to the middle authoritative decision of
Khri sroil Ide btsan (Fig. B ll)66, a period when although methods for trans-
lating were settled, the procedure of approving and eventually registering
a term with a deliberative body was not yet in use. This seems to ~ o n f r r m
the existence of a previous, less formal, authoritative decision, attested in
the sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa itself but passed over unnoticed so far.
1.2. Dispositive: the text of the authoritative decision (bka' stsal) of 814
states that
The expressions translated from the Jndian language as they are found in the
Mahayana and Ilinayana [treatises], once established as terms (min du btags
pa roams), must be entered in the register of words (dkar chag).
The dispositive is followed by two clauses
67
,
1.2.1. a prohibitive clause stipulating
Never must [the translators] deviate from the established text (gzunlugs)!
(nam du yan gzunlugs de las mi bsgyur zin)
1.2.2. and an injunctive clause stating
The [disposition] must be learnt by everybody! (kun gyis bslab tu run bar
gyis sig)
The ordinance of 814 adds complementary principles and rules for
translating, attesting to, as noted before, a highly refined knowledge of
both Tibetan and Sanskrit6
8

1.3. If we tum now to the authors [or "actors"] involved in this event
and functioning as deliberative body of the act, we find first of all
Emperor Khri IDe sroil btsan who, as stated in the concluding part of the
canonical version (Fig. A3), issued the authoritative decision, along with
the councillors and the Western and Tibetan mkhan po and 10 tsa ba who
translated and fixed the terms. Moreover, a detailed chancery procedure
appears where we gather that
66 Cf. infra p. 313.
67 These two clauses are contemplated by KauWya in his Arthasiistra where we find a
concise chancery manual, together with an epitome on edicts (siisana). See Scherrer-Schaub
forthcoming" .
68 See Simonsson 1957, Pang1ung 1994, Scherrer-Schaub 1992, 1999
b

1.3.1. The Indian and Tibetan mkhan po all together est;Iblished and rati-
fied the [rules and prescriptions of the] Dharma language and after delibe-
ration by the Ruler and Councillor (rje blon mol nas), a minute [of the
document] has been red"acted (reg zeg du mdzad pa) and in the presence of
a convention of the learned (mkhas pa mams 'tshogs te), the new terms
(skad gsar min), not previously established and ratified/flxed (snon ma thogs
pa dan gtan la ma phab pa) were established as terms and ratifiedlfixed
(min du btags sin gtan la phab ste)."
1.3.2. The text indicates twice (Fig. A1,3) the place where the Buddhist
terminology was ratified, that is the 'On can rdo Imperial Court.
1.3.3. Finally the validator and validation formula confirm formally
the authenticity of the public act (Fig. A3).
1.3.3.1. The Divine Emperor Khri IDe srOIi btsan confIrmed by order (btsan
gyis bskul nas) and authenticated the authoritative decision (bkas bead) [lit.
and [the bTsan po] established the bkas bead as not falsified (bkas bead de
mi beos par biag pa)].
1.3.3.2. [This] has been written in conformity with the exemplar [that is the
original act] of the bkas bead and shall not be corrupted/not be deviating (zur
ma beos so) [from the original] by other (gian gyis) [redactions/redactors].
Then, following a procedure known also in other public acts kept in epi-
graphical records (in the rKon po Inscription for instance), a procedure well
attested in Indian epigraphy, the dispositive of the edict of 814 ends with a
clause (Appendix I, p. 317, 1. 24-318, 1. 1) (re )confirming and thereby intro-
ducing the authoritative decision and prescriptions issued previously.
2. The second or middle edict (bkas bead) of 783 or 795 (Fig. B2,
bppendix p. 321), in the reign of Khri sron Ide btsan.
The textual stratum related to this decision is, at least partially, common to
the three extant versions of the sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa, the canonical
(" bstan ' gyur"), the manuscript of Tabo and the manuscripts of Dunhuang
(see infra Annex I, p. 319).
Jampa L. Panglung (1994) has shown quite dearly that "the bsTan-'gyur
version of the first bam-po must be taken as a confirmation by Khri
IDe-sron-bcan of the earlier edict of his father as transmitted in the Ta pho
version. ( ... ) As a consequence [of the fact that the canonical version records
the events in 814, and not in 783/795 as the Tabo version, apparently, does]
also the annalistic entry including the names of the Great Councillors of the
earlier edict has to be replaced by an actual one. However, the names of the
ENACTING WORDS 285
Great monks Yon-tan and Tm-ile-'jin who were still in office had been kept.
But it is noteworthy that the bsTan-' gyur version shows a promotion in rank
of the Great monk Yon-tan whose name is preceded by the honorific dPal.
It is worth pointing out, that the Ta pho version does not include the title
zu-chen but simply reads lochaba."
The collation of the extant versions may even lead a step further. Indeed,if
one carefully confronts the canonical, the Tabo and the Dunhuang versions
(see herewith 2.2.4 and 2.2.5.) which unfortunately have, so to speak, dis-
appeared in the critical apparatus ofIshikawa's edition (1990), the collation
of chancery formulae of similar pattern, as we will see, shows small, although
significant, differences.
2.1. Narrative or the motives having occasioned the second or middle
authoritative decision
The motives behind the authoritative decision (bkas bead) are not
explicitly expressed. One may surmise, however, after consideration of
the dispositions stipulated in the present decision, that a certain anarchy
prevailed among the translators and, as the last paragraph explicitly admits
(see hereafter), one cause of the situation was personal initiative on the
part of the colleges of translation and teaching
69
, both with regard to the
content and the form.
Moreover, the narrative related to the second or middle authoritative
decision shows genuine concern for the spirit of language (le genie de la
langue) in the light of which the motives alleged in the bkas bead of 814,
claiming that the authoritative decision is a response to the problems of
improper translations, made "at the time when the Dharma-language (ehos
kyi skad) was not yet widely known in Tibet (Bod la ma grags pa las)"
(Appendix I, p. 318), may be seen as complementing and clarifying
the implicit motives alluded to here. In fact the present authoritative deci-
sion seems to take for granted that the translations into Tibetan must be
done from the Indian language (rgya gar gyi skad la bod kyi skad du); it
attests to the existence of "normative principles for translating the Saddharma
(dam pa'i ehos bsgyur lugs)", clearly implies the existence of colleges of
69 See infra Appendix I, p. 323: bsgyur ba dan' chad pa 'i grwa. This may refer to the
colleges installed in bSam yas, where "1m mKhyen-rab 'jam-dpal glin wurde der Dharma
gelehrt [chos 'chad]. ( ... ) 1m sGra-bsgyur rgya-gar gliiJ. wurde iibersetz [sgra bsgyurJ"
(Uebach 1987: 98-99). On the twelve colleges of which the foundation is traditionally
attributed to Khri IDe srOii btsan, see Uebach op. cit. 106-107 and Uebach 1990.
translation and exegesis before the date of issue of the present authorita-
tive decision, that is befor(! 795/783, and thereby agrees with the evidence
given above for an earlier, albeit less standardized institutionalized pro-
cedure for translating Buddhist texts and terminolo"gy.
2.2. Dispositive.
As just said, the middle or second authoritative decision provides
principles (lugs) regulating the translation of Saddharma. In
particular the dispositive provides the restrictions regarding literal and
non-literal translation, as the case may be, and the rule applying to the
use of honorific / respectful expressions according to the ranleo of "sanc-
tity" of the persons appearing in Buddhist narrative
7
! closely connected
(te I, gian ni Tabo) to the early and first authoritative decision which both
versions reconfirm.
Then follow two clauses restricting the executive power of the col-
leges appointed to the office of translating, here the bstan 'gyur and Dun-
huang version (Appendix I, p. 322-323a; cf. Tabo, p. 323b and infra
p.288).
2.2.1. Prohibitive clause
In consequence of the fact that (las) the normative principles (lugs) of the
[dharma] language have been stipulated (bead pa) by [imperial] decree
(bkas) , it is not allowed for anj1 one, on their own initiative (so so nas), to
create/invent ('ehos) and, after that ('og tu), to fix a new term (min gsar du
'dogs su).
2.2.2. Restrictive clause, related to the revision and formation of a new
term
However, when a college of translation and exegesis (bsgyur ba daft' ehad
pa'i grva), on its own part (so so nas) is compelled to fix a term in the new
language / a new lexical entry, one must examine (dpyad de) [the term] as
70 I sails rgyas dail byail chub sems dpa' dail nan thos la sogs pa ze sa dan ska Ian gi
tshig gi rim pa ni sans rgyas fa ze sa'i tshig tu bsgyur I, Tabo sails rgyas dail byail chub
sems dpa' daill nan thos mams la rje ... dan ... rk (a) dan rim pa ni rje sa'i tshig tu bsgyur
ra liOn the verb ska, see Dray 1972: 19.
71 An example being the prastiivanii of the Ratnamegha. This disposition, despite its
location in the text, could refer to the previous authoritative decision which is immediately
introduced.
ENACTING WORDS
287
it is designated I known or understood (ji skad du gdags pa) in the Dharma
and, [the term in case, will be explained through] the arguments as they
come out of! emerge from I appear in (ji skad du 'byun ba) the dharma
treatises and from the grammatical method, and one must not definitively
fix the term (min chad par ma gdags par) at [the initiative of] a particular
college.
2.2.3. The dispositive then records the procedure of approval of a new
term, to be eventually entered in the register, which again bears testi-
mony to changes in chancery, in the interval between the issue of the
second and third authoritive decisions, since the canonical and Dunhuang
versions show a more complex hierarchy in chancery practice and titula-
ture (see hereafter 2.3) than the version attested by the Tabo fragment.
2.2.4. Finally, the text presents a special ordinance promulgated (Bla
nas bka' stsal (d) IDh)72 in order to restrict the translation of the tantras
to the texts currently under translation (IDh) and adding
2.2.5. a prohibitive clause related to tantra and mantra terminology, attest-
ing that translations of this class of Buddhist texts had been made before
783/795
73
.
2.3. The authors or actors who issued the authoritative decision and
were appointed as a legislative and executive body comprise the bTsan
po (rIe, that is Khri sronlde btsan
74
) and the Council of Ministers (blon
mol) who issued the decree or ordinance (bkas bcad) relative to the ter-
minology and the normative principles.
72 The Tabo version does not include this ordinance (infra Appendix I). Instead of the
prohibitive clause of the canonical version, somewhat looser and more "positive" dispo-
sition provides that "permission must be requested; after it has been granted by order. .. "
(siiand tu ius te I bka's gnan nas ... ); see the following note.
73 This is even more explicit if we read the Tabo version: "As to the Tantras, the texts
themselves state that they are to be kept secret. Therefore it is not allowed to teach and
explain them to unfit people, because it causes harm if encoded terms are misunderstood.
Therefore permission must be requested and after it has been granted by order, the trans-
lation of the Tantras must be done by an excellent scholar not falsifying the meaning
and not falsifying the text but just as the tantra had been known formerly! Concern-
ing the translation ofTantra ... codified ... not allowed.". See Panglung 1994: 165 and infra
Appendix I, p. 323.
74 See Panglung 1994: 166.
Without entering into a detailed analysis of this section, this having
been thouroughly undertaken by Jampa L. Panglung, it may be useful
to focus upon the procedure of approval of a new term, which as we
have seen could be, in case of necessity, coined by the college of transla-
tion and explanation of Buddhist texts (see supra 2.2.2). Again, the
two sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa traditions differ. The canonical version
states:
2.3.1. [After that, the new term] must be submitted to the convention/com-
mittee (mdun sa)7S of the Bhagavat's representative (rin lugs) and to the
college for proposal for great revision of Buddhist treatises (dha rmma zu
chen 'tshal ba'i grvar phulla) at the Imperial palace (pho bran). Then [once
the petition has been accepted and] sanctioned by authoritative decision
(bkas bead) [i. e. officially homologated/approved], the term must be entered
in the register of words (skad kyi dkar ehag).
The Tabo version, translated by J. Panglung
76
, has:
2.3 .2. [However, though such terms of translation had been created (' di dag
bsgyur ba'i myin smran yan)] they must be submitted to the Commission-
ers of Bhagavat (beom ldan 'das ritz lugs) in the residence and the Board of
Lochabas who translate the Dharma (dar ma bsgyur ba'i 10 tsha ba'i grar)
and permission [of the bean-po] must be asked. for. After [the assent] is
given by order, include the term into the general register. .
This interesting passage shows tAat in 783n95 the ecclesiastic chancery
already followed an established hierarchical procedure: the colleges of
translating and explaining Buddhist texts
77
had to refer proposed termi-
nology for approval to the high ecclesiastic representative and the college
of translators attached to the palace; a repertory of homologated terms
:''''''already existed. The canonical and Dunhuang versions, possibly reflect-
ing the 814 situation, bear evidence to a flourishing ecclesiastic bureau-
cracy. The Bhagavat's representative is flanked by a convention/commit-
tee (mdun sa) and the college of translators, [in charge of] translating
75 The term 'dun sa, according to Helga Uebach, designates a "holy place" in the sGra
'grel of Dran pa nam rnkha', and "strongly reminds of an institution of the Tibetan empire,
the "assembly of the state", 'dun rna": Uebach 1999: 271 and 265.
76 See Panglung 1994: 165 and infra Appendix I.
77 On the meaning of the Tibetan term "dar maldhar mma", see Stein 1983: 177 and
n.54.
ENACTING WORDS 289
Buddhist texts (dar rna bsgyur ba'i lo tsiiba'i grar), is replaced by and/or
hierarchically submissioned to the college for proposals of great revision
of Buddhist treatises (dha rmma iu chen 'tshal ba'i grvar phulla)78.
Dating the second or middle bkas bcad
As we have seen, the Tabo document begins with the edict of Khri
sroil Ide btsan and represents an independent act; it bears a date and
gives the names of the persons acting as deliberative body. We gather
thus that besides the great monks (ban de chen po) Yon tan and Till ile
'dzin, the great councillors (blon chen po) rGyal gzigs and Stag
ra appear at the head of the deliberative body (blon chen po rGyal gzigs
dan I blon chen po sTag ra fa stsogs pa). We have also seen that with
good reason Jampa L. Panglung favours 795, noting that "the reference
to the residence ZUil-kar which in historiographical literature tradition-
ally is the place where Khri-sroillde-bcan lived in his old days (or had
retired to) and where he died would be in favour of the year 795".
However and interestingly enough, Blon chen po Zail rGyal gzigs Su
theil and Blon sTag sgra Klu goil are listed in first place, following the
Lord of 'A fa (!) (dPon 'A ia rJe), among the civil and military offi-
cials having sworn to (bro stsal pa) the bka' gtsigs, the charter pro-
claiming Buddhism as state religion
79
which, as have seen, was distri-
buted by Imperial command to the borderland regions of Tibet (supra
p.268).
If sTag sgra KIu goil, known as a valiant general, is the recipient of the
privileges granted by Khri sroillde btsan, as recorded in the Zol inscrip-
tion, and promoting him great inner minister (nan blon chen po) and
"great conciliator"(?) (Yo gal 'chos pa chen po), and if he was possibly
the diplomat who in 781 took part in the pourparlers for the Sino-Tibetan
treaty of 783 (Richardson 1985: 2), on his part, rGyal gzigs Su theil is
known for his cruelty and his hostility towards the Chinese which probably
resulted in his dismissal in 782/3 when he was replaced by rGyal mtshan
78 Cf. Panglung 1994: 179. See infra p. 315 3.5.
79 See Tucci 1950: 97.13-14 and 46; Richardson 1985: 2; Karmay 1988: 1; Panglung
1994: 167.
lHa snail. as chief minister in the aforementioned pourparlers
80
. sTag sgra
KIu gon and rGyal gzigs Su then are mentioned in the 2:01 inscription (of
763), which relates their military exploits against Emperor Tai Tsung who,
unlike his father, "did not deem it proper to pay tribute to Tibet. When
the btsan-po was aggrieved at that, KIu-khong took the lead in advising
that an army should be sent against the palace of the Chinese king at Keng-
shi, the very centre of China. Zhang Mchims-rgyal Rgyal-zigs shu-theng
and the minister Stag-sgra klu-khong were appointed chief generals for the
campaign against Keng-shi. They attacked Keng-shi and a great battle was
fought wij:hthe Chinese on the banks of the ford at Ci'u-cir"81.
Richardson, commenting upon sTag sgra, notes the difficulty of re-
conciling the reports of later historiographers to the effect that sTag sgra
was considered "as a leading opponent of Buddhism at the time of the
death of KhriLde-gtsug-brtsan. In one version he was banished before the
building of Bsam-yas ( ... ) but another part of tradition names him as
the builder of the black mehod-rten there" ( ... ) "In view of his survival
in power until about 783 A.D. the story needs further examination"82. The
fact that Stag sgra is mentioned in the bkas bead of 795/783, preserved
in the Tabo version, might confinn that he was then, in a way or another,
active in the political scene if not the Buddhist milieu
83
. But at the same
time it argues for rejecting 795 in favour of 783
8
4, since sTag sgra and
80 Demieville 1952: 184 (footnote) "Le grand ministre tibetain ( ... ), qui etait violein-
ment anti-chinois, fut remplace par son second ( ... ) Chang Kie-tsan Clan rOyal bean?) poli-
tique avise, partisan d'une attitude moderee et pacifique aux frontieres chinoises ( ... ) et
en 783 un traite de paix futjure Ii Ts'ing-chouei". Cf. Demieville op. cit. p. 291 (footnote).
Qg. mChims Zan rGyal zigs and Nan lam sTag sgra kIu gOil, see Panglung 1994: 166-167
and notes.
Richardson loco cit. dates the tol inscription of "around 764 A. D. or only a little later".
81 Zol South Inscription, 11. 50-59, Richardson 1985: 12-13. Cf. Bacot & Toussaint
1940-1946: 114,11.25-31. On the Tibetan capture of Ch'ang-an, see Beckwith 1987: 146
and 148, n. 23, Imaeda 2000: 92-93.
82 Richardson 1985: 2. Cf. S(6rensen 1994: nn. 1181, 1184.
83 Per S(6rensen (1994: n. 1181) in commenting upon the fact that Stag sgra is "recorded
as active during the erection of the black stilpa in bSam-yas and (more surprisingly) recorded
as sworn-in minister in the Buddhist 'bKa' -gtsigs ofKhri-sroillde-btsan (issued ca. 780 A. D.)"
notes that this facts "may indicate that he turned Buddhist towards the end of his life".
84 In 783 several important events took place: the Sino-Tibetan Treaty of Ch'ing Shui
(Beckwith 1987: 149; Imaeda 2000: 93), the Bon-Buddhist dispute (according to S.G. Kar-
may 1972: 88-94) and possibly the "middle" bkas bead of Khri sroillde btsan.
ENACTING WORDS 291
rGyal gzigs had supposedly been dismissed by the latter date and disap-
pear from the public records after 783
85
. We must still face the problem
of where the bTsan po was staying when the edict was issued. Zun khar
residence must have been particularly dear to Khri sron Ide btsan, since
it was there that he received his regnal name and his sovereign power in
756
86
After all, the edict of Khri sronlde btsan, dated in a might
(like religious foundations or public and solemn prayers) have comple-
mented the "Te Deum practices" usually performed in the wake of the
Sino-Tibetan treaties
87
, in this case the treaty of 783. This is, of course,
highly speculative since we may wonder why supposedly
85 The complex figure of sTag sgra, a leading protagonist of the anti-Buddhist faction,
who might, as we have seen before (n. 83) "turned Buddhist towards the end of his life",
is credited with having been banished, at an unsettled date, to the northern regions (Byan
than), the vital centre of Zail zun. In the dBa bied he is clearly listed among the Bon po
adherents who participated in the Bon/Buddhist controversy (Wangdu & Diemberger 2000:
61 and n. 194), a controversy which Sprensen (against Karmay, supra n. 84) places in the
year 759, op. cit. 605 and 366-367.
86 1.0. S 8212, 1. 17 spre'u to la bab ste I dbyar bTsan pho Zun kar na biugs I bTsan
po'i mtshan Khri sron LDe brtsan du bond I cab srid phyag du bies I Macdonald-Spanien
1971: 319.
87 The dates of the treatises do indeed almost in all cases coincide with remarkable
religious events such as the De ga g-yu tshal prayers (Pelliot tib 16 and I. O. 751) for the
foundation of the vihara of dByar mo than, on the occasion of the 821/822 treaty. Rolf Stein
(1983: 215-216) has a short albeit rich note, which seems to have passed unnoticed
and may deserve to be quoted: "Le lieu est De-ga g.yu-chal, situe dans Ie dByar-mo
thang qualifiee de "plaine du traite" (mjal-dum than). On y mentionne des hauts fonc-
tionnaires du Tibet, du mDo-gams, du Kam-bcu (Kan-tcheou), de Go-eu, et les militaires
de mKhar-can, de Kva-cu (Koua-tcheou), de Phyug-cams, de 'Brom-khon. Selon l'etude
de Yamaguchi, Ie mKhar-chan de l'epoque se situe dans la region de Ling-tcheou, alias
Ling-wou [93], c.-a-d. loin a l'Est, dans 1'0rdos. C'est Ia que fut fixee la frontiere entre
Chine et Tibet (Alasan), selon Ie Traite de 821-2. n y avait la une sous-prefecture de Ming-
cha [94], nom qu'on retrouve a Touen-houang (Cha-tcheou). Un autre nom de lieu est pro-
pre aux deux regions. C'est Yu-lin [95] (*iu liam) "foret des ormes": 1) nom des celebres
grottes de Wan-fo hia [96] (ca. 30 km a l'Est de Touen-houang), et 2) deux fdis dans
l'Ordos, a) =Souei-yuan, rive nord du Fl. jaune; b) =Hia-teheou (plus tard oceupe par Ie
Si-hia). Un 3e Yu-lin, poste militaire, a existe entre Ngan-si (Turfan) et Yen-k'i (Karasar)
au VIIIe siecle. Un temple de Yu-lim (= Yu-lin) est mentionne ensemble avec Kva-cu et
Phyug-mchams dans Ie ms. P. tib. 997 et, avec des vceux pOUT Ie roi tib6tain (lha-sras kyi
sku-yon), dans P. 2122. Dans ees conditions on peut se demander si Ie nom de g.Yu-chal
"foret de turquoise" n' est pas moitie traduction ("foret"), moitie transcription (g. yu = yu? )
de Yu-lin." Surprisingly enough, this passage escaped the attention of Kapstein, see IDP
News N 17 2000/2001, p. 3. Helga Uebaeh (1991) provides a detailed and careful study
of the location of dByar mo than in the light of the Tibetan historiography.
alive in Tibet and active in translating, is not mentioned,in the text of the
bkas bead, preserved in the Tabo version, a fact that induces us to prefer
795 ...
Coming back to our document, the end of the present paragraph
(Appendix I, p. 321), as in the case of the 814 Edict (Appendix I, p. 319a),
records, thereby re-confirming and introducing, a previous authoritative
decision.
3. The [earliest] and first authoritative decision
Although the formulary is here reduced to its essentials, this passage
undoubtedly implies the existence of a previous authoritative decision
promulgated, according to the canonical version, "at the time of the pre..;
ceding Divine Son, the Father" (snon Zha sras Yab), that is Khri Ide srmi
btsan, or according to the Tabo version "at the time of the forefathers (Yab
Myes kyi sku rin Za)"88.
3.1. The alleged motive or occasion is the translation of the Ra-
tnamegha
89
and the Lankiivatara (dha rmmal dar ma dkon mehog sprin
dan Zan kar gsegs pa bsgyur te).
3.2. As to the dispositive the text, reduced to a minimum, speaks of
"normative principles" (lugs) of [translating] and fixing [terms] (gtan Za
phab pa'i lugs).
3.3. Besides the supreme authority who issued the act, this earliest
bkas bead mentions anonymous author(s) or aetor(s). Here again, the
canonical and the Tabo versions differ. The canonical version, like the sec-
ond bkas bead (see supra 2), actualizes the titulature: where the Tabo
version has only "Zo tsa bas", the canonical version supplies "Zo tsa ba
mkhas pa {'tshogs pals", consistently following the titulature ofthe third
or 814-bkas bead (see infra Annex I, pp. 317a Zo tsa ba mkhas pa,
I 1 . 2 2 ~ 2 3 and mkhas pa mams 'tshogs 1127.16) which, as we will see in
the following paragraph, attests to a change in the chancery practice.
88 Cf. 10 370.5, Stein 1986: 173-174.
89 A Sanskrit fragment of the Ratnameghasutra is attested in sm III 945, see San-
skrithandschriften aus den Tuifanfunden, E. Waldsclunidt, Wiesbaden, 1971, Teil3, Verz.
der orient. Handschrift. in Deutschland Bd X,3, p. 206-207 [= T. 659.246a28 f., T 600,
660.288a14 f.].
ENACTING WORDS 293
3.3.1. The chancery procedure, according to the canonical version, is
relatively preCise. The present authoritative decision has been issued
In the presence (spyan snar) of the Divine Son Yab, when the preceptors
and translators had assembled Ctshogs pas), the nonnative principles ...
were ratifiedlfixed (gtan la phab pa).
3.3.2. Once again, the Tabo chancery is, briefer, stating:
At the time of the Ancestors, the Teacher (mkhan po) and the Translator
90
having translated (bsgyur te) the Ratnamegha and the Lankavatara [slltra],
normative principles [were] fixed (gtan la phab pa'i lugS)91.
At this point, what follows (in all versions), shows that these unspecified
"normative principles" (lugs), were eventually considered as having been
promulgated by the supreme power and hence were authoritative, which
confirms the offiCial character of this vague first authoritative decision.
Indeed, the passage introduces here a restrictive clause (3.3.3) based
on the [three] previous authoritative decisions:
In consequence of the fact that (las) the nonnative principles of the [dhanna]
language (skad kyi lugs) have been stipulated by [imperial] decree (bkas
bcadpa),
3.3.3. the following restrictive clause related to the revision and for-
mation of a new term, states
92
It is not permitted for anybody, on their own initiative to create (' chos) and,
after that Cog tu), to fix a new tenn (min gsar du 'dogs su).
90 Although "mkhan po" is a common religious title, "mKhan po" may designate
Santaralqit<l, see for instance, dBa bied fo1. 5b et passim, Wangdu & Diemberger 2000:
40 and n. 83. And Ananta is described as "10 tsa ba" and sometimes "learned 10 tsa
ba" (lo tsii ba mkhas pay, S ~ r e n s e n 1994: 366 and n. 1186,398 and n. 1352; Wangdu &
Diemberger op. cit. 45 and n. 103. On the other hand Demieville (1952) notes that the
expression "Hwa san" (Chinese Heshang) is a "transcription (a travers une deformation
serindienne) du skr. upiidhyiiya, devenu en chinois vUlgaire la designation la plus usuelle
des moines bouddhistes" (op. cit. p. 10, n. 1).
91 Our translation takes some liberty with the syntax, lit. "according to the normative
principles that have been frxed ... "
92 From now on the text is also preserved in three fragmentary Dunhuang manuscripts
Pelliot tib. 845 and 843, I. O. Tib. J. 76, see Appendix I, pp. 323 et sq., Appendix II,
p.325.
In his detailed analysis of the paragraph Nils Simonsson noted that it was
difficult to decide which version of the translation of the two siitras was
being alluded to by the sGra sbyor93. However, the Tabo version of this
paragraph was not available to Simonsson and his analysis was. mainly
restricted to textual history. The study of the history of the translation
of the Ratnamegha and the Laftkiiviitarasiitra leads, as we shall see, to
interesting and hitherto unnoted data; the fact that the extant versions of
the sGra sbyor attribute the translation to two different periods of Tibetan
imperial history confirms the ideological nature of historical and epi-
graphical sources, already at a relatively early epoch in Tibet. This complex
situation has been studied with different approaches by several scholars;
particularly relevant here are the studies of Geza Dray (1972), Rolf A.
Stein (1986) and Jampa L. Panglung (1994). In his Tibetiea Antiqua IV. .
La tradition relative au debut du bouddhisme au Tibet, Stein quotes the tes-
timony of the sKar chUIi inscription, dating to the reign of Khri Ide srOli
btsan, which as he says is "un edit a la gloire du bouddhisme. On y lit au
debut" A l'epoque de (mon) ancetre Khri SroIi-bcan (alias SroIi-bcan
sgam-po), roi saint et divin, (il) a pratique la religion du Bouddha et il a
construit les temples de R a ~ s a (Lhasa) et autres. n a (ainsi) fonde les sup-
ports des Trois Joyaux''''94. A parallel case is mentioned by Geza Dray in
The Narrative of Legislation and Organization of the Mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston.
The Origin of the Traditions eoneevning SrOli-brean Sgam-po as First Leg-
islator and Organizer of Tibet. Dray (1972: 46) stresses the political motive
for recasting history and quotes Bogoslovskij "While concentrating all his
attention on the reign of the 'strong' bean-pos, at the same time the author
of the chronicle conceals the activity of other 'weak' bean-pos, as e.g.,
93 Simonsson 1957: 257-259 and 258 where Simonsson mentions that both the Ratna-
megha and the Lankavatara are listed in the lHan dkar rna as having been translated from
the Indian language, when it is common knowledge that the canonical translation of the
Lankavatara made by Chos grub, the learned bilingual scholar who worked mainly in
Dunhuang during the fIrst part of the IXth century, is based on the Chinese version of the
sutra. However, as noted by Jikido Takasaki (1978), a Dunhuang version translated "from
the Indian language" is kept in the Paris Pelliot collection.
94 Richardson 1985: 74: II 'phrul gyi Iha btsan po I myes I Khri sron brtsan gyi rin la
II sans rgyas gyi chos mdzad de I ra sa'i gtsug lag khan las stsogs pa brtsigs sin II dkon
mchog gsum gyi rten btsugs pa dan ... Stein 1986: 169. Similar context in the bKa' mchid
of Khri sroil1de btsan.
ENACTING WORDS 295
Man-sron Man-bean during whose reign all the power in the country was
held by the aristocratic Mgar clan." To this he adds, "The same tendency
can be observed in Khri Lde-sron-brcan's inscription made on the occa-
sion of the foundation of Skar-cun chapel at the beginning of the 9th cen-
tury. "
Since Sron btsan sgam po is credited with having instituted religious
sites and state administration, it is only normal that the tradition adds
to the sovereign's edificatory tale the fact that translation of Buddhist
texts was initiated in his reign
95
Following the Deb ther96 the transla-
tor of the Ratnameghasutra was Thon mi sarpbhota, the Tibetan lettre
reputed to have introduced writing to Tibet. Commenting upon the pas-
sage in point, Jampa L. Panglung (1994: 165, n. 13), says "Concern-
ing the date of the translation of both texts, the bsTan-' gyur version of
the sGra-sbyor instead of yab-myes reads lha-sras-yab = Khri-sronlde-
bcan. However it is worth noting that traditionally Tibetan historiogra-
phers like mKhas-pa IDe' -u, Bu-ston and others mention that the trans-
lation of the Ratnameghasutra had been made during the reign of
Sron-bcan sgam po."
Geza Uray (1972: 48-49) assumed that the "elaboration of an all-
embracing picture of Tibetan history in the Buddhist principles was begun
only by lDan-ma-rce-man and his fellow-monks during Khri Lde-sron-
brcan's reign, at the beginning of the 9th century (our emphasis), and
their work accomplished by the historiographers of the Buddhist restora-
tion, after 1000 A. D." In the case in point here, since the Tabo version
attributes the second authoritative decision to the reign of Khri sron Ide
btsan and the previous authoritative decision to the epoch of the Ances-
tors (yab myes), we must decide whether this statement has any factual
basis or has been interpolated in the wake of later tradition, if not an ide-
ological rewrite of history.
95 On Sron btsan sgam po's Vitae as Dharmaraja, see the narrative of the rGyal Tabs,
translated and annotated by Per Srensen 1994: 159-186. On the siitras translated in his
reign, op. cit. 173 and notes.
96 Deb ther shon po, English translation, p. 40. The dBa bied, Wangdui & Diemberger
2000: 27, says that on his return to Tibet, Than mi "took with him some [texts of the doc-
trine] such as Chos dkon mchog sprin (Ratnameghasiitra), Pad ma dkar po, Rin po che tog,
gZugs grwa lnga and dGe ba bcu".
In the rdo rin inscription "near the bridge" of 'Phyon rgyas, dating to
the reign of Khri sron Ide btsan (755-794 ?), the expression yab myes
refers to ruling sovereigns, namely the first bTsan po "who came [on
earth] to rule over gods and men" (lha btsan po yab myes lha dan myi'i
rjer gsegs te II) and the Ancestors of Khri Sron Ide btsan, that is his pre-
decessors, who continued to govern according to inherited custom. A si-
milar use of the expression yab myes is attested in the sKar chun inscrip-
tion dated to the reign of Khri Ide sron btsan (ca. 800-815): ' di ltar II yab
myes I gdun rabs rgyud kyis II dkon mchog gsum gyi rten btsugs sin II
sans rgyas kyi chos mdzad pa 'di II ... "And so ... this practice of the reli-
gion of the Buddha by establishing shrines of the Three Jewels by the
father and ancestors in successive generation (our emphasis) ... "97
Again, in his bka'mchid Khri sron Ide btsan says "When my father went
to heaven, some ministers became hostile and the Buddhist Law practised
from the time of grandfather and father
98
was destroyed." (btsan po
yab dgun du gsegs kyi 'og tu Zan bloil kha cig gyis 'ur 'dums kyi blo zig
byun ste I yab mes kyi rin tshund chad I sails rgyas gyi chos mdzad mdzad
pa yan gsig go II) Since the inscription from the time of Khri sron Ide btsan
attests to the existence (legendary or not) of the Buddhist religion in
the age of the Ancestors, one can reasonably assume that a text close to
the Tabo version was circulating in Tibet at the tum of the century, i.e.
the approximate period to which we assign the transmission of the sGra
sbyor to the Western regions (see supra p. 271). The canonical version
of the sGra sbyor which emphasizes Khri sron Ide btsan, seems to be in
line with later tradition, as attested for instance in the story of King Tsa
(Ptib 840) studied by Samten G. Karmay (1981), where we find an eulogy
which states: " ... The Divine Son, Khri-sron lde-btsan, He introduced
holy Buddhism and invited masters from India, ... "99
97 Richardson 1985: 38-39 and 76-77. The title lha sras Yab is applied to Khri sron Ide
btsan in the rKon po inscription, the latter being dated to the reign of Khri Ide sroil btsan
(ca. 800-815).
98 OUT emphasis. See Tucci 1950: 47 and 98. This passage may be confronted with IO
370.5,11. 14-16 rgyal po yab nons sras chuns pas II chos bzan gtsug lag rHili nub mod II
bden pa 'i lam mchog dge ba'i chos II 'dul ba bcu srun ba dan II myi mgon rgyal po 'i rgyal
khrims dan II pha myes 'jans pa'i stan nag giun II Cf. Stein 1986: 174.
99 Karmay 1981: 207 and 209: .. .lha sras Khri sron lde btsan gyis II dam chos slobs
dpon rgya gar yul nas spyan drans te 11. .. Stein 1986: 172 dates Pelliot tib. 840 to the mid-
ninth century.
ENACTING WORDS
297
Another parallel may be found in an equally well-known alternative tra-
dition, according to which Buddhism was first introduced to Tibet from
China at the tiille of the Ancestors or during the infancy of Khri sroIi
Ide btsan. While this is not the place to go into the question in <;ietail
lO
O,
it is useful to recall the testimony of Bu ston, as noted by Paul Demieville
(1951: 195 and n. 1) " ... , dans Ie recit que donne Bu-ston de l'introduc-
tion du bouddhisme a l'epoque de Khri-sroIi-lde-bcaIi, c'est l'arrivee de
maitres chinois qui est mentionnee en premier lieu, avant celle des maitres
indiens" 101. Rolf Stein, for his part, concludes a long analysis of this ques-
tion by saying that "Ie rOle eminent de la Chine vers 730-750 reside dans
la transmission du bouddhisme chinois (en partie par l'intermediaire du
Tch'an), parallelement et concurrement avec Ie bouddhisme indien".
As seen before, the central or pivotal assumed fact which occasioned
the earliest authoritative decision is the translation of the Ratnamegha
and the Lankavatarasiitra
102
That the earliest authoritative decision
IDO See Demieville 1952; Tucci 1958; Macdonald-Spanien 1971: 379-385; Demieville
1979; Stein 1985: 115-118, 1986: 171, n. 6.
IDI Demieville op. cit. p. 185 and n. 1, where he sum up a very long passage of Bu ston,
cf. Chos 'byun foL 881.8-890.6.
ID2 Ratnamegha, sTag 157: Zu chen gyi 10 tsa ba ban de dmi Dhar-
matasfias ius te gtan la phab pa I skad gsar bead kyis kyan bcos lags so II T6hoku N 231,
sDe dge vol. Lwa, fol. 112b7: La tsii ba Ban de Rin chen 'tsho dan I Chos
iiid tshul khrims [DharmatasIla] kyis bsgyur cin ius te gtan la phab pa II. Otani 897, idem.
Phug brag 162, 285 !Han dkar 89 (8 bam po). Pelliot tib. 77, cf. also IO 161-163, 161
icpl., fol. 1 beginning and fol. 4, verso, end of bam po 7. Lankiivatiira sTog 245 (8 bam
po and 7 chapters, no colophon). Otani 775 anonymous, (776 transl. by Chos grub). T6hoku
N 107, idem. Phug brag 86, 87 (= !Han dkar 252 translated from Chinese (8 bam po);
84, unspecified translation (11 bam po). Pelliot tib. 608, supposedly translated from San-
skrit, 9 bam po; 'Jan sa than, Imaeda N" 52 (9 bam po).
According to Takasaki (1978) the Tibetan translation of the Lankiivatiirasutra of Chos
grub was made from the Chinese so-called "Sung" version of 443. One may wonder why
Chos grub didn't translate the text from the version made by the khotanese
monk working in Lo yang et Tch'ang ngan from 695 to 704 and in Tch'ang ngan at his
return from Khotan in 707/708, where he resided until his death in 710. See H6b6girin
Fascicule Annexe 141a s.v. Iisshananda. On and the nine Bhadanta, see Forte
1976. The question is interesting, all the more when one knows that apparently the ver-
sion used in the "Chinese records" in the Debate of bSam yas was the translation of
The Lin ka'i mkhan po dan slob ma'i mdo, mentions GUJ.labhadra as the fIrst
[abusive, according to some] Patriarch of the "Lailkavatara" school and Faure (1989: 75)
quotes Ueyama who thinks that "Ie Memoire [i. e. the Lin ka'i mkhan po ... ] original avait
pour principal but de relief la tradition du Lankiivatiira et celie de l' ecole du Tung-shan".
stresses this point has not received the attention it merits. These siltras
appear to have been instrumental in transmitting a political ideology and
were especially influential at the time of the Zhou Empress Wu Zetian
(685-704)103. Their presence is attested during the Vlph and VIIphcentury
in China and as far as Turfan, Khotan and North West India
104
; the idea
they might have been translated into Tibetan at an early date should not
be hastily rejected. The "Prophecy of the Arhat Sarp.ghavardhana"105
demonstrates that by the IXth century the "ideologeme" of the Bodhisattva-
king/queen was accepted as, so to speak, performative during the reign of
Khri Ide gtsug btsan (712-755) and the Chinese Konjo Kim sen. One may
surmise that some decades earlier the Dowager Empress Khri rna lod
(regency? 705-712), mother of Khri 'Dus sron (r. 677-704), renowned to
have been influential if not formally in power, could also have had the same
wish to see her power consolidated by the Ratnameghasiltra pretense
106
.
There are further arguments to support the idea that these siltras, already
widely disseminated in the far-flung Buddhist milieu of the epoch, could
have been translated into Tibetan at an early date and that the same texts
played an important role in the Debate of bSam yas. Reference to both
works is found in the Chinese records of Dunhuang
107
and in the first
Bhiivaniikrama of Kamalasila, sometimes referred to as "Indian records".
Despite a seemingly consistent bulkaf evidence suggesting underlying "querelles
d'Ecole" one may wonder if we are not faced here, at least to some extended, with a kind
of "querelle des Anciens et des Modemes" where partisans of textual critique were fac-
ing partisans of a faithful and (too) loyal respect for Tradition.
103 On the ideology of the "Cakravartin-king" purposedly used for the advent of
Empress Wu Zetian as the first and only Chinese Empress and the role played by the
Bj:ladanta, see Forte 1976.
;,' 104 Cf. Scherrer-Schaub forthcoming
a

105 This text belongs to the "Cycle de Khotan". The textual stratification of this group
of texts is quite complex: see Scherrer-Schaub forthcoming
a
.
106 On Khri rna lod, Demieville 1952: 27; Beckwith 1987: 69; Richardson 1988: 1226;
Srensen 1994, n. 1092 and Appendix n. 1137; Debach 1997: 55-56. If we follow
Demieville (1952: 1-9, n. 1) Kim sen would have been the grand-daughter of Empress
Wu Zetian and niece of the future emperor, Xuanzong. One may wonder if the ideology
promulgated by the Ratnamegha [and/or its "revised" version, see Forte] would not have
been useful in the complicated intrigues involved in the alliance between China and Tibet.
The question deserves further investigation.
107 Pelliot chin. N 4646 (Touen wou ta tch'eng tcheng Ii kiue) Demieville 1952. Note
that the Tibetan translation of the Lin ka'i mkhan po dan slob ma'i mdo (10 710), the
Genealogy of Teacher and pupils of the Lailkiiviitara [i. e. Chan] school, might have been
ENACTING WORDS 299
As far as the Lankiivatiirasutra is concerned, the most commonly trans-
mitted version is the translation of 'Gos ( Chinese "Wu" according to
Ueyama and rmaeda) Chos grub, the famous Chinese Bhadanta who
worked in Dunhuang during the second period of the Tibetan pccupa-
tion
108
. Although to our knowledge there is no precise date for this
translation, thanks to the detailed study of Ueyama Daishun
109
we know
that Facheng / Chos grub was active at the time of Emperor Khri gtsug
Ide btsan (r. 817-838 ?), Ral pa can. The first authoritative decision of the
sGra sbyor is therefore assumed to refer to a putative previous transla-
tion from the Indian or some other neighbouring language. Indeed, a sec-
ond translation is transmitted in the bKa 'gyur and a manuscript of Dun-
huang (Pelliot tib. 608) seems to attest to a translation from the Sanskrit,
although as far as we know no systematic philological analysis has been
carried out so far
llo
.
Focussing on the Ratnamegha and the Lankiivatiira as terminological
sources
An interesting bilingual inventory of texts and terms was drawn up by
a certain dPal dbyans
lll
, supposedly at one of the Dayun Monasteries (estab- .
lished throughout the Empire in the wake of the edict of 690 issued by the
influential in Tibet at the occasion of the Debate: see Ueyama 1968, 1981 and cf. Faure
1989: 74-75.
108 Pelliot tib 609 is a bilingual commentary to the Lalikavatara, see Catalogue des ma-
nuscrits chinois de Touen-houang VI 45-46, with some emendations, see Scherrer-Schaub
forthcoming
b

109 "DaiBan-koku daitoku sanza hOshi shamon Raja no kenkyli", see Demieville 1970:
47-62.
110 Pelliot tib 608 possibly belongs to the first type of Dunhuang Tibetan manuscript,
making use of ancient system of pagination (Scherrer-Schaub 1999": 20-22) to which a new
system of pagination has been subsequently added, see Lalou 1939, N 608. It might be
interesting to note that the persons having corrected and copied this manuscript bear
patronyms well attested in the region of Khotan. Moreover, fragments of Tibetan version
of the Lalikavatara have been found in MIran, see Takeuchi 1998, vol. II: N 609-61l.
111 Whether there were one or two dPal dbyails, see Karrnay 1988: 66-69. sEa dPal
dbyails (and sEa Sail si) took an active part in the Debate ofbSam'yas, see Seyfort Ruegg
1989: 60,69-70, 1992: 239. Stein 1983: 219 "Yamaguchi (1975) a pense qu'il pouvait
s'agir du celebre Sail-s:i qui a joue un grand role vers 750 A. D. dans la quete de livres
chinois. Mais il y a eu d'autres dPal-dbyails. Celui du colophon n'etait peut-etre pas l'auteur
de la liste mais un simple copiste".
Empress Wu Zetian
1l2
). The Sino-Tibetan terminologyl13 uses Indian tran-
scription mixed with vernacular translation; for the "Ratnamegha" it gives
the Chinese title Baoyun jing and the correct Tibetan translation "dKon
mchog sprin" (Ptib 1257, i. 6-7)114, the same title as that recorde.d in the
lHan dkar catalogue (Lalou 1953 n 89). If we compare the Tibetan titles
of works translated from the Chinese (or the reverse?), as recorded in
Ptib 1257; we may note that the unusual rendering of some of them might
be the result of the fact that these texts were so far unknown to the redac-
tor, who at the same time shows himself to be quite familiar with some
other texts. This is the case, for instance, with the Ahgulimiitiya that he
lists both in its Sanskrit transcription (An. guo lao mao la) and contracted
Tibetan translation ('phags pa Sor 'phren). In this complex scenario it is
not impossible that, although the lHan dkar catalogue records only one
translation of the Ratnamegha, presumably made from the Indian language,
a translation from the Chinese existed in Dunhuang or surrounding regions.
Particulary fascinating, but far exceeding the scope of the scope of the pres-
ent article, is the collation of extant Chinese and Tibetan Dunhuang texts,
and of lists given in catalogues or embedded in later ecclesiastic histories;
one sees that the same texts, or groups of texts, or parts of them, reappear
in different geographical areas and different contexts mapping the reli-
gious and contextual motives underlying the diffusion of Buddhist texts
115

112 See Forte. 1976: 6-7,8-11. At the same occasion the nine Bhadantas (ib. 6-7) were
"granted with the investiture as dukes of a subprefectllre and were given the purple k a ~ i i y a
and a "silver bag for the tortoise"". On the role assumed by the nine Bhadanta in mak-
ing Buddhism the religion of the Empire, see op. cit. 111-115. This prefigures an analo-
ggp,s case when, a century later, Buddhism became the state religion in Tibet and ecclesi-
astics of high rank were at the same time ministers (blon po).
113 Stein's "Tibetica Antiqua I. Les deux vocabulaires des traductions Indo-tibetaine
et Sino-tibetaine dans les manuscrits de Touen-houang" a work of reference in this mat-
ter has not seen the froit of its legacy. Underlining the difficulties inherent to the study of
the "mixed" terminologiused by Tibetan translators, Stein says "Les donnees relatives
aux traductions tibetaines de textes chinois sont en verite tres complexes. Pour Ie moment
on doit se garder de conclusions h1itives et de raisonnements simplistes", Stein 1983: 154.
114 On Ptib 1257 see Lalou 1950, N 1257, Fujieda 1961 cited in Spanien & Imaeda
1979: 20, Catalogue des manuscrits chino is de Touen-houang T. 1, N 2046, pp. 34-35.
The page setting of Ptib 1257 shows how careful and precise the redaction of bilingual
terminological lists was.
115 Tucci provides important material that has not received the attention it deserves.
For an example of "mapping" Buddhist texts, see Scherrer-Schaub [1998] forthcoming".
ENACTING WORDS 301
The Ratnamegha and the Lmikiivatiiraappear in the anthology of sKa
ba dPal brtsegs
116
, the renowned Tibetan scholar, translator and revisor, who
played an important role during the relatively short period in which Bud-
dhism penetrated Tibetan society. In his "gSun rab rin po che gtam rgyud
dan sa kya'i rabs rgyud", dPal brtsegs quotes large passages from an inter-
esting collection of siitra, among them the Laftkiivatiirasiitra, the Prajiiii-
piiramitii and the Ratnamegha
ll7
. Again, the Ratnamegha and the Laftkii-
vatiira figure close together in the list of the "Names of saddharma" in
the Mahiivyutpatti
l18
Moreover the compilers of the lHan dkar catalogue,
supposedly dPal brtsegs and Nam mkha'i sfiiil po, list both siitras close
together, without violating the two main criteria followed by the catalogue,
i.e. genre and size. Indeed, the Laftkiivatiira is placed last in the section of
miscellaneous mahiiyiinasiitras (theg pa chen po'i mdo sna tshogs) from
26 to 11 bam po in length (bam po iii iu rtsa drug man chad nas I bam
po beu geig pa yan chad ), while the Ratnamegha follows shortly in the
next section (starting with Mahiimeghasiitra) , which comprises mahiiyiina-
siitras of 10 bam po and less in length (bam po beu man ehad)ll9.
The Ratnamegha and the Mahiivyutpatti
Other considerations aside, the descriptions of the impressive assembly
gathered to listen to the exposition of the Ratnameghasiitra furnish an
ideal repository of terminology; in fact there is evidence that these descrip-
tions have actually been used for this purpose. In an interesting article pub-
lished in 1997, Haiyan Hu-von Hintiber drew attention to parallels between
the arrangement of the chapter titles of the Vznayavastu preserved in the
Vinayasiitravrtti of GUl)aprabha and the entries in the section "gii beu
Analogous case with iconographical programs, a paradigmatic illustration being the Tem-
ple of bSam yas. On the rich ideological program of bSam yas, see Seyfort Ruegg 1989:
134-135. As recorded by Tibetan historiographers, various and specific texts were illus-
trated in the temples of bSam yas, among them the Ratnamegha, see sBa hied, ed. Stein
1961: 36.1.
116 sKa ba dPal brtsegs, Cog ro Klu'i rgyal mtshan and Vairocana are considered by
rNog 10 tsa ba Blo ldan ses rab (1059-1109) the Great Translators, par excellence, of the
sf/a dar, see Karmay 1988: 17.
117 See Tucci 1978
repr
.: 139.
118 See MvyS 1337, 1338.
119 See Lalou 1953: 321, n
Oo
84 and 85.
bdun Ia I bii bcu bdun lal" of the Mahavyutpatti. Following her approach
and collating the list of the Ratnamegha together with parallel lists of the
Mahiivyutpatti, it appears quite clearly (Fig. D) that the Ratnamegha has
served as a model in the complex distribution of terms into lexical and
semantic fields 120.
The colophon of the sDe dge version of the Ratnamegha names Venerable
Rin chen 'tsho (Ratnarak!?ita) and Chos fud tshul khrims (DharmatasIla)
as the scholars who translated, revised and established the definitive text
(Io tsa ba Ban de Rin chen 'tsho dan I ehos fiid tshul khrims kyis bsgyur
cin ius te gtan fa phab pa, Tah. N 231, vol. Lwa, fol. 112b7)12l. Both
appear with the title "Bod kyi mkhan po" and reconstructed Indian names
and DharmatasIla) as having been prominent in the redac-
tion of the Mahiivyutpatti at the time of the third bkas bead of 814
(Appendix I, p. 317). If it is this translation of the Ratnamegha which occa-
sioned the earliest and first authoritative decision in the sGra sbyor
(Appendix I, p. 321), why are the names of the translators not expressly
mentioned in the canonical version of the earliest authoritative decision,
since, as we saw, this version consistently updates the preceding acts and
titles? Our opinion, which is admittedly speculative, is that the earliest
authoritative decision refers to translations made from the Chinese or
from Indian texts (brought from China or borderlands
122
) that might have
been used, emended and absorbedjnto successive stages of translations.
And there is more. These translations, despite the fact that they needed
to be heavily revised, were not completely discarded. It is also by no
means clear how the revision was actually performed. Most probably the
text was not translated anew, from scratch; and probably the revision was
the" result of learned discussion among translators and teachers who
120 Cf. Scherrer-Schaub 1992.
121 An alternative Western Kanjur tradition attests change in the title of Dharrnatasila
and possibly represents the revision of the text kept in the sDe dge collection. See the
colophon of sTog, Skorupski 1985, N 157. Zu ehen gyi 10 tsa ba Ban de Vairoeanarakf!ita
dali DharmatiiSflas ius te gtan la phab pa I skad gsar bead kyis kywi beos lags so II Parallel
with the change in titulature attested in the 795/783 bkas bead, see supra 2, preliminary
note, p. 284-285.
122 On the way "that Tibetan and Buddhists received and reacted to two important and
distinct traditions within Buddhism and to the Chinese and Indian Masters who were the
transmitters of these traditions", see Seyfort Ruegg 1989: 59 et sq.
ENACTING WORDS
303
consulted and collated all available extant translations. This could explain
why some texts have a "blending" of Indo-Tibetan and Sino-Tibetan
terminology. In short, the situation is more complicated than imagined
and many problems remain unsolved. The extraordinary philological
skilfulness showed by Tibetan and Indian scholars of the time paid due
tribute to textual tradition and could not and would not a priori discard
sources 123 .
When speaking of Chinese Buddhism it is wise not to forge a mono-
lithic entity, but rather to distinguish, as far as possible, between the regions
of China in close contact with Tibet and the Buddhist schools flourishing
in China at the time or, rather, the Buddhist temples that could transmit a
certain kind of religious flliation to Tibet. When our texts speak of trans-
lations made from different languages, they indirectly recall the cosmo-
politan influences throughout the far-flung Buddhist milieu at the end of
the vn
th
century and in the first half of the VIIIth, when "on 7
th
October
693" the Ratnameghasutra was translated into Chinese and, as we gather
from the colophon translated by Antonino Forte (1976: 71): "The sramal}a
Fan-mo [Dharmaruci], envoy of the king of Central India, also enounced
the Sanskrit original: the sramal}a Chan-t'o and the lay Brahman Li Wu-
ch'an translated [their] words: the sramal}a Hui-chih checked the transla-
tion: the sramal}a Ch'u-i and others received [the translation] in writing:
the sramal}a Ssu-hsiian and others bound the composition: the sramal}as
Yuan-ts'e, Shen-ying and others checked the meaning Sun [Ch'eng-] p'i,
Assistant of the Court of Diplomatic Reception, was the supervisor." Four
decades later more or less, when the Tibetans were in Gilgit, the Chinese
translation of the Ratnamegha with its colophon was copied in Japan
124
.
Indian texts could well have reached Tibet at this epoch in the wake
of the comings and goings of religious figures and diplomats, from China,
123 illuminating in this respect are the records of later colophons. In that of the "brGyad
ston pa" for example, the various stages of textual transmission are faithfully recorded,
attesting to the philological process of correcting revising and collating Tibetan translations,
further comparing them with Indian commentaries and source documents, and again con-
sidering newly discovered exemplar of the Tibetan translation, etc. See Lalou 1929. This fact
had been noted by Simonsson (1957) in his careful study of various versions of manuscript
fragments of Central Asia: see op. cit. pp. 212-233, in particular p. 217.
124 See Forte loco cit. Note that a fragmentary Sanskrit manuscript of the Ratnamegha
from Sorcuq is found in the Turfan collection: see supra p. 292, n. 89.
304 C R I S T I ~ A SCHERRER-SCHAUB
Khotan, or other regions. Out of these "close and/or mediaje transmissions"
a certain disorder may have resulted that intellectuals (mkhas pa) and
ecclesiastics (mkhan po) dt:<cided to rectify.
4. Enacting rules, enacting words
One may wonder whether the three events or facts which occasioned
the three authoritative decisions are echoed in practice, especially in the
main part of the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa (Fig. A2). This part consists
of a lexicographic commentary analysing the derivation and formation
of Indian words according to the principles and rules of the Indian
vyiikaralJa tradition (vya ka ra lJa'i lugs) and relying on the Buddhist
hermeneutic tradition
l25
On close examination, it appears that this part .
must have been compiled (and the eschatocol pratially confmns it; see
supra p. 284) at the two colleges mentioned in the last paragraphs of the
protocol, where we gather:
However, when a college of translation and exegesis (bsgyur ba dan 'chad
pa'i grva), on its own part (so so nas) must / is compelled to fix a term in
the new language / a new lexical entry, one must examine (dpyad de) [the
term] as it is designated / known or understood (ji skad du gdags pa) in the
Dharma and, [the term in case, will be explained through] the arguments as
they come out of / emerge from / appear in (ji skad du 'byun ba) the dhanna
treatises and from the grammatj.fal method, and one must not definitively
fIx the term (min chad par ma gdags par) at [the initiative of] a particular
college.
As we have seen, once settled the term should be submitted to the autho-
rities for approval. In a way the main part of the sGra sbyor bam po giiis
pd can be seen as the text of the official document presented and/or
redacted by the team working on translating, correcting and commenting
upon Buddhist texts, the document that was eventually submitted to the
authorities in charge of ratifying or defInitively fixing (gtan la phab pa)
the term that would subsequently be in the register of words. The text at
hand shows quite clearly that the procedure of forming and deriving a term
existed before 795/783 and that the authors of the sGra sbyor assumed
that this particular procedure would continue after 814 (Fig. C).
125 Scherrer-Schaub 1992, 1999; Verhagen 1994, 2001.
ENACTING WORDS 305
The fonnulary appearing in the commentary on lexicographical entries
is extremely rigourous and reflects a refmed and well-established admin-
istrative organisation. Although it is common to regard this text as a
lexicographical index, it also records steps relative to the procedure of
ratifying a tenn and, as such, reveals unexpected features pertaining to the
translation process. Interesting details may be inferred from the use of a
particular technical phraseology or nonnative fonnulary.
The pattern samples of lexicographical entries (Fig. C) show quite
clearly that each lexicographic entry may be considered as an application
of the principles and rules stipulated in the protocol (Fig. A 1), thereby
revealing that the text, as we have it here, representing the texts or pseudo-
texts of 814 and 783n95, constitutes evidence of a previous and later stage
of the complex translating and revising procedure.
V. Conclusions
Three repertories (vyutpatti) and three authoritative decisions (bkas bcad)
At the end of the analysis one may plausibly argue that the sGra sbyor
preserves a complex public act, which in tum contains three distinct do-
cuments. The fact of having at hand various versions (Durihuang, Tabo
and the canonical or "bstan 'gyur") shed light on text stratigraphy.
It appears that the documents were successively integrated (partially or
in toto, at this stage we cannot decide) at the occasion of issuing the
public act when, following a procedure in common use, the preceding
edict or authoritative decision (bkas bcad) was reconfirmed.
The three authoritative decisions (bkas bcad) relative to the codification
of Tibetan language for use of ecclesiastic and religious matters (chos kyi
skad) were ratifying the terminology (min du btags rnams) and methods/
nonnative principles for translating Buddhist texts (dha rmma bsgyur ba'i
thabsldam pa'i chos bsgyur ba'i lugs) in successive stages and in vari-
ous degrees of complexity. Out of this process, three systematic collections
were published, known by later tradition as Mahiivyutpatti/Bye brag tu
rtogs byed chen po, MadhyavyutpattilBye brag tu rtogs byed 'brin po
or sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa and Svalpavyutpattil Bye brag tu rtogs
byed chun nu (Appendix I, p. 324). While the first two are well known,
the "Small Repertory" (Svalpavyutpatti), although menti9ned in Tibetan
literature, has so far been a subject of conjecture; its long history far
exceeds the scope of the present article. Zuih6 Yamaguchi (1979) sug-
gested that this "short list;' of words could possibly have been merged
into the great repertory, the Mahtivyutpatti, and that this could have been
the reason that induced later authors to consider this text as 10st
126

The small/concise repertory (Svalpavyutpatti)
Now, we have seen that the diplomatic analysis of the sGra sbyor has
revealed the existence of an earlier and first authoritative decision concerning
principles fixed at the occasion of the translation of the Ratnamegha. Also
we have seen that upon close examination (supra p. 301 and Fig. D p. 331-
332), the Ratnamegha (and the Laftkiivatara) possibly functioned as source
of inspiration for the Mahtivyutpatti. From this we can surmize that the
list of words excerpted from the Ratnamegha together with their Tibetan
equivalents might have been the writing/text drawn in application of the
first authoritative decision, eventually known as the "small/concise reper-
tory" or "repertory consisting in short sections" (Svalpavyutpatti).
It appears evident that the lists of tenns and section on terminology were
required as preliminary material that was further on collated and merged
into larger repertories or manuals. Such lists, some of which are bilingual,
are kept in the Dunhuang collection and among the collection of Buddhist
manuscripts of Central Asia. This material was primarily used or des-
tined to be used by teachers. Evidence of this fact is attested in the Chos
kyi rnam grafts kyi brjed byaft of dPal brtsegs
127
, a commentary on his
Chos kyi rnam grafts. dPal brtsegs states that the tenns collected are excerpted
126 Simonsson shared this opinion, see 1957: 277 estimating "Was die
patti enthalten haben mag, wissen wir allerdings nicht", op. cit. 233, n. 1. On
patti" see Simonsson, op. cit. 263 and Uray 1989: 3, n. 3. We adopt the reading "svalpa"
of Ishikawa 1990: 127 n. 6, based on the equivalent of MvyS.
127 It is worth noting that (s)Ka ba dPal brtsegs, the learned 10 tsa ba credited with hav-
ing played a central role "as compiler of the Mahavyutpatti" (S(IIrensen 1994: 399 and
nn. 1357 and 1360), is not mentioned in the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa. Instead dPal .
brtsegs appears in the introductory part of the IHan dkar catalogue, see Lalou 1953: 316
"Index des traductions des iigama et des siistra du palais de Ldan kar, au Stod-thaIi, fait
par Dpal-brcegs et Narn-mkha'i-sfiiil-po .... " Cf. Seyfort Ruegg 1981: 209, n. 9.
ENACTING WORDS
307
from different sutra and siistra, such as the Satasahasrikiiprajiiiipiiramitii
arid the Yogiieiira [bhUmi of Asailga?], and explained for the purpose that
those persons who have difficulties in the various teachings will be able
to understand easily the meaning of [Buddha] Scripture or Word
128
.1Cail
skya Rol pa'i rdo rje (1717-1786), in his Dag yig mkhas pa'i 'byun gnas
advocating authoritative principles for translating Buddhist texts from
Tibetan into Mongolian, recapitulates the main lines flXed in the sGra
sbyor bam po giiis pa and lists the works having inspired his treatise.
Among them he mentions "the large and small Vyutpattis (Bye brag rtogs
byed)" attributed to "Ka ba, Cog ro and many other translators". They
are "respectively an extended and a condensed systematic list of words
(min gi mam Mag) occuring in the sutra"129. Hadano (1983: 317) goes
a step further and links the terminological list of dPal brtsegs to the
"small" (ehun nu) vyutpatti.
The large/great repertory (Mahiivyutpatti)
If the Sanskrit title "Mahiivyutpatti" seems to be attested for the first
time in the Chos 'byun of Nail Ral Ni rna 'od zer (1136-1204), the term
bye brag tu rtogs pa, the Tibetan equivalent of vyutpatti, is recorded ad
MvyS 7496, a passage which however cannot be dated, since we do not
know if the lexical entry at hand today represents the text redacted sine
varietur. There is no doubt that the sGra sbyor refers to the Mahiivyutpatti
and calls it simply a "register" (dkar ehag, Appendix I, pp. 317a) at the
time of the third and last authoritative decision of 814. On the other hand,
at the time of the second or middle bkas bead of 79Sn83, the [MahiiJvyutpatti
is referred to as the "register of words" (skad kyi dkar ehag, bstan 'gyur
and Dh, Appendix I, p. 323a) or "register" (dkar gnag, Tabo Appendix I,
128 See Tohoku N" 4263, Vol. 10, fol. 289a5-294b6 and Tohoku 4362, vol. 10, fol. 231b7-
232al: de la ehos kyi roam par grans kyi brjed byan zes bya ba ni mdo sde dan bstan beos
dan I ses rab 'bum dan I yo ga eli rya 1a sogs pa gzun tha dad pa man po'i nan nas don
'dus pa'i tshig 'jebs 'jebs mdo tsam btus te I ehos man po nan mi nus pa'i gan zag roams
kyis tshegs ehun nus gsun rab kyi don rtogs par bya ba dan Iran gi 1us gzig pa'i mtshan
nid la mkhas par bya ba'i phyir bstan pa'o II
129 See Seyfort Ruegg 1973: 251 and n. 32,259: ka cog sogs 10 tstsha ba du mas mdo
las 'byun ba'i min gi roam bzag du ma bsdus pa bye brag rtogs byed ehe ehenu I
pp. 323b), where the tenninology translated and fixed according to rules
and principles prescribed by order was entered. 'The tenn dkar chag could
have been translating the Sanskrit suci-pattra, lipti? meaning "index, table
of contents" . In the sGra shyor we translate the tenn as "register" (Latin
registrum), a tenn which connotes the underlying legal procedure 130.
The middle repertory (Madhyavyutpatti) or "On the use o/words" (sGra
sbyor)
If we agree with the fact that the Tabo manuscript of the sGra sbyor
bam po gfiis pa is a copy of the text dated 795/783, then this copy bears
the fIrst evidence of the text's title as it was subsequently fonnulated by
the compilers of the Tibetan canon. The passage in question presents
some variant readings (Appendix I, p. 323)131. Instead of "giun dan sgra'i
giun l a ~ 'byun ba dan sbyar te Mad pa" (bstan 'gyur version, see loco
cit.) the Tabo version has "giun gi dan I sgra sbyord du Mad pa". It is
difficult at this stage to decide whether or not the bstan 'gyur reading
130 The tenn dkar chag may also designate an "inventory" (Latin inventorium), espe-
cially in case of shrines, temples, but also profane registers and inventories, as recorded
in several Dunhuang manuscripts. Interesting enough, the Tabo version has "dkar gnag"
(MvyS kr$/Ja-sukla, "virtuous and evi,L{groups]" or "black and white"), possibly
metonymic of Y ama, register recalling good and evil actions to the dead. Cf. Pelliot
tib 126, Macdonald-Spamen 1971: 372 "Lorsque Yama fera comparaitre les morts
devant lui, ils auront beau s'excuser et se repehtir, Yama lira son registre (dkar-chag) ... "
Yama, the "judge of all souls" in the Mahiibhiirata, is known as such by Vasubandhu:
see Abhidharmakosabhii$Ya ed. Pradhan p. 123.12. On the "register of good and evil" in
the Chinese context, see KUO 1994: 91-92 .
::"131 Cf. Panglung 1994: 165 and 171 "This is the fIrst bam-po of the so-called sGra-
sbyor in which the tenns for translating the Mahayana and Hfnayana texts fonnerly had
been fIxed and codifIed". When the canonical version reads "Given that previously [some]
lexical entries (skad kyi min) have not been [fonnally] decided/ratifIed (snon gtan la ma
phab pa) nor fIxed as tenns (min du rna thog pa), [the treatise gives here] at fIrst (dan po)
the explanation/exegesis (Mad pa) [in conformity with the meaning and derivation as]
found in the Mahayana and Hfnayana treatises and used/applied in the grammatical trea-
tises ( ... las theg pa che chun gi gzun dan sgra'i gzun las 'byun ba dan sbyar te ... )". Or
with minor changes, as in Simonsson 1957: 262 "[Hier beginnt] das erste [Kapitel des Sgra
sbyor], in dem die W6rter des Sprache - wiihrend sie friiher kodifiziert und als Tennini
festgelegt worden waren - Uetz] .in Ubereinstimmung (sbyar te) mit dem, was in
den Schriften des Mahayana und des Hfnayana und in den Sprachbiichem vorzufmden ist,
erkliirt werden". Cf. supra p. 279.
ENACTING WORDS 309
represents an enlargment of the reading as attested in the Tabo fragment
ot if, on the contrary, the Tabo reading represents a contraction of a pre-
vious reading as attested in the bstan ' gyur version. Interesting enough,
this passage is not kept in the Dunhuang manuscript, a fact w h i ~ h tends
to indicate that the Tabo passage could show later interpolation (7) or an
alternative textual stage. Further analysis shows that reference to the work
of emending previous terminology according to formally established prin-
ciples (lugs), appears in the dispositive of the third authoritative decision,
or the 814 "bkas bcad" (Annex I, p. 318a). Again, the middle or 795n83
bkas bead speaks of "methods or principles for translating Buddhist texts"
(dha rmma bsgyur ba'i thabs, dam pa'i ehos bsgyur ba'i lugs, Annex I,
p. 323), obviously alluding to the normative principles and methods destined
for translators, that is the sGra sbyor. Particularly striking is the fact that
even the first authoritative decision refers to formally established methods
(gtan la phab pa'i lugs, Annex I, p. 321) for translating.
Texts (registerlvyutpatti) and authoritative decisions (deereeledietlbkas bead)
It appears quite normal that lists of words and dispositions, if not man-
uals regulating the translations, existed already from the time of the first
vague codification - that is, the beginning of the institution of Buddhism
in Tibet - as texts made in application of high authority's decision. Although
the register of words (dkar ehag) and the manual regulating the use of
words (sgra sbyor) were produced in stages corresponding to the respec-
tive authoritative decisions, and although three different texts were compiled
in application of the three authoritative decisions or edicts (bkas bead), it
should be stressed that the texts/repertories (vyutpatti) are collections of
writing while the bkas bead are edicts, or decrees, having force of law.
The written document, or charter, stipulating the three decrees has survived
until today in archives or collections and is physically kept together with
three repertories (vyutpatti) of which the first and "Small Repertory" (Sval-
pavyutpatti) for various reasons disappeared and merged into successive
textual stages. A passage in the ehos 'byuft me tog sfiift po of Nan ral seems
to be a faint echo of this fact: "With the scope of perfecting (mi fiams par)
the translations [performed] earlier and as a section/supplement (yan lag)
to assist teachers (slob pa mams) in future time, the large and small
[registers? vyutpatti?] and the decrees (bkas bead) [relatiye to the codifi-
cation of language in religious matter were produced and promulgated] and
three texts of [these?] register(s) (dkar ehag gi yi ge gsum) were made " 132.
The decision relative to the new language (skad gsar bead)
That former translations were corrected and revised according to ter-
minology and principles fixed and established for the new language (skad
gsar) is a fact known also through the record of texts' colophons 133 The
expression skad gsar bead
134
refers here to the new language, that is the
terminology and normative principles followed in the revision of former
translations. This expression, discussed at length by authors and attested
in colophons of Dunhuang manuscripts, was certainly taken from a pas-
sage of the sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa kept in all versions and apparently
unnoticed up until now. Variant readings show again that the Tabo man-
uscript represents an earlier and/or alternative tradition. The expression
132 Nail ral, Chos 'byun p. 421.7-10 ... snar gyi bsgyur ba mams ni mi nams par bya
ba dan I phyis 'gyur slob pa mams la phan pa'i yan lag tu I < ...... > rta ehe ehun dan I
bka' bead dan I dkar ehag gi yi ge gsum yan mdzad do II Cf. Dray 1989: 7. The parallel
passage in Bu ston has been translated by S9lrensen 1994: 412, ef. Petech 1996: 151 "The
revised languages were made in three codices". The translation is correct, -but needs some
explanation. This passage seems to be dr3,\n from CHBY, 145a [Chos 'byun ofBu ston].
It refers to the two volumes (bam po) of the Sgra sbyor gnyis pa, plus the no longer extant
"Lesser Mahiivyutpatti" (Bye brag tu rtogs byed chung ngu) ... " However this does not
correspond to Bu ston (Chos 'byuit fol. 891.6-892.1 sfiar bsgyur ba mams skad gsar bead
kyis kyan gtan la phab cin I bkas bead mam pa gsum mdzad de I sde pa bye brag tu gzi
thams cad yod smra las gzan dan- gsan bsnags mams ma sgyur cig ees bkas bead do II
thaT! bre dan sran dan zo la sogs pa'an rgya gar dan mthun par beos so II), nor to Simon-
S8'nO, loco cit. q.v.
133 See supra p. 303 and n. 123. For instance, the colophon appended to the Lalitavis-
tara and quoted by Simonsson (1957: 224 footnote) attests the phraseology in question here.
II rgya gar gyi mkhan po ji na mi tra dan I dii na sf la dan I mu ne bar ma dan I zu chen
gyi 10 tsa ba ban de ye ses sdes bsgyur cin zus te I skad gsar bead kyis kyan beos nas
gtan 1a phab pa II "The Indian Masters (mkhan po, upadhyiiya) Jinarnitra, Diinaslla and
Munivarman and the Translator (10 tsa ba) [in charge of] Great Revision (zu chen) Ven-
erable (ban de) Ye ses sde translated, corrected and fIxed/ratified [the ne varietur version]
after having made [the Tibetan translation] in conformity with the decision relative to the
new language".
134 Cf. supra p. 286-287. On this expression see Simonsson 1957: 226-232 and Scher-
rer-Schaub 1992: 212 and n. 20 (ref). Cf. Stein 1983: 149-151, Seyfort Ruegg 1998: 121-
122 and 121, n. 13.
ENACTING WORDS 311
occurs in two clauses, restricting the executive power of the colleges
appointed to the office of translating, seen before (supra p. 288). The Tabo
version, although referring to the work of forming expressions for trans-
lating a process currently in use at the time, does not speak of fixing
"new terms" (mih/myin gsar du 'dogs), nor of terms in the "new lan-
guage" (skad gsar du mifl!myin gdags), as the Dunhuang and canonical
versions do (Appendix I, p. 322, 11. 3-8 and p. 323, 11. 4-8). This fact nicely
fits with the change in titulature and ecclesiastic chancery procedure
occured in the 814 bkas bead.
We can thus confidently sum up as follows. The institution of trans-
lating Buddhist texts was rigourously organized right from the beginning,
i. e. from the time it was founded under the regis of the Ben-
gali teacher, philosopher and high rank ecclesiastic, assisted by Ananta,
the Kashmiri bilingual or polyglot Brahman and other scholars (possibly
Sail si, no matter who was concealed under this name)135. As Tibetan his-
toriography attests, Buddhist texts in Tibetan were extant and circulating
in Tibet already before the arrival of These texts possibly
included the Ratnamegha and the Lankavatara, even if historiographical
tradition did not count these among the five mahiiyanasutra supposedly
circulating at the time of Khri IDe gtsug btsan (r. 704-755?). This mate-
rial served as the point of departure for efforts and was
soon revised as a consequence of the intellectual and scolarly discussions
of the time.
Probably the first and earliest authoritative decision, the "small list"
(Svalpavyutpatti) of terms, and the unspecified methods (lugs) of translating
date to this epoch, as the Dunhuang and canonical version claim (and pos-
sibly even the fITst list of texts). As we have seen the Tabo sGra sbyor ver-
sion attributes this event to the epoch of the Ancestors (yab mes). Whether
recasting history or not, this could have been determined by the fact that
the earliest unspecified and vague authoritative decision may have had
two stages or phases. During the first decades of the vm
th
century when
Buddhism flourished under the reign of Khri IDe gtsug btsan and religious
sites were instituted by the King in the wake of military success (K wa cu
in Brag dmar, after the fall of the Chinese eponym town, for instance),
135 On Sail si, see Seyfort Ruegg 1989: 60, 62 and n. 116.
monks from bordering countries, Khotan, Gilgit and CbiJ:)a (lHo bal?)136
were reaching Tibet, certainly carrying with them Buddhist texts and pos-
sibly religious implements. This much is perfectly in line with the wide-
spread and perenial Buddhist narrative cliche. Bogoslovskij resumes this
period gleaning passages from various Tibetan historiographers:
Sous Ie regne de Khri-Ide-gcug-brtan deja, s'etait manifestee une violente
recrudescence bouddhique [political mcorreciness from the part of the author
or translator?] dans Ie pays. La tradition attribue a ce bcan-po l'edification
de nombieux temples, l'invitation de predicateurs bouddhistes et la protec-
tion des traducteurs des textes sacrees: "ll [Khri-Ide gcug-brtan V. B.] invita
des moines du pays de Li [Khotan, V. B.] et de nombreux autres de Chine"
ecrit l'auteur des "Annales bleues". A la fin de son regne, "Sail-si et d'autres
hommes, quatre en tout, furent envoyes en Chine pour etudier les ecrits
canoniques". La, ils rencontrerent Ie chef des bouddhistes chinois
et furent aussi avec honneur par l'empereur.
Des Ie debut du VIlle siecle, les moines bouddhistes, fuyant les invasions
arabes au Sian-Kiang [sic, ego] et en Asie centrale, arriverent en foule au
Tibet. Khri-Ide gcug brtan et son epouse chinoise Kin-tch' eng [KiIp. seri, ego]
les accueillirent de assez bienveillante, a en croire certaines sources; ils
leur constiuisirent des temples et leur procurerent les produits indispensables.
Par contre, la population tibetaine demeurait sourde a la voix du bouddhisme.
On lit dans les sources tibetaines: "Bien que Ie bean-po (Khri-Ide gcug-brtan)
ait exalte la Doctrine, aucun Tibetain ne l' ordination". "On invita des
moines du pays Li et on leur temoigna du respect, mais aucun Tibetain n' en-
tra dans les ordres". Bien plus, 1 'h6stilite envers les moines etrangers grandit
au sein du peuple jusqu'a une revolte ouverte qui entrama l'expulsion hors
du pays non seulement des nouveaux-venus, mais aussi de leurs protecteurs
tibetains. Les sources tibetaines que nous avons entre les mains contiennent
un compte-rendu pittoresque de la destinee des moines fuyards. La reaction
anti-bouddhique du peuple tibetain y est liee a une epidemie de variole qui
aurait frappe en particulier l'epouse chinoise du bcan-po, Kin-tch'eng"137.
If monks left Khotan between 730 and 740
138
(at the same epoch Tibetans
were in Gilgit), some decades earlier when the ideology propagated by
136 lho bal that is "non-Tibetan barbarians, including Sogdians. Azha, Mthong-khyab,
Chinese, etc.": see Takeuchi 1992, n. 5 with reference to Richardson 1983 and Takeuchi
1984.
137 Bogoslovskij (1972: 52-53 and notes) represents a good and useful resume - things
of course are much more complicated when collating Tibetan historiography.
138 Dray 1990: 423. Srensen 1994: 303, n. 920 and Appendix n. 920.
ENACTING WORDS
313
the Ratnamegha (and the Mahiimegha) was possibly circulating in Tibet
(supra p. 301); texts and implements from Bru za/Gilgit could have
reached Tibet in'the wake of the first Tibetan raid in these regions, dated
719n20 (supra n. 41). Sheer coincidence or not, the Buddhist bronze of
Jayamailgalavikramadityanandi I of the Patola dynasty (v. iliniiber
1996 and forthcoming), kept in the Jokhang of lHasa, is dated 706n07.
It represents "Lokesvara in his mountain home Potalaka", a figure who
could have concurred to form the mythical paradigm of the Bodhisattva-
king
139

Proposing dates
Later on, at the time of the texts that had been previously
circulating when Buddhism was not yet institutionalised in Tibet, were
collected and exhibited to the Great Bengali Teacher who, assisted by
Ananta and Sail si (?), reviewed the extant Tibetan material and com-
pared it with the "Indian" and other "originals" near at hand. This first
informal revision may have been the occasion for the first authoritative
decision, approximatively dating it at i.e. the year of
arrival in Tibet or a little later.
If we turn now to the second or middle bkas bead, we observe that this
decision must have occured after the foundation of bSam yas and the
colleges (gra, grva)140, since these are mentioned in the Tabo version
representing the text or pseudo-text of 79Sn83 (Appendix I, p. 321 and
323), Hower, this decision must have been taken prior to the bSam yas
debate (792-794?) since the principle of authority appealing to Nagar-
juna
141
and Vasubandhu and issued after the bSam yas debate is not men-
tioned in the Tabo version. Hence, despite objections raised earlier (supra
pp. 289-292), the date 783 for the issuing of the second and middle bkas
bead of Khri srOll. IDe btsan would conform to the results of diplomatic
analysis.
139 Cf. supra p. 274, n. 41.
140 On the institution of Dhanna Colleges, see Uebach 1990; Cf. Sl'lrensen 1994: 412-
413 and notes.
141 Cf. Seyfort Ruegg 1989: 62, n. 118 and 73.
Institution of translation of Buddhist texts: a work in
Tradition maintains, that the institution was initiated under the regis of
the (mkhas pa) and high ecclesiast (mkhan po)
who presided over intellectual and liturgical matters. The methods and
tools for translating and collecting Buddhist texts were developed in stages.
From the start there were prototypes of what we know nowadays as
Mahiivyutpatti and Madhyavyutpatti or sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa exist-
ing as registers of words, methodological guidelines and critical lists of
lexical entries. Unauthorized, personal and unbridled initiative, as well
as lack of source material, compelled the high autorities to take specific
decisions. A chancery procedure, flanked with an increasingly important
bureaucracy and deliberative body, was instituted. The sGra sbyor's text
tradition summarizes this and the diplomatic analysis brings out following
results.
1. The first authoritative decision.
1.1. Date. In 763 or a little later, during the reign of Khri Ide sron
btsan Antecedents at the epoch of 'Dus srmi and Khri IDe gtsug btsan.
1.2. The decision stipulated the normative principles fixed on the occa-
sion of translating (retranslating and revising) the Ratnamegha and the
Lahkiivatiira, having led to lists of words, that are possibly merged in the
large repertory (Mahiivyutpatti) at'Aand today.
1.3. An informal committee oftranslator(s) (10 tsii ba) and scholar(s)
(mkhas pa) participated in the decision in the presence of the sovereign.
2. The second or middle authoritative decision.
,,;2.1. Date. 783, reign of Kbri srmi Ide btsan.
2.2. The decision formally fixed or ratified the methods/normative
principles for translating Buddhist texts and creating Tibetan terms (equiv-
alent to the corresponding) Indian (lexical) entries destined to be entered
in a register. Prohibitive and restrictive clauses (supra p. 286) completed
the decision.
2.3. The Emperor (btsan po) and the council of ministers issued the
decision.
2.4. A special chancery procedure for creating Tibetan terms was insti-
tuted under the authority of the Comrriissioner of the Bhagavat (beom
ENACTING WORDS
315
ldan 'das rin lugs) officiating in the college of translators (dar ma bsgyur
ba'i 10 tsa ba'i grar), who had to refer to the supreme authority (btsan po).
See supra p. 288.
3. The third and last authoritative decision.
3.1. Date. 814, reign of Khri IDe srOIi btsan, alias Sad na legs.
3.2. The register of terms translated from Sanskrit into Tibetan is
homologated and established as an official document. It may be inferred
that before this several (non-homologated) registers were circulating.
3.3. The procedure for creating andfixing a new term is subject to spe-
cific principles of scriptural authority, appealing to Nagarjuna, Vasubandhu
and other Indian authors, as far as the exegesis is concerned, and to the
Indian grammatical tradition, as far as syntax and grammar is concerned.
3.4. Enlargement of the methodological gidelines ftxed by the second
or middle authoritative decision of 783.
3.5. The chancery procedure is more reftned and the offtces and offi-
cers are subject to various changes. The Bhagavat's representative is
flanked by a committee (mdun sa) and assisted by the college for proposals
of great revision (iu chen) of Buddhist texts (dha rmma iu chen 'tshal ba'i
grvar), that has its seat at the Imperial palace.
3.6. The fact that the text of the bkas bcad of 814 speaks of "great revi-
sion" (iu chen) means that emendation and revision (ius) existed before,
this being conftrmed by colophons (cf. supra n. 133).
To sum up. In 7 6 3 ~ the "small repertory" (Svalpavyutpatti) was com-
posed on the basis of a previous prototype. This "small.list" subsequently
merged into the "large repertory" (Mahiivyutpatti) and disappeared into
successive text-layers. In 783 the sGra sbyor was written down
142
It was
142 The Tabo fragment preserves fol. sa (corresponding to fol. 27 of numeral pagination
and to the entry <caturrnaharajakiiyikli>, Tabo fol. sa verso 1. 6 = bstan 'gyur fol. 157b1),
showing that the size of the lexicographic commentary must have been nearly the same.
If we look at the introductory part of the sGra sbyor, the situation changes. On a rough
estimate (counting syllabes), the Tabo version is a third less than the corresponding bstan
'gyur part. In comparison if we calculate the proportion between the Dunhuang manu-
script and the bstan 'gyur version, we arrive at the conclusion that Dunhuang is minimally
shorter in size; the difference is roughly that of three lines of text or so. If the Tabo manu-
script represents a copy of the text of the second authoritative decision, then we may plau-
sibly admit that later additions mainly concemed the introductory part.
316 SCHERRER-SCHAUB
further enlarged upon and affixed to the document of the ):bird bkas bead
of 814.
Finally in 814 the terminology, i. e. those entries so far included in the
register of terms, was fixed ne varietur. The register of terms itself, how-
ever, remained open to additions and modifications. The register was offi-
cially homologated, and the text of the sGra sbyor reconfirming the pre-
vious authoritative decision of 783 was established as authentic. The work
of translating Buddhist texts and entering new terminology continued
after 814 until the fall of the Imperial dynasty, with which this unique
intellectual enterprise had been so closely affiliated.
ENACTING WORDS
317
APPENDIX I
bstan 'gyur Toh. N 4347, va!. Co, fa!. 131bl-160a7
"""II Na mo Buddhaya II
rta'i 10 la btsan po Khri IDe sran btsan pho brail
sKyi'i 'On cail rdo na Mugs /
Invocation symbol and
Devotion formula
Dating formula =? 814
sTod sMad kyi dmag min rjed dan rkun chen
btul I
Gar log gipho nas phyag btsal /
Elon chen po Zail Khri zur Ram sag dail I Man
rje IHa lod la sogs pas rGya las mnails
1
mail po bead
de I rna dail ba lail
2
phal mo che phyag tu phul I
Zail Elon man chad so sar bya dga' stsal ba'i
Narrative
Ian la I Ni 'og gi mkhan po A ca rya Ji na mi tra Dated historical Ian
dan / Su rendra bo dhi dail / S1 lendra bo dhi dail I la
3
Da na SI la dail I Bo dhi mi tra dail I Bod kyi mkhan
po Ratna ra ta dan / Dharmma ta 81 la dail / 10
tsa ba mkhas par chud pa Jna na se na dail / Ja ya
ta dail / Mafiju sri varmma dail / Ratnedra il1la
la sogs pas theg pa che chunlas 'byun ba'i rGya gar
gyi skad las Bod kyi skad du bsgyur chi min du Ordinance
btags pa roams dkar chag tu bris te I
nam du yail gfunlugs de las mi bsgyur fm Prohibitive clause
kun gyis bslab tu run bar gyis sig ces bka' stsal Injunctive clause
1 mnans Debach 1991: 504, n. 22: gnans 1.
2 ba lan, P: fan I. 3 Dray 1975: 159.
318 CRISTINA. SCHERRER-SCHAUB
nas / snon lha sras Yab kyi rin la / A
cii rya Bo dhi satya dan / Yeses dban po
dan / Zan rGyalfien fia bzan 'dan / Blon
Khri zer san si dan / 10 tsii ba Jiiii na de va
ko i?a dan / ICe Khyi 'brug dan / Bram ze
Ananta
4
la sogs pas chos kyi skad Bod la
rna grags pa las min du btags pa man dag .
cig mchis pa'i nan nas kha cig chos kyi
giun dan / vyii ka ra :Q.a'i lugs dan rni
mthun te / rni bcos su rni run ba roams
kyan bcos I
skad kyi min gces so 'tshal gyis kyan
bsnan nas theg pa che chun gi giwi. las ji
ltar 'bywi. ba dan / gna'i mkhan po chen po
Nii gii tju na dan / Va su bandhu la sogs
pas ji ltar Mad pa dan / vyii ka ra :Q.a'i
sgra'i lugs las ji skad du 'dren pa dan yan
bstun te / rnjal dka' ba roams kyan tshig so
sor phral nas gtan tshigs kyis bsad de gZUIi.
du bris / skad rkyan pa bsad mi 'tshal ba
sgra biin du bsgyur bar rigs pa roams kyan
sgra btsan par bgyis te min du btags /
skad kha cig don biin du gdags par rigs
pa roams kyan don btsan par bgyis te
min du btags ,.t
4 Ananta ego: Ananta Ferrari, Ananda I.
Narrative
Event and motives having occasioned
the authoritative decision
Prescription relative to revision of
improperly formed terms
Principles of authority
ENACTING WORDS
319
Reconfirmation of previous authoritative
decision
nas / bTsan po'i spyan sliar Bande
chen po dPal gyi Yon tan dan / Bande
chen po Tift fie 'dzin la sogs pa yan
'tshogs te / r Je Blon gdan 'dzom pa
la zus nas dha rmma bsgyur ba'i
thabs dan / rGya gar gyi skad la Bod
kyi skad du mitt btags pa mams gtan la
phab ste / bkas bead pa /
dam pa'i ehos bsgyur ba'i lugs ni
don dan yan rni 'gal la Bod skad yan
gar bde bar gyis sig / dha rmma bsgyur
ba la rGya gar gyi skad kyi go rims las
rni bnor bar Bod kyi skad du bsgyur na
don dan tshig tu 'breI ZiIi bde na rna
bnor bar sgyur cig /
Tabo foL ka recto 1. I==>
Invocation and dating formula ~
795/783
.... 11 phag gi 10 la pho bran ZuIi kar na
bzugs / /
Authoritative decision concerning the
principles of translating and establish-
ing the terminology. Legislative and
deliberative body
bTsan po'i spyan liar / Ban de
chen po Yon tan dan / Ban de chen po
Tift fie 'dzind dan / Blon chen po rGyal
gzigs dan / Blon chen po sTag ra las
stsogs pa la / rJe Blon mol ba'i spya
fiar / rGya gar skad las Bod skad du ...

5
(2) mams/ gtan la phab ste bkas
bead pa' / /
dam pa'i ehos bsgyur ba'i lugs ni
don dan / rnyi 'galla Bod skad la bde
bar bya ba dan / rGya gar skad go rims
las rnyi bsnor bar / don dan tshig tu
'breld par byos la sgyurd cig / /
5 Lacuna.
320 CRISTINA. SCHERRER-SCHAUB
Supplementary principles and rules for trans-
lating => bstan 'gyur fol. 132a2-132b3, Tabo and
Dunhuang: omit.
bsnor na bde iin go ba bskyed pa iig yod na
/ tshigs bcad la ni rtsa ba bii pa'am / drug pa'ail.
ruiJ. ste / tshigs su bcad pa gcig gi nail. na gail.
bde ba bsnor im sgyur cig /
rkyail. pa la ni don gail. sfiegs pa yan chad kyi
tshig dail. don gills ka la gar bde bar bsnor iiIi
sgyur cig /
skad gcig la min du mar 'dren pa ni ltag 'og
daiJ. bstun la gar sfiegs pa bill du min thogs sig /
gau ta mya
6
lta bu gau'i sgra las tshig dail. /
phyogs dail. / sa dail. / ' od dail. / rdo rje dail. / ba
lail. dail. / mtho ris la sogs pa mam pa du mar
sfiegs pa dail. / kausika Ita bu rtsva ku sa thogs
pa dail. / mkhas pa dail. / pa dma la dga' ba daiJ. /
'ug pa dail. / mdzod ldan la sogs pa'i sgra'i lugs
las drail.s sm bsgyur na sna grail.s mail. po iig tu
sfiegs la f' bsgyur ba mams gcig ni nail du ni
sna grail.s de kun ' dur yail. mi btub ste / gcig tu
chad par byar yail. gtan tshigs chen po med pa
mams ni mi bsgyur bar rGya gar skad so na
iog cig /
gar yail. drail. du ruil ba'i tshig cig byuiJ. na /
phyogs gcig tu chad par mi bsgyur bar spyir
sfiegs su ruiJ. bar gyis sig / d'
yul daiJ. / sems can dail. / me tog dail. / rtsi sm
la sogs pa'i min bsgyur na yid gol im tshig mi
bde ba dail. / '01 spyir bsgyur du ruiJ. yail. don du
de ltar yin nam ma yin gtol med pa mams la /
mgola yul ie'am / me tog ces pas la sogs pa
ga61a bya ba'i min gcig bla thabs su snon la
rGya gar skad so na iog cig /
grail.s la rGya gar skad biin du bsgyur ba dge
sloil brgya phrag phyed dail. bcu gsum ies 'byuiJ.
ba la sogs pa ni stoil ills brgya lila bcu ies tha
mal par Bod skad du kyi lugs biin bsgyur na
don dail. yail. mi 'galla Bod kyi skad la yail. bde
bas / grail.s bsdom du ruiJ. ba mams Bod skad
kyi lugs biin du thogs sig /
6 gau ta my a Simonsson: gau ta ma I.
7 IDC: am. I.
pari dail. / ~ a m dail. / upa Ita
bu la sogs te / tshig gi phrad
dail. rgyan Ita bur 'byuil ba
mams bsgyur na don daiJ. mthun
iin 'byor ba
8
'i thabs ni / YOils
su ie' am / yail. dag pa ie' am
fie ba ies sgra biin du sgyur
cig / don lhag par sfiegs pa
med pa mams ni tshig gi lhad
kyis bsnan mi dgos kyis don
biin du thogs sig /
mam grails su gtogs pa'i
tshig mams ni ma ' dom na
mm gail Bod skad du spyir
grags sm tshig tu gar bde bar
gdags so / / ' dom na so sor btags
pa biin du thogs sig /
8 ba Simonsson: pa I.
ENACTING WORDS 321
bstan 'gyur fol. 132b3
Sails rgyas dan Byail chub sems
dpa' dail Nan thos la sogs pa ie sa
9
dail
sko 100 gi tshig gi rim pa ni Sails rgyas
la ie sa'i tshig tu bsgyur / gian la tshig
'brill po man chad tsam du byas te /
decision => 763 ~
soon Iha sras Yab kyi spyan soar
mkhan po dan 10 tsa ba mkhas pa
'tshogs pas / dha rmma dKon mchog
sprin dail / Lail kar gsegs pa bsgyur te
/ gtan la pbab pa'i lugs biin du sgyur
cig /
9 ie sa Simonsson: ies I.
Tabo fol. ka recto 1. 2
Sails rgyas dan byail chub sems dpa'
dan / nan thos mams la rje ... dail ...
rk (3) dail rim pa ni rje sa'i .tshig tu
bsgyur ro / / gian la tshig 'brio po man
chad tsam du bya' 0 / /
decision => Khri IDe gtsug btsan (r. 712-
755)?
gian ni Yab myes kyi sku rio la /
mkhan po dan 10 tsa bas dar rna dKon
mchog sprin dail / Lail kar gsegs pa
bsgyur te gtan la phab pa'i lugs biin
du sgyurd cig / /
322 CRISTINA .SCHERRER-SCHAUB
bstan 'gYUT fo1. 132b4=:}
Tabo and Dunhuang extant, see next page
skad kyi lugs 'di ltar bkas b.ead pa
las so so nas su yan 'chos sm 'og tu
min gsar du 'dogs su mi gnan gis /
bsgyur balO dan 'chad pa'i grva so so
nas skad gsar du min gdags dgos pa
iig yod na yail / so so'i grva grvar miD
chad par ma gdags par chos ~ i ginn
dan sgra'i lugs las ji skad du 'byun ba'i
gtan tshigs dan / chos la ji skad du
gdags pa dpyad de /
pho bran du beom ldan 'das kyi riD
lugs kyi mdun sa dan / dha rmma zu
chen 'tshal ba'i grvar phulla / siian du
ius te bkas bcad nas skad kyi .dkar
cbag gi dkyus su bsnan no / /
gsan snags kyi rgyud mams giuil gis
gsan bar bya ba yin te / snod du rna
gyur pa mams la bSad cm bstan du yan
mi runla / bar du bsgyur zm spyod du
gnan gis kyan / Idem po dag tu bSad pa
rna khrol nas sgra ji hiin du 'dzin cm
log par spyod pa dag kyan byuil / snags
kyi rgyud nan nas thu zm Bod skad du
Sgyurll ba dag kyan byun zes gdags kyi
/ phyin chad gzuns snags dan rgyud
Bla nas bka' stsal !e / sgyur du bcug
p a ~ a gtogs pa / snag's kyi rgyud dan /
snags kyi tshig thu zm bsgyur du mi
gnan no /I
10 ba Simonsson: pa I.
11 SgYUT Dh: bsgyur I.
~ . I :
Prohibitive clause
Restrictive clause related to revision
and formation of new terms
Procedure and instances of approval of
a new term eventually entered in the
register
Ordinance
Restrictions, motives and prescriptions
relative to the Tantra
ENACTING WORDS 323
Dunhuang fol. kha recto 1. 1-5
Restrictive clause relative to revision and
formation of new term
II de. las. so. so. nas. suo yan. 'chos. sm.
'og. duo myin. gsar. du. 'dogs. su. myi.
gnail. gis II sgyur. ba. dail. 'chad. pa'i. sgra.
so. so. nas. skad. gsar. du. myiD. gdags.
dgos. pa. iig. yod. na. yail II so'i. so 'i. gra.
grar. myiil. chad. par. ma. gdags. par II chos.
kyi. giuil. dail. sgra'i. lugs (2) las. ji. skad.
duo 'byuil. ba'i. gtan. tsigs. dan. chos. la 1/
ji. skad. duo gdags. pa. dpyod. de II
Procedure and instances for approval of
new term
pho. brail. duo I bcom. ldan. 'das. kyi.
00. lugs. kyi. 'dun. sa. dan II dar. mao iu.
chen. 'tsal. ba'i. grar. phul. la II snan. duo
ius. teo bka's. bcad. nas II skad. kyi. dkar.
cag. gi. dkyus. su (3) bsnand. to II
Ordinance
Restrictions, motives and prescriptions re-
lative to the Tantra
snags. kyi. rgyud. mams. giun. gis.
kyail. gsan. bar. bya. ba. yind. te 1/ snod.
duo rna. gyurd. pa. lao Mad. cm. bstan. duo
yail. myi. ruil. la II bar. duo sgyur. iiD.
spyod. duo gnail. gis. kyail II Idem. po. ilag.
duo bsad. pa. rna. khrel. nas II sgra. biin.
duo 'dzind. cm (4) log. par. spyod. pa. dag.
kyail. byuil I I snags. kyi. rgyud. kyi nail *
nas. thu. iin II bod. skad. duo sgyur. ba. dag.
kyail. byuil. ies. gda's. kyis II phyin. cad.
kyail. gzun. snags. dan II 12
II Bla. nas. bka'. stsald . teo sgyur. duo
bcug. pa. lao rna. gtogs. par (5) snags. kyi.
rgyud. dail. silags. kyi. tshig. thu. im. sgyur.
duo myi. gnailo I I
bstan 'gyur fol. 132b7-133al, Dunhuang:
omits.
skad kyi miil snon gtan la ma phab pa
dan miil du ma thogs pa las theg pa che
ChUI'l gi giuit dan sgra'i giuil las 'byuil ba
dail sbyar te bsad pa'i dan po'o II
12 Lacuna?
Tabo fol. ka recto 1. 4-verso 1. 1
Restrictive clause relative to formation of
term
skad gyi lugs 'di !tar bkas bCad (4) pa
las I so so nas su yail 'chos su myi gnail
bar sgyur 'chad gra so sor yail skad gdags
dgos pa pa
13
iig yod na I so so'i gra grar
myiil rna 'chad par gdags par chos kyi giuil
dan I sgra' i lugs las ji skad 'byun ba gtan
tshigs dail I chos la gdags par byos sig I I
'di dag bsgyur ba'i (5) mym smrail yail I
Procedure and instances for approval of
term
pho brail du bcom ldan 'das kyi 00 lugs
dail I dar rna bsgyur ba'i 10 tsha ba 'i grar
gtugs la I
siiand tu ius te bkas bcad nas dkar
gnag gi skyus su yail bsnand no I I
Ordinance
Restrictions, motives and prescriptions re-
lative to the Tantra
snags kyi rgyud mams ni giuil gis kyail
I gsail bar bya ba yin te I I snod du rna gyurd
(6) pa la Mad cm bstand tu yail I myi rui:t
bas I Idem po [d I il]ag las log par go na
skyon yod pas I siiand tu ius te I bka's
gnan nas snags bsgyur ba yan mkhas pa
rab kyis don rna nord par sgyur la I
silags snon grags pa biin giun rna nord
14
par gyis sig I I snags bsgyur ba I yail
(ka,v,l) gtan la ............ [rn]y[i] gnail I
ilo
skad kyi rnyiIi snon gtand la phab pa
dan rnyin du btags pa theg pa che chu ilu
gi giuil dail I sgra sbyord du Mad pa'i bam
po dan po II
13 Ditto?
14 -d subscript.
Mahavyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogs byed
chen po I Madhyavyutpatti Bye brag tu
rtogs byed 'briil po I Svalpavyutpatti Bye
brag tu rtogs byed chun TIU I Vacavyutpatti
sKad bye brag tu bSad pa 'di ni 'briil po' 0 II
chen po'i dka' ba'i gnas [chos]IS dan sgra'i
giun dan sbyar te bSad pa'i Panjikii Ma-
dhyavyutpatti yin no II
pho bran 'On can rdor Bod dan rGya
gar mkhan po thams cad kyis ehos
skad gtan la phab ste I rJe Blon mol
nas reg zeg
16
du mdzad pa skad gsar
gyi min snon rna thogs pa dan! gtan
la rna phab pa la mkhas pa mams
'tshogs te min du btags sin gtan la
phab ste I
lHa bTsan po Khri IDe sron btsan
gyis bskul nas
bkas bead de mi bcos par bZag pa
rdzogs so II
bkas bcad pa bla dpe biin bris pa"
gian gyis kyan de biin du zur rna bcos
so II
sGra sbyor bam po gIiis pa'o II
IS Cf. Sirnonsson 263, n. 5.
[6 reg zeg ego: reg zid I.
Colophon ,
bstan 'gyur fo1. 160a4-7, Tabo, Dunhuang:
omit.
Eschatocol
Ratification of new terminology
Authoritative confirmation and authen-
tication of the Imperial decree
Document authentication or validation
Explicit
ENACTING WORDS
325
APPENDIXn
India Office fragment, I. O. tib J 76, part V, fol. 63a-63b
Book form, 21.9 c. x 15.3 c., 11. 8, see La Vallee Poussin 1962: 31a-32a.
Pelliot tib. 845, 9 fo1ii, pagination by letter-numerals, well-formed highly
refined small squared script, red rubrics. gi gu log, ya btags, da drag, intersyl-
labic tsheg.
pothi form, binding holes with circles, 13.2 x 65.8, 11. 8,
Cf. Lalou 1939, W 845 => fo1. 'a, recto, 1. 1-2
Tabo RN 129: deest
bsTan 'gyur, sDe dge, T6hoku N 4347, vol. Co, fo1. 154a4-5
Ishikawa 1990: 98
fol. 63b1 bya I : I MvyS 4239, Mdhvy 297da. ra. nil . :les. bya. ba I a. rba. gran.
than . I dha. ra. ya. n. n. dha. ra. ni
2
:les. bya. ste II snags. kyi. chos. gi. don.
dan. tshig. myi. brjed. par. 'dzin. cm. khyad. bar. gi. rim. pa. (2) thob. par. 'gyur.
ba'i. mym. ste I gzuns. :les. bya. I : I MvyS 4240, Mdhvy 298 man. ta . la . :les.
bya. ba. II sfiill. po. 'am. dbyms. sam. dkyil. lao bya. Ila. ni. ada ni
3
<
........................... >1. 7 -.w II sans. rgyas. dan I byaiJ.. chub. sems. dpa'. thams.
cad. lao phyag. 'tshal. 10 II
1 Recte: dhii ra nf.
2 Recte: dharayatfti dhiiraJJf. Cf. Abhisamayiifaf[lkiirafoka, ed. Wogihara
p. 98: smrtir hi granthartha-dhiiralJena dharayatfti krtva dharalJf-saf[lbhara iti.
3 The gi gu is traced. Recte: malJ 4a fa ies bya ba II siiifl po 'am dbyifls sam dkyif fa bya I
fa ni a dii ne (see Verhagen 1994: 42).
Reading the sGra sbyor bam po giiis pa as a charter
l Protocol [bstan 'gyurToh. N 4347, vol. Co, fol. 131bl-160a7. Tabo and Dunhuang partially extant]
Decree(s) and ratification
Prescriptions and rules
""'II Na mo Buddhaya II rta'i lola btsan po Khri IDe sron btsan Pho bran sKyi'i 'On can rdo
na biugs I .
-7 continues
f- ends with
II snags kyi rgyud dan snags kyi tshig thu iin bsgyur du mi gnan no II
2 Main Body [bstan 'gyur fol. 133al-160a4. Tabo and Dunhuang are fragmentary]
I Application: Derivation of words according to normative prescriptions
skad kyi min snon gtan la rna phab pa dan min du rna thogs pa las theg pa che chUIl gi
giUIl dan sgra'i giun las 'byun ba dan sbyar te bsad pa'i dan po'olll
sans rgyas kyi mtshan dan yon tan gyi mill la sogs pa II skad dka' ba mams thog thog bSad
pa II sans rgyas kyi mtshan gyi mam graits la I
:les bya ba sgra las drails na gcig tu na I ces bya
ste I gti mug gi gfiid sails pas na mi gfud sails pa biin te I safts pa Ia sfiegs pa I yaft mam pa gcig tu
na I buddher vikiisaniid buddha-vibuddha-padma-vat ces bya ste I bio bye :lm rgyas pas na pa dma
kha bye :lm rgyas pa daft ' dra bar yail Mad de sails rgyas ses bya' 0 II
tshig gi don spyir na chos thams cad thugs su chud em rna Ius par byaft chub pa Ia bya II
-7 continues
f- ends with
II Colophon [passage extant in the bstan 'gyur version only]
Mahiivyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogs byed cheIl po I Madhyavyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogs byed
'brill po I Svalpavyutpatti Bye brag tu rtogs byed chun nu I Vacavyutpatti sKad bye brag
tu bsad pa 'di ni 'brill po'o II chen po'i dka' ba'i gnas [chos] dan sgra'i giun dan sbyar te
bSad pa'i Paiijikii Madhyavyutpatti yin no II
3 Eschatocol [extant in the bstan 'gyur version only, fol. 160a4-7]
I Authbritative decision
pho bran 'On can rdor Bod dan rGya gar mkhan po thams cad kyis chos skad gtan la phab
ste I r Je Blon mol nas reg zeg du mdzad pa skad gsar gyi min snon rna thogs pa dan I
gtan la rna phab pa la mkhas pa mams 'tshogs te min du btags sin gtan la phab ste I
II Confirmation I Validation by the King
IHa bTsan po Khri IDe sron btsan gyis bskul nas
bkas bcad de mi be os par biag pa rdzogs so II
III Document Authentication
bkas bcad pa bla dpe biin bris pa gian gyis kyait de biin du ZUI rna be os so II
Explicit
sGra sbyor bam po gfiis pa'o II
ENACTING WORDS
Three authoritative decisions
ill
814
imperial decree
II
795/783?
Post bSam yas foundation and pre- bSam yas debate?
imperial decree
I
- At the time of the Father (Yab)
Siintarak#tajirst arrives in Tibet?
763 ==>
- At the time of the Forefathers (yab myes)
Sron btsan sgam po
Edificatory narrative?
Khri IDe gtsug btsan? (r. 712-755)
'Dus sron? (r. 676-704)
Ratnamegha and Lailkiivatiira possibly circulated in Tibet
unspecified authoritative decision
Fig. B
327
328 SCHERRER-SCHAUB
Samples of patterns for lexicographical
Pattern I: The term is analysed for the first time.
1. [Sanskrit term] ies bya ba
2. [According to the literal twofold interpretation] sgra las drans na
3. [First literal interpretation] gcig tu na .
4. [Sanskrit exegesis/derivation] ies bya ba ste
5. [Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit derivation] (s)te
6. [Tibetan meaning] siiegs (pa)
7. [Second literal interpretation] yan rnam pa gcig tu na
8. [Sanskrit exegesis/derivation] ies bya ba ste
9. [Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit derivation] (s)te
10. [Tibetan equivalent term] ies bya'o
Option
11. [Common meaning of the word] tshig gi don spyir na
12. [Meaning of the word as it is generally known in Buddhist hermeneutics] la bya.
MvyS 8 <bllddhalp ies bya ba sgrRJas drans na gcig tu na <mohanidra-pramatta-
ces bya ste I gti mug gi giiid sails rgyas pas na mi giiid sails pa biin
te I sails pa la snegs pa I yan roam pa gcig tu na I <buddher vikiisanlid buddha-vibuddha-
padmavat> ces bya ste I blo bye Ziil rgyas pas na pa dma kha bye iiil rgyas pa dail 'dra
bar yail Mad de <sails rgyas> ses bya'o II
tshig gi don spyir na <chos thams cad thugs su chud ciil rna Ius par byail chub pa> la
byg,W
v"
Pattern II: The term must be translated taking its context into account
1-6. [Word derivation => Pattern I 1-6]
7. [The expression in common use in previous translations must now be [sub-
ject to being] strictly enforced / confirmed / ratified, on the basis of word deri-
vation out of which two distinct translations are proposed]
I Ishikawa 5-6, Simonsson 1957: 265-266 and 266 (ref.).
ENACTING WORDS
-las snar bsgyur ba'i tshig grags pa btsanpar bya ste
[New word derivation following the usual pattern]
10. [Tibetan established tenns to be submitted for approval]
- ies btags
- ies gdags
329
=} MvyS 2<bhagavat> ies bya ba.gcig tu na I bhagaviin>
ies bya ste I bdud b:fi bcom pas na bcom pa la bya I yan rnam pa gcig tu na <bhaga> ni
legs pa mam pa drug gi miD. ste I gzugs daIi I grags pa daIi I dbaIi phyug daIi I dpal gi spyi
la bya I <viin> ies byun ba ni <bhago'syiistIti bhagaviin> :fes ldan par bsad de I mam
graIis 'di skad du bya ba las snar bsgyur ba'i tshig grags pa btsan par bya ste I <beom
ldan 'das> ses bya ba ni mdo sde dag las saIis rgyas kyi yon tan la mtshan 'jig rten las
'das pa'o :fes kyaIi 'byun bas na I 'jig rten pa'i lha bhagavat las khyad par du <'das> ses
bla thabs su bsnan te I <beom Idan 'das> ses btags I 'jig rten pa'i bhagavat :fes bya ba
ni 'jig rten pa'i g:fun fiid las kyaIi bcom par mi 'chad de I legs pa daIi Idan pa :fes 'chad
pas 'jig rten pa'i bhagavat ni <legs Idan> ies gdtzgsF
Pattern III: The term has been previously settled but not ratified. It is now
submitted, and established ne varietur on the basis of the previously known
term, 340, after having been newly analysed.
[Word derivation Pattern I 1-6]
7. [Although the twofold word derivation is possible / correct]
- tshig 'di giiis kar yan dran du run gis kyan
8. [The Tibetan tenn has been fixed as ": .. " after having been established in con-
formity with the tenn known previously]
- snan chad min du btags te grags pa biin du biag nas .. . ies btags I
=} MvyS <pudgala> ni <punal.I punar liyate iti> zes bya ste I yaIi daIi yaIi lha
daIi mi la sogs pa'i rgyud du skye ZiIi sbyor bas na yaIi sbyor ba :fes kyaIi bya I <piiryate
galate caiva pudgalaJ.t> ies kyan bya ste I skyes nas dar gyi bar du ni gaIi I dar yol nas si
ba'i bar du ni zag pa la yan bya ste I tshig 'di giiis kar yan dran du run gis kyan snan
cad min du btags te grags pa biin du biag nas <gail zag> ces btags
Pattern IV,' The tenn is unsettled and not yet decidable. For the time being it
cannot be submitted for approval for lack of arguments. The term is polysemic
and several different translations exist.
[Word derivation Pattern I 1-6]
2 Verhagen 1994: 24-26.
7. [Since according to the written sources there is no strong argument (in favour
of any of the derivations) (the term) has not been enforced / decided]
- yi ge giun dan sbyar na gtan tskigs mi eke bar'gyur te mi btsan par byas
so II
=? MvyS <yama> [yiima and yama] ies bya ba <asuravivada-bhayad apayataJ.!> ies bya
ba ste I sum cu rtsa gsum pa'i ris man chad ni lha rna yin gyis 'thab pa'i 'jigs pa dan rna
bralla I 'di yan chad ni lha rna yin dan 'thab pa'i 'jigs pa las 'das te bral bas <'thab
bral>MvyS3080 ies btags te I bsod nams kyis phyin pa dan I mel tshe thun re re la skoms sm
skul ba'i skad 'byun ba dan I snon <mtshe ma>MvyS 3911 dan <zuil ma>MvyS 798 ies btags
pa ni yi ge giun dan sbyar na gtan tshigs mi che bar 'gyur te mi btsan par byas so "
Fig. C
ENACTING WORDS
Ratnameghasutra and Mahiivyutpatti
A terminological comparison
331
Ratnameghasiitra, sDe dge ed., vol.lwa, fol. 1b et sq, Dh 1. O. Tib 161 fol. 1al et sq.
MvyS, Mahiivyutpatti, Sasaki ed., reference to the entry number
fol. Ibl
dkon mchog sprin
fol. Ib3
zag pa zad pa
non mons pa med pa
dban du (fol. 1b4) gyur pa
fol. Ib4
sems sin tu mam par grol ba
ses rab sin tu mam par grol ba
can ses pa
glan po chen po
bya ba byas pa
byed pa byas pa
khur bor ba
fol.lb5
bdag gi don rjes su thob pa
3
srid par kun tu sbyor ba yons su zad pa
bka,4 yan dag pas sems sin tu mam par
grol ba
sems kyi dban thams cad kyi dam pa'i pha
rol tu (fol. 2al) son pas
fol.2al
chos kyi dbyiIis la mkhas pa
chos kyi rgyal po'i sras
sems rfied pa dan I bkur sti thams cad dan bral ba
legs par rab tu byun ba
legs par brfien par rdzogs pa
bmag pa yons su rdzogs pa
fol.2a2
my a nan las 'da'pa'i lam la gnas pa
fol.2a3
skye ba gcig gis thogs pa
thams cad mkhyen pa fiid la rnIion du phyogs pa
3 Dh fol. 1a4 bdag gi rab tu rned pa
MvyS 1337
MvyS 1075
MvyS 1076
MvyS 1077 dban [dan ldan par]
MvySlO78
MvyS 1079
MvyS 1080
MvyS 1081
MvyS 1082
MvyS 1083
MvyS 1084
MvyS 1086 ran gi -
MvyS 1085 srid pa -
MvyS 1087 yan dag pa'i ses
pas sems-
MvyS 1088 - son pa thob pa
MvyS 1089
MvyS 1090
MvyS 1091
MvyS 1092
MvyS 1093
MvyS 1094
MvyS 1095
MvyS 806
MvyS 807
4 Dh fol. 1a4 idem. MvyS 1087: Skr: samyag-iijnii-suvimukta, Tib. yan dag pa'i ses
pas sems sin tu rnam par grol ba. Ratnamegha (bstan 'gyur and Dunhuang I. O. Tib.
J 161, 10c. cit.) reads "Skr" (samyag-)ajiia, Tib. bka'(yan dag pas). MvyS, Mvy reads Skr
iijnii with the meaning of "knowledge", cf. pali annii). Has the MvyS' entry been revised?
This needs further ~ q u i r y .
5 Dh fol. 1a4 phyin pa.
thams cad mkhyen pa fud la giol ba
thams cad mkhyen pa fud la 'bab pa
thams cad mkhyen pa fud la bab pa
chags pa med pa'i (fol. 2a4) gzuns dan till ne 'dzin thob pa
fol.2a4
dpa' bar 'gro ba'i till ne 'dzin la sill tu gnas pa
milon par ses pa chen pos mam par rol pa
lam gyi rgyun rna bead pa
sgrib pa dail I chod pa dail I kun nas Idail ba thams cad dan bral ba
fol.2aS .
byams pa chen po daill sfiiil rje chen pos phyogs bcu'i 'jig rten
gyi khams su khyab pa
sails rgyas kyi iill mtha' yas par 'gro ba la mkhas pa
ston pa fud spyod yul ba
mtshan rna med pa la gnas pa
smon lam la gnas pa (fol. 2a6) thams cad dail bral ba
fol. 2a6
sems can thams cad la phan par brtson pa
sails rgyas kyi yul thams cad la mkhas pa
ye ses mtha' yas pa
sems can mkha' dan mtshuns pa
sems rgya mtsho ltar zab pa
sems ri'i rgyal po ri rab (fol. 2bl) ltar mi sgul ba
fol. 2bl
sems pa dma ltar rna gos pa
sems rin po che ltar sin tu YOIis su dag pa
sems gser Itar sin tu yons su byan ba
fol. 2b2
lag na rdo rje rin po che
lag na phyag rgya rin po che
rin po che'i cod pa na
gtsug na rin po che
rin po che brtsegs pa
rin po che 'byun gnas
rin po cha'i rtse mo
rin po che'i rgyal mtshan
rdo rje'i sfiiil po
.................. =>
fol. 2b3
spyan ras gzigs dbail po
mthu chen thob
kun tu bzan po
kun nas mig
Fig. D
MvyS 808
'MvyS 809
MvyS 810
MvyS 811
MvyS 812
MvyS 813
MvyS 815
MvyS 814
MvyS 816
MvyS 817
MvyS 818
MvyS 819
MvyS 820
MvyS 821
MvyS 822
MvyS 823
MvyS 824
MvyS 825
MvyS 826
MvyS 827
MvyS 828
MvyS 829
MvyS omits =>
MvyS 649, 655
MvyS 656
MvyS 657
MvyS 658
MvyS 659
MvyS 660
MvyS 661
MvyS 662
MvyS 663
MvyS 674
MvyS 645
MvyS 653
MvyS 648
MvyS 675
ENACTING WORDS
Cited manuscripts (MSS)
Pelliot tib 814, 843, 845, 1083, 1085, 1257 ( ~ Pelliot Chinois 2046)
1.0. Tib J 76, Tib 'J 161, S 8212
Tabo RN 129
333
Turfan, Sanskrit MSS =;> Ratnameghasutra SH T ill 945, Sanskrithandschriften
aus den Turfanfunden, E. Waldschmidt, Wiesbaden, 1971, Teil3 (Verz. der
orient. Handschrift. in Deutschland Bd X,3), p. 206-207 [= T. 659.246a28 f.,
T. 600, 660.288a14 f.]
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NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS
Jinhua CHEN teaches at the University of British Columbia, where he.also serves
as Canada Research Chair in East Asian Buddhism. The author of Making and
Remaking History: A Study of Tiantai Sectarian Historiography (Tokyo, 1999),
Monks and Monarchs, Kinship and Kingship: Tanqian in Sui Buddhism and
Politics (Kyoto, 2002), he is now in the process of completing book manuscripts
on early Chan, Fazang, meditation and vinaya traditions in V -vn
th
century China,
and the formation of Japanese Tendai Esoteric Buddhism (based on his 1997
Ph. D dissertation).
Justin McDANIEL is PhD Candidate, Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies,
Harvard University. Lecturer in Philosophy and Southeast Asian Studies, Ohio
University. Recent Projects/Research Interests: Buddhist Narrative, Nissaya Manu-
scripts in Lanna and Lanxang, Evolution of PilIi Grammar in Southeast Asia,
Pedagogy and Ritual in Thailand and Laos, Magical and Protective Texts in Thailand
and Laos, History of Religious Institutions in Laos, Codicology of Southeast
Asian manuscripts.
Richard SALOMON is Professor of Asian Languages and the Alice and Hiram
Lockwood Professor of the Humanities at the University of Washington. He is
author of four books and numerous articles on Sanskrit and Prakrit language and
literature, Indian epigraphy, and Gandharan Buddhist literature
Cristina SCHERRER-SCHAUB is Professor of Tibetan and Buddhist Studies at the
University of Lausanne and of the History of Late Indian Buddhism (U'h_XIIth)
at the EPHE, Sorbonne, Paris. She is the author of Commentaire
a la soixantaine sur Ie raisonnement ou Du vrai enseignement de la causalite par
Ie Maitre indien Candrakfrti. Bruxelles, Institut beIge des Hautes Etudes chinoises,
1991 (Melanges chinois et bouddhiques vol. XXV) and of several articles on phi-
losophy, intellectual history and methodology of Tibetan and Indian Buddhism.
Gregory SCHOPEN is Professor of Sanskrit and Buddhist Studies at the University
of California, Los Angeles. He has published extensively on Indian Buddhism.
A second collection of essays will be published under the title Buddhist Monks
and Business Matters this year (2003) by the University of Hawai'i Press.
by Rebecca Redwood french
404 pp., 7 x 10, 81 b&w photos and line drawings
ISBN 1-55939-171-5 $21.95 paper
"Rebecca French has written one of the
two best books of the last twenty
years on the legal cultures and legal
history of Asia ... French will surely be
the last anthropologist to have studied
an undiluted pre-modern literate legal
system by talking to its practitioners."
-ANDREW HUXLEY, The Yale Law
Journal
" ... a work of the highest caliber,
a must-read for anyone who wants a
realistic picture of life in old Tibet."
-PROF. ROBERT A.F THURMAN,
Columbia University
REBECCA REDWOOD FRENCH is
currently Professor of Law at SUNY
Buffalo. She has an LL.M. from Yale Law
School and a Ph.D. in Anthropology from
Yale University.
Snow Lion Publications
Website!catalog for Tibetan culture:
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