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Tourism and local economic development. Beyond the conventional view

Jon Stobarta; Rick Balla a Geography Division, School of Sciences, Staffordshire University, Stoke-on-Trent

To cite this Article Stobart, Jon and Ball, Rick(1998) 'Tourism and local economic development. Beyond the conventional

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Tourism and Local Economic Development

Beyond the conventional view
Jon Stobart and Rick Ball
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ABSTRACT The relationships between tourism and local economic development extend beyond conventional notions of jobs, diversification and income. The drive for tourism by local authorities and linked agencies, often through the creation of a local action plan, provides a valuable self-appraisal opportunity that may raise the awareness of local economic potentials. Moreover, it also nurtures productive team-building and partnership development within and between local authorities and outside agencies and organisations, and spins off into wider local economic benefits such as image enhancement and the attraction of inward investment. Ultimately, it may boost the local policy machine in ways that enhance and extend the status and strength of the local economy. INTRODUCTION This paper focuses on the relationships between tourism and local economic development within the context of industrial towns. Drawing on general survey work and individual case studies in the Midlands (see Ball and Stobart, 1996; 1998), it is focused on the myths and realities of the tourism development aspirations of local authorities and the outputs that occur from the drive for tourism enhancement in such areas. In constructing an initially sceptical and deliberately contentious view of tourism potentials, the paper highlights the fundamental limitations that confront and constrain such areas in the attempt to engineer tourism developments via industrial heritage attractions, business tourism or whatever. It then explores the wider effects of an impetus for tourism in such places, in particular the variety of ways in which such developments may, regardless of the debate about the delivery of tangible economic benefits, generate important non-conventional impacts in the local economic development arena. The message from the discussion is simple but important - the impact of

Jon Stobart and Rick

Ball are in the Geography Division, School of Sciences, Staffordshire University, College Road, Stoke-onTrent ST4 2DE, tel: 01782 294018.

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tourism on local economic development certainly includes, but goes way beyond questions of jobs and multipliers.
MYTHS, HOPES, EXPECTATIONS AND REALITIES: TOURISM IN THE INDUSTRIAL TOWN

Tourism and Local Economic Development

In an earlier paper (Ball and Stobart, 1998), we have argued that, despite the quite compelling evidence and argument that has been put in place by an array of experienced researchers (Williams and Shaw, 1988; Agarwal, 1997), the tourism arena has often been nurtured and encouraged by local authorities and their partner organisations without much critical and effective challenge to its value and viability. There is no doubt that there is a continuing drive for tourism exploitation in many British industrial towns. Encouraged by central government via the English Tourist Board (English Tourist Board (ETB), 1997) and by Regional Tourist Boards (see for example, Heart of England Tourist Board (HETB), 1995; 1997), most local authorities are putting resources into the effort of nurturing tourism, even in "unlikely" areas (see Buckley and Witt, 1985). There has been a wealth of partnership and coalition formation in the quest to forge and consolidate a tourism profile. What thinking underpins such a drive? The conventional, positive view of tourism local state rhetoric perhaps is that the industry has real, sustainable potential for expansion. It is viewed as a clean, durable industry; it creates jobs and generates streams of income; it might even be deployed as a strategy to regenerate ailing urban economies, and it certainly generates a fresh image if it develops in places such as industrial towns which perhaps need to foster a new, growth and successlinked image. It is, in essence, "good news". Moreover, although tourism planners are constantly fighting the tide of change and the quest for exotic attractions and experiences, there remains a consistency in the belief that tourism has potential almost anywhere. Analyses of tourism developments in a variety of contexts support such a contention (Townsend, 1997; Charlton and Essex, 1996). Indeed, our work on industrial heritage tourism in the British Midlands illustrates such a feeling - virtually all localities with a semblance of such heritage are using it to create visitor experiences, to nurture attractions and ultimately generate jobs and income (see Ball and Stobart, 1995; 1998). In contrast to all this, a much less conventional view sees tourism as not necessarily "good news". It creates jobs that are marginal and uncertain,- most of which are poorly remunerated; it serves a useful role in creating seasonal jobs for those who often want them (Ball, 1988), but it invariably generates very little income for the local economy (Williams, 1997, 64-6). Moreover, it is often confronted with local opposition, and the existence of "failed" tourism places - such as many of the East coast "resorts" in the UK that have been

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rapidly by-passed by the globalising tourism arena (see Ball, 1996), reveals that it is sometimes unsustainable. Industrial towns seek to, and successfully do, record impressive detail on the impact of tourism, but the methods used are suspect, and the database is often rather generously interpreted. The popularity of SWOT analysis cannot conceal the fallibility of such an approach - it simply fails to address the feasibility issue (Ball and Stobart, 1998). Such a sceptical view is nothing new. Indeed, there have been classic past renditions of the "negative". For example, Williams and Shaw, 1988, reflect on the nature of the tourism labour market that is frequently conceived as "lollipop jobs in candyfloss industries" - low-quality employment in fickle and unstable economic activities such as retail catering; and there is a general, pervasive view that tourism is constrained by the risk of failure, by competition, by external control, and by the dominance of the private sector (Agarwal, 1997; Shaw and Williams, 1994; Hudson and Townsend, 1992; . There is also a wider and less tangible arena within which the influence of tourism extends. For example, sometimes, as revealed in local authority actions and policies, tourism holds on in the self-image of places such as Thanet, when the potential for effective development has long since by-passed them (see Pickvance, 1990). That may be viewed as the delivery of false hopes for economic revival and an unfortunate diversion away from more assured potentials for regeneration. Regardless of the pros and cons of tourism as a force for economic regeneration, there are more subtle ways in which even a drive for tourism, let alone a successful delivery of tourism outputs, connects with the process of local economic and community development. Tourism is certainly a very important feature of the local economy; its effects and influences thread their way through complex channels, relationships and outputs to such an extent that they need carefully teasing out (Stobart and Ball, 1998a; 1998b). Against the background of the essential local economic development and policy debate that has gone on unresolved, if often in clandestine fashion, we argue that much of the "effect" has been ignored, or at best underplayed by analysts. This is important, because decisions - about the resources to put into tourism - may be made on the basis of conventional expectations, and there are important opportunity costs in any investment strategy.
BEYOND CONVENTIONAL OUTPUT MEASURES AS INDICATIVE EFFECTS

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In our judgement, the quest to nurture and develop tourism has a variety of less obvious impacts at the local level, and the mechanisms through which these occur the stimulus created by an active action planning; the spin-off from team-building and co-operation; the "entree" role of tourism policy development; the link to civic boosterism, and the positive links to identity

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building - all serve to enhance local economic futures in some way. Moreover, involvement in tourism development at the local level might sometimes be used deliberately to lever benefits in other areas of urban governance. In the remainder of this article, we draw out these ideas, using examples of policy initiatives and processes developed by Midlands localities.
The stimulus of creating a Tourism Action Plan: from inventory and recognition to local economic outputs

Tourism and Local Economic Development

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To a great extent, the very process of creating a Tourism Action Plan can have a galvanising and positive impact on the local authority and (hence) the locality. It provides an opportunity to appraise local environments and resources, partly for tourism, but also for general purposes. Inventories are the basic methodology used here. They have been undertaken by many local authorities, including Amber Valley, Ashfield, Cannock Chase, Mansfield, Newark and Sherwood. That compiled by Rugby Borough Council is typical in terms of the resources which it identifies: water resources; country parks; houses, castles and churches; industrial heritage; museums and galleries, and conference centres and entertainments (Rugby Borough Council, 1993, 13-15). To this list we might also add the importance of associations with famous people identified by Nottingham, Coventry, Nuneaton and Bedworth, and others. A slightly more sophisticated approach (and one clearly favoured by the HETB) is to undertake a SWOT analysis of these resources (Heart of England Tourist Board, 1997), identifying areas of potential opportunities and problems. Regardless of the precise method used, such an appraisal of resources serves to heighten the awareness of local authorities (and other interested bodies) to the potential tourism and general social and economic resources of their area. In focusing on the obvious "image" enhancing features, it tends to draw a wider attention.
From Action Plans to team building and inward investment potential

The process of devising a tourism strategy also involves team-building and enhanced co-operation between the local authority and other concerned bodies. In addition to the longer-term liaisons established by tourism (and discussed below), formulating Tourism Action Plans often involves considerable contact with a range of individuals and organisations. For instance, in preparing their Tourism Strategy in 1993, Newark and Sherwood District Council consulted closely with a wide range of local "tourism professionals" from owners of B&B accommodation to the Dean of Southwell Minster - some 25 people in all. These consultations (and the inventories and analyses which they helped to produce) also allowed the local authority to identify possible improvements to and enhancements of those resources. Inventories are often linked to action programmes (eg Cannock Chase District Council, 1995;

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Mansfield District Council, 1993; Wyre Forest District Council, 1993) and the general aim is often and inevitably to improve the attractiveness and image of the area. This can have a direct pay-off for local economic development. The image link is made explicit in several strategies in the Midlands, with Hinckley and Bosworth, for example, stressing the fact that "improvements not only benefit the community but also make the area more attractive to inward investment" (Hinckley and Bosworth Borough Council, 1993, 13). In effect, this reveals a clear and important spin-off from tourist development activity.
Team-building and co-operation in the wider domain

Over and above the immediate benefits of the process of, and co-operation involved in, producing tourism strategies, tourism development can be an important stimulus for team-building within and between councils and between councils and outside bodies. Within councils, tourism planning can form a focus for the activity of various different departments. In Bassetlaw District Council, tourism is part of leisure services, but their review of tourism development argues for much closer links with economic development (Bassetlaw District Council, 1990, 3). More particularly, tourism planning can bring together personnel from different departments to work on key tourism-related projects. Thus, in Cannock Chase District Council, the officers from Leisure Services, Economic Development and the Chief Executive's group worked together on tourism development. In other places, these arrangements are formalised in the shape of "Tourism Business Units", such as that found in Amber Valley. This form of activity serves to co-ordinate efforts aimed at generating economic, environmental and facility enhancement. Co-operation between councils to improve tourism marketing and promotion is common in the Midlands. Sometimes, this is co-ordinated at the county level, as with "Destinations Derbyshire" initiative, which eventually involved all local authorities in the county. This includes places such as Bolsover, with a strong industrial tradition and an initial hesitancy over the value of tourism. Perhaps more common are local bilateral arrangements such as those of Rockingham Forest (incorporating Corby and Kettering) and the partnership of Chesterfield and Derbyshire Dales. In Staffordshire, traditional rivalries at political level between authorities such as Stoke-onTrent and Newcastle-under-Lyme have been breached by co-operation in tourism development, and that has, arguably, spilled over into wider co-operation in economic development matters. In essence, the hope and objective is that collective marketing will generate an overall growth in visitor numbers in each place, but such contacts help to engender more general co-operation. That said, the resilience of such inter-authority co-operation was severely tested and even undermined in certain areas by the posturing

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which took place around the Local Government Review as councils vied for unitary status, or at least sought to consolidate their status or ensure their existence. Linkages with outside bodies, such as local and regional tourism organisations, are also quite common. Most often, these involve formal contact (often contractual) between the local authority and bodies such as the HETB, East Midlands Tourism Board or even the British Spas Federation. Within the more immediate area, local authorities often have "close working relationships" with district local tourism associations. Indeed, Bridgnorth District Council is typical, in that its links with Bridgnorth and District and Much Wenlock and District Tourism Associations also include representation at officer level on the executive committee of these tourism bodies. Linkages with tourism professionals occasionally take place directly, but they are more usually mediated through a Tourism Forum or Tourism Action Group. Such organisations are common throughout the Midlands (for example, in Chesterfield, and Northampton from the 1980s, and in Amber Valley, and Cannock Chase in the 1990s). The constituents of such a body in Amber Valley is typical. Representatives were drawn from: attractions, accommodation, factory shops, Granada, EMTB, ETB, English Heritage, the National Trust, British Waterways, Amber Valley Groundwork Trust and Derby University, as well as council officers and members. Most Tourism Forums have a general remit and provide an invaluable opportunity for the exchange of information and ideas regarding tourism development in the locality. In certain places, a more specific role is sometimes given to these meetings. Such arrangements were in existence in Derby (in the early 1990s), where the potential for a specific forum for hoteliers was explored (Derby City Council, 1991, 9). In general, a tourism forum can improve ties between the council and local businesses, tourism professionals and non-government bodies. It can also serve to enhance the effectiveness of tourism promotion and policies by raising the economic awareness of councils and political awareness of businesses, and widening the "ownership" of and increasing the support for tourism promotion. Of course, this type of body is not always successful (for example, the North Staffordshire Tourism Association which was only able to draw partial private-sector support in a competitive environment); and can also turn into a talking shop, diverting attention from real activity. They are also difficult to initiate, especially as regards drawing in the vital private sector. Newcastle's review of tourism in 1993/4 noted that "tourism effort has been diverted into attendance of meetings by senior management" with a "disproportionately small input at operational level" (Newcastle-under-Lyme Borough Council, 1993, 8).

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Tourism development as an entree to other areas of economic development policy and activity

By linking tourism policies with other areas of economic development, local authorities can often unlock greater personnel resources, access larger or different sources of funding and gain much wider publicity. In this process, while either policy can lead, it is the combination of goals and resources which often proves crucial in the success of the project. One of the most common areas to be addressed by this joint approach is that of environmental improvement. The improvement of the shopping centre in Mansfield, the pedestrianisation of Workshop (Bassetlaw), the removal of "eyesores" in Northampton, and the entering of competitions such as "Britain in Bloom" are all projects undertaken with at least half an eye on their potential to enhance tourism or the tourist image of the places involved. Similarly, city-centre management schemes in Newcastle-under-Lyme, Stafford, and Birmingham, amongst others, all have their tourism element, but it is in the creation of schemes such as the cultural quarter in Stoke-on-Trent that this perhaps becomes dominant. This is undoubtedly part of a much broader involvement of the cultural industries, and especially the arts, in urban regeneration (Miles, 1995). The archetype of this environment-tourism development is evident in the promotion of Leicester as Britain's first "Environment City". Tourism plays a central role in this transformation: it draws on the "new" image of the city and promotes that more widely through a "marketing strategy which encourages the development of sustainable tourism for the benefits of local businesses, residents, individual operators and tourists alike" (Leicester City Council, 1993, 10). Yet again, the synergy between tourism and other dimensions of urban regeneration is clearly apparent. Such tourism-related investment heightens the attractiveness of the area for more general business investment, a fact recognised by many local authorities (including Wyre Forest, Cannock Chase, and Stoke-on-Trent), but clearest from Hinckley and Bosworth Borough Council, whose economic development plan states that: "tourism generally involves investment [and] the area benefits from being more desirable" (Hinckley and Bosworth Borough Council, 1993, 11). The benefits of this type of environment and economic development are also seen in the support it lends to facilities for locals. Many local authorities lean on this argument to support spending on tourism development, and Wyre Forest is typical in suggesting that the "added potential of tourism [provides] facilities and events which cannot be supported solely by the resident population" (Wyre Forest District Council, 1993, vii). Finally, and perhaps most critically, this type of joint development can allow access to significant sources of funding. For example, European Regional Development Fund resources were accessed for the Black Country World

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(almost 3 mil ecu), Ironbridge Gorge (1 mil ecu) and the development of Coventry's cathedral quarter (0.8 mil ecu), and there is a clear commitment to the development of heritage tourism in Objective 2 support and in a variety of Community Initiatives (see Ball, 1998).
Civic boosterism and identity building

Tourism and Local Economic Development

Tourism can also act as a focusing force within a locality. It allows flagwaving on behalf of both the locality and the local authority. District Councils can be seen to be active in pursuing all possibilities of economic development or regeneration in an area (however unlikely they may appear). This might be variously based on the need to diversify the economic base (Stoke-onTrent) and/or to attract income and inward investment (Cannock; North West Leicestershire). Boosterism involves the promotion of a locality to the outside world. We thus see local authorities spending significant amounts of capital on vast quantities of brochures, town guides, leaflets and so on. They are also involved in visits to exhibitions and in placing advertising in appropriate media. However, it also involves the promotion of the area to local people themselves. The aim here is often to instil pride in the local population. This latter move is apparent in several strategies, but is clearest in Leicester's Motivational Campaign Strategy which sought to portray Leicester as a "city to be proud of (Leicester City Council, 1993, 8). Such ideas mesh with more general notions of identity-building both for and by tourism. Identity-building for tourism, as exemplified by Leicester's Motivational Campaign, forms an attempt to mobilise the public as "ambassadors to sell the city". In the case of Leicester, people would be motivated by a series of key events in and around the city, such as the 1992 Thomas Cook Festival (Leicester City Council, 1993, 9). Elsewhere, a variety of media is used, from the low-key example of good approach by staff (Bassetlaw District Council, 1990, 4.2.9), to the high-profile press releases issued in Stoke-on-Trent. The benefits of enhanced identity for tourism are clear. It gets locals enthusiastic about tourism and the locality generally - they identify with the area and seek to support it. Identity-building by tourism has, perhaps, received less attention. It is seen most clearly in Derby's tourism strategy, which states that: "increased tourism interest and visitor numbers serve to stimulate local awareness of the attractions and benefits of the destination. This in turn can show marked benefits in regenerating confidence and civic pride among the local people." (Derby City Council, 1991, 1) In other words, it instils a sense of identity with the area. There is a general benefit from this increased pride in surroundings, but enhanced identity with

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and awareness of the locality and its potential also helps to prevent "leakage" from the area. A sense of identity encourages people to shop in the area and to take their visitors to local places. This is an aspect not considered much by academics, but of vital importance to several local authorities in the Midlands. Harborough District Council recognises the general significance of "tourism for locals" (Harborough District Council, 1993, section viii), while Mansfield District Council looks at shopping as a key tourism activity and emphasises the need to retain local loyalties (Mansfield District Council, 1993, 8). Ashfield District Council, meanwhile, sought to promote proposals which "help to encourage Ashfield residents to spend their time on their doorstep rather than further afield" (Ashfield District Council, 1993, 11). Finally, Newcastle's tourism strategy suggests that "for the next three years the target market should concentrate on the captive tourist market ... including local residents [and] their visiting friends" (Newcastle-under-Lyme Borough Council, 1993, 10). An identity for the area as a whole is clearly vital in encouraging tourists and other inward investment, especially given the growing inter-place competition in all areas of economic development. The importance of identity is seen in the success of Ironbridge (the heartland of the industrial revolution) and Stoke-on-Trent (its pottery industries linked through the China Trail). It is also clear from the growing popularity of placing emphasis on the associations between place and famous people, for example D. H. Lawrence in Nottingham, Thomas Cook in Leicester, Lady Godiva in Coventry and George Eliot in Nuneaton and Bedworth. As a sentiment, it is most explicitly voiced in Amber Valley, where: "it is important the Council ... establish an identity of its own and make use of the proximity of the Peak District, Robin Hood Country, etc, only when it is to the advantage of the Borough." (Amber Valley Borough Council, 1993, 50) CONCLUDING COMMENTS Tourism has become a more prominent part of local economic development policy amidst a continuing debate about the myths and realities of its contribution to local economic regeneration. The debate, clouded by rhetoric, and by the unfounded optimism that sometimes accompanies the positive as against the sceptical view, seemingly serves to obscure the tranche of other substantial, perhaps more significant, long-term effects that go well beyond important but conventional notion of jobs, income and image. In this article, we have suggested that the drive for tourism precipitates new team partnerships, spins off into other realms of the local economy, and boosts the local policy machine in various ways that enhance the status and the strength of the local economy. That adds an important new and wider dimension to how we view the relationships between tourism and local economic development.

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