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Human Sacrifice at Pachacamac Author(s): Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence Stewart Owens Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Dec., 2008), pp. 375-398 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25478240 . Accessed: 20/06/2011 06:36
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HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC

Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence Stewart Owens

and anatomical/pathological This is a study of the historical, archaeological, coastal site of Pachacamac during the Late Intermediate and Late Horizon

highlights theproblems associated with the identification of archaeological logical and cultural evidence from the site. The significance of this evidence is evaluated using not only traditional para digms but also the notion of "deviant" burial; this isproposed as a formalized means of identifying archaeological sacrifice in collaboration ods, and anatomical Nasca with?and in the absence in both coastal and

evidence for human sacrifice at thePeruvian and 1475-1533). It (A.D. 1000-1475 sacrifice, then goes on to summarize thepatho Periods

are carried out with selected sites and peri of?other indicators. Comparisons inland regions. Supplementary evidence from international contexts is also considered. The and contextual findings from Pachacamac reflect a shiftfrom the somewhat sanguineous cultures such as the

to the perfection-obsessed and the Moche, sacrificial modality of the Incas. The former seems to be concerned pri marily with retainer burials and thepunishment of enemies or opponents, which were offered to an uncertain eternity as a and anatomical evidence for sacrifice in these groups is gesture to some higher power. The iconographic, archaeological, commensurately dramatic. In the case of the Incas, the sacrifices were intended to bless objects or missions, give thanks, or to appeal for supernatural favors or assistance. We go on to propose?for the theoretical first time inLatin America?a burials in theAndean archaeological record.

framework for identifying and interpreting "deviant"

Este estudio trata de las evidencias historicas, arqueologicas en el sitio peruano costeno de Pachacamac en los periodos

motivos

relacionadas con el sacrificio humano y anatomicas/patologicas Intermedio Tardio y Horizonte Tardio (1000-1475 y 1475-1533 dne). Se conocen muchasformas diferentes del sacrificio en losAndes Centrales, y el tema ha sido discutido por varios autores, pero sin consenso sobre su definicion. Luego de una breve presentacion del sitio de investigaciones, empezemos por estable cer criterios para definir el sacrificio humano, inspirandonos del estudio desta prdctica en una serie de antiguas culturas y sociedades a traves del mundo. Esto nos llevo a sugerir que el sacrificio humano es cualquier matanza de un individuo por rituales/ simbolicos, pues las intenciones especificas se encuentran por lo general fuera del alcanze del arqueologo, especialmente en las culturas sin escritura como las del antiguo Peril. Continuamos con el problema de la identificacion del sea: ? como identificar la practica sacrificical en base de las evidencias materi sacrifico humano en el registro arqueologico, als i Para esto, nos referimos al concepto de "entierro desviante". Este conceptoprimeropropuestopor Geake (1992)para la arqueologia medieval inglesa se ha vuelto progresivamente un elemento crucial en el exdmen de la muestra antropofisica.

En

(3) Entierro Desviante sin Traumatismo. Esto nos lleva a intro (PSIs en el texto): el andlisis de la configuracion anatomica y contextual de concepto PSI proporciona al investigador una base a partir de la cual se determina la probabilidad de sacrifi cio para cada individuo. Este marco teorico y metodologico se aplico a nuestro corpus de 181 excavados en Pachacamac. la propuesta de John Verano respecto a la existencia de dos patrones de sacrificio humano Respaldamos identificados en sitios o ofrendas para meta especial, y varones prisoneros sin (niho o adolescentes como acompanantes prehispdnicos Peruanos tratamiento especifico). Por otro lado, nuestra muestra sugiere alguna forma de dicotomia entre las tradiciones sacrificiales de la Costa Norte (sangrienta) y Central (no sangrienta).

y Entierro Desviante; (2) Traumatismo sin Entierro Desviante; ducir el concpeto de Individuos Potencialmente Sacrificados

arqueologicas. Aparte de las evidencias anatomicas directas de traumatismo fisico, hay muchas evidencias de entierros "des viantes" que ayudanpara contextualizar los individuos traumatizados y tambien proporcionan un medio potencial para iden tificargente sacrificados en ausencia de evidencias patologicas. Porlo tanto sepuede usartres combinaciones: (1) Traumatismo

terminos cortos, se refiere a la modalidad de la muerte de un individuo y/o la manera con la cual sus restos fisicos se encuentran o han sido usados, y que nos dicen estos elementos respecto a las normasfunerarias en la cultura a la cualpertenece el difunto. Aqui enfocamos en la identificacion de una categoria de entierros desviantes: el sacrificio humano. La metodologia combina las evidencias antropologicas y que usamos confines de identificar el sacrificio en nuestra muestra de Pachacamac

Departement Histoire, Art etArcheologie, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Av. F. Roosevelt 50 (CP175), 1050 Brussels, Belgium (peeckhou@ulb.ac.be) Lawrence Stewart Owens Section, Birkbeck College FCE, University of London 26 Russell Square, Bioarchaeology London WC1B 5DQ, United Kingdom (lawrence_owens@yahoo.co.uk) Latin American Antiquity 19(4), 2008, pp. 375-398 by the Society forAmerican Archaeology 375

Peter Eeckhout

Copyright ?2008

376LATIN AMERICAN

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Central

behooves Lyon 1995 and Sutter 2001). It therefore us to reappraise the mechanisms bywhich sacrifice

(including Fleming 1983; Lyon 1995; Ver ano 1995, 2001b), forwhile some discoveries are fairly unambiguous (for example, Bourget 1997, 1998, 2001; Bourget and Millaire 2000; Cordy Collins 2001; Reinhard 1999; Uhle 1903; Verano 1998; Verano & Cordy-Collins 1986), some evi dence ismore open to debate (see discussions by

Andean evidence for sacrifice has been discussed at lengthby various authors

guineous in itsuse of sacrifice; alternatively,how ever, thedistinctionmay be artificial and it is only the apparent enthusiasm?and resulting high which they archaeological visibility?with embraced thisaspect of life that makes them stand
out against other cultures.

northernneighbors, the soci Compared to their eties and settlements of theCentral Coast?such
as Pachacamac?have produced little data relat

Reinhardt 1999), and poisoning (Montoya 2004). While some of these have been attested to histori cally and iconographically, they are particularly demonstrable in human skeletal and mummified remains. In the Americas, this isusually manifested as cutmarks (Verano 2001), cranial trauma (Standen

the Central Andes isknown tohave taken many dif ferent forms, including strangulation (Fleming 1983; Uhle 1903), throat-cutting(Verano 2001), decapitation (Cordy-Collins 2001; DeLeonardis 2000; Proulx 2001), dismemberment (Bourget 1998; Verano 1986), bludgeoning (Bourget 1998,

is identified.Inmany cases, interpretation sacri of fice has been assisted by iconographic evidence, may be enigmatic.1 Sacrifice in although even this

Huaca Aramburu, from the Lima culture (con temporary with the Early Intermediate Period Moche). In reference to burials 109 and 109A, he
states that "there or can be no doubt burial due that we have (...) a spouse companion burial, or sacrifice" rather mod

ing tohuman sacrifice (see Burger 1992; Eeckhout 2004a; Lumbreras 1974;Moseley 1992). Kroeber (1954) foundburials arranged inpairs at Maranga's

than a retainer

esty of the accompanying grave gifts (Kroeber 1954:33). Other examples include several indi viduals, including a series of headless, disarticu lated, and defleshed bodies and possible trophy heads from the site ofMaranga (Jijon y Caamano 1949:27^12). Paredes (1999) describes four sim ilar trophy heads from the same site, although they
unfortunately recovered from a looted con

to the comparative

were

andArriaza 2000; Torres-Rouff et al 2005; Bour get 2001), and dismemberment/trophy taking (Andrushko et al. 2005; Verano 1986, 2001b; Cordy-Collins 2001; Millaire 2004).2 most dramatic evidence forancient Some of the sacrifice comes from the coastal populations of
northern Peru, where there is considerable evi

text.Trophy heads were also found by Stumer at Playa Grande, and by Cerulli (1953:46) (1967:69) atCajamarquilla. These have been inter
preted as evidence of human sacrifice and the rit

dence for all these forms of physical trauma in 1999:58; Proulx 2001 ).3At the beginning of the addition to comprehensive iconographic data in the Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 600-1000), Dante formofmurals and figurativeceramic vessels from Casareto (2005) excavated one individualwho had been killed and deposited in frontof an important theMoche Culture of the Early Intermediate The Period (ca. A.D. building at Cajamarquilla. This young adultmale 1-750) (Verano 2001a). had his hands tied behind his back and had been refinednature of thedata has enabled further analy with a condor, a camelid (also sacrificed), interred sis of theosteological material, elucidating a large Nieveria style. and a series of broken vases of the amount of social informationconcerning thegeo of the victims and their likely A recent discovery of almost 200 Late Intermedi graphical origin social rolewithinMoche belief and social systems ate Period (caA.D. 1000-1450) sacrificial victims at Punta Lobos?possibly linked to the expansion (Sutter and Cortez 2005). However, due to the most impor Chimu empire?is possibly the excavation and exquisite analysis of these of the exacting authors have relied so heavily upon them tant such discovery for some time (Verano 2007, remains, Moche seems likely to become the stan that the 2008). The "cemetery of the sacrificed women" excavated by Uhle in the Inca Temple of the Sun dard against which to assess all sacrificial behav ior in all Prehispanic South American cultures. It at Pachacamac is thebest-known sample from the site (Benson 2001; Eeckhout 2004a; Fleming san was be that Moche may unusually society

offering of mortuary remains to the Nasca tro deceased, thusdifferingsomewhat from phy head caches (DeLeonardis 2000; Paredes ualized

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 377

with ramps.The thirdline ofwalls marks theexte 1983; Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903:84-88; Verano and perhaps the central coast area; while riorof the site, and there is a fourthenclosure wall 2001b), it is generally agreed thatthevictimswere "aellas" about one kilometer north of the third. who were strangled as part of Permanent occupation at the siteprobably began (chosen women) ritual ceremonies, a reappraisal of theorig major during the Early Intermediate Period, when the inal remains is required. There is no evidence for lower Rimac and Lurin valleys were under the trophy-takingat Pachacamac, although the large dominion of a stratified polity whose centerwas number of loose skulls?disturbed by looters? situated in the Rimac valley. This early group? may include some thatwere divorced from the dubbed theLima culture?was characterized by a bodies before interment. More recent excavations by the Ychsma project at Pachacamac and other nearby settlementshave revealed a number of potential human sacrifices

specific ceramic style and large adobe platform mounds; extant examples include the "Old Temple of Pachacamac" and the "Conjunto de adobitos," and cemeter although a variety of other structures to the late prehispanic and early colonial ies still remain. Even during the earliest period, it dating periods (Eeckhout 1999b, 2004a). It therefore is likely thatthe sitewas already an importantreli
behooves us not only to reappraise extant evidence gious center. Pachacamac came under Huari influ

matic anatomical and iconographic evidence. The remainderof this entails a summary paper therefore of the site of Pachacamac, a methodological dis

for sacrifice, but also to explore the definitions of theprocess and ascertainmethods inwhich it may be archaeologically visible in the absence of dra

cussion about sacrifice in thearchaeological record, a description of thefinds, and an interpretation of theirpotential significance. The Site of Pachacamac

cult?is unlikely to have been lost on the new comers. During this period, the Painted Temple was constructed and theOld Temple was aban doned. Huari's decline at the end of theMiddle Horizon (aroundA.D. 1000)marked a reduction in Pachacamac's
precise mechanics of this process are poorly Written under

ence during the Middle Horizon, and acted as a conduit for the spread of south-central highland iconographyand religious ideology.The extantreli gious significance of Pachacamac?especially relating to the prestige of the oracle and related

sphere of influence; however, the

Pachacamac is a monumental coastal site in the Central Andes that reached its apogee afterbeing incorporated into Tahuantinsuyu (Figure 1). It
became gious, one of the empire's political, most important reli ceremonial, strategic, economic,

stood because theLate Intermediateperiod of the

coast is very understudied. sources

central

and symbolic centres (Hyslop 1990:255-61; Mose ley 1992:185; Rowe 1946:191, 1963; Shimada 1991). Among other things, itwas the seat of an
eponymous scale, oracular god and the focus of large is long-distance pilgrimages. Pachacamac

oracle became one of the most feared and revered in the Andes and also the focus of large-scale pil enclosures. The first enclosure? by two concentric grimages, which were encouraged by the Inkas. known as The Sacred Precinct?includes theOld When the Spaniards arrived at the site in January was one of Peru's largestandmost Temple of Pachacamac, the Painted Temple, the 1533, it impres a few years of within Temple of theSun, an importantcemetery,and the sive settlements. However, foundations of a large rectangular structure. The was completely abandoned. the conquest it main parts (Figure 2). The latterisdivided into two
second enclosure plazas, includes streets, cemeteries, pyramids numerous open spaces, and most

situated half a kilometre from thePacific Ocean, near the mouth of theLurin River. The site covers about 600 hectares (2.31 square miles), of which one third is occupied by themonumental sector

Ychsma ethnic group dominated suggest that the the Lurin Valley at theend of the LIP, but thispolity has been difficulttodefine archaeologically (Eeck hout 2004b, 2005a). Topa Inka Yupanqui's con quest of the region around A.D. 1470 marked the beginning of theLate Horizon, and Pachacamac (until then called Ychsma) was incorporated into the Inka empire. The Inka carried out a series of
renovations and

ing the construction of theTemple of the Sun and anAcllahuasi (House of theChosen Women). The

developments

at the site,

includ

The site has been the subject of research into monumental architecture since theend of thenine

378LATIN AMERICAN ' I!!!!!.f'M'"f^BISH 7m S V-''

ANTIQUITY ' : ~

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Figure 1.Map

...
of Peru with sites mentioned in the text.

' I CHUe\ f^

which aims to understand the function, develop

ment, and influence of Pachacamac

teenth century (Bueno Mendoza 1982; Eeckhout Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903). The Ychsma 1999a; Project (UniversiteLibre de Bruxelles, Belgium? Nacional de Cultura del Peru) started in Instituto 1999. It is a long-term, multidisciplinary project,
during the Late

is a focus upon monumental chronology, and role

architecture's

function, the pro

ject brief also bioarchaeological analysis (among other disciplines). The currentpaper is the result of collaboration between the cultural and bioar chaeological components of the research plan. As
an extremely important ritual, official, seem and domes an ideal tic site, Pachacamac would to be

in the site expansion,

IntermediatePeriod and Late Horizon. While

there

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 379

PA0ttCAMAC2O62~2QOi ^^>^^^ \
) Dealt TopognfeytafoBofeV. . vt5

Figure 2.Map Topographer

area of Pachacamac ofmonumental :Valerie Decart).

(2008) with complete nomenclature

of buildings

(Dir: Peter Eeckhout;

locale to study all aspects of bioarchaeology, including sacrifice, evidence forwhich has been
recently Andean recovered at the site.

logical and anthropological evidence. In order to explore this issue and address thepoints thusraised,
we elected

Despite thefact thatacademics have researched

sacrifice for over on a century, there is very or crite the nature, definition,

little consensus

ria for itsaccurate identificationthrougharchaeo

fice in general terms so thatwe could propose a series of objective criteria for identifying possible ritual manslaughter fromother formsof intentional or accidental killing in the archaeological record.

to explore

the concept

of human

sacri

380LATIN AMERICAN

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While we developed thesehypotheseswith thehelp of thePachacamac sample, we also used samples fromother periods and areas in order to address a wider Andean perspective. Defining Criteria

most basic of operational definitions. viewed as the In thecontextof humansAlbert etal. (2005:23) sug human sacrifice can be defined as "therit gest that ual killing of living beings within a religious context." They add that "one will call religious? in the general sense of the term?any practice

forHuman

Sacrifice

Human sacrifice is a worldwide practice thathas been attested to historically since thebirthofwrit tenrecords,and archaeologically from the Neolithic period onwards (Davies 1988; Tierney 1989). The temporal and spatial range of sacrificial practices results in a highly diverse series of behavioral sig natures thatreflect the role of sacrificewithin any given population. Itmay be a marginal and rare aspect of life, such as in the exceptional and often Age (Brunaux 2000, questionable cases of the Iron well-attestedmass 2002,2005;Cadoux 1996) to the Aztecs (Car sacrifices regularlyperformed by the rasco 1999; Gonzalez Torres 1985,2001; Graulich 1988,2000,2005). There is archaeological and his

implying the representationof supernaturalbeings or powers" (2005:24). Ifwe follow thisproposal, positive identificationof sacrifice in the archaeo logical record is somewhat problematic, forwhile violence may be identifiable frombioarchaeolog ical and pathological studies of skeletal remains, differentiating violence (including what would as "murder" or forensically be described

torical evidence for human sacrifice in ancient

torical, epigraphic, artefactual, and spatial) evi dence. Indeed, the difference between human sacrifice (as defined above) and manslaughter lie of in the intentions those who performed thekilling.
Many authors consider that retainers, they were

"manslaughter") from human sacrifice and other forms of ritual killing is a largely semantic issue thatrelies heavily upon contextual (including his

Mesopotamia (Moorey 1997;Wooley 1934), Egypt (Dreyer 1992;Maisch 1998;Maish and Friedman 1999; Petrie 1900-1901; Reisner 1936; Wright 1979; Yoyotte 1980-81), Sub-Saharan Africa

cannot fall in the human sacrifice category as the

were not consecrated: not offered

for example,

victims

(Heusch 1986), Greece (Bonnechere 1994; Burk ert 1983; Hugues 1991), Rome (Beard et al. 1998; Dumezil 1970; Rives 1995; Van Haeperen 2004, 2005), China (Hay 1973), India (Vesci 1986), South easternAsia (Valeri 1994, 2000; Wessing and Jor

to a god or other supreme being but as companions and/or servantsof a special individual. In our eyes, such a distinction is acceptable when correspond

ing ethnological or documental data is available, since itprovides a directly observed social context thatcannot be approximated by archaeological evi
alone. Therefore, an archaeologist can?with

dence

daan 1997), and Oceania (Kirch 2000; Spriggs 1997; Valentin 2005; Valeri 1985). For thepresent
data from various cultures of the New

World such as thePawnee (Hyde 1974), the Maya (Helfrich 1973; Najera 1987), the populations of and other Teotihuacan 2005), (Sugiyama Mesoamerican cultures (Boone 1984) and a wide

purpose,

1997; Girard 1972; Godelier 1996; Hubert and Mauss 1899; Leach 1980; Sahlins 1985), based as
they are upon an exceedingly disparate set of

range ofCentral and SouthernAndean societies are all of particular relevance. Anthropological theoriesabout sacrifice and its definition are abundant and highly diverse (Bloch

poses. In this sense, we follow the proposals of Bonnechere (1994) andVan Haeperen (2004,2005) concerning human sacrifice in ancientGreece and must be selected inorder Rome. A series of criteria most plausible inter todetermine, ineach case, the pretation of each given situation.

or without thehelp of anthropology?record vio lentdeath and infera series of explanations as to itscausation, but it isusually impossible (or at least premature) to discover themotivation behind the we killing. It is for thisreason that propose a broader definitionof human sacrifice,which would be any killing of an individual for ritual/symbolic pur

archaeological, anthropological and ethnographic data. Sacrifice [Lat. Sacrificare?to make holy] can roughly be defined as a form of gift to super which theoffering is consecrated natural beings in its destruction, although this should be through

Identifying Human Sacrifice in theArchaeological Record Since the 1960s, therehas been a growing inter of est in the study and interpretation atypical buri

Eeckhout als, i.e.,

& Owens] those showing unusual

HUMAN SACRIFICE body position or treat

AT PACHACAMAC 381

ment of the body (Aspock 2007; Baiter 2005; Buckberry 2007; Geake 1992, 2002; Reynolds 2009). Originally designed toanalyze "burials dif
respective period, region and/or cemetery"

placement,

special

location

or non-normative

many formsof killing either leave no ognized that observable traces on the body (i.e., poisoning), leave lesions thatonly affect soft tissues (i.e., lig
ature

ferent from the normative burial ritual of the

Anglo Saxon populations, the (Aspoeck 2007) in of the notion of burial deviance? applicability tran originally proposed by Geake (1992)?has its original purpose and is becoming an scended increasingly important variable for examining
samples. In short, it pertains to the man skeletal

logical effects (i.e., hyoid fracture inmanual missed on strangulation cases) and are therefore skeletal remains, especially iftheyare not ina good Death by sacrifice tends to be the exception ratherthan therule inany given society.By perusal of ethnographicand historical information, would it seem reasonable to suggest that sacrificedpersons were treateddifferently from thosewho met a less
dramatic?and, state of preservation.

strangulation),

or

only

produce

minor

osteo

ner in which an individuals' public persona and/or manner of death may be expressed in how?and where?they are disposed of. Typically, the subjects of deviant burial had wit or tingly unwittinglyprovoked social censure.His

Andes, thecapac nucha significant?demise. In the interments could be described as "deviant" insofar thattheir location andmanner of burial is so out of the ordinary for the population as a whole; these burials thereforereflect something about the indi vidual in life, and theirdeath's role in the social order (Brown 1995; Rowe 1995; Verano 1995). It should be possible, in some cases at least, to iden tifysacrificed individuals on the basis of contex tual information in collaboration with (or even in

arguably,

less

socially

torical examples include stillborn/unbaptized children, suicide victims, lepers, and executed criminals. Archaeologically, IronAge bog bodies
may reflect censure for some perceived social

Neolithic may indicate either spiritual exclusion or?more charitably?special treatment reflecting their infirmities (Baiter 2005). As far as we are aware, however, this is the first time that a for malized deviant burial scoring system has been deployed inLatin America. Rather than examining grave wealth or tomb
elaboration, assessed

transgression, possibly homosexuality (Rives 1999:13:2), while the exclusion of sick individu als fromcentralized burial plots in theBritish Early

burialsmay be presented inan unconventionalman

ner. Some of the most common alternatives are pre

the absence of) anatomical evidence. As noted above, while sacrificed individuals may indeed appear as deviant burials in the archaeological record, it is not by anymeans theonly reason that

remains in thepast" (Reynolds 2009:41) should be

in relation

the "patterns

of disposal causal

of human

1. The better the contextual more likely our interpre evidence, obviously, the
tations are

sented in Table

might account for unorthodox burial practices in

the archaeological sacre, murder, record: plague, "battle, execution, suicide and mas super sacrifice,

to the "eight

factors"

that

used in order to identifysacrifice in our Pachaca mac sample combine both anthropological and
archaeological almost evidence.

to be plausible.

The

methodology

we

Sacrifice differsfromotherviolent acts by being

invariably successful. Furthermore, as sac

stition" (Reynolds 2009:43). While being alert to all of thesepotentialities,we will here focus on the identificationof one category of deviant burials; The firstpriority is to accurately identifynon naturaldeath?killing?and todistinguishbetween accidental and deliberate agency; thisunderscores the importance of including a physical anthropol ogist or bioarchaeologist in any serious field team (Buikstra 1977). While anatomical/pathological evidence may be the single-most importantdis
criminator available to us, however, it should be rec namely, human sacrifice.

rifice is?in the Andean region at least?typically under strict social control (Swenson 2003), it is

likely that the lesions sustained as a result of sac would differfrom those sustainedby accident, rifice means. Itwas therefore combat or other decided to contrast the fatal and non-fatal lesions in the sam ple. As well as thisdirect anatomical evidence for

physical trauma, there is considerable evidence for "deviant" burial that helps tocontextualize the trau matized individuals and also offers a potential means for identifying sacrificed people in the absence of pathological evidence.We can therefore

382LATIN AMERICAN Table 1.Evidence and Hypothesis Related

ANTIQUITY Sacrifice

[Vol. in theArchaeological Record

19, No. 4, 2008

toHuman

(modified fromAlbert et al. 2005:30). Evidence Traces of in favor of

sacrifice_Alternative violent

hypothesis_ death War, battle, murder, accident, capital punishment Special status of the individual burial hierarchy limitation in deposition death related to aberrant area

Non-standard Simultaneous

Catastrophic linked body placement Non-sacrificial Hierarchically Placing of the individuals with/instead of offerings Space Accidental "Special" setting of the individual Peculiar bias in the population profile_Bias

body position or burial pattern burial of several individuals

hyper-mortality_

three combinations: (1) Trauma and "Deviant" Burial; (2) Trauma Without "Deviant" Burial; (3) "Deviant" BurialWithout Trauma. Each case was considered individually and all possibil
ities taken into account. In concrete terms, we first

utilize

selected the burials that corresponded to one of these threepossibilities. most obvi The first combination isof course the other than sacrifice ous, even if an interpretation has tobe considered (cf.Table 1).The second sce

sites such as Pachacamac is uncertain (Eeckhout 2008). Likewise, the point at which such habits became apparent is unknown, and while analyses based upon the presence of exotic goods (i.e., Spondylus shells from the Ecuadorian border, Andean textiles)may be indicative, it is impossi ble to differentiate migration from trade on this
basis. For the current paper, however, we are con

cerned primarilywith thenature of sacrifice and its definition in cultural terms, which would not have

most difficultto interpret with certainty, been affected by having ascertained the individu nario is the can be pro als' place of origin. Furtherwork on the applica since numerous alternative explanations as stated above. The last scenario refers to tionof scientific methods to these remains shall be posed, indue course. all those individuals inunorthodox burial or depo forthcoming
sition contexts?the contention

ous ways of killing leave no observable traces in

the anatomical have introduced record. For all these reasons, we the notion of Potentially Sacri

being

that numer

evidence for The anatomical/pathological trauma was evaluated on the basis of 181 mum mified and skeletal individuals from the site.The
basic information about the individuals is pre

ficed Individuals (PSIs): analysis of the anatomi cal and contextual configurationof each PS Iwould give the investigator a foundation fromwhich to determine the likelihood of sacrifice for any given individual.

sented inTable 2. Related contextual and strati graphical information is detailed elsewhere in corresponding reportsand publications (see Table 3). The remainswere aged and sexed using devel opmental, pelvic, and dental methodologies as summarized inBuikstra andUbelaker (1994). The unsexed individuals are predominantly subadults thatcannot usually be sexed (the exceptions being

Corpus Analysis
At

have been opened by theYchsma Project, and most human remains have been forthcomingfrom of these.The project design includes plans forcom prehensive studies of these?notably for biodis
tance,

the present

time, around

ninety

excavations

areas

mummified remains with retained soft tissue). Individuals classified as "adult" or "subadult" are
Table 2. Sample Used in the Present Study.

establish the geographical origin and biological of affinity the individuals.This is especially impor of tant main thrusts the when addressing one of the currentresearch project?that ofmigration.While historically attested in the fifteenthand sixteenth centuries, the extent towhich people traveledover largedistances for thepurpose of visiting religious

isotopic,

and

aDNA

analyses?in

order

to

0-10 11 to 18 19-40 41 + "Adult" "Subadult"

"Unknown" Total_48_54_79

_Male_Female_Unknown

1 7 14 4 21 1
0

3 33 1 15
0

2 41 4 3 0 10 0 19
2

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 383

Figure 3. Partial encountered.

3D numerical

reconstruction

of Pachacamac

(2005) with

indication of the places where

PSPs

were

ridor of theCentral Plaza (Figure 3 and Table 3). In all cases, the PSIs have been subdivided into
those with

either badly preserved or were incompletely ana lyzed at the timeofwriting. Potentially Sacrificed Individuals (PSIs) were encountered inPyramids 3A, 3C (also called Temple of the Monkey, for rea sons explained below), 5,13 and in theeastern cor

All

nial lesions were predominantly small, depressed

fractures, oval to round in overall

the postcranial

lesions

were

healed.

The

cra

was noted, resulting in the maxillary process injury loss of all the upper front teeth.The postcranial lesions includedmisaligned longbone fractures,rib
fractures, and a

shape.

single

those individuals who we believe may have been manner in were which they sacrificedbased on the or interred deposited. Trauma and Pathology Of the 181 individuals assessed for the current study, 19were affected by traumatic lesions (10.5 percent). In order to contextualize this in a global context, thisfigurewas compared with data from Larsen (1997:116-154) and Owens (2003) (see Table 4). The trauma rate has been calculated on a
by-individual basis, disregarding site, sex or side.

peri-mortem

traumatic

lesions,

and

Lesions were distributed across the cranium with particular emphasis on thefrontaland theparietals. There were no lesions to theoccipital or the facial
Table 4. General Comparisons for Pachacamac Trauma Prevalence. % Affected 43.8% 39.2% 71/181 29% 5/17 29% 31/110 Islands 106/560 31/271 17/160 - 9.4% 19/181 6.4% 6/94 18.9% 11.4% 10.6% 10.5%

single

femoral

neck

fracture.

Population_Sample Danish Mesolithic Rodeo Riders (USA) Neanderthals Swansport, Australia Prehispanic Canary RapaNui Nubians Pachacamac Danish Neolithic Libben Danish (N.America) Ages 5.1 % 4.7% IronAge Danish Middle

Of these,six individualshad multiple lesions,while 13had single lesions; the totalnumber of traumatic
lesions was were 26. Nineteen Six lesions were cranial lesions cranial; were seven peri postcranial.

mortem and possibly fatal; the remainder were healed and had occurred well before timeof death.

Viking Period_-_4.3%

384LATIN AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY save

[Vol. for the maxillary were process.

19, No. 4, 2008 The on peri the rear

<N
CN CO ? in ^ ^ I^ r- <N ?. o <^ ^ ~ ,* O v?> <N <N ~ ?0 ^t 3 *-< in

bones, mortem

lesions

concentrated

aspect of theparietals and theoccipital. They were large, crushing injuries that forced fragments of thebone inwards,and that leftradiating crack lines that seem to have been caused by blunt force was a badly preserved trauma.The exception to this

Uf

S83S88SS?
CCCCCCCC3G

i- t

i-

>o in ?Ht

vcdvcd >?j >?J>cd v<sjvcj ^

?g

infant (PSI 2, see Table 3), which had crushing injuries to therightparietal and also cutting lesions to the leftside of the frontal,possibly attributable was recovered nearby.No to the tumbaga tumi that
traumas bones. Most were recovered in any of the no cut verte notably, there were

peri-mortem 3 0 postcranial marks

33333333 OjOOOOOOOOO 300000000 "3

to the ventral

brae, a finding that is fundamentally at odds with many sacrificed individuals elsewhere inPeru, par Moche sites (Verano 2001a). ticularly those from
The peri-mortem traumatic lesions so far recov against ran ered possess a consistency that argues

aspects

of the cervical

<"

fc
^

gJ.3c8a>oooSo

Sa

.2

dom occurrence, and which may reflect a regularized sacrifice system. Of these, some are buried in a manner thatdiffers from themajority of the population. The fundamental issue at hand
relates to trauma, u

S oil

J5 o ?

.u o

ss

.2 .2 .u ^

.u o

>>

=? s

"? ^

-e -e

o* \ CO
j? S
f2

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"? ?* 13 "S ? 3 o qj o o i
c3 c X X X

possible to identifycases of human sacrificewith out trauma if they follow burial patterns usually associated with sacrificed individuals thatdo show traumatic lesions? For instance, the cemetery of sacrificedwomen was identifiedas being so pre of dominantly on the strength thediscovery of lig
atures around the necks of the mummies, which had

preservation,

and

context.

Is

it

^
(^

>>>,>, 3 o 3 xi \ \ '? k a ffix i i 13 acfe "3

3 ^ ? ? T3 3 c/3oo Tt OQ .5 "^ "^ ^ "^ 3

good levels of soft-tissue preservation (Uhle 1903:84-8). If thishas not been the case, however, it may have been impossible to identifytheircause of death. Detecting trophyheads and differentiat ing these fromdisturbed remains in looted contexts

? ^ <

ro O m vo "O "3 T3 ^ 3^33333

is also problematic; if the inhabitants of the site treated skulls in a special matter, ithas not been as yet. Trophy possible to positively identify it heads have previously been identifiedthroughcul
tural treatment; notable

x?L?

,?l , co co ro o ^ (N Tt W <nm WU33WWWUW

^t r^ rs ^t ^

zSS88SSS38
^uuuuuuuuu I I o I cl

Nasca habit tion or inlay (i.e., the Aztecs) and the with a cord and breaking out thefrontal of piercing thebase of theoccipital in order to enable display (Proulx 2001). While it is not possible to discount thepossibility that such phenomena existed at the site, no evidence has so farbeen forthcoming.
and clear "Deviant" cases have Burial been Correlations recovered, and both

examples

include

decora

.\xxxxxxxxx\

Trauma Two

QmI?'CNco^m^or-oooM

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 385

Figure 4. PSI1

i/is/ta.

importance and perhaps thepresence of thePSIs. The North-South Street that permits external access to thesite terminates theentry the at of Central Plaza rise to a three-way junction: (Figure 2), giving

sector of the site: the the same general spondylus beads in the layerof fine sand covering his body. The posterior aspect of the rightparietal of theCentral Plaza. It isworth describ periphery ing this sector since this helps to understand its was crushed with at least a single blow, with radi come from

The blow would thereforeseem tohave come from above and to the right?perhaps while the individ ual was kneeling. The apex of the instrument(pos a straighton to enter theCentral Plaza, to the left sibly a club) left distinctivemark superoanterior to themain lesion. The hyoid was undamaged; the Eastern Corridor (toward the South through as the eastern partof thesite), and rightthroughthe this is not necessarily West however, significant are rarelyfrac ernCorridor all along theexteriorside of the bone and/or thyroid Central hyoid cartilages turedincases of strangulation Plaza, leading intothefamous Pilgrim's Plaza. The using a ligature(Ube blocks with tapia basements. This peculiar circu lation layoutwas designed by the Incas inorder to
huge corridor walls are made of irregular stone

ating

fracture

lines emanating

out across

the skull.

laker 1992). The lower right legwas absent from was theonly burial in theknee downwards. As this
and the locale was otherwise undisturbed,

the area

Horizon (Eeckhout 2004d, 2008). PSI 1 was a highly atypical burial, located in the southernpart of theEastern corridor from the Central Plaza (Figure 4). The remains were of an adultmale (about 35 years old), recovered from the
southern corner of the corridor. The

Late control thefluxof visitors to the siteduring the

thiswould suggest that this occurred to the indi vidual at or around the timeof burial although there
were no

on the distal femur.This intriguingtreatmentand was found within the abandonment layer of this to reject the simple murder/execution hypothesis,
and important corridor. Both elements seems sufficient the archaeological context are suggestive, as PSI1

signs

of pathology,

trauma,

or cut-marks

was skeletal ratherthan mummified?had

out supine and in an extended position,

body?which with

been laid
no bur

ialgoods except for tracesof red pigment and loose

related to the abandonment itself, probably at the

the conjunction

of features

point

to a sacrifice

386LATIN AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.

19, No. 4, 2008

liHBiiiii^

^WBBflMBBMBBfflHBBMBHMfflliiillll^

Figure

5. PSI

2 under excavation

(the skull has been consolidated

with bandages).

very beginning of theSpanish Conquest (when the Pachacamac Idol was destroyed, itscult prohibited and thepopulation forcefully moved to theRimac to construct Ciudad de los Reyes [Cobo Valley 1964 (1653), 11:285-286]. It should be noted that the testpit inwhich PSI1 was encountered mea sured only 4m2, so that it is possible that further similarly deposited
nearby. The second case comes from theWestern cor

out Trauma"

section,

below.

Trauma Without Deviant Burial One of the plazas associated with Pyramid 3 is a als dating to theLate Horizon and the early colo nial period. Of the20 that have so farbeen analyzed,
two bear large, open area with numerous fragmented buri

individuals may be found

ridorbut seems to correspond to the foundation of

this structure. PSI 2?a

basement of theSouthernwall of thecorridor, thus obviously associated with the construction of the latter. Interestingly, a tumbaga tumi (sacrificial knife) was found in a cache beneath the opposite wall in the same layer,not far fromPSI 2 (Figure
6). All these evidences suggest a sacrifice founda

demonstrates oblique cutting/slicing wounds to the leftside of the frontal,and possibly a large crush ing injury to the right rear parietal (similar to that of PSI 1,above),4 although preservation of thisarea isnot good (Figure 5). PSI 2 was buried in the tapia

young

subadult?

bles that of the individuals described above. It should be noted that this material cannot be assessed forburial traditionsas all individuals have been partially or totallydisarticulated by theactiv
ities of looters.

peri-mortem

trauma

that strongly

resem

with PSI 3 displays a non-healed double trauma, a linear depressed fractureon the right side of the frontal(3 cm longby .5cmwide), associated crack crushing lesionon thedorsal aspect of theright pari etalwith cracks radiating to the lambdoid and coro nal sutures. The position of the cracks and their orientation makes itlikelythatthefrontallesionwas sustained first,followed by theparietal lesion. Another male skull (PSI 4) of a similar age demonstrated a 3 cm round healed lesion on the
rear runs ing that to the coronal suture, and a 2-x-2-cm

tionperformed at theverymoment of building the corridor. It is interesting to note thatother infant burials were found in the same layer and thus related to the same event; as these did not exhibit traumas, theyare listed in the"Deviant BurialWith

ing injuryon themiddle of the right side of the lambdoid suture (mainly on theparietal) with radi
ating fracture lines across the occipital and across

1/3 of the sagittal

suture,

and

a 3.4

cm crush

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 387

Figure 6. Sacrificial

knife in a cache near PSI

2.

to the left parietal.Although these individualsobvi died from a violent death, similar to PSI 1 ously
and 2, the disturbed nature of the context does not

wall

as

itwas

constructed.

There

is no

lamination

permit us todiscard nonritualized murder or lethal battle injuries as possibilities.

Deviant Burials Without Trauma

Western cor The PSIs in thefoundation layerof the ridorare all subadults ranging from4 to 8 years old (see Table 3, PSI 5, 6, 7). They have no burial goods, with the exception of a guinea pig buried with PSI 5. Body position ranged from supine and extended (PSI 5,6) to flexed (PSI 7). They are all
closely main associated with the architecture, to the

of sedimentbetween thebody and the lowestcourse of stones, implying thatthebody was purposefully was being built. Finally, wall as it placed below the thebones are deformed and bent, but not crushed and powdery,which would seem to suggest thatthe bone was freshat the time the wall was built. It would thereforeseem likely thatthebody was deliberately placed beneath thewall, possibly as
some form of homage, sacrifice, or request These for three benediction of the construction works.

extentof being locatedwithin the tapia bases of the

walls.

infant burials and theone described above (PSI 2) seem to form a group that is stratigraphicallyand chronologically related to the construction of the
Western corridor walls, and

PSI 7?a flexed subadult of around 4 years of wall with age?was buried immediately under the the lowest course crushing the body and deform ing the skull (Figure 7). Other than this, thebody
no apparent but traumatic seems lesions indicative of the context to suggest bears

to itsfoundation rituals. Indeed, in addition to the evidence cited so far (burial characteristics, the
trauma/sacrificial knife, and the architectural asso

thus possibly

related

ciations), it isworth noting that thiscorridor faces the Temple of Pachacamac (thegod of earthquakes,
among cemetery much else), and from covers a huge pre-Inca spreading the Temple's foot toward

sacrifice,

that its

have had disposal?and possibly demise?may some specific social function.The levelof the wall base is actually below the level of the skull due to the body being depressed by itsweight; the indi vidual was thereforeprotruding from under the

the north (Eeckhout 2009; Eeckhout and Farfan 2004, 2005; Uhle 1903).We believe itplausible to own building suggest that inorder to sanctify their
as to please

sible wrath of the ancestors buried beneath, the

the god Pachacamac

and

calm

the pos

388LATIN AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.

19, No. 4, 2008

Figure 7. PSI

7 in situ under

the lower course of a wall of theWestern

Corridor.

Incas performed a series of child sacrifices. This would be consistent with the archaeological evi
dence, and also resonates with ethno-historic

wrapped with bandages andwas buried inan angled

crouched

records (see below). PSI 8, found near Pyramid 5, was a highly unusual case The pyramid is situated between the
second and third enclosures, and was

when thebody was partially unwrapped to reveal a very unusual burial position; the legswere partly

position.

Suspicions

were

first aroused

modified by the Incas (Eeckhout and Farfan 2004). bundles were dis A series of Late Horizon funerary
covered

probably

wall, buried into superficial sand and without for

mal structures. Associated funerary were and no grave goods plain, textiles associated. are all This

by

the main

platform's

external

western

but unequally extended (the lower half of thebody was badly preserved), and the right elbow was thrustout at a right angle to the body, and was partly out of thebandages (Figure 8). It should be remembered thatarm position is invariable in the other burials at the site,being drawn into the chest under the chin, sandwiched between the legs and
the torso. Further

sample of burials includesPSI 8, a lateperiod infant unique finding at the site. No marks of trauma were (<1 year) interment.The mummy was loosely present on the body of the individual. This speci

ence of coprolites inside the mummy wrappings, a

investigation

revealed

the pres

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 389

Figure 8. PSI

8, an infant probably

buried alive.

men dates to theLate Horizon or Colonial period, which is in itselfsuggestive as the Inca are known
to have cases practiced live burial. in locales However, more the clearest conducive cir originate to soft-tissue preservation. there that were While

tural and matic

other

evidence

lesions

or cutmarks

shows. clearly were noted on

No

trau

the bones.

cumstances do not permit a definitive diagnosis,

therefore, is considerable circumstantial evi

taphonomic

The age and apparent status of the individual and theposition of theburial within thepyramid seems to suggest special treatmentthat ispossibly linked to sacrificial deposition, which would perhaps best
be described of more as deviant sensu lato. In the absence this asser compelling evidence, however,

dence to suggest that this individual represents a live burial of an infant. The lastcase comes theTemple of the Monkey west of Pyramid 3, and which isdis that lies to the
tinctive in terms of both architecture and

tion remains

tion (Eeckhout 2003; Farfan 2004). Itwas built occupied in theLate Intermediate Period, proba bly between A.D. 1300 and 1460 (Eeckhout 2004c; Michzincky et. al.2007). One of theplatforms con

occupa

The results of our analysis has be summed up inTable 5. It should be noted thatall the sacrifices date to the Inca period of occupation. We will see thishas some interesting implications in the gen
eral Andes. framework of human sacrifice in the ancient

speculative.

tained the eponymous monkey mummy: beneath within the layer constructivefillof the struc of this, was thebody of a young child lying itsright on ture,
east-west, with legs and arms flexed

Discussion Possibly themost comprehensive analysis of the phenomena underlying sacrifice in theAndean region was carried out by Swenson (2003), who linked sacrificewith the evolution of power rela
stated that the "elite areas of ritual vio tions and

side, oriented

and face turnednorthwards.The body was resting on a fine layerof selected sandwith tracesofmaize (Figure 9) and was covered with a textileand was associated with a pointed staff80cm long,broken
into several pieces, as well as several ceramic copies

lence"

(2003:257)

were

integral
of political

to

the
con

establishment

and maintenance

of poisonous Nectandra seeds (Eeckhout 2006; Montoya 2004). The burial is related to the foun
dation of the Temple itself, as a series of architec

trol,especially when linked with the exercise of

ritual and

dence

is notable for its lack of consistency, as

religious

power.

The

archaeological

evi

390LATIN AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.

19, No. 4, 2008

>..:.^BJM|^^^^S^^MKl^Wi^^^^^^^y^,

r-".'| f i''^yfj?P^iiwiM^

m j / //:

*ii

^^^^^B^^^M?yj&

^<tiliiMBM?^ ^wsl^Sr ^:Lj.'^g"I^^^..^Kai^^^BlnjaMHB^OHI^KKSWF<f

iw*>^--y^.JM?

^^^H^H

Figure 9. PSI

9 in situ in the constructive

fill of the Temple

of theMonkey.

human

sacrifice

functions at different times and in different cul

tural groups. Contact period sources frequently make refer

appears

to have

served

different

retainer

to the main

deceased

personage,

notable

ence to ritual human sacrifice in the prehispanic 1994:11: ch.28; Cobo Central Andes (Cieza 1964:XIII: ch. 13 to 18,31,32,36; Molina de Cuzco 1943:69-78; Murua 1946:III:ch.44, IV:ch.2; Polo Andes was under the 1917:ch.9), when most of the control of the Inca Empire. Rowe (1946:305-306)
states that human sacrifices were citing performed the example only in exceptional Capac circumstances, a complex of the a

Moche cultureof the examples ofwhich include the North Coast's Early IntermediatePeriod (ca A.D. 1-750: see Alva 1988, 1990; Alva and Donnan 1993;Donnan 1995:150-151; Donnan andMackey 1978:200-207; Hecker and Hecker 1992; Strong and Evans 1952:150-167; Ubbelhode-Doering Mid 1983:53,90, 107-13), theSican cultureof the
to Late Intermediate period (ca. A.D.

dle Horizon

Hucha,

ceremony

Pacatnamu (Verano 2007, 2008), El Brujo (Verano 2006), and theHuaca de la Luna (Bourget 1998; Montoya 1996, etc). It is possible that the latter VandeGuchte 1992;Mostny 1957;Reinhard 1992, were performed within the framework of cere monies related toexceptionally devastating climatic 1997, 1999; Schobinger 2003), although such evi events such as the ENSO phenomenon, although dence is scarce. evi Indeed, most archaeological dence forhuman sacrifice in theancient Andes dates iconography and other finds suggest also that the frommuch earlier periods (Benson 2001; Benson ceremony included theritual killing of enemies cap and Cook 2001; Verano 1995, 2001b). In many tured in combat (Alva and Donnan 1993).
cases, the victim seems to be playing the role of a Sacrifices were not common in Wari archaeo

series of rituals that included the sacrifice of chil dren (Du viols 1976; Salomon 1995;Velasco de Tord has been confirmed archaeo 1978). This tradition 2003; Dorsey 1901;McEwan and logically (Ceruti

involving

600-1000 toca.A.D. 1000-1475?Shimada 1995) and the later Chimu culture of theLate Intermedi ate Period (Conrad 1981:13, 1982:100; Pozorski 1980;Verano andWalde 2004). Other contexts sug gest ritualkilling of captives, probably warriors, at

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE Table

AT PACHACAMAC 391 at Pachacamac.

5. Sacrifice Evidence

PSI n?_Sacrifice_Modus

operandi_Possible 1 Yes Blunt Impact (?Strangled) 2 Yes Skull Cut (?Blunt Impact) Ritual

motivation_ abandonment sacrifice Foundation

Uncertain 3 Uncertain 4 Probably Probably Probably 5 6 7

Skull Blunt Impact / Skull Blunt Impact / Undetermined Undetermined Undetermined Buried 8 Probably alive Foundation Foundation Foundation Retainer/ sacrifice sacrifice sacrifice Offering to Pachacamac

9_Uncertain_Undetermined_/_

most notable formof (Isbell 2004:16). Indeed, the sacrifice is the collection of trophyheads possible
recovered from two ritual structures at the site

logical horizon (Kaulicke 2001:509). At Con chopata, for example, Isbell cites only one case of a mass burial comprising 5 young females, thathe considers as a probable group of sacrificial victims

ranking soldierywho died of combative wounds. This highlights the importance of examining the corporeal distributionand nature of lesions within the site (or period, or region) as a whole. Insofaras itcan be determined, the Pachacamac individuals do fall into these two categories, although theprecise implicationsof thefindingsare debatable (see below). Within the laterSican tra dition, Shimada (1995) excavated elite burials con none ofwhich tainingfemale and children retainers,
any trace of peri-mortem violence. demonstrated

(Cook 2001; Tung 2007, 2008). The Incan sacri

fice of children eve of war on solemn occasions?such upon some as the other or to cast benediction

notable event?has been documented both histor ically and archaeologically (Rowe 1946:305-306). Severed "trophy"heads fromSouthernCoast Nasca culture are also likely to be related to the sphere of war (Silverman and Proulx 2002) and were prob
ably removed

Our data onYchsma practices during pre-Inca and Inca times seem to follow the same general pattern as their Chimu contemporaries on the North Coast,
as regional variations from a common perhaps

throughformalized sacrificeprocedures (Swenson with much less 2003) and incomplete interment, on trophy-taking(Verano et al.1999). emphasis Verano (2006:9) states thatthereare twodistinct at patternsof human sacrifice identified Prehispanic Peruvian sites: "(1) carefully-arranged burials of children or adolescents accompanied by elaborate

the severed forearm "trophy" bones reportedupon byAndrushko (et al. 2005). However, in the major ityofAndean cases thevanquished opponent was humiliated through mutilation and execution

from vanquished

opponents,

as are

coastal pattern (see Eeckhout 1998, 2005b). One major difference seems to be the form of sacrifice?the way in which people were killed. As
stated above, Peru's best-known sacrifice cases are

Moche probably thosepertaining toCupisnique and in all North Coast cases (also society. Indeed, including the Sican and Chimu), the dramatic
nature of the activity marks punishment/execution massive trauma out sacrifice process, and as a san involving guineous, decapitation,

mutilation

where victims of combative contact have been pos which itivelyidentified, although thereare times in

(Cordy-Collins 2001; Verano 2005) carried out against captive enemies and hostages (Sutter and as to or retainers in Cortez 2005). The difference between these san grave goods offering temples high status tombs, and (2) male captives buried in guineous (it is likely that extravagant blood-flow or was themain aim) sacrificial phenomena and the (...) contexts without non-mortuary grave goods considerate treatment thebody. Evidence of vio of Pachacamac individuals ismarked: blunt force lentdeath is commonly found in the latter, not trauma but is present, but only one demonstrates evi in theformer." This is certainly trueof all situations dence of slicing wounds; curiously, cutmarks on
cervical vertebrae and other bones, so common

it is impossible to ascertain the identity the vic of and by definition we may be missing less tim, dramatic examples. It is also importantto consider the possibility that the individuals represent low

among Moche sacrifice victims (Verano 2001a, 2001b), are totally absent from our database. We
know that

formof execution in Uhle's cemetery of sacrificed women (1903), although poor preservationhas pre

ligature

strangulation

was

a common

392LATIN AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.

19, No. 4, 2008

vented us fromfindinganymore such evidence.We also suspect liveburial as a likely sacrifice method. we have yet to While it is of course possible that methods present sample thefull range of sacrificial at the site, these two techniques account for the majority of observed cases. Early Colonial writings make frequent refer ence tohuman sacrifice in the terminalInca period: "themost valuable sacrificewas of human beings, most important who were offered to the divinities
and huacas pestilence, on the most solemn occasions, such as famine, when and war reverses, at the coro

ods used onmany noncombative sacrificial victims (strangulation,poisoning/drugging, and choking). Respect for thebody is something thatappears very clearly in thefamous Inca "ice maidens" and other sacrificed children found by Reinhardt and his col mountain peaks of Tahuan leagues on different

nation of a new Emperor (when 200 childrenwere son, or when he was sick" (Rowe 1946:305-306). Children are believed to have been buried alive as sacrifices at Pachacamac (Cobo 1964:XIII:ch. 36), while Santillan (1879:32) notes that young girls were offered toPachacamac, and were buried alive for this purpose. Guaman Poma (1989:265) indi
sacrificed), the Emperor went to war in per

by an immaculate skin), and social originswere the most importantcriteria. Causes of death include some cranial trauma,strangulation(Reinhard 1997, 1998; Schobinger 2001) or undetermined (Ceruti 2003). From the broadest heuristic perspective, there seems tobe some formof dichotomy inhuman sac

(Ceruti 2003). Ceruti explains in tinsuyu territory details the reasons why these individuals inpartic ularwere chosen: age, physical beauty (manifested

cates thatchild sacrifices inhonor of Pachacamac were regularlyperformed following the Inca ritual
calendar, a fact confirmed by a native of the area,

North (sanguineous) and rifice traditionsfrom the Central Coast (nonsanguineous), suggesting spe cific symbolical meanings related to cultural pecu liarities hardly accessible in the present state of

Avila's
Todos

informant:
los anos le ofrecian un capac hucha [sac

research, considering thereduced sample of related data inboth areas. However, this shiftin mortuary with regards sacrifice is an area thatshould practice
be addressed.

rificandole]gente [de todas las provincias] del

Tahuantinsuyo, llegaban victimas aqui; era, mujeres a Pachacamac, y hombres. enterraban hucha diciendo: lamisma Cuando vivas [a las ? Helos man [de de

Concluding Remarks and Further Recommendations The large traumatic lesionswere restrictedto adult individuals (males), the cutting lesions of PSI 2 being an exception to the restof the corpus.While
most ered from mixed of the specimens or were looted unfortunately contexts, recov the consis

de] ese capac

te los ofrezco, [le ofrecian] y comida llamas

padre

?. De

oro y plata en la epoca

y no dejaban ofrendas la luna de

sacrificarle] bebida

y de hacerle

llena ?

[Avilal987:ch.22:331]. of Another source notes the tradition casting young fromelevated spots inorder forthem toaccom girls pany curacas in death (Polia 1999:296). Pachaca He and fecundity. mac's attributes include fertility is, among other things, related to earth and agri Cobo culture 1975:I:ch.22; (Calancha 1964:XIII:ch. 36; Jerez 1965:96). Babies were sac

tencyof theperi-mortem lesions (positioned on the posterior aspect of theparietals and the occipital)
seems to infer a more

rificed in order to obtain a good harvest (Polia were traditionally buried in the 1999:449-50); they fields in question. Such practices denote a desire to literallyprovide life for theearth: feeding it live
beings. human

tionof thebody and theburial context. On the basis of the Pachacamac evidence, we would supportVerano's assertion that sacrificed individuals do fall into two main groups (infants/childrenand adult males). However, we

no physical evidence for sacrifice; their identifica tion thereforereliedmore stronglyupon the posi

ery than the fairly random distribution of healed lesions found in the remainder of the sample (see above). The remaining PSIs were subadults, with

regularized

manner

of deliv

It is interestingto note the correlation between the Inca tradition of physical perfection in their child victims and the low-impact sacrificemeth

also recognize thatdefining the adult male group as vanquished combatants isbased largelyupon the males pioneering work carried out on the sacrificed atMoche sites (Sutter and Cortez 2005), and it is

Eeckhout

& Owens]

HUMAN SACRIFICE

AT PACHACAMAC 393

only throughdental or isotopic/genetic studies that geographical disparity can be ascertained. At the PSI 1 and the2male skulls present time, therefore, 3 and 4) cannot conclusively be demonstrated (PSI tobe exotic to the site. In thecase ofPSI 1, the iso lationof the individual and thecareful (if atypical) mode of burial adjacent to the scared precinct is unusual when compared to the largeand chaotically deposited Pacatnamu sample (Verano 1986). Inci dentally, itshould be noted thatthevariety in form of sacrifice in the current sample may reflect the
become more apparent Verano's active with wider exposures and

tion)will always produce a more balanced view of ancient lifeways than any of these in isolation.
We have several recommendations for future

study of deviant burial, in theAndes as much as

elsewhere. First, every team must include a

and that temporo spatial trends deep stratigraphy,

at the site. We thus endorse theory measures propose

may

that researchers

take

to broaden

play skeletal (or soft tissue) trauma, and that the only indicator of the reason behind theirdemise might lie in the fact that theirdeposition falls out side theremitof burial practice for the site,culture, or population. We would also propose that the anatomical and contextual findings from the siteof
reflect a shift from the somewhat cultures such as the Nasca and san theMoche,

their many perspectives on PSIs by considering that individualswho died in such amanner may not dis

the analysis of burials, along with cultural vari ables such as trauma and the quality/quantityof grave goods, as well as demographic factors such as age and sex.All the specialists should indepen dently produce theirevidence and merge it; only then will a "diagnosis" of deviant burial be viable.

with a fullwritten description being per interred, formed by thephysical anthropologist in addition toextensive field notes, drawings and photography of the remains, theirburial context and all associ ated elements (offeringsetc). Third, thedata con cerning burial position should occupy a key role in

one is toavoidmissing impor ical anthropologist, if tant informationabout burial traditions and their must be paid significance. Second, great attention to theprecise position in which human remains are

phys

Pachacamac guineous

were Acknowledgments. The investigations at Pachacamac funded by the Universite Libre de Bruxelles, the Fonds National de la Recherche Scientifique and the Fonds de la Recherche Fondamentale for Research Committee Collective the (Belgium), and Exploration of the National (Washington) and the Mary G. and

to the perfection-obsessed sacrificialmodality of

the Incas. The former seems to be concerned pri

marily with retainerburials and thepunishment of

enemies uncertain power. intended or opponents, eternity In the case to bless as which were offered to some to an higher of the latter, the sacrifices were objects or missions, favors give thanks, or assistance. a gesture

Foundation (Santa Fe). In Peru, the research was authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura. We wish to acknowledge the support and help of Carlos Farfan, Peruvian codirector of theYchsma Project, all our field staff, and also theMuseo assistance de Sitio de Pachacamac for its and logistic support. Valerie Decart (CReA topog (ULB-CReA rapher), Nathalie Bloch and Francois Degesve infographic staff) deserve our warmest thanks. Thanks are

Geographic Society Curtiss T. Brennan

or to appeal

Central and Latin America isperhaps the region of theworld that ismost stronglyassociated with
sacrifice. is such In a sense, therefore, the fact that for sac there extremely dramatic evidence

for supernatural

human

transient?yet stillvalid?evidence for sacrifice. It should therefore made explicit thatevidence for be sacrifice does not exist solely in decapitated and mutilated corpses, for in a wider context these are as exceptional as Capacocha burials. Furthermore,
burial convention is a far more sensitive barome

rificeon the Northern Coast and elsewhere inhibits the reporting and even identification of more

forthcoming work. Finally, we wish to express our greatest gratitude toMichel Graulich, John Verano, and the anony mous reviewers for their insightful comments on earlier ver sions of themanuscript; remaining errors are, of course, our own.

also due to Edeltraud Aspoeck, Jo Buckberry, Tiffany Tung, and Andrew Reynolds for providing us with copies of their

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Notes
1.The precise significance of the somewhat gory reliefs at the site of Cerro Sechin, for example, is open to interpreta tion (see Burger 1992:77-80).

and Collection, Washington, D.C. 1998 Sacrificios humanos, desmembramientos y modifi caciones culturales en restos osteologicos: Evidencias de

Do They Rest ? The Treatment of Human Ancient Peru. In Tombs for the Offerings and Trophies in Living: Andean Mortuary Practices, edited by Tom. D. Dillehay, pp. 189-228. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library

2. Recent evidence for gunshot wounds and impalement have also been forthcoming in recent excavations on the cen area tral coast (http://news.nationalgeographic.com/ news/2007/06/070620-first-gunshot.html). 3. Trophy-taking has also been noted from other North and South American

las temporadas de investigation 1995-96. In Investiga ciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1996, edited by Santiago and Ricardo Morales, pp. 159-171. Uceda, Elias Mujica, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de

La Libertad, Trujillo. 2001a War and Death in theMoche World: Osteological Moche Art and Archae Evidence and Visual Discourse. In ology inAncient Peru, edited by Joanne Pillsbury, pp. 111-125. Studies inHistory of Art, 63. National Gallery

sites, taking the form of Inca trophies such as flutes and drinking vessels made from human bones (Verano 1995:192), trophy radiuses taken from individuals at (Verano 1986), to drilled and polished forearm taken from enemies and worn as ornamentation

Pacatnamu bones

ofArt,Washington D.C. of Human Sacrifice in The Physical Evidence 2001b Ancient Peru. In Ritual Sacrifice inAncient Peru, edited by Elizabeth Benson and Anita Cook, pp. 165-184. Uni versity of Texas Press, Austin. 2006 Human Sacrifice at El Brujo, Northern Peru. Report on 2005 Summer Field Research. Report to theNational Research and Explo Geographic Society's Committee for ration and theRoger Thayer Stone Center forLatin Amer

(Andrushko et. al. 2005). in Pachacamac 4. This general pattern is repeated 1539 (a 30-35 year-old male), a surface Museum Specimen find of uncertain provenance and with some surface weather on the poste ing. The skull shows a 2x3 cm unhealed lesion rior portion of the leftparietal, with a large peri-mortem crack running dorsally to the lambdoid suture.

Submitted August 27, 2007; Accepted October

29, 2007.