Imelda Romualdez- Marcos

Born: 2 July 1929 Birthplace: Manila, The Philippines Best Known As: Wife of Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos Called the 'Steel Butterfly,' Imelda Marcos was the beautiful wife and confidante of Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos. The Marcos regime (1965-86) was marked by notorious corruption, political repression and gross financial shenanigans, acts to which Imelda was almost certainly privy. The Marcoses were finally deposed in 1986 and fled to Hawaii, where Ferdinand died in 1989. Imelda Marcos later returned to the Philippines and, despite everything, was elected a legislative representative from her native district of Leyte. In 1998 -- after a second unsuccessful bid for the presidency -she was arrested and charged with corruption and accused of illegally amassing a fortune of up to five billion dollars during her husband's regime, but her conviction was later overturned. In 2008 she was acquitted of longstanding charges of graft and hiding skimmed money in Swiss bank accounts. Her steady complaints of poverty in recent years were somewhat quieted in 2009 when the Philippine government returned roughly $300 million in jewels that had been seized in 1986. A few months later she filed as a condidate for congress from the Ilocos Norte district (a seat vacated by her son, Ferdinand, Jr.).

Imelda Marcos was voted Miss Leyte in 1953. She married Marcos, then a Congressman, the next year... After the Marcos regime was overthrown in 1986, opposition forces found thousands of pairs of high-fashion shoes in Imelda's closets; the shoes became a symbol of her life of luxury amid the poverty of most Filipinos.

Ancestry
Her paternal ancestors, the Lopezes of Leyte, were wealthy, landed and prominent and claimed to have founded the town of Tolosa, Leyte. Spanish mestizos, the Lopezes were descended from the Spanish friar and silversmith Don Francisco Lopez, originally from Granada in the Andalusian region of Spain. Together with Fray Salustiano Buz, he arrived by way of Acapulco to build Roman Catholic missions in the island provinces of Samar and Leyte (Buz would establish his home base in Palapag, Samar, the exit-entry point of the Manila Galleons in theVisayas islands).It was common then for Spanish friars to take mistresses, and Lopez's life-long relationship with a Chinese mestiza,Maria Crisostomo y Talentin of Basey, Samar, produced seven boys and seven girls. The eldest of these daughters was Trinidad Lopez, or Doa Tidad in later years. Tidad and her sisters were forced to accompany their aging father to Manila, where Francisco Lopez was assigned by the Spanish clergy to the church in Pandacan, Manila, known for a miraculous well sought by tuberculosis patients. Through his connections, Fray Francisco Lopez's daughters were able to attend to nearby schools of the home administered by the local nuns. One of the tuberculosis pilgrims,Daniel Romualdez, courted Tidad, who eventually agreed to marriage. Her husband's relatives did not like her, especially when she decided to leave Manila for Leyte; she believed that Leyte's sea baths would be good for his lungs and constitution. Daniel and Tidad had three sons: Norberto Lopez Romualdez, born in Burauen, Leyte; Miguel Lopez Romualdez, born in Dagami, Leyte;

andVicente Orestes Lopez Romualdez (Imelda's father), born in Tolosa, Leyte.

Married Life
Her branch of the family was not political. Her father, a law professor at Saint Paul's College and the administrator of the Romualdez Law Offices founded by his brother Chief Justice Norberto Romualdez, was a scholarly man more interested in music and culture than public life. He was a traditionalist, preferring to teach in Spanish while the rest of the students and faculty spoke English and Tagalog. Her mother, Remedios Trinidad y de Guzman or Remedios T. Romualdez, a former boarder at the Asilo de San Vicente de Paul (Looban Convent) in Paco, Manila, was said to have been born out of wedlock, the child of a friar.Remedios was from the town of Baliuag, Bulacan, and her own mother was from Capiz. Marcos spent her childhood in the shadow of the Malacaang Palace in San Miguel District in Manila, since her family then lived near San Miguel Pro-Cathedral. (The Malacanang Gardens across the Palace used to be owned by her grandfather Daniel Romualdez. He sold the land for the education of his sons Norberto, Vicente Orestes and Miguel at the Ateneo de Manila). After Marcos's mother Remedios died in 1938, and their home was nearly foreclosed, her father, Vicente Orestes, moved his family back to Leyte to live on their abaca and coconut plantation given to him by his deceased mother, Trinidad Romualdez y Lopez. Marcos earned a bachelor's degree in education inTacloban's St. Paul's College." She became a beauty queen and at the age of 18 was crowned the "Rose of Tacloban." She later became "Miss Leyte." Previously, duringPhilippine-American Friendship celebrations, a daughter of the

prominent Price family of Tacloban was crowned "Miss America" while she was crowned "Miss Philippines." Finally, she flew to Manila in 1950 after her cousin, Speaker Daniel Romualdez y Zialcita (her uncle ex-Manila mayor Miguel Romualdez's son) saw her potential to attract crowds. She worked in the music stores of the Escolta. Because of her beautiful singing voice, many customers requested for her to sing. She sang frequently and made many profits for the store. However, her father Vicente Orestes found out. He found it below a Romualdez to do such a thing, considering the Romualdez name carried such a cachet (a good name left as an undying legacy by eldest brother Norberto Romualdez, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court). He took the next flight from Tacloban to Manila. He stormed Danieling's offices and demanded an explanation. "Gin babaligya mo ba ang akon anak?" (Are you trying to sell my child!?!) was his charge against Danieling. Thus, Marcos was later hired at the Philippine Central Bank headed by her speakercousin's brother, Eduardo Romualdez y Zialcita, in the brand new offices in Quezon City. She took voice lessons at the music conservatory of the University of Santo Tomas with the help of Norberto's daughter, Loreto Romualdez Ramos and her friend, Mrs. Adoracion Reyes. Her photogenic face soon graced many of Manila's magazine covers and she was named the "Muse of Manila" by then Manila Mayor, Arsenio Lacson, a special title given to her after she protested her loss in the Miss Manila pageant. During her early years in Manila, she lived with her cousin, Danieling and his wife Paz Gueco along Dapitan Street in Quezon City. There she was introduced to the machinations of political life since the house was

a de facto headquarters for the Nacionalista party. Paz, or Pacing, took care of her ward Imelda. On certain family picnics along the Parua river straddling Magalang, Pampanga (where the Guecos owned large ricelands) and Concepcin, Tarlac, she brought along Imelda, whom the Guecos were excited to see since she was so beautiful--- the newest political asset of the great politician holding sway in Eastern Visayas. On that picnic also came Benigno Aquino Jr from nearby Concepcion, who was himself a nephew of Pacing. It was Benigno or Ninoy whom Pacing asked to escort Imelda on the way home from her job in the Escolta on some nights. Also, she was once invited to the parties of Pedro Cojuangco or Pete, (eldest brother of Cory Aquino) where she was told to wear a flapper dress. She came home ridiculed and slighted by most of the landed scions of Pampanga. After some time, Marcos started receiving formal visits from Ariston Nakpil, a United States educated heir to the Juan Nakpils of Manila. He was a son of a former Miss Philippines, Anita Noble. However, Ariston had a quick marriage-and-divorce episode. Essentially, he was a divorced man. To the eyes of the Romualdezes, if Imelda married him, she would always be the second wife, a concubine. The Romualdezes, staunch Catholics, as the rest of the Philippines at that time, was against the concept of divorce. Her cousin Loreto Romualdez Ramos asked her to distance herself from Nakpil and his invitations to their Batangas farm family picnics. Shortly thereafter, Marcos's father Vicente Orestes Romualdez found out and "talked some sense" to his daughter. All of them urged Imelda to call off the visits from Nakpil, whom they would not accept into their family as he already had a legal impediment. (During the Marcos years, Ariston's sister Edith Nakpil Rabat would be a Blue Lady of Marcos)

In 1953, Marcos met then-Ilocos Norte Congressman Ferdinand E. Marcos. After a whirlwind eleven day courtship in Baguio during Holy Week, and with much prodding from Danieling (He and Ferdinand Marcos were both sitting congressmen at that time), Eduardo and his wife, Conchita Romualdez (not to be confused with Imelda's youngest sister, Conchita Romualdez Yap), they were married in May of that year at the San Miguel Pro-Cathedral on General Solano street, San Miguel, Manila. This was the same church where her motherRemedios T. Romualdez was wed and interred in 1938, fifteen years earlier. President Ramon Magsaysay was principal sponsor (he would also be the wedding sponsor to Benigno Aquino Jr and his wife Corazon in that same year). President Magsaysay, a Nacionalista party member, allowed then Congressman Ferdinand Marcos to hold his wedding reception in the Malacanang Gardens primarily because of the Romualdezes, who have always identified with the Nacionalista party. They have four children: Maria Imelda "Imee" Marcos,Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr., Irene Marcos, and Aimee Marcos, who was adopted from within the Romualdezes. In 1960, her father reluctantly left his beautiful Leyte to be with Imelda. He stayed with his eldest child from his second marriage in the Marcos house in San Juan. Imelda, who by then was now head of their branch of the Romualdezes, took great effort to end any hard feelings between her and her half siblings. Half sister Lourdes Romualdez Caguiat left the United States and her husband Emilio to care for Vicente Orestes. The latter died there in San Juan. Distraught, Imelda refused for her father's body to be prepared elsewhere. Vicente Orestes Romualdez was embalmed in the San Juan home. Pregnant with

daughter Maria Victoria Irene Marcos, she cried so hard during the burial that Marcos almost fell into the grave. Between then and 1965, Marcos was constantly featured in many magazine covers. She travelled around the entire country to get to know each and every politician that could help her husband Ferdinand win the presidency one day. She learned how to sleep while sitting upright with her elaborate coiffure intact; she sang to the audiences; she was baptismal and wedding sponsor to all; she was the eyes and ears of her husband. Her determination was unbelievably boundless, even when most among the wives of the Senators looked down upon her, such as Lourdes "Lily" Padilla (ne De las Alas), the young wife of Senator Ambrosio Padilla and also a sister of the deceased Natividad or "Nene", the first wife of Ramon Cojuangco(Ramon would later marry Imelda Ongsiako Cojuangco who would be a constant friend and Blue Lady of Marcos). Her very few friends during this phase were her neighbors in San Juanand Elvira Manahan, also a senator's wife. In 1966, Ferdinand Marcos became the 10th President of the Philippines. Together with Imelda, he would rule the Philippines from September 21, 1972 up to his removal in February 1986 in the famous People Power Revolution when he fled the Philippines.

His Candidacy
When President Diosdado Macapagal reneged on his promise not to run for reelection and to support Marcos candidacy for the presidency in the 1965 elections, Marcos resigned from the Liberal Party. With the support of his wife Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, he joined the Nacionalista Party and became its standard-bearer with Senator Fernando Lopez as his running mate.

The First Term (1965-1969)

Marcos defeated Macapagal and was sworn in as the sixth President of the Republic on December 30, 1965. In his inaugural address he stated the grim situation of the Philippines: The Filipino, it seems, has lost his soul, his dignity, and his courage. We have come upon a phase of our history when ideals are only a veneer for greed and power, (in public and private affairs) when devotion to duty and dedication to a public trust are to be weighted at all times against private advantages and personal gain, and when loyalties can be traded. Our government is in the iron grip of venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are wasted, its civil service is slothful and indifferent, its armed forces demoralized and its councils sterile. We are in crisis. You know that the government treasury is empty. Only by severe self-denial will there be hope for recovery within the next year.

To rally the people, he vowed to fulfill the nations mandate for greatness: This nation can be great again. This I have said over and over. It is my articles of faith, and Divine Providence has willed that you and I can now translate this faith into deeds. In his first State of the Nation Address (SONA), President Marcos revealed his plans for economic development and good government. President Marcos wanted the immediate construction of roads, bridges and public works which includes 16,000 kilometers of feeder roads, some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an electric power capacity of on million kilowatts (1,000,000 kw), water services to eight regions and 38 localities. He also urged the revitalization of the Judiciary, the national defense posture and the fight against smuggling, criminality, and graft and corruption in the government. To accomplish his goals President Marcos mobilized the manpower and resources of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for action to complement civilian agencies in such activities as infrastructure construction; economic planning and program execution; regional and industrial site planning and development; community development and others. The President, likewise, hired technocrats and highly educated persons to form part of the Cabinet and staff. The employment of technocrats in key positions and the mobilization of the AFP for civic actions resulted in the increasing functional integration of civilian and military elites. As a consequence, Marcos surpassed the achievements of his presidential predecessors put together.

The Second Term: 1969-1972

In 1969, President Marcos was reelected for an unprecedented second term because of his impressive performance or, as his critics claimed, because of massive vote-buying and electoral frauds. The second term proved to be a daunting challenge to the President: an economic crisis brought by external and internal forces; a restive and radicalized studentry demanding reforms in the educational system; rising tide of criminality and subversion by the re-organized Communist movement; and secessionism in the South. Economic Situation - Overspending in the 1969 elections led to higher inflation and the devaluation of the Philippine peso. Further, the decision of the oil-producing Arab countries to cut back oil production, in response to Western military aid to Israel in the ArabIsraeli conflict, resulted to higher fuel prices worldwide. In addition, the frequent visits of natural calamities brought havoc to infrastructures and agricultural crops and livestock. The combined external and internal economic forces led to uncontrolled increase in the prices of prime commodities. A Restive Studentry The last years of the 1960s and the first two years of the 1970s witnessed the radicalization of student population. Students in various colleges and universities held massive rallies and demonstrations to express their frustrations and resentments. President Marcos, astute as he was, established dialogues with students in various schools to hear their legitimate grievances. The

President clearly discerned the reasons of the restiveness of the Studentry: In response to the demands of the students, President Marcos created the Youth and Student Affairs Board (as recommended by then Education Secretary Onofre Corpuz) composed of 15 members from different student organizations, ordered the setting up of a Php 3 Million trust fund for student welfare and civic action projects, released Php 5 Million for all state colleges and universities, released Php 5 Million for the unprogrammed budget of the University of the Philippines, and ordered the setting up of scholarships for technological and science high school graduates. However the reforms initiated by the President were apparently not enough. On January 30, 1970, demonstrators numbering about 50,000 students and laborers stormed the Malacaang Palace, burning part of the Medical building, crashing through Gate 4 with a fire truck that had been forcibly commandeered by some laborers and students. The President drove them alright! The Metropolitan Command (Metrocom) of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) repulsed them, pushing them towards Mendiola Bridge, where in an exchange of gunfire, hours later, four persons were killed and scores from both sides injured. The crowd was finally dispersed by tear gas grenades. Violent students protests however did not stop. In October 1970, a series of violence occurred in numerous campuses in the Greater Manila Area: an explosion of pillboxes in at least two schools. The University of the Philippines was not spared when 18,000 students boycotted their classes to demand academic and non-academic reforms

in the State University resulting in the occupation of the office of the President of the University by student leaders. Other schools which were scenes of violent student demonstions were San Sebastian College, University of the East, Letran College, Mapua Institute of Technology, University of Sto. Tomas and Feati University. Student demonstrators even succeeded in occupying the office of the Secretary of Justice Vicente Abad Santos for at least seven hours. The President described the brief communization of the University of the Philippines and the violent demonstrations of the Left-leaning students as an act of insurrection. The Re-emergence of the Communist movement The reemergence of the Communist movement and the threats it poised to the Philippine Republic may be best narrated by the Supreme Court in Lansang vs. Garcia on December 11, 1970, excerpts: In the language of the Report on Central Luzon, submitted, on September 4, 1971, by the Senate Ad Hoc Committee of Seven copy of which Report was filed in these cases by the petitioners herein The years following 1963 saw the successive emergence in the country of several mass organizations, notably the Lapiang Manggagawa (now the Socialist Party of the Philippines) among the workers; the Malayang Samahan ng Magsasaka (MASAKA) among the peasantry; the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) among the youth/students; and the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN) among the intellectuals/professionals. The PKP has exerted all-out effort to infiltrate, influence, and utilize these organizations in promoting its radical brand of nationalism.

Meanwhile, the Communist leaders in the Philippines had been split into two (2) groups, one of which- composed mainly of young radicals, constituting the Maoist faction reorganized the Communist party of the Philippines early in 1969 and established a New Peoples Army. This faction adheres to the Maoist concept of the Protracted Peoples War or War of National Liberation. In the year 1969, the NPA had according to the records of the Department of National Defense conducted raids, resorted to kidnappings and taken part in other violent incidents numbering 230, in which it inflicted 404 casualties, and in turn, suffered 243 loses. In 1970, its record of violent incidents was about the same, but the NPA casualties more than doubled. At any rate, two (2) facts are undeniable: (a) all Communists, whether they belong to the traditional group or to the Maoist faction, believe that force and violence are indispensable to the attainment of their main and ultimate objective, and act in accordance with such belief, although they may disagree on the means to be used at a given time and in a particular place; and (b) there is a New Peoples Army, other, of course, than the armed forces of the Republic and antagonistic thereto. Such New Peoples army is per se proof of the existence of rebellion, especially considering that its establishment was announced publicly by the reorganized CPP. Such announcement is in the nature of a public challenge to the duly constituted authorities and may be likened to a declaration of war, sufficient to establish a war status or a condition of belligerency, even before the actual commencement of hostilities.

We entertain, therefore, no doubts about the existence of sizeable group of men who have publicly risen in arms to overthrow the government and have thus been and still are engaged in rebellion against the Government of the Philippines.

The Supreme Court ruling in Lansang vs. Garcia affirmed the basis of President Marcos issuance of Proclamation No. 889, which suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, on August 21, 1971 following the Plaza Miranda bombing. On January 7, 1972, President Marcos restored the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus throughout the country.

Martial Law
Initial Measures - In his first address to the nation after issuing Proclamation No. 1081, President Marcos said that martial law has two objectives: (1) to save the republic, and (2) to reform the social, economic and political institutions in our country. In accordance with the two objectives, President Marcos issued general orders and letters of instruction to that effect General Order No. 1 The President proclaimed that he should govern the nation and direct the operations of the Government, including all its agencies and instrumentalities, as Commander-in-Chief of all the armed forces of the Philippines;

General Order No. 2 The President directed the Secretary of National Defense to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custody the individuals named in the attached list and to hold them until otherwise so ordered by the President or by his duly designated representative, as well as to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custody and to hold them otherwise ordered released by him or by his duly authorized representative such persons who may have committed crimes described in the Order;

General Order No.3 The President ordered that all executive departments, bureaus, offices, agencies and instrumentalities of the National Government, government owned or controlled corporations, as well all governments of all the provinces, cities, municipalities and

barrios should continue to function under their present officers and employees, until otherwise ordered by the President or by his duly designated representatives. The President further ordered that the Judiciary should continue to function in accordance with its present organization and personnel, and should try and decide in accordance with existing laws all criminal and civil cases, except certain cases enumerated in the Order.

General Order No. 4 The President ordered that a curfew be maintained and enforced throughout the Philippines from twelve o clock midnight until four o clock in the morning.

General Order No. 5 All rallies, demonstrations and other forms of group actions including strikes and picketing in vital industries such as in companies engaged in manufacture or processing as well as in production or processing of essential commodities or products for exports, and in companies engaged in banking of any kind, as well as in hospitals and in schools and colleges are prohibited.

General Order No. 6 No person shall keep, possess or carry outside of his residence any firearm unless such person is duly authorized to keep, possess or carry any such firearm.

Letter of Instruction No. 1 The President ordered the Press Secretary and the Secretary of National Defense to take over and

control or cause the taking over and control of newspapers, magazines, radio and television facilities and all other media of communications for the duration of the national emergency

Letter of Instruction No. 2 The President ordered the Secretary of National Defense to take over the management, control and operation of the Manila Electric Company (Meralco), the Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT), the National Waterworks and Sewerage Authority (Nawasa), the Philippine National Railways (PNR), the Philippine Airlines, Air Manila, Filipinas Orient Airways, and other public utilities.

Letter of Instruction No. 3 The President ordered the Secretary of National Defense to take over the possession, control, operation of all privately owned aircraft and watercraft of whatever make bearing Philippine registry and to keep such under his custody for the duration of national emergency or until otherwise ordered by the President.

Letter of Instruction No. 4 The President ordered the Secretary of Foreign Affairs not to issue travel papers such as passports and other like documents to any citizens of the Philippines except to those who are being sent abroad in the service of the Philippines.

Letter of Instruction No. 5 The President ordered the Secretary of Justice and all subordinate officials under him not to issue any police

or immigration clearance to any citizen of the Philippines who may wish to depart for other country.

Letter of Instruction No. 6 The President ordered the Secretary of Finance and all subordinate officials under him not to issue any tax clearance to any citizen of the Philippines who may wish to depart for other country.

Pursuant to General Order No. 1, the following were arrested and detained, which in the words of Press Secretary Francisco Tatad are living in comfortable quarters with all the conveniences of home including radio and television, by the military: Representatives Roque Ablan, Jr.(Ilocos Norte), Rafael Aquino (Sorsogon) and Rolando Puzon; Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose W. Diokno and Ramon Mitra; Governors Rolando Puzon (Kalinga-Apayao) and Lino Bocalan (Cavite); former Senator Francisco Soc Rodrigo; Con Con delegates Napoleon Rama, Enrique Voltaire Garcia, II, Teofisto Guingona, Jr., Bren Guiao, Alejandro Lichauco, Jose Nolledo, Jose Concepcion, Jr., and Jose Mari Velez; journalists Joaquin Chino Roces, Maximo Soliven, Teodoro Locsin, Sr., Amando Doronilla, Renato Constantino, and Luis Mauricio. Others arrested are as follows: Hernando Abaya, Ang Nay Quang, Luis Beltaran, Jorge Bocobo, IV, Ramon Chramico, Cipriano cid, Chua Giok Su @ Bob Chua, Herminio Caloma, Romeo Dizon, Armando Eufemio, Rolando Fadul, Rolando Feleo, Jose Fuentes @ Joey, Rosalinda Galang @ Roz, Go Eng Guan, Flora Lansang, Teodosio Lansang, Guillermo Ponce de Leon,

Joel Rocamora, etc. Most of the arrested were members of the opposition sympathetic to the rebels or supporting the rebel movement and members of the communist movement. In October 1972 Iloilo City mayor and former senator Rodolfo Ganzon was arrested by the Philippine Constabulary for going around the city wearing a military uniforms and lording it over the residents and terrorizing city residents in public places, in violation of General Order No.3. Likewise, Vice Consul Fernando Santos was arrested for suspected gun-running activities. As a result of LOI No. 1, all newspapers, television and radio stations and other means of mass media were closed and placed under military control. Some of them were later permitted to reopen but under strict censorship. On September 22, 1972, the President signed Letter of Authority No.1, authorizing the Press Secretary and the Secretary of National Defense to permit the operation of Radio Philippines Network (RPN), Kanlaon Broadcasting System (KBS), and the Daily Express, it having been established that they have not participated in a conspiracy to seize political and state power in the Philippines and to take over the government by force and violence. When asked by Dan Moser of the National Geographic, why he declared martial law and when would it end? President Marcos replied: There was no alternative if the republic was to continue. In Luzon, Communist-front organizations were staging violent demonstrations. We had a secessionist movement in the south. Things degenerated until our economy came to a stop. The country was in a state of anarchy.

When I proclaimed martial law, I announced that the purpose was to extirpate the causes of rebellion the social injustices, the distortion of our democratic elective process.

On the other hand, critics claim that Marcoss real motive in declaring martial law was to perpetuate his personal power, and that he is simply replacing an old feudalistic order with a new one.

Constitutional Authoritarianism
The 1973 Constitution On March 16, 1967, the Philippine Congress passed Resolution No. 2 calling for a Constitutional Convention to change the Constitution. Election of the delegates to the Convention were held on November 20, 1970 pursuant to Republic Act No. 6132, otherwise known as the 1970 Constitutional Convention Act. The Constitutional Convention formally began on June 1, 1971. Former President Carlos P. Garcia, a delegate from Bohol, was elected President. Unfortunately he died on June 14, 1971 and was succeeded by another former President, Diosadado Macapagal of Pampanga. Before the Convention could finish its work, martial law was proclaimed. Several delegates were placed under detention and others went into hiding or voluntary exile. The martial law declaration affected the final outcome of the convention. In fact, it was said, that the President dictated some provisions of the Constitution. On November 29, 1972, the Convention approved its Proposed Constitution of the Philippines. On November 30, 1972, the President issued Presidential Decree No.73 setting the date of the plebiscite on January 15, 1973 for the ratification or rejection of the proposed Constitution. On January 7, 1973, however, the President issued General Order No. 20 postponing indefinitely the plebiscite scheduled on January 15. Suprisingly, on January 17, 1973 the President issued Proclamation No. 1102 announcing that the proposed Constitution had been ratified by an overwhelming vote of the members of the Citizen

Assemblies, organized by Marcos himself through Presidential Decree No. 86. Various legal petitions were filed with the Supreme Court assailing the validity of the ratification of the 1973 Constitution. On March 30, 1973, a divided Supreme Court ruled in Javellana vs. Executive Secretary (6 SCRA 1048) that there is no further obstacle to the new Constitution being considered in force and effect. The 1973 Constitution would have established in the Philippines a parliamentary government, with the President as a ceremonial head of state and a Prime Minister as the head of government. This was not implemented as a result of the referendum-plebiscite held on January 10-15, 1972 through the Citizen Assemblies whereby an overwhelming majority rejected the convening of a National Assembly. From 1972 until the convening of the Interim Batasang Pambansa in 1978, the President exercised absolute legislative powers. On October 16-17, 1976 majority of barangay voters (Citizen Assemblies) approved that martial law should be continued and ratified the amendments to the Constitution, proposed by President Marcos. The 1976 Amendments were: an Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) substituting for the Interim National Assembly, the President would also become the Prime Minister and he would continue to exercise legislative powers until martial law should have been lifted. The Sixth Amendment authorized the President to legislate: Whenever in the judgment of the President there exists a grave emergency or a threat or imminence thereof, or whenever the Interim Batasang Pambansa or the regular National Assembly fails or is unable

to act adequately on any matter for any reason that in his judgment requires immediate action, he may, in order to meet the exigency, issue the necessary decrees, orders or letters of instructions, which shall form part of the law of the land.

The Batasang Bayan and the IBP - The Interim Batasang Pambansa was not immediately convened. Instead, President Marcos created the Batasang Bayan through Presidential Decree No. 995. The Batasang Bayan is a 132-member council that advised the President on important legislature measures. On April 7, 1978, the first national election under martial law was held. The election for 165- members of the Interim Batasang Pambansa resulted to the massive victory of the administration coalition party, the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan ng Nagkakaisang Nacionalista, Liberal, at iba pa or KBL. First Lady Imelda Marcos, KBL Chairman for NCR, won the highest number of votes in Metro Manila. Only 15 opposition candidates in other parts of the country won. On June 12, 1978 the Interim Batasang Pambansa was convened with Ferdinand E. Marcos as President-Prime Minister and Querube Makalintal as Speaker. The 1980 and 1981 Amendments The 1973 Constitution was further amended in 1980 and 1981. In the 1980 Amendment, the retirement age of the members of the Judiciary was extended to 70 years. In the 1981 Amendments, the parliamentary system was modified: executive power was restored to the President; direct election of the President was restored; an Executive Committee

composed of the Prime Minister and not more than fourteen members was created to assist the President in the exercise of his powers and functions and in the performance of his duties as he may prescribe; and the Prime Minister was a mere head of the Cabinet. Further, the amendments instituted electoral reforms and provided that a natural born citizen of the Philippines who has lost his citizenship may be a transferee of private land for use by him as his residence. The 1984 Amendments The Constitution was further amended. It abolished the Executive Committee, restored the office of the Vice President, provided for the election of members of the Batasang Pambansa by province instead of by regions, provided that the agrarian reform program included the grant on distribution of alienable lands of the public domain to qualified tenants farmers and other landless citizens, and the state was tasked to take urban land reform and social housing programs. The 1973 Constitution, as amended legalized and further consolidated the extraordinary powers, including legislative and constituent powers and even judicial powers, of the President. According to a respected constitutionalist, Fr. Joaquin Bernas, constitutional authoritarianism as understood and practiced in the New Societyis authorized by the letter or at least by the spirit of a legitimately enacted Constitution.

Downfall
The end of martial law and the 1981 Presidential Elections - After putting in force amendments to the Constitution and legislations securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. As to be expected, President Marcos run and won a massive victory over the other candidates Alejo Santos of the Nacionalista Party and Cebu Assemblyman Bartolome Cabangbang of the Federal Party. The major opposition parties, Unido (United Democratic Opposition, a coalition of opposition parties, headed by Salvador Laurel) and Laban, boycotted the elections. Unido alleged that Marcos failed to meet the minimum and reasonable requirements to ensure honest, orderly and clean elections. Marcos countered the allegations in an interview: We granted most of their conditions. They demanded 120 days for campaigning. This is not allowed by our Constitution, which allows anywhere from 45-60 days. It would be preposterous to violate our own Constitution. Secondly. They wanted a review of voters lists. We gave them this by authorizing a meeting of the voting committee before the election and prohibiting the registration of voters ten days before the election, so there can be no padding. This gives sufficient time to exclude non-resident or unqualified voters.

So we have kept our part of the bargain. But apparently they also received the independent survey report that their strongest candidate would get only 12% of the vote and that in some places theyd get 6% to 8%. I would get anywhere from 57% to 78%. This disorganized and demoralized the entire Opposition. In an almost one-sided election, President Marcos won an overwhelming 80% of the votes, the highest in Philippine electoral history. The Nacionalista candidate Alejo Santos won more than 10% of the votes. On June 30, 1981, President Marcos was inaugurated in grandiose ceremonies and proclaimed the birth of a new Republic. The new Republic lasted only for less than five years. Economic and political crises led to its demise. State of Economy After seven years of rapid economic growth, the Philippine economy began to slow down in 1979 and it continued in the early years of the 1980s. In 1979 the GNP growth slowed to 5.4%, in 1980 it was 4.9% and in 1981 the economy grew only by 2.3%. The economic slowdown from 1979 1983 were attributed to external forces such as (a) weak export demands; (b) unfavorable trade deficits; (c) recessionary pressures brought by the worldwide oil crisis; and (d) the fall on world prices of our traditional export crops sugar and copra. Moreover, financial scandals and bank closure, such as the closure of Banco Filipino, also dampened the economy. The 1983 assassination of former Senator Ninoy Aquino and the political crisis it brought further devastated the economy. The GNP fell to negative 7.1% in 1984 and negative 4.1% in 1985. According

to economist Bernardo Villegas: Crony capitalism and dictatorship led to the destruction of the economy and society. The Philippine National Bank and other financial institutions were almost bankrupt with billions of behest loans it extended to alleged Marcos cronies. Several banks were forced to close, such as Banco Filipino. The Philippines foreign debt ballooned to $27 Billion in 1983 from $600 Million in 1965. From 1983 until 1985 the country failed to make principal payments for its debts.

Critics THE martial law era in the Republic of the Philippines is over. President Ferdinand E. Marcos resigned and fled the Philippines on 26 February 1986 after it became apparent that he could no longer maintain power in the face of an irreversible and growing demand among all segments of the Philippine polity that his leading political opponent, Corazon Aquino, be installed as the legitimate winner of the 7 February 1986 presidential election. Why was Marcosa brilliant politician by all accountsunable to continue to maintain his power as he had done successfully for years? When one analyzes the circumstances of the people of the Philippines and traces Marcos's responses to the changing forces within his country, the reasons for the Marcos regime's downfall became increasingly apparent: Marcosfamed for his adeptness at the "art of the politically possible"lost political power because he and his close associates by 1977-78 had drifted intellectually into a groupthink

mentality characterized by an illusion of invulnerability, which, in turn, caused top martial law administrators to lose their ability to assess accurately and realistically the impact of the regime's policies on the Philippines and the United States.