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WATER POLLUTION AND


SOCIETY
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INTRODUCTION
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Comprising over
70% of the Earth�s
surface, water is
undoubtedly the most
precious natural
resource that exists
on our planet.
Without the
seemingly invaluable
compound comprised
of hydrogen and
oxygen, life on Earth
would be non-
existent: it is essential
for everything on our
planet to grow and
prosper. Although we
as humans recognize
this fact, we disregard it by polluting our rivers, lakes, and oceans. Subsequently, we are
slowly but surely harming our planet to the point where organisms
are dying at a very alarming rate. In addition to innocent organisms dying off, our
drinking water has become greatly affected as is our ability to use water for recreational
purposes. In order to combat water pollution, we must understand the problems and
become part of the solution.

POINT AND NONPOINT SOURCES

According to the American College Dictionary, pollution is defined as: �to make foul or
unclean; dirty.� Water pollution occurs when a body of water is adversely affected due to
the addition of large amounts of materials to the water. When it is unfit for its intended
use, water is considered polluted. Two types of water pollutants exist; point source and
nonpoint source. Point sources of pollution occur when harmful substances are emitted
directly into a body of water. The Exxon Valdez oil spill best illustrates a point source
water pollution. A nonpoint source delivers pollutants indirectly through environmental
changes. An example of this type of water pollution is when fertilizer from a field is
carried into a stream by rain, in the form of run-off
which in turn effects aquatic life. The technology exists for point sources of pollution to be
monitored and regulated, although political factors may complicate matters. Nonpoint
sources are much more difficult to control. Pollution arising from nonpoint
sources accounts for a majority of the contaminants in streams and lakes.

CAUSES OF POLLUTION
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Many causes of pollution including sewage and fertilizers contain nutrients such as
nitrates and phosphates. In excess levels, nutrients over stimulate the growth of aquatic
plants and algae. Excessive growth of these types of organisms consequently clogs our
waterways, use up dissolved oxygen as they decompose, and block light to deeper
waters.
This, in turn, proves very harmful to aquatic organisms as it affects the respiration ability
or fish and other invertebrates that reside in water.
Pollution is also caused when silt and other suspended solids, such as soil, washoff
plowed fields, construction and logging sites, urban areas, and eroded river banks when it
rains. Under natural conditions, lakes, rivers, and other water bodies undergo
Eutrophication, an aging process that slowly fills in the water body with sediment and
organic matter. When these sediments enter various bodies of water, fish
respirationbecomes impaired, plant productivity and water depth become reduced, and
aquatic organisms and their environments become suffocated. Pollution in the form of
organic
material enters waterways in many different forms as sewage, as leaves and grass
clippings, or as runoff from livestock feedlots and pastures. When natural bacteria and
protozoan in the water break down this organic material, they begin to use up the oxygen
dissolved in the water. Many types of fish and bottom-dwelling animals cannot survive
when levels of dissolved oxygen drop below two to five parts per million. When this
occurs, it kills aquatic organisms in large numbers which leads to disruptions in the food
chain.

Polluted River in
the United Kingdom
The pollution of rivers and streams with chemical contaminants has become one of the
most crutial environmental problems within the 20th century. Waterborne chemical
pollution entering rivers and streams cause tramendous amounts of destruction.
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Pathogens are
another type of
pollution that prove
very harmful. They
can cause many
illnesses that range
from typhoid and
dysentery to minor
respiratory and skin
diseases. Pathogens
include such
organisms as bacteria,
viruses, and
protozoan. These
pollutants enter
waterways through
untreated sewage,
storm drains, septic
tanks, runoff from
farms, and particularly
boats that dump
sewage. Though
microscopic, these
pollutants have a
tremendous effect
evidenced by their ability to cause sickness.

ADDITIONAL FORMS OF WATER POLLUTION

Three last forms of water pollution exist in the forms of petroleum, radioactive
substances, and heat. Petroleum often pollutes waterbodies in the form of oil, resulting
from oil spills. The previously mentioned Exxon Valdez is an example of this type of water
pollution. These large-scale accidental discharges of petroleum are an important cause of
pollution along shore lines. Besides the supertankers, off-shore drilling operations
contribute a large share of pollution. One estimate is that one ton of oil is spilled for every
million tons of oil transported. This is equal to about 0.0001 percent. Radioactive
substances are produced in the form of waste from nuclear power plants, and from the
industrial, medical, and scientific use of radioactive materials. Specific forms of waste are
uranium and thorium mining and refining. The last form of water pollution is heat. Heat is
a pollutant because increased temperatures result in the deaths of many aquatic
organisms. These decreases in temperatures are caused when a discharge of cooling
water by factories and power plants occurs.
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Demonstrators Protest
Drilling
Oil pollution is a growing problem, particularly devestating to coastal wildlife. Small
quantities of oil spread rapidly across long distances to form deadly oil slicks. In this
picture, demonstrators with "oil-covered" plastic animals protest a potential drilling
project in Key Largo, Florida. Whether or not accidental spills occur during the project, its
impact on the delicate marine ecosystem of the coral reefs could be devastating.

Oil
Spill Clean-up
Workers use special nets to clean up a California beach after an oil tanker spill. Tanker
spills are an increasing environmental problem because once oil has spilled, it is virtually
impossible to completely remove or contain it. Even small amounts spread rapidly across
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large areas of water. Because oil and water do not mix, the oil floats on the water and
then washes up on broad expanses of shoreline. Attempts to chemically treat or sink the
oil may further disrupt marine and beach ecosystems.

CLASSIFYING WATER POLLUTION

The major sources of water pollution can be classified as municipal, industrial, and
agricultural. Municipal water pollution consists of waste water from homes and
commercial establishments. For many years, the main goal of treating municipal
wastewater was simply to reduce its content of suspended solids, oxygen-demanding
materials, dissolved inorganic compounds, and harmful bacteria. In recent years,
however, more stress has been placed on improving means of disposal of the solid
residues from the municipal treatment processes. The basic methods of treating
municipal wastewater fall into three stages: primary treatment, including grit removal,
screening, grinding, and sedimentation; secondary treatment, which entails oxidation of
dissolved organic matter by means of using biologically active sludge, which is then
filtered off; and tertiary treatment, in which advanced biological methods of nitrogen
removal and chemical and physical methods such as granular filtration and activated
carbon absorption are employed. The handling and disposal of solid residues can
account for 25 to 50 percent of the capital and operational costs of a treatment plant.
The characteristics of industrial waste waters can differ considerably both within and
among industries. The impact of industrial discharges depends not only on their
collective characteristics, such as biochemical oxygen demand and the amount of
suspended solids, but also on their content of specific inorganic and organic substances.
Three options are available in controlling industrial wastewater. Control can take place at
the point of generation in the plant; wastewater can be pretreated for discharge to
municipal treatment sources; or wastewater can be treated completely at the plant and
either reused or discharged directly into receiving waters.
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Wastewater Treatment
Raw sewage includes waste from sinks, toilets, and industrial processes. Treatment of the
sewage is required before it can be safely buried, used, or released back into local water
systems. In a treatment plant, the waste is passed through a series of screens, chambers,
and chemical processes to reduce its bulk and toxicity. The three general phases of
treatment are primary, secondary, and tertiary. During primary treatment, a large
percentage of the suspended solids and inorganic material is removed from the sewage.
The focus of secondary treatment is reducing organic material by accelerating natural
biological processes. Tertiary treatment is necessary when the water will be reused; 99
percent of solids are removed and various chemical processes are used to ensure the
water is as free from impurity as possible.

Agriculture, including commercial livestock and poultry farming, is the source of many
organic and inorganic pollutants in surface waters and groundwater. These contaminants
include both sediment from erosion cropland and compounds of
phosphorus and nitrogen that partly originate in animal wastes and commercial
fertilizers. Animal wastes are high in oxygen demanding material, nitrogen and
phosphorus, and they often harbor pathogenic organisms. Wastes from commercial
feeders are contained and disposed of on land; their main threat to natural waters,
therefore, is from runoff and leaching. Control may involve settling basins for liquids,
limited biological treatment in aerobic or anaerobic lagoons, and a variety of other
methods.

GROUND WATER
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Ninety-five percent of all fresh water on earth is ground water. Ground water is found
in natural rock formations. These formations, called aquifers, are a vital natural resource
with many uses. Nationally, 53% of the population relies on ground water as a source of
drinking water. In rural areas this figure is even higher. Eighty one percent of community
water is dependent on ground water. Although the 1992 Section 305(b) State Water
Quality Reports indicate that, overall, the Nation�s ground water quality is good to
excellent, many local areas have experienced significant ground water contamination.
Some examples are leaking underground storage tanks and municipal landfills.

LEGISLATION

Several forms of legislation have been passed


in recent decades to try to control water
pollution. In 1970, the Clean Water Act provided
50 billion dollars to cities and states to build wastewater facilities. This has helped control
surface water pollution from industrial and municipal sources throughout the United
States. When congress passed the Clean Water Act in 1972, states were given primary
authority to set their own standards for their water. In addition to these standards, the act
required that all state beneficial uses and their criteria must comply with the �fishable
and swimmable� goals of the act. This essentially means that state beneficial uses must
be able to support aquatic life and recreational use. Because it is impossible to test water
for every type of disease-causing organism, states usually look to identify indicator
bacteria. One for a example is a bacteria known as fecal coliforms.(Figure 1 shows the
quality of water for each every state in the United States, click on the US link). These
indicator bacteria suggest that a certain selection of water may be contaminated with
untreated sewage and that other, more dangerous, organisms are present. These
legislations are an important part in the fight against water pollution. They are useful in
preventing Envioronmental catastrophes. The graph shows reported pollution incidents
since 1989-1994. If stronger legislations existed, perhaps these events would never have
occurred.

figure 1

GLOBAL WATER POLLUTION

Estimates suggest that nearly 1.5 billion people lack safe drinking water and that at
least 5 million deaths per year can be attributed to waterborne diseases. With over 70
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percent of the planet covered by oceans, people have long acted as if these very bodies
of water could serve as a limitless dumping ground for wastes. Raw sewage, garbage, and
oil spills have begun to overwhelm the diluting capabilities of the oceans, and most
coastal waters are now polluted. Beaches around the world are closed regularly, often
because of high amounts of bacteria from sewage disposal, and marine wildlife is
beginning to suffer.

Perhaps the biggest reason for developing a worldwide effort to monitor and restrict
global pollution is the fact that most forms of pollution do not respect national boundaries.
The first major international conference on environmental issues was held
in Stockholm, Sweden, in 1972 and was sponsored by the United Nations (UN). This
meeting, at which the United States took a leading role, was controversial because many
developing countries were fearful that a focus on environmental protection was a means
for the developed world to keep the undeveloped world in an economically subservient
position. The most important outcome of the conference was the creation of the United
Nations Environmental Program (UNEP).

UNEP was designed to be �the environmental conscience of the United Nations,� and, in
an attempt to allay fears of the developing world, it became the first UN agency to be
headquartered in a developing country, with offices in Nairobi, Kenya. In addition to
attempting to achieve scientific consensus about major environmental issues, a major
focus for UNEP has been the study of ways to encourage sustainable development
increasing standards of living without destroying the environment. At the time of UNEP's
creation in 1972, only 11 countries had environmental agencies. Ten years later that
number had grown to 106, of which 70 were in developing countries.
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WATER QUALITY

Water quality is closely linked to


water use and to the state of
economic development. In
industrialized countries, bacterial
contamination of surface water
caused serious health problems in
major cities throughout the mid
1800�s. By the turn of the century, cities in Europe and North America began building
sewer networks to route domestic wastes downstream of water intakes. Development of
these sewage networks and waste treatment facilities in urban areas has expanded
tremendously in the past two decades. However, the rapid growth of the urban
population (especially in Latin America and Asia) has outpaced the ability of governments
to expand sewage and water infrastructure. While waterborne diseases have been
eliminated in the developed world, outbreaks of cholera and other similar diseases still
occur with alarming frequency in the developing countries. Since World War II and the
birth of the �chemical age�, water quality has been heavily impacted worldwide by
industrial and agricultural chemicals. Eutrophication of surface waters from human and
agricultural wastes and nitrification of groundwater from agricultural practices has greatly
affected large parts of the world. Acidification of surface waters by air pollution is a recent
phenomenon and threatens aquatic life in many area of the world. In developed
countries, these general types of pollution have occurred sequentially with the result that
most developed countries have successfully dealt with major surface water pollution. In
contrast, however, newly industrialized countries such as China, India, Thailand, Brazil,
and Mexico are now facing all these issues simultaneously.
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CONCLUSION

Clearly, the problems associated with water pollution have the capabilities to disrupt
life on our planet to a great extent. Congress has passed laws to try to combat water
pollution thus acknowledging the fact that water pollution is, indeed, a seriousissue. But
the government alone cannot solve the entire problem. It is ultimately up to us, to be
informed, responsible and involved when it comes to the problems we face with our
water. We must become familiar with our local water resources and learn about ways for
disposing harmful household wastes so they don�t end up in sewage treatment plants
that can�t handle them or landfills not designed to receive hazardous materials. In our
yards, we must determine whether additional nutrients are needed before fertilizers are
applied, and look for alternatives where fertilizers might run off into surface waters. We
have to preserve existing trees and plant new trees and shrubs to help prevent soil
erosion and promote infiltration of water into the soil. Around our houses, we must keep
litter, pet waste, leaves, and grass clippings out of gutters and storm drains. These are
just a few of the many ways in which we, as humans, have the ability to combat water
pollution. As we head into the 21st century, awareness and education will most assuredly
continue to be the two most important ways to prevent water pollution. If these measures
are not taken and water pollution continues, life on earth will suffer severely.
Global environmental collapse is not inevitable. But the developed world must work
with the developing world to ensure that new industrialized economies do not add to the
world's environmental problems. Politicians must think of sustainable development rather
than economic expansion. Conservation strategies have to become more widely accepted,
and people must learn that energy use can be dramatically diminished without sacrificing
comfort. In short, with the technology that currently
exists, the years of global environmental mistreatment can begin to be reversed.
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Population education
INTRODUCTION

F rom the founding of the United Nations, education has been recognized
as one of the essential underpinnings of human development
and societal progress. The right to education is proclaimed
in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948),1 and education’s
importance with respect to population and individual development has
been strongly endorsed in major United Nations conferences and summits.
The World Conference on Education for All, convened in
Jomtien, Thailand, in 1990, established goals and strategies to achieve
Education for All (EFA). Recently, at the World Education Forum
(Dakar, 2000), the Millennium Summit in 2000 and the special session
of the General Assembly on children in 2002, the international community
of nations explicitly recognized that education, especially primary
schooling, is critical for achieving social and demographic
progress, sustained economic development and gender equality.
Achieving universal primary education and eliminating gender disparities
in education are among the key objectives of the United Nations
Millennium Declaration (2000).2
The importance of education has also been stressed in the series
of international population conferences. The Programme of Action of
the International Conference on Population and Development (1994)3
adopted quantitative goals related to education, endorsing the Jomtien
EFA goal regarding elimination of illiteracy, and also calling for universal
access to primary education before 2015 (para. 11.6) and elimination
of the gender gap in primary and secondary education by 2005
(para. 11.8). In 1999, the key actions for the further implementation of
the Programme of Action of the International Conference on
Population and Develop-ment4 further specified an intermediate goal
of achieving by 2010 a net primary school enrolment ratio for children
of both sexes of at least 90 per cent (para. 34), and also noted a particular
need for improving the retention rate of girls in primary and secondary
schools (para. 34).
In the field of population studies, it has long been recognized that
education is strongly related to a broad range of demographic behaviours.
The spread of education throughout a population has been shown
to be of central importance for the long-term demographic transition
from high to low levels of fertility. Caldwell (1980), in particular, has
maintained that high levels of fertility would nowhere persist for long
once a society had achieved “mass education”, that is to say, once a
large majority of children were sent to school. More recent trends have
generally borne this out (Lloyd, Kaufman and Hewett, 2000).

At present, educational attainment is strongly related to differences


between countries in levels of fertility and mortality (figures I
and II). In general, such cross-national associations may reflect the
effects of education on demography, and the effects of demographic
factors on education, as well as the joint effects of other factors that
may separately influence both education and demographic variables. In
fact, a substantial body of research has been directed towards examining
each of these important relationships, and it is generally accepted
that education both influences and, over time, is influenced by demographic
factors.
The present report provides a review and update of the relationships
between education and the main demographic areas, with attention
to entry into reproductive life; fertility, desired family size and
family planning; mortality and health; and migration, with a focus on
international migration. Also examined is progress towards meeting the
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goals of Education for All.

I. TRENDS IN POPULATION, EDUCATION


AND DEVELOPMENT

W hile linkages among population, education and development


have long been recognized, the priority accorded to these relationships
has varied. In the decades following the Second World
War, education was a high priority for many Governments, and educational
systems underwent a rapid expansion. By the 1980s, however, faltering
economies, debt-service burdens and structural adjustment programmes
had led some countries to reduce the provision of public services,
including education. It was generally in the poor countries that education
budgets suffered the most, and enrolment ratios declined in some
cases, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. At the same time, the understanding
of the process of development was also changing in ways that
accorded education a more prominent role. In the decades immediately
after the Second World War, professional economists concerned with
development focused mainly on growth in output (gross national product
(GNP)) as the indicator of progress, and especially on industrialization
and trade issues as determinants of growth. While there was surely a consensus
that a high level of economic development could not be achieved
with a largely illiterate populace, formal economic models generally paid
little attention to “human capital” as a determinant of economic growth;
however, this gradually changed. A growing number of economists found
evidence that human capital — particularly education and health — had
important economic benefits society-wide. Beyond this, the whole concept
of development evolved, shifting from a narrow vision to one that
encompassed the broader relationships among socio-economic development,
poverty and the environment. There was also a greater recognition
that, over and above its strictly economic effects, education helped foster
progress towards other goals such as better health and longer life, personal
development, participation in civil society and access to a wider
range of opportunities.
Research on economic rates of return to education generally seeks to
measure either the social returns that accrue to the entire society or the private
returns that accrue to individuals. At the household level, research has
established that education boosts individual incomes in a wide variety of
settings, although the size of the return varies over time and place.
Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (2002), reviewing numerous studies in countries
at all levels of development, found an average private return to primary
education of 27 per cent. Where traditional practices or other factors
limit the participation of women in the labour force or constrain the
types of employment in which women can engage, the economic return
on investment from female education is reduced. Overall, however,
women receive a higher return on investment in schooling than men do.
As regards social returns, with few exceptions recent studies have
confirmed the significant positive association between schooling, and
productivity and economic growth. Other studies have looked at the positive
spillover effects beyond education’s impact on the growth of gross
domestic product (GDP) — effects that are not normally taken into
account. The greater productivity of individual workers has also been
found to enhance the productivity of co-workers, while higher levels of
worker education facilitate the discovery, adaptation and use of more efficient
production processes. Mingat and Tan (1996) concluded that rates of
return varied not only by level of schooling but also by level of development.
For low-income countries, primary education was the best investment,
while in middle-income countries, where primary education
already tends to be more widely available, increased investment in secondary
education yielded the highest social returns. Among high-income
countries, returns were greatest for tertiary education. This suggests that
in low-income settings, primary education deserves priority in the allocation
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of resources. The World Bank (1995) has argued that, based on such
evidence, many countries have misallocated spending between education
subsectors, with a disproportionate share of resources going to secondary
and university education.
Other studies have investigated the role of primary education in
reducing poverty and income inequality. The overwhelming conclusion of
these studies was that primary education is a potent means of reducing
poverty and inequality, with particularly marked benefits for the poorest
segments of society.
A number of other benefits from investments in education and
training have been identified. For example, studies have found that primary
education contributes to better natural resource management, and
more rapid technological adaptation and innovation; and that education is
linked with the greater diffusion of information, which is crucial for
boosting productivity.
What is the impact of family size on the amount of education children
receive? Studies of the relationship have often found effects that
were not statistically significant, but when effects were significant, children
in large families usually had lower educational participation and
attainment. Results suggest that this relationship is weak in comparison
with the relationship between amount of education and other factors _
household poverty, for instance _ that independently affect children’s
schooling. The relationship between family size and investment in children
has been found to vary according to level of development, phase of
the demographic transition, level of government social expenditures and
cultural factors. In some countries, unwanted births have been found to
reduce educational attainment and to be a major reason that girls drop out
of school.

How have developing countries fared in providing education in the


face of rapid population growth? Despite demographic pressures in many
developing countries during the period 1960-1980, school enrolment
grew at an unprecedented pace, enrolment ratios rose and class sizes generally
declined. Schultz (1987) found that, controlling for per capita
income, enrolment ratios were no lower in countries where the proportion
of population of school age was high. Effects of the rapid growth in the
school-age population on school quality are less clear. The cross-national
evidence suggests that school expenditures generally do not increase in
response to an increase in the size of the school-aged cohort, in other
words, spending per school-age child tends to be lower where the “demographic
burden” is greater. The study by Schultz found that where the
school-age population was relatively large, there was a tendency for
teacher-to-student ratios to be somewhat lower, and teacher salaries and
public expenditures per child were substantially lower. The study of
Mingat and Tan (1998) based on data for the period 1975-1993 found that
richer countries provided more resources for education per school-age
child, and that their smaller demographic burden contributed between 17
and 32 per cent of richer countries’ advantage. There are also examples of
shorter-term surges in child cohort size inducing dramatic school crowding
and teacher shortages, for example, during the baby boom in the
United States of America during the 1950s and 1960s.
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II. EDUCATION AND ENTRY


INTO REPRODUCTIVE LIFE

T iming of marriage, onset of sexual relationships and first birth are


influenced by both cultural norms and socio-economic factors.
Where education is a prerequisite for obtaining desirable jobs and
achieving social mobility, the opportunity cost of early marriage or pregnancy
can be significant. Yet, even as schooling deters young women and
men from early marriage, education also gives them a level of independence
that may lead to early onset of sexual relations and childbearing. On
the other hand, in societies where there are few incentives for prolonged
schooling and limited alternatives to marriage, young women and men are
more likely to marry at relatively early ages.
Recent survey data and other research provides an overview of the
extent to which education affects marriage and cohabitation, sexual initiation
and contraceptive use. Data from Demographic and Health Surveys
for 28 sub-Saharan African countries, 12 Asian countries and 13 countries
in Latin America and the Caribbean show that early age at first marriage,
onset of sexual activity and first birth are more common among women
with no education than among their educated peers. In most cases, the
proportions experiencing those life events decrease regularly as the level
of education attained increases. There are some exceptions: in several
countries, the proportions for some indicators are higher for those with
primary education than for those with no primary education. However, the
proportions of women who marry or give birth before age 20 are in all
cases substantially lower for those with secondary education. For example
in Africa, by age 20, on average 75 per cent of uneducated women had
married, 83 per cent had initiated sex and 61 per cent had had a first birth,
while among women with secondary or higher education, 30 per cent
were married, 64 per cent had initiated sex and 27 per cent had had a first
birth. Similarly large differences by education are found in Asia and Latin
America and the Caribbean (table 6). Although women with secondary or
higher education are less likely to marry or give birth early, a majority of
them initiate sexual activity before age 20 in most countries.
Education plays a greater role in delaying marriage and first births
than in postponing the initiation of sexual activity. As information about
the onset of sexual activity was not ascertained in most Asian countries,
the results discussed here for that topic pertain mainly to Africa and Latin
America and the Caribbean. In Africa, the differentials between women
with no education and those with secondary or higher education are, on
average, 45 percentage points with respect to marriage by age 20, 19 per
centage points with respect to initiation of sexual intercourse and 34 percentage
points with respect to having had a birth by age 20.
Among men, as among women, in the majority of countries the proportion
marrying by age 20 decreases as the education level attained
increases. In Africa, 21 per cent of uneducated men were married by age
20 compared with 9 per cent of educated men (those with secondary or
higher levels of education). In Latin America and the Caribbean, 27 per
cent of uneducated men and 15 per cent of educated men were married by
age 20. There are some exceptions to the general pattern — in Ghana, for
example, the proportion married by age 20 is higher (12 per cent) for men
with secondary or higher education than for those with no education (8
per cent).
Whereas greater educational attainment appears to deter early onset
of sexual activity for women, it seems to have the opposite effect among
men. In Africa, 64 per cent of uneducated men compared with 73 per cent
of those with secondary education were sexually active before age 20. In
Latin America and the Caribbean, 75 per cent of uneducated men compared
with 85 per cent of those with secondary education had initiated
sexual activity by that age.
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Most of the women who become sexually active before age 20 do


so before age 18. On average, in Africa, 68 per cent of women aged 20-
24 who had no education were sexually experienced by age 18, whereas
the corresponding proportion among those with secondary or higher education
was 39 per cent (table 7). The same relationship holds for Latin
America and the Caribbean where, on average, 58 per cent of women
aged 20-24 with no education had had sexual relations before age 18
compared with 24 per cent of those with secondary or higher education.
Similar patterns of sexual initiation have been observed in the
developed countries. Recent reports for France, Romania, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of
America show that women receiving more education initiated sexual
activity later. In some countries, this was also true for young men,
although education tended to exercise a stronger restraint on women’s
early sexual activity than on men’s.
In the more developed countries, later age at first birth is also correlated
with high educational attainment. In the United Kingdom, women
aged 20-24 who had left school without any qualifications were almost 20
times more likely to have had a birth by age 20 than women who attained
an advanced-level certificate or higher (Wellings, 2001). In Japan, women
with a junior college education had first births 15 months later than
women with a high school education, while women with a university
degree had first births two years later than women with a junior college
degree (Small and Kerns, 1993).
The onset of sexual activity can affect the health of adolescents, as
adolescents often do not seek prenatal care for various reasons such as
fear of parents’ reaction, lack of awareness of the pregnancy or of the
availability of prenatal care, or fear of expulsion from school. In the
majority of countries, the onset of sexual activity before age 20 and within
marriage is more frequent among women and men with no education
than among their schooled peers (table 8). Premarital sexual activity
before age 20 is more common, in a majority of countries, among educated
women and men than among their peers with no education. Most
exceptions are in Latin America and the Caribbean where, in the majority
of countries, the incidence of premarital sexual initiation is higher
among women with no education than among educated women. In Africa,
Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean, first births before age 20
occur more often within than before marriage among all education categories.
The use of contraception among sexually active young women
(aged 15-19) and men (aged 20-24) increases with the level of education
in both sub-Saharan Africa and in Latin America and the Caribbean (table
9). In Africa, for instance, 7 per cent of adolescent married women with
no education are currently using contraception, compared with 27 per
cent of adolescent married women with a secondary or higher education.
For Latin America and the Caribbean, the corresponding proportions are
17 per cent and 45 per cent, respectively. At each level of education, sexually
active single women are more likely to use contraception than are
married women. Regarding types of contraception employed, the use of
traditional methods is more common among women with no education,
irrespective of marital status. Similarly, among men, the use of modern
methods is higher among educated men, irrespective of marital status.
In the developed countries, the use of contraception also varies by
educational level. In the United States, the percentage of young men and
women who did not use contraception at first intercourse was higher
among those who had not completed high school than among those who
had. A similar wide gap in the non-use of contraception at first intercourse
between men and women with no education and those with an
advanced level of education was observed in the United Kingdom. While
in the developed countries use of modern methods of contraception predominates,
the type of method used at first intercourse varies by educational
level. In France, for example, the use of the pill was more common
among men and women enrolled in vocational schools, and their use of
the condom was lower than among students in academic schools.
A comparison over time of the average proportions of women aged
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20-24 marrying by age 20 shows that, during the 1990s, early marriage
declined across all educational categories in the majority of African countries,
but increased in Latin America and the Caribbean among women in
each educational stratum (table 10). The most significant increases
occurred among women with no education in Bolivia and Brazil; among
women with primary education in Colombia and Peru; and among women
with secondary or higher education in Brazil, Ghana and Zimbabwe. In
some of these countries, the increase in the proportion ever married by
age 20 appears to reflect an increase in informal or consensual unions,
especially in Latin America and the Caribbean.
A similar examination of trends in the onset of sexual activity
shows that in Africa, the percentage experiencing early onset by age 20
has changed little among women at all levels of educational attainment.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, it has increased across all educational
strata and age groups. The pattern of change in the initiation of sexual
activity varies by country. Trends in the incidence of first births before
age 20 are similar to those for marriage. Whereas the prevalence of first
births has, on average, declined across all educational categories in sub-
Saharan Africa, it has increased across all educational strata in Latin
America and the Caribbean.

EDUCATION, HEALTH AND MORTALITY

B oth developed and developing countries have achieved major gains


in health and survival since the beginning of the twentieth century.
However, benefits have not accrued evenly across socio-economic
groups. Better-educated people everywhere stay healthier and live longer
lives.
The strength of education as a policy lever in social and economic
development has been recognized at the national and international levels.
The implications for health and mortality of the persistence and further
widening of education differentials are dire, given the powerful association
among education, health and mortality.
DEVELOPED COUNTRIES
Education is a strong predictor of the health and mortality experience
of individuals and their households in developed countries.
Education differentials in health and mortality exist in all societies, irrespective
of development policies, health-care systems or mortality levels.
Education differentials in health and mortality are also not limited to particular
ages, although the evidence discussed here relates to adults.
Education differentials in mortality in Europe are well documented.
Kalediene and Petrauskiene (2000) found inequalities in life expectancy
in Lithuania to be highly correlated with education. In the Czech
Republic, not only are education differentials in mortality large, but they
have also widened over time (Blazek and Dzurova, 1997; Bobak and others,
1997).
In Russia, between 1979 and 1989, less educated groups persistently
experienced higher mortality than better-educated persons.
Differentials in mortality were larger for younger than for older adults.
For each age group and sex, the relative advantage of better-educated persons
in Russia increased between 1979 and 1989. Education differentials
were also larger for men than for women. Shkolnikov and others (1998)
estimate that the education differentials in life expectancy in Russia
amounted to about a 9 per cent reduction in male mortality and a 7 per
cent reduction in female mortality for each additional year of education.
Infectious and parasitic diseases, respiratory diseases, accidents, violence,
suicide, and factors directly related to alcohol appear to have been
the causes of death associated with the widest education differentials in
Russia (Shkolnikov and others, 1998).
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CONCLUSIONS

E ducation is a vital aspect of population change, social development


and economic growth for every society, impacting the economic
future and social well-being of all individuals. Education is also a
globally recognized human right. As stated in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations General Assembly more
than five decades ago: “Everyone has the right to education. Education
shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages.
Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional
education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be
equally accessible to all on the basis of merit” (article 26, para. 1).
The right to education, and education’s importance for societal and
individual development, have been repeatedly acknowledged in major
United Nations conferences and summits. The centrality of education is
clearly reflected in the outcomes of the global United Nations conferences
during the 1990s and the Millennium Summit. The World
Conference on Education for All in 1990 established goals and strategies
to achieve basic education for all. Starting from that Conference, the
World Education Forum (Dakar summit) in 2000, the Millennium
Summit in 2000, and up through the recent special session of the General
Assembly on children in 2002, the international community of nations has
explicitly recognized that education, especially primary schooling, is critical
for achieving social and demographic progress, sustained economic
development and gender equality. Education is one of the key objectives
of the United Nations Millennium Declaration, adopted by the Assembly
in September 2000. In paragraph 19 of the Millennium Declaration, heads
of State and Government resolved to ensure that, by 2015, “children
everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of
primary schooling and that girls and boys will have equal access to all
levels of education”.
In the area of population, building upon the recommendations of
the previous United Nations conferences on population, the Programme
of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development
(1994) called upon Governments to ensure universal access to primary
education before 2015 (para. 11.6) and ensure access by girls and women
to education beyond the primary level (para. 4.18). In paragraph 11.2 of
the Programme of Action, education is defined as a “key factor in sustainable
development (which is) at the same time a component of wellbeing
and a factor in the development of well-being through its links with
demographic as well as economic and social factors”.

Education provides enormous impetus to the development of the


poorer countries of the world, by providing opportunities for individuals,
especially women, to achieve their potential and contribute meaningfully
to their communities. Education not only imparts technical information
— reading, writing, mathematics, sciences — but provides opportunities
for self-discovery and personal enrichment. This knowledge and
increased understanding of their place in the world and their community
empower individuals to more effectively realize their desires and achieve
their potentials. Through education, individuals are better able to enjoy
healthy lifestyles, achieve the desired number and spacing of children,
undertake the type of work that they wish to undertake and, in sum, better
manage their lives. When aggregated, these individual choices, decisions
and improvements have powerful effects on national development.
No society can consider itself truly developed without its citizens’ being
educated.
Education impacts society along many paths. This report focuses on
one critical avenue — the interrelationships between education and population,
and their resulting effects on development. The major conclusions
of the report are summarized below within the following areas: (a) interrelationships
among population, education and development; (b) expected
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changes in the school-age population and the achievement of internationally


recognized goals; (c) impact of education on patterns of marriage,
onset of sexual activity, fertility and contraceptive use; (d) relationship
among education, health and mortality; and (e) role of education in
international migration.
Relationships of education and development:
• Increased education makes an important contribution to societies’
economic growth and to the economic fortunes of individuals.
Evidence also suggests that for low-income countries, expansion of
primary education represents the best investment. For middleincome
countries, where primary education is typically already
widespread, increased investment in secondary education tends to
have a greater impact on economic growth.
• Illiteracy is a powerful predictor of poverty. A large body of
research shows that primary education has a catalytic role in
improving economic and social conditions among the poorest segments
of society, including girls, rural dwellers and minorities. An
important conclusion is that the expansion of educational opportunities
is one of the most powerful tools for improving such conditions.
Another important conclusion is that the expansion of educational
opportunities is one of the most powerful tools that
Governments have for promoting both income growth and equality.
• In some settings, the direct economic returns to women’s education
are limited because women are excluded from many types of
employment. Nevertheless, studies of economic returns to educa-tion for individuals demonstrate
that the returns from increasing
women’s schooling are, on average, even larger than the returns
from increasing men’s schooling.
Growth of the school-age population and meeting
the goals: school enrolment and literacy:
• The enormous growth in the numbers of school-age children has
presented a formidable challenge to countries in the less developed
regions. Worldwide, the school-age population comprises about 2
billion persons, more than double that of 1950. Close to 90 per cent
of the school-age population lives in the less developed regions. In
Africa alone, the school-age population comprises 330 million persons,
which is nearly quadruple the number in 1950.
• Between 2000 and 2050, nearly 300 million persons are expected to
be added to the world’s school-age population. Over 350 million —
a 20 per cent increase — are expected to be added in the less developed
regions. Over 90 per cent of this increase is projected to occur
in Africa, whose school-age population is projected to double from
330 million in 2000 to 660 million in 2050. The school-age population
of Nigeria alone will increase by 34 million (nearly 70 per
cent).
• The school-age population of the more developed regions is expected
to decline by over one fifth between 2000 and 2050 — by about
60 million. The school-age population of Europe is projected to
decline by 70 million (40 per cent). In contrast, the school-age populations
of both Northern America and Australia-New Zealand are
expected to rise by 20 per cent— by 16 million in the case of North
America and by 2 million in the case of Australia-New Zealand.
• An estimated 862 million adults in the world were illiterate in 2000.
Four countries — Bangladesh, China, India and Pakistan —
account for close to two thirds of the world’s illiterate population.
• The Dakar goal, adopted in 2000, requires a 50 per cent improvement
in national literacy rates by 2015. If present trends continue,
about 25 developing countries are likely to reach this goal. Another
58 countries are poised to achieve an improvement of 30-50 per
cent in their illiteracy rate. The remaining 30 countries, many
among those with the lowest literacy levels in the world, are projected
to reduce illiteracy by less than 30 per cent.
• Two thirds of the world’s illiterate adults are women. Gender gaps
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remain large in many countries, especially in Africa and Asia. For


example, in sub-Saharan Africa in 2000, 29 per cent of young
women (aged 15-24) were illiterate, as compared with 19 per cent
of young men, and in South and West Asia, the figures were 39 per
cent for young women and 23 per cent for young men.
• Literacy rates among women have been improving at a faster pace
than among men. However, in 2015, at current trends, there will stillbe 507 million illiterate women
compared with 292 million illiterate
men.
• Progress in improving access to schooling had been in general
greater during the 1990s than during the 1980s. Yet, as of
1999/2000, an estimated 115 million children of primary-school
age were not in school. Nearly all (94 per cent) of those children
live in the developing regions.
• In most parts of the world, girls and women have traditionally
received less education than boys and men. Over recent decades,
there has been substantial progress in narrowing the gap between
boys’ and girls’ enrolments and the gender gap in literacy, in all
regions. Yet the gaps remain large in many countries, especially in
Africa and Asia. By contrast, in the more developed regions and in
Latin America and the Caribbean, there exist today only small gender
gaps in primary and secondary enrolments, and such differences
as do exist are usually to the advantage of girls.
• At current rates of progress, 57 countries are unlikely to reach the
goal of universal primary education by 2015. Furthermore, 41 of
these countries, including some of those in Central and Eastern
Europe, have experienced some backsliding in recent years.
Marriage, onset of sexual relations, fertility
and family planning:
• Among both women and men, an early age at first marriage is more
common among those with no education than among their educated
peers.
• Women’s age at onset of sexual activity is higher among those with
higher levels of education. The evidence for men, however, is less
clear.
• Education of women is a major factor influencing the start of childbearing.
In the developing countries, the proportion of adolescents
that have started childbearing is 3 to 5 times as high among adolescents
with no education as among those with a secondary or higher
education.
• The impact of education on fertility is significant, both at the aggregate
level and at the individual level. Globally, countries with higher
female literacy rates and educational attainment have lower total
fertility rates than countries whose populations have lower education
levels.
• The impact of family size on children’s education in most settings
is generally found to be weak in comparison with other social factors
— household poverty, for instance. However, in some countries,
unwanted and excess fertility has been found to reduce children’s
educational attainment, and for adolescent girls, pregnancy
often leads to dropping out of school. Within countries, fertility decreases as educational
attainment
increases. The largest fertility differentials by education are found
in sub-Saharan Africa, Western Asia, and Latin America and the
Caribbean, where women with a secondary or higher education ultimately
have, on average, about 3 children fewer than women with
no education. Differentials in fertility by educational level are much
smaller in developed countries than in developing countries.
• In the developing countries, husband’s higher education is also
related to lower completed fertility, but its effect is weaker than that
of wife’s education. In the developed countries, there is only a slight
difference (less than one half child) between the family size of the
least educated men and that of the most educated men.
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• The relationship between educational attainment and fertility


evolves depending on the stage a society has reached in the fertility
transition. The difference in total fertility between the lowest and
the highest educated tends to widen at the beginning of the fertility
transition. The difference narrows as the fertility transition proceeds
further, and as low-fertility norms become diffused throughout the
society and family planning services become accessible to all.
• Women with higher levels of education desire smaller families.
Education differentials in the ideal number of children are greatest
in sub-Saharan Africa, where women with no education desire to
have, on average, 2 children more than women with a secondary or
higher education.
• In general, women in developing countries want fewer children than
they actually have and this gap varies across educational groups.
The gap between desired and actual fertility is larger among women
with no education or primary education than among women with a
secondary or higher education. This is particularly true in Latin
America and the Caribbean where the difference between wanted
fertility rates and actual fertility rates among women with no education
is almost twice as large as the difference among highly educated
women.
• In the developing countries, contraceptive prevalence varies considerably
across educational strata, there consistently being a higher
prevalence among better-educated women than among women with
low or no formal education. Even a small amount of schooling has
a significant impact on contraceptive behaviour. Contraceptive-use
differentials by education are most marked in sub-Saharan Africa,
the region with the lowest level of education and the lowest level of
contraceptive prevalence. In Africa, the proportion using contraception
among women with a secondary or higher education is more
than 3 times as high as that among women with no education. In the
developed countries, where contraceptive prevalence is already
high, differentials in contraceptive use are small

Health and mortality:


• Declining mortality has acted to accelerate the growth of the
school-age population. Even though this has the short-term effect of
requiring the provision of enough teachers and schools, mortality
decline also means that less of the costly investment in educating
children is lost to premature death. In economic terms, declining
mortality increases the returns to the investment in education, since
more of the children who receive schooling survive to become productive
workers, parents and, eventually, elders.
• Of the socio-economic variables that have been found to be associated
with differentials in health and mortality, education is among
the strongest and the most consistent. Wherever the relationship has
been examined, better-educated people and their family members
appear to stay healthier and to live longer lives. For example, in
many developing countries, the better educated have greater knowledge
of how to prevent HIV infection.
• In the more developed regions, education differentials in adult
health and mortality are well documented. Evidence suggests that
education differentials in mortality within developed countries are
widening as better-educated persons increase their relative survival
advantage over the poorly educated.
• In developing countries, studies have shown that those with less
education have: higher maternal mortality, children with higher
under-five mortality, less knowledge of key health interventions,
lower levels of immunization coverage, and lower nutritional status.
Access to proper care during pregnancy and delivery is also sharply
differentiated by the level of a woman’s education.
• HIV/AIDS is a threat to the survival of education systems in many
high-prevalence developing countries. High levels of teacher attrition
and absenteeism because of HIV/AIDS-related illness challenge
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the education systems of such countries. The epidemic inflicts


heavy burdens on students and their families, often resulting in
declining school enrolments and increasing dropout rates. As education
systems are weakened by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, teaching
and learning are becoming less effective for large segments of the
populations of a growing number of developing countries.
International migration:
• Education is increasingly being taken into consideration as a key
characteristic by countries that apply admission and residence criteria
for immigration. This has long been the case among the traditional
countries of immigration (Australia, Canada, New Zealand
and the United States). As a result, these countries attract more educated
migrants than receiving countries in Europe. However, since
the second half of the 1990s, European and other receiving countries have also been enacting
legislation placing emphasis on
migrants’ skills.
• The educational attainment of migrants varies widely depending on
their region or country of origin. The distance between origin and
destination, the reasons for migration and the age structure of different
groups of migrants are some of the determinants of the differences
observed.
• Increasingly, student migration has paved a way for a migrant workforce
or for permanent settlement. Migrants educated in the host
country might be at an advantage in finding employment locally. In
some cases, student migration is used as a channel for clandestine
labour migration. As recruitment of highly skilled professionals has
become competitive, foreign students, especially those in science
and technology, are being seen as part of a qualified migrant workforce.
• Recent years have witnessed an increased international mobility of
students. The stock of international students is concentrated mostly
in developed countries. The United States, the United Kingdom,
Germany and France are the leading destinations for people seeking
education abroad.
• Foreign students come to study from a wide variety of countries that
often have geographical, historical and institutional linkages with
host countries. Countries in Africa, Asia and Europe mostly attract
students within their respective regions, playing the role of regional
hub for higher education. A preponderance of Asian students has
been a characteristic of student migration to Australia and the
United States.
In sum, it is abundantly clear that education plays a key role in
national development, besides being a prime component of individual
well-being. Through education, individuals are empowered to have choices
and make decisions, in such areas as work, place of residence, family
size, health, lifestyle, and personal development. When aggregated, all
these individual choices and decisions have dramatic consequences for a
population. As the Secretary-General recently stated, “without the full
development of a country’s human resources, development will not take
root, and economic growth will not be sustained” for “educated individuals
are far more able to contribute to the well-being and advancement of
their societies” (Dubai Strategy Forum, 28 October 2002).
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Social system of tribals


Social Transformation and Political Orientation:
The Case of Midnapore Tribals
THE CONTEXT AND THE BACKGROUND
Social transformation is less deterministic
when compared with modernization or
development. Obviously, such a transformation
process has multiple dimensions. As is evident
today, social transformation brought into effect
through development plans mostly belong to the
political sphere dominated by state and national
level politics. In this sphere priorities of the
political parties, personal ambition of the political
leaders, political prestige of the contesting parties,
and other such factors of ‘irrational’ category
become more important. In the tribal situation
prevailing in the undivided Midnapore district of
West Bengal economic changes and political
management display a level of inequality. This
has probably forced the tribals to go for
politicizing their own identity. Changes noticeable
in the life style pattern of Midnapore tribals are
basically economic changes, which fall into two
categories: (i) occupational changes in the
direction of activities pertaining to labour from
agricultural activities, and (ii) changes which have
direct political bearing in the sense that traditional
modes of control are led by state agencies and
political parties. It may be possible to establish a
link between the two. As far as Midnapore tribals
are concerned, social transformation at the behest
of political affiliation is a reality. In the economic
sphere, they have realized that what is good for
one member may not necessarily be good for all
other members. Coming under the banner of a
communal party may be viewed as a desperate
attempt to project their identity, but it takes them
to the path of confrontation. It has even pervaded
their community life. From the anthropological
point of view, undivided Midnapore district in
the state of West Bengal provides a contrasting
situation for assessing the trend of social
transformation among the tribals. It is
representative of a situation where state and
national level politics have made inroads into the
tribal system. It may be noted that populationwise
Midnapore reveals features, some of which
are specific to the region and some of which bear
the stamp of a more general pattern. The
following points deserve special attention:
(i) Midnapore has one of the highest tribal
populations among the districts of West
Bengal. As a fall out of that, a demand was
made for the inclusion of tribal-dominated
areas of the district in the recently constituted
state of Jharkhand.
(ii) Of all the tribal groups, the Santal are the
most dominant. Other tribal groups include
the Lodha, Kharia, Bhumij Munda, Oraon,
Bodiya, Kora, Mahali, etc. The members or
these tribes live in a situation which is highly
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interactive and where the non-tribals, with


various governmental and political party-level
controlling agencies on their side, have made
considerable dent into the tribal political
oraganization. There are occasions when
matters directly involving the tribals are also
decided by them.
(iii) The non-tribal population, represented by the
caste Hindus and Muslims, provide the
contact situation for the tribals. In such a
contact situation, though each community
exercises a certain amount of selectiveness,
‘tribe-peasant’ and ‘tribe-caste’ continua may
still be overtly or covertly manifested.
Mention may specifically be made of ‘Tribal-
Rajput continuum’ as put forward by Surajit
Sinha (1962) on the basis of his historical
and ethnographic studies of the Bhumij.
(iv) The interaction pattern between the tribals
and non-tribals in Midnapore must be
examined from a specific historical context.
The Santal example maybe cited. Bhowmick’s
(1987) observation on them, though
debatable, may be taken as an attempt to
highlight this point. He writes,
“The Santals call themselves as ‘Hor’
meaning ‘Man’, but we call them as
‘Santal’ which is possibly a term
derived from Samantapal, i.e. borderguard
used by their dominating
nontribal neighbours, as these people
lived beyond the Hindu Caste
settlements or enclaves at that time.
In course of time, even the Santals too,
in compelling situations, had to accept
the term ‘Santal’ for their own
identity.”
Bhoumick, however, did not elaborate what
the ‘compelling situations were. Generally
speaking, Santal interaction with the nontribals
of the region followed a pattern derived
from a historical course of development on
which they themselves had very little control.
There was a certain amount of historical
compulsion about the situations they had to
face. These were the situations created out
of their contact with the dominant non-tribal
population, who had made deep inroads into
the Santal territory.
(v) In a pluralistic situation the tribals on most
occasions enjoy the status of ethnic
minorities.
(vi) Economic, political and social changes in
status among the tribals are not always at per
or in tune with the majority commu-nity.
(vii)The forest, which sustained them for a long
time, has lost its hold over their economic life
to a considerable extent due to its large-scale
destruction and also due to their loss control
over it. This factor of reduced man-forest
relationship is singularly important in forcing
some of them to go for settled cultivation,
wage labour and industrial work. But in these
fields they face an uphill competition from
the non-tribals.
(vii)Differentiation has crept in the tribal social
system as the new generation is socialized
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into patterns of behaviour, which do not quite


fit with the traditionally defined cultural and
social positions. Affiliations to political
parties are to an extent responsible for
differentiating tribals into tradition-bound
and emergent role performers.
POLITICAL ORIENTATION AND
INTERACTION PATTERN
The political constrains under which the
tribals of Midnapore function, interfere with their
life situations more directly as they have become
increasingly dependent on the dominating
political order established by the Marxist or, more
correctly, Leftist Government of West Bengal. In
the tribal system the communistic ideology is
expected to find a relatively easy acceptability
because of its emphasis on equality. Still, in the
ultimate analysis identity along ethnic lines holds
sway over the prophecy for establishing a broad
socialistic order as has been reflected in the
popularity the Jharkhand movement for a fullfledged
state incorporating tribal-inhabited areas
from Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and West
Bengal. There have been frequent clashes
between the members of the Communist Party of
India (Marxist) and the followers of the Jharkhand
Party. Of course, the conflict between the two
groups cannot always be taken as the result of
differences in outlook between tribals and nontribals.
It also involves two contesting groups of
tribals. The killing of a tribal Deputy Commissioner
in a Belpahari village under Jhargram subdivision
in 1992 may be cited as an example of
this conflicting outlook. But it has to be conceded
that the Midnapore tribals in general were
considerably swayed by the demand for a
separate state, which could safeguard the
interests of the tribals of the region. With the
creation of a separate Jharkhand state the political
pressure on them has been mounting. A situation
has been created where they have come under
increasing pressure from the political parties, more
so from the Leftists. As things stand today, it
may be possible to speak in terms of ‘polarisation’
between the Leftists and Jharkhandis. Lately, a
new political force in the name of an extremist
Naxalite organization has made its appearance in
Midnapore West. It has the potentiality to disturb
the existing process of political alignment. Among
the national political parties, B.J.P. has recently
made an incursion into the tribal belt of
Midnapore. But ethnic identity still engages the
attention of the tribal people in general. As a
matter a fact, ethnic identity so vigorously
pursued by a large section of the tribals today
has affected the style of life and outlook of the
people depending on the readiness with which
they are able to stand up against a politically
installed sanctioning authority in the form of state
organization. There is another side of the picture.
Some tribals, who, in their individual capacity,
are aligned with the ruling party, have added a
new dimension to the problem of tribal identity.
But giving more stress on individual economic
benefits and political gains is not always in the
best interest of the community as a whole. It
distorts the shared image of the ‘self’ and strikes
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at the very root of the integrated structure of the society so long demonstrated by a tribe. Needless
to say, the essence of a tribal society is the
collective output, which can only nurture its
identity, its ethos, and its values. If collective
dream is an irrational’ factor, so also is the personal
ambition. Still, in these days of economic
dominance, technological skill and political
maneuver, self-interest rather than group consciousness
seems to be the priority. Finding a
place in the category of an economic class with
derived advantages becomes a more important
proposition in that case.
It may no longer be possible to apply the
popular ‘continuum’ model in an absolute sense
to describe the type of relationship in existence
between the tribals and non-tribals. Initially, the
tribals were lured into a larger regional identification
through ‘economic symbiosis’ with the
Hindu castes and peasants. With initial expectation
clearly on the decline, the link with the Hindu
society has come under close scrutiny from the
more knowledgeable section of the tribals. A
tendency has now developed in them to attribute
all kinds of economic and socio-cultural
deprivations to their almost complete identification
with the Hindu caste ad peasant groups.
It has generated protests in them in the form of
movements and new political affiliations. The
introduction of the modern panchayat system
has reduced the tribal village council to position
of lesser importance. The traditional village
council remains mainly engaged in matters
connected with religion and rituals, birth and
death. Its power is clearly on the decline,
particularly in issues concerning land disputes,
inheritance of property, imposition of taxes,
developmental activities. A parallel may be drawn
with some areas of North-East India where the
traditional Village Council has also been reduced
to a less important position. In the hill areas of
Manipur, the Village Authority, established at the
behest of the state government, exercises real
power. It has associated itself more directly with
the practical problems faced by the people in their
material existence. What is more important, it
enjoys the patronage of the state government.
But those who are in this body are usually from
the concerned village or villages and there is
hardly any outsider inducted in it. In Midnapore
the panchayats rarely function along community
lines. The Anchalik Panchayat representing an
area exercises greater control over villages
composed of tribal population. There are non tribals representing tribal villages at the Anchalik
Panchayat level. In some cases, even at the Gram
Panchayat level the non-tribals manage to find a
place. So, it is doubtful whether all types of social
transformation in tribal areas are spontaneous in
nature in as much as these do not quite meet the
expectations of the people. An impression is
created, which in some cases becomes a conviction,
that access to resource base and distribution
of benefits depend more one’s commitment to and
participation in the contemporary political
system. Kamalalota is a multiethnic village under
Nayagram Block, the population of which is
composed of Santals, Lodhas, Koras, Mundas
and Bhumij. The Santals are not only the
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numerically dominant group, but they also


represent the village at the political level. But in
the process they uphold the interest of the
political party more than their own interest. A
few years back Chandamani Murmu was the
village representative at the Nayagram Gram
Panchayat. She was also a member of the
Nayagram Branch Committee of the C.P.I. (M). It
was, however, left to Harish Tripathi, a member of
the Jilla Parishad, to resolve any serious internal
dispute that might crop up between the
constituent groups of the village. This only shows
the nature of intervention by the political party in
the affairs of the people. The same situation still
continues. It may be mentioned here that quite a
number of tribals from this area, who had earlier
belonged to the Jharkhand Party, joined the C.P.I.
(M) party in recent times. It cannot be said with
certainty that all of them were willing partners.
The local C.P.I. (M) leaders seized the opportunity
of propagating the party’s strength in having a
wide base at the mass level. The leaders
emphasized time and again that with their party
firmly in the saddle, inter-community conflicts
involving the tribals had reduced to a
considerable extent.
Interaction pattern between tribals and nontribals
and between tribals themselves may be
examined from the standpoint of ‘complementary’
and ‘reciprocity’ of inter-human actions and
reinforcements as developed by Gouldner (1967).
“…. Complementarity connotes that one’s
rights are another’s obligations, and vice
versa. Reciprocity, however, connotes that
each party has rights and duties.”
In the former case the parties involved are
unequal partners. The social context of the two
different groups involved in such a relationship is never the same. At the higher political level the
tribals are undoubtedly at the receiving end. Onesided
complementarity marks the relation-ship
between the tribals and non-tribals in that
sphere.To the tribal interactants such a motivational
relation rarely brings satisfaction. For
argument’s sake, if it is to be conceded that
reciprocal interest should govern the relationship
between the two sections of the populations, then
the tribals are to be given more say, or, in specific
terms, more power at the higher level of politics.
This will at least dispel any apprehension in the
minds of the tribal people that they are victims of
‘internal colonisation’ and in the process keep
their morale high. Morale is an evaluative
functional category, which determines the
legitimacy of a system from the standpoint of ego.
In this sense, morale is a measure of authority
system and power structure. However, morale as
an attitude does not always follow a unified path.
It is not possible, nor is it necessary, that the
same people will have the same degree of morale
on every occasion. From this point of view, the
attitude of the tribals also varies depending upon
the closeness with which they are associated with
reference groups, political parties and leadership.
IMPLICATIONS OF TRIBAL SOCIAL
TRANSFORMATION
As it is, social transformation among the
tribals follows a more or less directed course. It
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is doubtful whether economic prosperity could


be a leveller. Moreover, the type of economic
prosperity we are used to and the way it is to be
achieved disturb the co-operative base of the
tribal social system. At Kamalalota village the
Santals worked in the agricultural fields of
Buddhadeb Singh, the Bhumij Ex-M.L.A., on
payament while the Lodhas were employed by
the Santals for the same purpose. Paid labour as
controlled at different levels. A preliminary survey
conducted in a Kora village near Midnapore town
revealed that the limited few who could manage
to get a permanent worker’s job in the adjacent
Tata Metallic Works had a greater share of
agricultural land and had a more easy access with
the panchayat leaders. By selling off a portion of
agricultural land they could acquire the minimum
necessary skill by gaining political access to make
an entry into the field of industrial labour. Those
who were landless or had very small agricultural
holdings could not reach that level. That was the
case of with Binu Mundi, a landless agricultural
labour, who could not improve his lot in spite of
the fact that he did manage to get a job of an
earthfiller at the Tata Metallic Works. The job was
a purely temporary one meant for a very limited
time period and he was also in no position to
stake a claim for a higher-grade job for which he
did not qualify. His capability was partly conditioned
by his accessibility to resource base and
power base. The story of Binu Mundi could be
the story of many others like him. Their story has
not yet ended. It must be admitted that turning
forest-dwellers and agricultural settlers into wage
earners and industrial labourers may not always
go to the advantage of the group as a whole,
more so, when it involves the question of political
manipulation. A change of this nature is a lopsided
one, which weakens the bonds that hold
the society together. The process of weakening
is rather faster than the rate of increase in the
economic options to a less differentiated tribal
community.
The fact is, the tribals have also entered the
field of power relations in a significant way and
they have even formulated an ‘ideology of power’
often supported by the traditional kinship
relations. In a situation of changing power
relations social transformations are bound to be
unequal. In the history of India as a nation such
a situation was prevalent immediately after the
transfer of power from the British Government to
the independent India. As Bose (1967) observes,
“Under these circumstances, not only were
the social transformations unequal, but eventually
they led to significant inequalities and tensions
in the political field when power came to Indian
people either through British Constitutional
reforms, or as a result of massive political action
undertaken by the people of India in general.”
In other words, social transformation among
the tribes is following the same trend as was
evident during India’s long struggle for the
attainment of a national status. To quote N.K.
Bose (1967) again,
“The tribes have to make up much leeway
in their advance to modern life, and
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there is a consequent and natural desire


to bring the necessary amount of social
change as fast as possible. And this takes
on the same character as was witnessed
during India’s growth to nationalism. In
the case of similar growthamong Schedule
Tribes we can designate this as the
growth of a ‘communal subnationalism’.”

The observation is no less valid even today.


In the context of Midnapore and adjoining areas
belonging to the neighbouring states, which
cannot possibly be separately treated, the whole
process of social transformation deserves to be
seen from this angle. As has been demonstrated
by history time and again, increased contact,
influence of the general process of modernisation
directed through a process of politicisation
cannot always stop ‘communal sub-nationalism’
from making headway.
On a number of occasions, social transformation
proves to be counterproductive to
those who try to see it primarily as a means of
social control and consolidation of political
authority. One needs to keep in mind the recent
rise of an extremist Naxalite organization in the
name of ‘Ganayuddha’ in West Midnapore in this
context. All will agree that it is not just one of
those freak occurrences.
KEY WORDS Social transformation; tribe; political
orientation; interaction pattern
ABSTRACT In the present context it may not be
possible to treat social transformation independent of
politically motivated action. In recent times,
transformation of tribes along caste and community lines
has slowed down to some extent and in some cases the
process has been reversed. But the state and national
level politics have made the tribals of Midnapore
increasingly dependent on the dominating political order
established by the majority community and communities
of non-tribals. This has created adverse reaction among
them in the sense that they have found an alternative in
the form of Jharkhand party to counter the political
domination of the majority group. For the tribals,
economic changes directed and controlled by the present
socio-economic order have benefited only a selected few
and as a result differentiation has become a component
of the tribal life-style making them more vulnerable than
ever.
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Plan your visit


The National Zoo covers a large area. It takes several hours to see all of our animals and exhibits—more if you stop for
lunch or a snack, spend extra time in an area of special interest, or talk with a keeper or interpreter.
We suggest that visitors, especially first-time visitors, take a few moments to plan their visit either before they arrive or
when they first enter the Zoo. We offer many online resources to help you plan.
How to Get to the Zoo
We encourage visitors to take public transportation to the Zoo. You'll save natural resources and reduce your greenhouse
gas emissions. If you plan to drive, be sure to see our information about parking.
Where Are Some Highlights?
We hope our visitors see all of our animals, but if you are short on time, some highlights include our giant pandas, Mei
Xiang, Tian Tian, and their cub, Tai Shan, at the Fujifilm Giant Panda Habitat; our Asian elephant calf, Kandula; our three
Sumatran tiger cubs; and many exhibits, including Amazonia, Small Mammals, and Invertebrates. Find out what other
animals we have and where you can find them.

Asia Trail, a new series of wonderful habitats for seven Asian species, is now open. more

Download a free audio tour of Asia Trail from Fujifilm.


Review the Zoo Map
Look at our online Zoo map and plot your route through the Zoo so you don't miss any favorite animals. If you drive to the
Zoo and arrive early, you may be able to park in the lot nearest the animals and exhibits you want to see first. Choose a

meeting place in case someone gets separated from your group. Print a guide for visitors with young children.
Check Our Calendar
See what programs are going on the day you'll be visiting. Also, check out our calendar to see what special events are
happening when you plan to visit. Or you might want to plan your visit to coincide with one of our celebrations or events. A
few times each year, the Zoo closes early to prepare for a special event.
Dress for the Weather and Terrain
While many of our animals are always or usually in indoor exhibits, many others, including giant pandas, other bears, seals,
and sea lions, and great cats, are usually outdoors. To make your walk around the Zoo more enjoyable, comfortable shoes
are recommended. The Zoo is set on hilly terrain and some paths are steep.

Find out what's responsible for the Zoo's terrain in "Beneath It All: The Geology of the Zoo."
Avoid the Crowds
We always suggest arriving early in the day, before 10 a.m. or after 2 p.m., when the Zoo is usually less crowded.
Weekdays tend to be less crowded than weekends, and fall and winter are less crowded than spring and summer. The Zoo
grounds open at 6 a.m. all year round, but the animals you may be most interested in seeing may not be on exhibit until
10 a.m.
Get What You Need
When you arrive at the Zoo, stop at an Information Kiosk, where Information Aides answer questions, rent strollers, sell
maps, and offer wheelchairs. The National Zoo Stores sell Fuji film, Fuji Quick-Snap cameras, and a host of souvenirs.
Bring Your Old Cell Phone
Bring your used cell phone to the Zoo's Visitor Center and drop it in the collection box at the front desk. Thanks to a

partnership with ECO-Cell, your phone will help FONZ support the National Zoo's mission. more
Other Tips and Suggestions
Learn about other good ideas at Tips for Families Visiting the Zoo.
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DAILY PROGRAMS
Something is always happening at the National Zoo. Daily programs include animal training, feeding demonstrations, and
keeper talks. Some programs change from week to week. We strive to keep the schedule current, and apologize for any errors. Please
consult a schedule at the Zoo the day of your visit.

Short Films at the Zoo

You can take a break from visiting the Zoo's animals and head into the air-conditioned Visitor Center Auditorium to learn

about their lives and stories. These programs, which aired previously on the Smithsonian Channel, are free. more

Sunday | Monday | Tuesday | Wednesday


Thursday | Friday | Saturday

Amazonia Fish Feeding

When:
Where: Amazonia, entrance level
Friday-Sunday: 11 a.m.
What: Thousands of fish species live in the Amazon Basin. Meet some
of them in our Amazonia Habitat.

Asia Trail Interpreters

Where: Asia Trail When:


Daily:
What: Learn about giant pandas, sloth bears, clouded leopards, and
10 a.m.-4 p.m.
four other species living on Asia Trail.

Beaver Valley Interpreters

Where: Lower end of Valley Trail When:


Thursday–Friday:
What: Learn more about Mexican wolves, beavers, river otters, and 10 a.m.–1 p.m.
other North American animals.
Saturday–Sunday:
10 a.m.–4 p.m.
April–November
occasionally on weekdays

Bird Interpreters

Where: Bird House When:


Monday–Friday:
What: Check out feathers, bones, and eggs and learn about the
10 a.m.–1 p.m.
fascinating world of birds.
Saturday–Sunday:
1–4 p.m.

Cheetah Interpreters

Where: Cheetah Conservation Station When:


Monday-Friday:
What: Explore the world of the cheetah and other animals at the
10 a.m.-1 p.m.
Cheetah Conservation Station, including Grevy's zebras and scimitar-
horned oryx. Saturday-Sunday:
10 a.m.-4 p.m.
April-November
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Eagle Feeding

When:
Where: Beaver Valley
Daily: 2 p.m.
What: Learn about eagles, falcons, and hawks.

Elephant Bath

When:
Where: Inside Elephant House
Daily: 10:30 a.m.
What: Meet our Asian elephants.

Elephant Training Demo

When:
Where: Outside Elephant House
Daily: 11 a.m.
What: How do you get a four-ton animal to cooperate? Come find out.

Encounter Invertebrates

Where: Invertebrate Exhibit When:


Daily: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.
What: Explore the complex, fascinating world of invertebrates: corals
and crabs, ants and anemones, seashells and spiders. Feeding demos every half hour. Hands-on
activities vary daily.

Flight Exhibit Enrichment

When:
Where: Bird House Indoor Flight Exhibit
Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday, Sunday:
What: Watch birds forage and catch their food mid-flight, as a keeper 11 a.m.
or volunteer narrates.

Giant Octopus Feeding

When:
Where: Invertebrate Exhibit
Temporarily on hold
What: The giant octopus will eat almost anything it can catch.

Gorilla Feeding

When:
Where: Outside the Great Ape House
Daily: 11:30 a.m.
What: Learn about western lowland gorillas, one of our closest
relatives.
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Great Cats Keeper Talk

When:
Where: Great Cats Exhibit
Saturday–Sunday:
What: Learn about Sumatran tigers and African lions. 2:30 p.m.

How Do You Zoo?

When:
Where: Visitor Center
Saturday–Sunday:
What: Learn about working at the Zoo in this hands-on discovery room 10 a.m.-4 p.m.
for children ages five to ten.

Kids' Farm Interpreters

Where: Kids' Farm When:


Monday-Friday:
What: Learn about farming and how taking care of animals takes time,
10 a.m.-1 p.m.
dedication, and knowledge.
Saturday-Sunday:
10 a.m.-4 p.m.

Large Mammal Interpreters

Where: Inside the Elephant House When:


Thursday–Friday:
What: Learn about the Zoo's elephants and hippos.
10 a.m.–1 p.m.
Saturday–Sunday:
10 a.m.–4 p.m.

Meet a Kiwi

When:
Where: Bird House
Monday, Wednesday, Friday:
What: Learn about New Zealand's best known bird. 11 a.m.

Meet a Mammal Keeper Talk

When:
Where: Small Mammal House
Daily: 2 p.m.
What: An animal keeper will introduce you to a naked mole-rat or
another small mammal.

Meet a Reptile
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When:
Where: Reptile Discovery Center
Daily: 3 p.m.
What: Learn all about reptiles, which live on every continent except
Antarctica.

Meet a Zebra

When:
Where: Zebra yard on Olmsted Walk
Saturday–Sunday:
What: Meet our male Grevy's zebras, the largest of all zebras. 1 p.m.

Otter Feeding

When:
Where: Beaver Valley
Daily: 10:30 a.m.
What: Find our what North American river otters eat and how they
communicate.

Primate Interpreters

When:
Where: Inside and outside the Great Ape House, and at Gibbon Ridge,
Wednesday-Friday:
Lemur Island, and Think Tank
10 a.m.-1 p.m.
Interpreters will not be at all exhibits at all times but will rotate among these
exhibits. Saturday–Sunday:
What: Learn about some of our closest relatives, great and lesser apes 10 a.m.-4 p.m.
—gorillas, orangutans, and gibbons—and discuss the idea of animal
thinking.

Reptile Discovery Center Interpreters

Where: Reptile Discovery Center When:


Daily: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.
What: Learn about the extraordinary world of reptiles and amphibians
such as salamanders and frogs, crocodiles and turtles, lizards and Hands-on activities vary daily.
snakes.

Seal or Sea Lion Training

When:
Where: Seal or Sea Lion Pool
Daily: 11:30 a.m.
What: See how graceful—and hungry—gray seals and California sea
lions are.

Sloth Bear Feeding

When:
Where: Asia Trail
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Daily: 11:30 a.m.


What: Find out what and how these Asian bears eat. Weather permitting

Small Mammal Interpreters

Where: Small Mammal House When:


Monday-Friday:
What: Learn about a wide variety of animals including the three-banded
10 a.m.-1 p.m.
armadillo, naked mole-rat, golden lion tamarin, and banded mongoose.
Saturday-Sunday:
10 a.m.-4 p.m.

Spider Rap

Where: Invertebrate Exhibit


What: Eight-legged wonders! Come
meet some of the world’s amazing spiders.
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RULES AND REGULATIONS


Rule Number One: Enjoy Your Visit!
The National Zoo is a wonderful place to explore, learn, and relax. Our few rules help ensure an enjoyable and safe
experience for all visitors.
No Pets
Pets, leashed or unleashed, are not allowed in the park because they may disturb the Zoo's animals. In hot weather, it is
dangerous to leave a pet closed up in a vehicle. Please leave your pets at home if at all possible. (Service dogs are
permitted.)
Walk, Don't Ride
Only people in wheelchairs and kids in strollers or wagons get to ride around the Zoo.
Biking is permitted only on public vehicle roads. Riding bikes, scooters, skateboards,
and the like is prohibited on all pedestrian walkways. While in the Zoo, you must park or
walk or carry your bike, scooter, skateboard, etc. There are bike racks near the Visitor
Center and at Lion-Tiger Hill.
No Smoking
To decrease fire hazard and ensure the safety and health of visitors, staff, and animals,
smoking is not permitted in the public areas at the National Zoo.
Quiet, Please
Please do not play loud music; use earphones to avoid disturbing animals and other
visitors.
Please Don't Feed the Animals
Our animals have scientifically formulated diets to ensure their health and well being.
Human food may make them sick. Also for the animals' safety, our Food Service outlets do not offer straws or lids. Balloons
are prohibited.
Respect Boundaries
Rails, moats, and other barriers between you and our animals are there to protect you and the animals from harm. It is
especially important not to lift children over rails or rest them on railings, or let them stick fingers or arms through fences.
Remember, Zoo animals are wild animals.
Don't Litter
Put all of your trash in bins. Look for blue bins to recycle your cans and plastic bottles. Help us save resources and keep
your Zoo clean.
Photography
Visitors are encouraged to take photographs for their personal use and to share their memories with family and friends.
Photographers wishing to market and sell their photos of Zoo animals must contact the Smithsonian Institution's Office of
Product Development and Licensing.
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Ten great reasons to visit zoo

1. Discovery
The Zoo is a great place to discover and appreciate diverse and unusual creatures from tiny leaf-cutter ants to
huge elephants. Learning about other species by watching their behavior can offer us new insight into ourselves.

2. Imagination
Finding out about the survival strategies that different animals have stretches the imagination. Check out how
orangutans walk along the suspended O Line, how giant pandas use their “thumbs,” and how naked mole-rats are
like honeybees.

3. Young Animals
Seeing young animals learning to adjust to their new environment and interacting with their mothers can be a life-
affirming experience. Our animal youngsters are irresistible and entertaining. Check out the panda cub, young

western lowland gorilla, Sumatran tiger cubs, sea lions, Asian elephant, and other young animals at the Zoo.
more

4. Ice Cream and Souvenirs


Being at the National Zoo is a great excuse to eat ice cream and bring home plush animals.

5. Watching Local Wildlife


Walking down paths to less popular areas of the park or taking a break on a bench puts you among thousands of
plants, trees, and animals like chipmunks, squirrels, ducks and many other bird species. Meet the animals who call
the Zoo home, along with the Zoo’s more permanent residents.

6. A World of Animals
Be a wildlife biologist in Washington, D.C.! You can watch and learn about wild animals from all over the world in
one place.

7. Great Exercise
Walking along the paths visiting animals is good for you! Many local residents walk and jog through the Zoo daily,
keeping fit while enjoying views of tigers, lemurs, elephants, gibbons, pandas, sloth bears, and other animals that
spend most of their time outdoors.

8. Supporting Great Causes


Visiting helps support the Zoo’s mission to study, celebrate, and help protect animals—at and outside of the Zoo.
Money raised through your visit goes to many worthwhile causes, including species and habitat conservation and
improving Zoo facilities for animals and visitors.

9. FUN
There’s something about the Zoo that brings out the kid in all of us. Having fun is important at every age!

10. Admission is free!


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This is an important first step. The reason why this step is first is because everything you do
might depend on where you are going to plant your tree. For example, if you want to plant a
tree in a park, you first need to find out who manages the park (is this a city park, state park,
private, etc.) and ask their permission to plant a tree. They might say "yes, you can plant a
tree but we can only plant certain kinds of trees" - for example some parks will only plant
native trees (trees that have historically grown in the area) or they might have a tree planting
plan that identifies historically grown in the area) or they might have a tree planting plan
that identifies the type of trees to be planted. Or, you might be planting a tree near power
and telephone wires so in selecting a tree you would want one that would not grow tall or
fast (a dogwood tree for example). You might even want to replace a tree that has been
destroyed by lightening or killed by disease. Replacing the tree with the same kind of a tree
would be nice.
In selecting a site, remember, our communities and cities need and have an ongoing need -
to have trees planted by people. That's because life is hard in the city for a tree: trees that
might grow from seeds are cut by lawn mowers, sidewalks prevent water absorption by trees
plus the added work of cleaning the air of auto emissions makes survival tough for trees. So
the cities and town really need more trees!
Once you have identified where you would like to plant a tree, you need to ask permission
from the owner or the manager of the property. This person might be a state forester, park
ranger or the principal at your school. This rule even applies if you want to plant a tree in
your yard at home - you still need to ask for permission of your parents.

You might be able to have a tree donated for your project or you might need to raise funds to
purchase a tree. Check with your state or community forester to see if they have any
programs where they give away trees for tree planting projects. Also, ask for their advice on
the types of trees to plant in the area where you live - different trees are native to different
states, and native trees will thrive better after planting.
If you are not able to get a tree donated, don't fret - you can raise the money you need to
purchase a tree. Contact the manager at your local Wal-Mart or a business at busy
intersection and ask permission to do a car wash or bake sale to raise money. Offer to clean
litter for a fee from the parking lot after a football game. Collect aluminum cans in the
classrooms and cash the cans in for money at the end of a month. Sell T-shirts. You might
even be able to raise enough money to plant several trees!

Use proper tree planting tree procedures!


No matter if you plant the tree by yourself or with your family, friends, club, class or scout
members, you will want to use proper tree planting procedures - to make sure the tree has
the best chance for a long life.
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1. Dig the hole as deep as the rootball and twice as wide.


2. Check to see if the soil around the hole is too hard - if it is, loosen it up a bit with the
shovel.
3. Remove the container from the rootball. (The roots are like the tree's blood vessels
and they work best if they are not all twisted and knotted up, so you might need to
straighten them out if they are circling around after having grown in the container.)
4. Place the tree in the hole, making sure the soil is at the same level on the tree as when
the tree grew in the garden center. If your tree has burlap around the rootball, place
the tree in the hole and then carefully untie the burlap. Leave the burlap lying in the
bottom of the hole (this is Okay - the burlap will simply turn into organic matter over
a period of time).
5. Fill in around the rootball with soil and pack the soil with your hands and feet to
make sure that there are no air pockets.
6. Make a little dam around the base of the tree as wide as the hole with left over soil or
grass clumps to hold in the water.
7. Give your new tree a good soaking of water to help settle it into its new home.
8. Name your tree, like Tara and her friends named the first tree they planted "Marcie
the Marvelous Tree."
9. Repeat the "One In A Million" Promise.
10.Need more help? Contact your state or community forester listed in your telephone
directory or call your local nursery for help and / or advice.

Organize a community tree planting event (Hey - More than 1 tree can be planted!) There
may be people like community officials, other organizations like the Scouts and business
representatives in your community who would love to be involved in your project - all you
have to do is to ask. Once more people are part of your team, they can help you with other
things like finding a planting site, purchasing a tree, helping to dig a hole. To help make the
day a community event, try to involve the entire community - at least invite the entire
community - and you can do that by making an announcement about the event through the
media including the newspaper, radio, and television. (We can even help you if you need
help on writing a press release).

Take care of the newly planted tree - and this means water and mulch around your tree. (The
tree will be thirsty after it is planted, so deeply water it each week (2 to 3 gallons) for the
first year. If mother nature happens to water your tree during the week, then don't worry
about watering that week - Mother nature is the best source for water)
Give your tree a "mulch blanket." A mulch blanket is a 2- to 4-inch covering of rotten
leaves, wood chips, pine straw or shredded bark that will insulate the growd, decrease the
amount of weeds that will grow around your tree, keeps moisture around the roots and
provides food for your tree. Make sure that the mulch blanket is not piled up on and
touching the base of the tree but has a little space between the tree and where the mulch
begins - you simply might need to push some of the mulch back from the bottom of the tree.
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Write Thank-You notes to people who helped with the project (and if Mom or Dad helped
you with the project, write them a little thank-you note too!) Hint: One thing that Melissa
does with her Thank-You notes is that she draws Thank-You Pictures! This is more fun and
for her, says more than words ever say!

Uses for Trees


Many trees have uses which were once commonplace but have been largely forgotten,
such as ropemaking from species such as lime. Others have uses which are becoming
ever more applicable in the modern world, such as biomass production from willow
species. This is a fascinating subject, and at Gawmless End we are growing many different
varieties out of interest, to see which do best and might therefore have a place in the
modern version of hillfarming.

Edible Uses
There are many trees and shrubs which produce fruit or nuts, or products such as oil from
these, which are delicious raw or when processed, eg. for jam. Some trees produce edible
saps, others edible leaves. Still others can be managed as useful forage crops for
livestock.

We have several varieties of apple, pear, plum and cherry growing on, and a productive
range of red- white- and blackcurrants, gooseberries and hybrid and other berries. Berry
shrubs seem to do exceptionally well here with minimal attention, apart from the
nurturing of any plant which provides nectar or pollen around their flowering time (in
order to attract and encourage bees to pollinate the berry bushes). Different sorts of nut
trees, including pine nuts and edible acorn varieties, are also present - see our unusual
trees pages.

Other Uses
• Trees can be grown as a crop in themselves, for timber, biomass, or basketry. Many
trees and shrubs were formerly important for uses such as ropemaking or in
medicinal preparations.
• Trees and shrubs can represent a valuable soil stabilizing or windbreak resource,
enabling adjacent crops, including grass and other fodder crops, to grow better.
• Some trees fix nitrogen in the soil, which directly benefits adjoining crops, or enrich
it by taking up scarce minerals and other nutrients from deep in the soil, where
more shallow-rooted plants cannot reach them, and making them available through
its leaves when they fall in autumn. Where particular soils are known to be poor in
particular minerals, judicious planting of particular accumulator species of trees and
shrubs can help redress this vital balance (indeed, in a Forest Garden setting, tree
species and numbers are carefully chosen to obviate entirely any need for
application of specific soil additives).
• In careful plantings the benefit to surrounding soils is greater than any
disadvantage such as shading by mature trees. Livestock benefits from both the
improved shelter, and from improved forage quality and quantity.

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