Night Revels and Werewolfery in Calvinist Guernsey Author(s): Darryl Ogier Source: Folklore, Vol. 109 (1998), pp.

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Folklore109 (1998):53-62 RESEARCH ARTICLE

Night Revels and Werewolfery in Calvinist Guernsey

DarrylOgier

Abstract Fromthe mid-sixteenthto the mid-seventeenthcentury,Guernsey'sCalvinistregime sought to controlthe rival culturalattractionsof night-time activities,enjoyed especially by the young. These included the vueilleand "gadding"between parishes.Cases of disguising in 1624 and 1630,the formerunder a mare's skin, when examined alongside examples from the other ChannelIslands, Englandand Wales,demonstrateanalogies with hobby horse perambulations and the MariLwyd. A unique referenceto vouarouvarie [werewolfery]also describes a rowdy nocturnalactivity,here with elements drawn from medieval identificationsof the werewolf with outlawry and the dead. Werewolferyin CalvinistGuernseymay also have involved the harassmentof women. This article deals with somewhat abstruse material from Guernsey, one of the Channel Islands.1 These are in the Bay of Saint Malo, within sight of the Cotentin peninsula of Normandy. Although attached politically to the English Crown from the thirteenth century, the Islands remained in the Diocese of Coutances until the mid-sixteenth century, they retained the Norman customary law, and their populations spoke French and a Norman French patois.From the 1560s they experienced a Calvinist polity in church government; in Jersey until the 1620s, and in Guernsey until 1662. Secular government was concentrated in the separate jurisdictions of the Royal Courts of Guernsey and Jersey, each made up of twelve jurats (jury men and legislators) elected for life, sitting under the presidency of a chief magistrate, the bailiff. Despite differences in emphasis, Guernsey's church and civil powers functioned in many respects with the mutual support which the Channel Islands' Calvinist Disciplines of 1576 and 1597 prescribed (Lee, 1885; de Schickler 1892). The parish church courts (consistoires) and the island Colloquy (Colloque) dealt with offenders at their respective levels of responsibility, delivering spiritual admonitions and censures. The Royal Court made civil ordinances directed at fostering religious and moral good behaviour in the population, and exacted corporal and pecuniary punishments, although often not as diligently as the church authorities demanded (Ogier 1996, chap. 6). Cultural Regulation The island's popular culture was a subject of frequent complaint, repeated decrees, and enforcement by the secular and ecclesiastical powers alike. Young people especially were perceived to be prey to its attractions. In 1563 Royal Commissioners found Guernsey "full of yowthe"2 and the control of these young people, both natives and foreigners (often servants), remained a concern of the authorities throughout the Calvinist period. Neither did some members of the elder generation escape condemnation, as hosts and organisers of allegedly irreligious gatherings, encouragers of young people in their misbehaviour, and custodians and transmitters of traditional culture. Activities which had been accommodated by the Catholic church were particularly condemned by the Calvinist authorities. These included begging on St John's Eve and at New Year, a practice prohibited by the Royal Court in 1622 on account of its "superstitious" character (MacCulloch 1852, 145). The minister of Sark (a neighbouring island forming part of Guernsey's bailiwick)even noted c. 1625 that "the first Sunday in Lent is called le jour des brandons.At Saint Martin in Guernsey the young men for a romp [esbat] carry straw torches" on the evening of that day.3 The survival of such things is symptomatic of the difficulties the Calvinists experienced in educating parts of the community, young and old, in Reformed tenets. The Vueille The authorities were deeply suspicious of all-night gatherings (cf. Muchembled 1991). In particular, both the Court and Church repeatedly condemned the evening get-togethers known as vueilles. Taking their name from "wakes" or "vigils," these were working parties which met at various locations in order to share heat and light and sociability (MacCulloch 1903, 3132; cf. Davis 1975, 201-2; Muchembled 1985, 55 and 69-70). Their manufacturing aspect compares with that described in a seventeenth-century report of gatherings in Sark: the grand and almost only Manufacture our Island of being knitting which our People perform with a wonderfull dexterityboth for Stockings,Gloves, Caps

54 and Waste-coates,Men Women and Children being broughtup to it: so that you may commonly see 30 or 40 of them assembledin a Barn,which you would take for a Conventicle of your sweet singers of Israel, for though all ply their knittingdevoutly,yet at the same time they tune their pipes: and torturesome old song with more distractednotes, than a CountryQuiredoes
one of Hopkins his Psalmes ... (W[earis] 1673, 6).

Darryl Ogier run unbridledwith an infinity of the most scandalous debauchery,to the dishonour of God, ill fame of the country,to the laying to waste of civil behaviour and Christianhonesty, as a consequence of the usual attendance of foreignersat the said assemblies,and the profane and lascivious songs which are sung there; likewise that such people make a regularoccupation of going to rob and thieve the gardens and fruits of
others
...9

Although the writer does not state that he is referring to an evening scene, his observations apply equally to the vueilles of the larger island. There, however, the assemblies were frequently much livelier than the Sark report suggests. Indeed, in Guernsey the word vueille often referred to a noisy night-time party, with or without the feature of shared labour, and was sometimes extended to describe nocturnal rampages by gangs of young men and women. As indicated below, it even appears that a verb *vueillier was used as a synonym for boisterous night revels. The Church thought that the unregulated sociability of vueilles outweighed their practical utility, and repeatedly condemned them, demanding that the Royal Court should regulate the assemblies or ban them altogether. The Guernsey Colloque's records (which survive for 1585-1619) demonstrate this. In 1586 the Colloque drew the Royal Court's attention to the great numbers of girls present at vueilles. The following year it protested to the Court again, referring to participants of both sexes. Some order was demanded in respect of those persons "who hold dances, likewise veilloys de nuict, not without great debauchery and dissoluteness." The church also complained that "those who are found there do for this purpose run from one parish to another and lead the horses of others astray." This refers to people taking horses in order to get to the assemblies, and then turning them loose.4 The Court made an order in 1589 concerning the "borrowing" of horses, stating that "anyone who by night takes the horse or mare of another without the permission of he to whom it belongs shall be taken as a thief."5 In 1620 it had orders made in the market place of the town, S. Pierre Port, against taking horses in this manner.6 But if these laws were effective-and their repetition and the continuing prosecutions under them suggest otherwise-a lack of transport did nothing to check the popularity of vueilles. In 1600 the ministers again complained of "the insolences which are committed at the veille assemblies, where God is dishonoured by the singing of dissolute songs, by vain words spoken, with many other debaucheries committed."7 The secular power made several orders addressing the issue. In 1602 the Royal Court banned "illicit assemblies," justifying this by reference to the "several debaucheries which are committed at veilles which are held by night in both town and country."8A further ordinance of the Court of 1631 lists the authorities' objections in detail. It noted that groups of young men and women when meeting outside and around the town in order to spin or knit,

Again, the Court repeated its ban-naming particular locations where the groups assembled-and threatened the severe chastisement of robbers. Two years later, though, the ministers serving nine of Guernsey's ten parishes protested to the Court that their young male parishioners still committed great abuses, [and] scandals,notably on the nights of Saturdaysand Sundays, going running in great companies from parish to parish and place to place, as a consequence of which there often occur various asand saults, excesses and debauchery, afterhaving run, and vueillieall night, they are utterly incapaplayed, ble of attendingthe exercises piet' on the Sunday. de In response, on 30 September 1633 the Court forbade parents and guardians from receiving companies of young men at their houses, and ordered that not more than one youth at a time should visit the girls of the household, and none at all after ten.10Clearly this order was as ineffective as earlier examples, for on 16 January 1637 the Court decreed: because of the regular and scandalous debauchery which is committed at the assemblies of young peoand ple in workshops [boutiques] other places during the night, which are called vueilles,it is strictlyforbidden to all qualitiesof persons[toutes sortes personnes] de to hold them in their houses, and to receive there any such assemblies of young people whether to work or otherwise, by night or day, on punishment of a sixty sous tournoisfine on the offenders, applicablehalf to His Majesty,and half to the informer.11 Notwithstanding these ordinances, when Charles Trumbull visited Guernsey in 1677, he still found vueilles to be a feature of island life. He noted in his travel journal that: the bigger sort of women who are all knitters meet most if not every evening at some set place which they callthe watch [sc.vueille], when weariedwith work and and discourse set themselves to singing; this is 10 or 12 in a company, whereby they learn the skill more perfect,refreshthemselvesand please passengerswith the music. But in these watches they have a further design, and that is either to meet with or draw in gallants, who are never wanting to make up the consort, and from these meetings many marriages are contracted; [they are] judged thereforeunfit to be used before the [quarterly]sacrament,when they are laid aside, though kept up upon ordinary Sundays 1984,580; cf. Briggs 1977, 198). (Trumbull Trumbull's description is sympathetic, yet one still discerns several features which were likely to be of con-

Night Revels and Werewolferyin Calvinist Guernsey cer to the authorities: the profanation of the sabbath, the singing of irreligious songs (against which seven Royal Court ordinances were passed between 1566 and 1611), the possibility of marriages being contracted without the supervision of parents and guardians (another subject of ordinances, of 1567, 1572 and 1576), the likelihood of dancing taking place-also illegal under the laws prohibiting lewd singing-the participation of perambulating gangs of youths, and the occurrence of "insolent" and "excessive" behaviour (Ogier 1996, 133-41). Clearly there existed in Guernsey throughout the Calvinist era a lively counter-culture, aspects of which appealed especially to groups of young people. This characteristically included night-time assemblies, running from parish to parish and household to household (gadding in the English parlance) and "debauchery" of various types, all of which were reprehended by the civil and Church authorities. Night Revels Certain aspects of this profane culture deserve further exploration. The remainder of this article will focus on perambulations, disguises, cross-dressing, and, ultimately, "werewolfery." Disguising On 3 April 1630 in the Royal Court, charges were laid against Massy Robert, Collas Nouel, Helier le Lacheur and Daniel and Jean Molet that they had been "disguised by night under a most hideous and shocking form, and that they have troubled and disturbed the rest of several people, after they have confessed to having carried a bag between them."12The bag (perhaps for food) suggests a party travelling around at night begging, as others did at St John's Eve and New Year. The nature of the "most hideous and shocking form" in which the participants were disguised is not recorded, and no sentence passed on them can now be found. Accusations and counter-accusations made before the same Court a few years earlier give more detail in respect of similar goings-on. On 25 September 1624 the Court heard accusations by Samuel Sauvary that "insolences" had occurred at Marguerite Perrin's vueille, for which she and Edemond Perrin-probably her brother-and, it appears, one Andro Jehan, were said to be answerable. In connection with the incident the Court ordered the arrest of Pierre Blampied and his accomplices Jean Bibert and Bernabey Bazille. Blampied was wanted "for having by night gadded [rible]under the form of an artificially re-skinned mare, and gone to Marguerite Perrin's vueille." His companions were to be arrested on account of "having gadded by night" in Blampied's company.13 It is not clear what actually happened at the vueille. One Michell Perrin later claimed that Samuel Sauvary,

55 the original accuser, had assaulted him. A week later Sauvary was adjudged to have made charges injuriously in claiming that Edemond and Marguerite Perrin themselves had committed insolences at the vueille.14 No record survives of the continuation of the actions against Blampied, Bibert and Bazille, but the fact that at least one of the men had appeared at Marguerite Perrin's vueille dressed in a mare's skin is striking. Common aspects of the accusations before the Court in 1624 and 1630 are the "gadding"-in 1624 all were accused of having rible--the night-time settings, the boisterousness and the hint of the possibility of violence, and the use of disguise, in a "hideous and shocking form" in 1630 and as an "artificially re-skinned mare" in 1624. There were clear affinities between the two episodes. Suggestive comparisons may also be made with features of night-time carousing in two of the other Channel Islands: Jersey and Sark. Jersey's Calvinist authorities were as keen as those of Guernsey to condemn nocturnal revels. In Jersey, however, the word resneries repeatedly occurs in connection with them.'5 This word refers to the wearing of harness, as Richard Axton has pointed out in a personal communication. This may have been horse's harness, or perhaps resnerie was a local translation of the English "harness," used in the sense of livery or disguise.16 On 19 October 1577 the Colloque of Jersey required that "the order touching the prohibition of resneries must be reiterated in the parishes."'7 This alludes to an order now lost. On 5 October 1599 the Colloqueextended spiritual censures to those convicted, decreeing that: Those who shall be convictedbeforethe [Royal]Court of having run by night en resnerie, masked and with et from which issue an cudgels [masquez embastonnez], infinity of debauchery and scandals, and also those who dance in public, shall publicly be declared deprived of the eucharist
...18

On 16 October 1600 Jersey's Royal Court noted that the inhabitants had been troubled by nocturnaland tenebrouscompanieswhich run and gad [trotent] night fromhouse to house aroundthis by island, some masked,otherswith cudgels [embatonnes] and disguised, committing an infinity of insolences and debaucheries,to the dishonour of God, contempt of court, and public dread.19 It forbade perambulating by night, whether masked or otherwise, and ordered people not to receive groups in their houses, on threat of imprisonment. The disorderly practices referred to in this legislation, reminiscent of the Guernsey episodes, can also be traced in the records of punishments handed down by Jersey's church and civil courts. On 27 March 1601 the Colloque of Jersey suspended Pierre Renouf and Pierre le Baillif from communion "for having been by night en resnerie and for having profaned the fast day with the playing of the rebec [sons de ribebe]."20 October 1619 Jersey's In Court adjudged that: Royal

56 Katherine wife of Estienne le Saulteur, convicted of having worn male attire,namely trunk hose, and [so] disguised to have been en resnerieby night, is condemned to be punished today in the [town's] public stocks, and Sunday next in the stocks of the parish of Saint Pierre,the trunkhose beside her.21

Darryl Ogier

which may well indicate what Blampied in his mare's skin was about, recalls one of the forms of the British hobby horse, made with a horse's skull on a pole, its anioperator covered by a cloth or-sometimes-an mal hide (Cawte 1978, 8). In parts of England and Wales at Christmas, and sometimes at Easter or other times, There are, then, several features common to the Jer- in the nineteenth century and more recently, parties sey and Guernsey activities: the house visit, the dis- including one person disguised and armed with a snapguising and masking, the night time setting, the vio- jawed horse's skull made house visits by night, frightlence or the threat of it (alluded to in connection with ening or amusing residents. The Mari Lwyd of Wales Marguerite Perrin's vueille in Guernsey, cudgels in Jer- and the Hooden Horse of Kent are examples of a sey), and the complaints which the activities provoked number of skull-and-stick horses which were carried from the religious and secular authorities. around by groups with a reputation for chasing and When the field of investigation is extended to Sark, dirtying their victims.24 other comparisons emerge. Sark was recolonised from The Guernsey law of 1633 prohibiting parties of Jersey in the late sixteenth century. Its community of young men visiting houses at night may have referred farmers, fishermen and knitters appear to have contin- to such goings-on. Certainly the disguised "gadding" ued to enjoy some early modern traditions until the exercises stood in stark contrast to the type of behavnineteenth century. A description of 1875 refers to the iour which the church and state elites wished to foster continuation of vueilles until near that date, both in tav- in the community. They were also, perhaps, survivals erns and households. In the former, sometimes of practices which had once been more coherent to earlier generations. ... as is often the case, one thing led to another,and masquerades and disguises soon followed. Boys dressed themselves up like girls, and girls put on boys' Werewolfery clothes; aged men even did the same. Some covered This may also be true of the final night-time activity themselves with rags of every shape and colour,others blackened their faces, and then tried to embrace the discussed here: "werewolfery." The following entry ocwomen and girls in order to blacken them as well curs in the register of the consistoire of the Guernsey (Anon. 1875). parish of St Martin (see Appendix for the original text): On occasion, in private houses, At the consistoryheld on the first day of January1630; present, the Minister,and PierreOllivier and Thomas a person either young or old, disguised himself in a elders-Guillome Ollivier,PierreTourtel, Collas Robert, mannerto frightenpeople. At the end of a stick he carMaugerfilsThomas,Jamesle RetillayfilsMichel,James ried the head of a horse or a donkey,and this he placed le Retillayfils Collas,having the same day been called on his own head, having first enveloped himself in a before the consistory on account that on Sunday, resheet. By means of cords,he made the jaws of this head turningfrom the town in the evening, utteringhugely to open and shut with a noise, then he ran afterone or scandalous enormities,in jeering at Collas Robertfils the other endeavouring to bite them with the teeth of ThomasRobertle grandwho was in their company,the those horriblejaws; whereupon everybody ran away said Olliviersayingthatit was good weatherto go about as fast as they could, and there was a general turmoil, in werewolfery [en vouarouverie], the four others and the people either screamingwith fright or else laughin a huddle under a thornbush, saying he was receiving at the joke (ibid.). to ing their supplication [roiieffe]25 go about this aforeAnother nineteenth-century report states that in Sark's said damnableart;and they having denied having said farmhouses "there was always ... a stock of horse-skulls any such thing; whereupon three personages of sufficient proof having been heard-who all threehave rein hand for the occasion," the population being "wont ported that they truly said the same words and comto disguise themselves in the hides and with the heads mitted the said insolences-all five on this accountare of a variety of beasts" in the Christmas season.22These suspended fromthe eucharistuntil otherwiseprovided. descriptions in several respects match the Jersey eviCensurelifted. dence, the accusations levelled at Pierre Blampied and his companions in Guernsey in 1624, and perhaps those Several things about this unique reference demand the five others six years later. attention. Not least, there is the question of what the against A comparison with practices in England and Wales word vouarouverie means. The Guernsey community suggests that the Channel Island activities were local spoke a Norman French patois, and it is on the Norman expressions of far more widespread customs. Certain mainland one has to seek analogues. Du Bois's Glossaire characteristics of hobby horse perambulations and de Patois Normand defines varouage as "the course of a mumming or "guizing" are reflected in the reports of werewolf. Figuratively, 'rut.' In speaking of rutting cats, 1624 and 1630. These include the house visit, the dis- one says that they are en varouage,en garouage"(du Bois 1856,362). Henri Moisy's Dictionnairede Patois Normand guising, and begging: the quete of the folklorists.23 The use to which the horse's skull was put in Sark, gives two long definitions of relevance:

Night Revels and Werewolferyin Calvinist Guernsey Varou,s.m., werewolf, a man who, accordingto superstition, runs by night aroundthe countryside,changed into a wolf.... Of an individualwhose clothes aresoiled with mud, one says that "il est fait comme un varou" Varouage, s.m., the night time course of a varou ... Varouageis only used today in speaking of cats in rut, who run away at night and often cover long distances to meet: "Men cat est en varouage."In the Eure "en gairou"is said of a cat on heat (Moisy 1887,653-4). The latest Norman French dictionary confirms that varou means "werewolf," but explains nuit de varouage as "a stormy night, propitious for varous," going on to define en varouageas meaning "in disorder" (Bourdon, Cournee and Charpentier 1993, 315). MacCulloch's GuernseyFolk Lorerecords a local simile which refers to those with large appetites: "il mange comme un varou" (MacCulloch 1903, 230). Dictionaries of Old French provide similar definitions. Randle Cotgrave's superb French-EnglishDictionary gives a meaning with the sexual referent extending beyond tomcats: "Garoiiage. Aller en garoiiage (A married man) to go a caterwawling, or steal abroad by night a wenching" (Cotgrave 1650, s.v. Garoiiage). This was agreed by Frederic Godefroy: "garrouage, s.m.; estre en garrouage, aller en garouage, courir le guilledou" (Godefroy 1990, 253). Hence a broad definition of vouarouverie might be hazarded. The expression used by Guillome Ollivier connected the word meaning "werewolf" with an activity which involved coursing around the countryside by night, with an element of excessive behaviour. This behaviour might be connected with chasing women, eating prodigiously, getting be-splattered with mud, and "caterwawling" generally. Stormy nights may have been thought especially propitious for such a boisterous activity. Werewolferyin Normandy This said, Louis du Bois's nineteenth-century researches exposed other beliefs about werewolves, the imagined causes of the transformation of men into wolves, and their behaviour once transformed. To the eighteenthcentury Norman peasantry a varou was an outlaw, and men were thought to become werewolves as a consequence of being made outlaws or aiding outlaws by giving them succour or neglecting to denounce them. Unlike the werewolves of other areas, the Norman werewolf was as much a victim as an ogre: a condemned being ... condemned to suffer a frightful punishment ... he suffered his punishment alone, outlawed ... the devil to which this unfortunatehad been allotted treatedhim very harshly;blows rained down fromsticks;raps and knockswere not stinted;cuffsand punches rained down in plenty; the poor victim suffered cruelly.This is what happened above all if at the hour fixed by Satanthe possessed person did not go to the exact meeting place, ordinarilythe foot of a yew.

57 TheEvilOne goes to find the late-comer home, rushes at him out by the ears, and thoroughlythrasheshim as a good example at the centre of each crossroads,and in front of all the crosses in the district ... (du Bois 1843, 298-9). Du Bois also reported the supposed origin of the werewolf according to the Norman peasantry: Before the Revolution it was the practice to publish [three]monitions in the churches against malefactors who had not been discovered by natural means, and against those whom, having knowledge of the crime and of the criminal,did not denouncehim ... The peasants were persuadedthat,if in spite of the publications of monitions at the sermon of the mass, the criminal remainedunknown and allowed the third publication to pass, he belonged to the Devil, and was obliged to courirle loup-garou. was the same for those who had It refused to denounce the offender ... (ibid., 300). Hence werewolves had much in common with outlaws, who were similarly excluded from civil society, and in many respects regarded as existing outside the boundaries of humanity and being the property of devils. In early-modem Normandy, moreover, outlaws-the civilly dead-were associated with the damned by name. The thirteenth-century Summa de Legibus Normanniethe basis of Channel Island law-treats the abjurations of outlaws under the heading de damnatis (Tardif 18811903, 2:195). These words are used in the sense "of the condemned." The mid-sixteenth-century treatment of the same section of the Norman coutumeby Guillaume Terrien still alludes to damnes. Terrien describes the manner of proceeding against fugitives from justice. The accused individual, he writes, should be summoned three times to appear in person. In default, notice should be left at his or her house. If there was no local residence-or, no doubt, if the offender was unknownthen "the summons must be made at the hearing of and conclusion of the Sunday parish mass" (Terrien 1574, 516). So, parish priests in proclaiming monitions against outlaws and those who failed to denounce them, as recalled by du Bois, were acting in a manner prescribed by law. Their congregations made a further connection, associating the outlaw (the damne) so named with damnation and transformation into a werewolf, threatening to the community and subject, himself, to torment.27 Outlaws and violence The association of outlaws with werewolves has medieval analogies far outside Normandy. In Anglo-Saxon law the outlaw was identified with the wolf: anyone should kill either. In the thirteenth century, English courts might still pronounce outlawry with the formula The legal digest Fleta, of the time caput gerat lupinum.28 of Edward I, says that the outlawed man and his female counterpart, the waive, "have wolves' heads, which anyone may cut off with impunity, since those who will

58 not live according to law deserve to perish without law

"29

Darryl Ogier day. The Sunday mentioned as the time of the offence was probably the previous one, the offence thus occurring on 26 December 1630. The goings-on had an evening setting, and a context of mockery. The participants possibly formed a festive drinking party-only a single person in the parish of St Martin was a licensed tavern keeper, and he may not have traded. By contrast, the town, from which the party was returning, had sixteen licensed taverners, and the party had the qualities of a "pub crawl."3' It is not altogether clear from the consistory records which of Guillome Ollivier or Collas Robert was envisaged as the object of the supplication (roiieffe) to go about the act of vouarouverie.There was some act, however, which was directed at one of the two, and performed by four of the others uttering the roiieffewhilst embracing under a thorn bush.32 The nature of the "damnable art" referred to by the consistory's scribe (almost certainly the rector, Samuel de la Place)33was apparently understood by the consistory's members, since they did not ask what the offenders thought they were doing. The offence attracted an ecclesiastical censure-later lifted-and was not referred to the Colloque or to Guernsey's Royal Court for secular punishment, as serious matters were. Thus several of the attributes of Norman and European werewolfery are here: the Christmas setting, the excessive behaviour, and the band of men-quite possibly youths-identifying themselves with werewolves. The mention of "good" weather may refer to a storm.34 The embracing under the thorn and the reference to the damnableart-a phrase otherwise encountered only in records of witch trials-are also to be noted.35 Thus from analogies outside the island, there appear to be grounds to go on and seek evidence of the "wenching" and "catawawling" which characterised one form of garouage in France. It is possible that similar activities were proposed in Guernsey in 1630, under the name vouarouverie. A case can be made by further references to Guernsey's Royal Court and consistory records. In 1600, a Breton servant called Judith le Blocq was tried by the Royal Court for infanticide.36 In evidence given on 7 June, Judith catalogued her sexual history. She deposed, inter alia, that "one evening some young men came into her chamber, four or five in number, who were masked, and the candle was put out, but no badness arose, of whom [amongst the youths] there was Pierre Beauvoir and Collas Ettur."37 with the proceedings before St As Martin's consistory, the Court did not ask the accused to explain further, probably indicating that its members recognised what was being referred to. This incident may be placed alongside another coming before the St Martin's consistory, the record of which reads: In the consistory on the 24th day of June 1632, Collas Mauger fils Thomas, James le Retillay fils Collas, AbrahamSandre,ThomasBlanche,[and]Daniel Rabay, having been called to the consistory on the said day,

Mary R. Gerstein finds the like connection between wolves and outlaws made in Germanic and Norse law codes of still earlier dates, for example in the sixth-century Lex Salica. The word warg (or vargr) was also used in several regions in pronouncements of outlawry as a synonym for "outlaw" (Gerstein 1974; Duerr 1985, 61). Du Bois's reference to the Norman belief that the outlaw, or someone giving him shelter or failing to report him, was thought to becomea varou, damned by society and in the afterlife as well, thus has similarities with Gerstein's contention that the "magico-legal pronouncement" of a werewolf transformed the individual into a thing deserving strangulation (Gerstein 1974, 156). At the same time, she goes on to suggest, such a suspension of civil conduct and the assumption of a murderous frenzy were desirable qualities in warriors. For this reason fighting bands were also identified with wolf of packs. In the ninth-century Hrafnsmdlthe berserks the Norwegian king's bodyguard are called wolf-coats. The thirteenth-century Heimskringlaby the Icelander Snorri Sturluson also refers to berserk warriors, comparing their behaviour with that of wolves (Ellis-Davidson 1964, 667; cf. Duerr 1985, 61-2 and 269-70). The Volsunga Saga tells how two warrior outlaws donned wolf-skins and became wolves, temporarily unable to revert to human form (Ellis-Davidson 1964, 68). This wolf /warrior/ outlaw relationship may be echoed in the mention by Olaus Magnus in his Historia de Gentibvs Septentrionalibvs (1555) that at Epiphany in Prussia, Livonia and Lithuania great bands of men designated werewolves ran amok, consuming foresters and their livestock, violently breaking into cellars and stealing and drinking dry barrels of beer and mead.30Carlo Ginzburg has related how over a still wider geographical area the time around Christmas and Epiphany was favoured by similar bands, disguised and symbolically connected with the dead. Some of these, in Baltic, Slavic and German regions, were known as werewolves (Duerr 1985, 37-8; cf. McCone 1986; Ginzburg 1990, 184 and chap. 4). Again, this matches the evidence of Norman folklore: the time when varous were said to be active in the Manche district (adjacent to the Channel Islands) was from Christmas to Candlemas; around PontAudemer, it was Advent to Christmas (Moricet 1952, 76; cf. Ginzburg 1990, 158-9). Thus in several parts of Europe-including Normandy-the werewolf was closely associated with outlawry and the dead, and apparently with warrior bands, and later with rowdy, violent and thieving gangs of youths, particularly active around Christmas time. Guernsey's Vouarouverie We may now return to Guernsey. In talking of vouarouverie, what activity did Ollivier refer to, and what might its realisation have involved? The consistory hearing took place on New Year's Day 1631, a Satur-

Night Revels and Werewolferyin Calvinist Guernsey for having by night and at an improper hour beaten with stones on ThomasseGuignon'sdoor until she was made to rise from her bed, and then a second time to return to throw stones against the said door, and to commit other insolences;the consistoryhaving found the deed most heinous, after hearing proof, has suspended them from the eucharistuntil provided otherwise.38 The margin has a note indicating that Thomas Blanche and Daniel Rabey were received back to the eucharist, and the entry has written at its foot "sencure leuee" indicating that all were eventually received. This incident did not occur at Christmas time. All the same, it did involve a band of youths engaged in tumultuous night time activity, which was found by the consistory to be grandementheineus, if not on this occasion damnable. Very interestingly, Collas Mauger fils Thomas, and James le Retillay fils Collas appeared as offenders at both of the consistory hearings, accused of vouarouverie in 1631, and accused of these "insolences" towards a woman the following year. The actions directed at Thomasse Guignon which were prosecuted in June 1632 are not called vouarouverie. They did, however, include several of the characteristics of werewolfery, and, indeed, two of its putative practitioners. The incident hints at how Collas Mauger and James le Retillay may have habitually behaved. Thomasse Guignon was almost certainly a widow or spinster, since the property attacked is described as hers. Whilst it may simply be an instance of "rough music," this attack recalls Jacques Rossiaud's description of gangs of youths who in late-medieval Dijon forced the doors of young women's houses with a view to assaulting them, whilst their confreresthrew stones and made noise. Rossiaud finds that women already sexually compromised-especially servants who moved from house to house-were particularly prey to such visitations (Rossiaud 1985, 84-5; cf. Duerr 1985, 37). This takes us back to Judith le Blocq, who had been sexually compromised, and was a servant who worked for different masters. Her visitors may have been expected to misbehave-Judith noted "no badness arose." They were also apparently about something which was understood by the Royal Court's members and by Judith. They were engaged in a customary activity. It is possible, therefore, that when similar actions directed at women took place around Christmas time (perhaps with the addition of certain things such as the huddling, and the roiieffedirected at a particular individual), this was what constituted the damnableart of vouarouverie. In view of the common personnel in the incidents recorded in 1631 and 1632, and the "wenching" and "catawawling" aspects of French definitions, the Guernsey vouarouverieof the former year might well have included such a sexual element. Although the werewolfery activity of Christmas 1630 may have been shaped by and to its times and given a new application-possibly the shaming of reputedly immodest women, possibly as a form of assault, possi-

59 bly something else-there are grounds to suggest that components of it were drawn from ancient and widespread identifications of the outlaw with the werewolf, the association of the period around Christmas as one of particular ritual significance, and the clamorous practices of groups of youths running around neighbourhoods at the turn of the year. Something of a functionalist explanation may suggest itself. Whatever the case, the authorities in early modern Guernsey clearly had their work cut out in seeking to reform the manners of the island's community. Island Archives Service, Guernsey Appendix (extract from Rolle dez Actes Du Consistoire de St Martin aust-19-1627 [to 1655] at Saint Martin's Rectory, Guernsey, not paginated): Au Consistoiretenu le PremierJour de jenvier l'an1630presentza ce le ministre:et PierreOlliuieret Thomas RobertanciensGuillome Olliuier Pierretourtel Collas Mauger fils thomas Jamesle Retillayfils michel Jammesle retillayfils Collas ayant este appellez au Consistoirele mesme Jourpour autant qu'a Jourde dimenche reuenantde la Ville Sur le Soir / et tenant des propos EnormesEt grandement sequandaleuset donnant des brocartsa Collas Robert fils du grand thomas Robert lequel estoit a leur Compagnye disant le dyt olliuier qu'il faisoit beau temps pour aller en vouarouverie,et les quatreautres sentretenantembrasses sous une espine dissant qu'il prenoistleur Roueffepour aller en ce damnableart su dyt / et ayant nye le tout de rien avoir point parle / Sur cela ayant ouy trois personnes de preue sufisante les quelz ont toutes troisraportela veritequ'ilz on tenu les mesmes propos et fait les mesmes InsollencesSont pour cest effet tous les Cinq Retranchezde la Sainte Cene Jusquesa ce qu'il luy soit pourueu autrement Censureleuee

Notes 1Iam gratefulto Dr MarieAxton,Dr Richard Axton,Dinah Bott, Professor Bernard Capp, Dr Henry Cohn, Michael d'Authreau, Dr Ian Hart, Hugh Lenfestey, Dr Harry Tomlinsonand his colleagues at The PriaulxLibrary, Guernsey, Ken Tough, the Very Revd Marc Trickeyand my colleagues at the Island Archives Service, Guernsey for comments and/or providing access to documents and information. Dr CarolineOates, Assistant Librarianof the Folklore Society and a leading scholarof werewolf trials,very kindly provided numerousreferencesand expertcommentsat a late stage. Except in quoted passages, where they remain as found,

60 dates have been adjusted to a year beginning 1 January. In direct quotations, in the notes and appendix, expansions are indicated by italics. Translations are my own. 2Hatfield House: Salisbury MSS, Cecil Papers 207/12 (not paginated). 3MSnotebooks of Elie Brevint, la Seigneurie, Sark, fasc. 4, fol. 3r, dated and listed in Axton and Axton 1991, p. 26. St Martin is one of Guernsey's parishes (Translation from the French).

Darryl Ogier
17Cambridge University Library MS Dd. 1 1. 43 (Jersey Colloquy Minutes 1577-1614), fol. 3v (Translation from the French). 18CambridgeUniversity Library MS Dd. 1 1. 43, fol. 107r (Translation from the French).

19Messervy 1898, 34 (Translation from the French). This inventory of misdemeanours is not dissimilar to those alleged against companies "naming themselves mummers" at which An Acte agaynst disguysed persons and Wearing of Visours-3 Hen. VIII c. ix (1512)-was directed. For "violent mummers" 4Priaulx Library,Guernsey: MS Papierou liure des Colloques often accompanied by a hobby horse, annoydes Eglises de Guernezey, (1585-1619) fols 13v, 20r. (Transla- carrying sticks, ing householders in Newfoundland and elsewhere, see tion from the French). Gadding and the "borrowing" of horses 1969, 44-47, 51-55. These incidents are also echoed had been noted in 1579 by the puritan Sir Thomas Leighton, Halpert in Guernsey's "rough music" tradition, which has rowdy, the English governor of the island 1570-1610, who wrote of perambulatory and equine associations-see Gallienne 1992. wedding dances lasting days and nights. These, he alleged, had in the past led to adulteries, the assembling of "the 20Cambridge University Library, Dd. 1 1. 43, fol. 112v lewdest parts of youth," including servants lodging away (Translation from the French). from their masters' homes, and the stealing of stock (Eagleston 21Messervy 1889, 249 (Translation from the French). 1937, 80). 22Lukis n.d., 20. For the European associations of the 5Greffe, Guernsey, MS Jugements vol. ii, fol. 62v (TranslaChristmas season-principally 26 December-with horses, tion from the French). see Miles 1912, 311-14. 6Greffe, Guernsey, MS Crime vol. iii, 151-54. 23Brody1971, 47 finds the quete to involve more ceremony 7Papierou liure des Colloques des Eglises de Guernezey, fol. than mere collection. Perhaps then there is some significance 61r (Translation from the French). in the admission of the Guernsey offenders of 1630 that they "carried a bag between them" and not simply that they ii 8Jugements fol. 165v (Translation from the French). begged. Nor were British hobby horses, mummers, and other iii 9Jugements fol. 3r (Translation from the French). disguised visitors always received hospitably: see Cawte 1978, 217. '?Jugementsiii, fol. 17v. 24Cawte1978, 85-102, and cf. 140-1 (the Old Ball of Lanca"Jugementsiii, fol. 30v. (Translation from the French). shire), 153 (the Irish White Mare), 163 (a stallion's skin disiii 12Crime fol. 402v: "Le Procureur du Roy doit prouuer guise), 199-201 and 225 (Eastern Europe, where the chasing vers Massy Robert, Collas Nouel, Helier le Lacheur, daniel of young women was particularly characteristic). In 1862, a similar beast accompanying "guisers" at Land's End had Molet, et Jean Molet quils se sont desguizes de nuict sous une forme treshideuse, et espouuantable et quils ont trouble snapping jaws and his carrier was covered with a horse skin, et inquiette le repos de plusieurs personnes, appres quils ont or lacking this, a blanket (Alford 1978, 35). Miles refers to the confesse auoir porte un sac entr'eux." Scandinavian Julebuk and other European parallels (Miles 1912, 201-2. cf. CatholiconAnglicum, 1882, s.v. gay horse and 13Crime iii 277: "... Piere blampied vers les officiers de sa its Latin equivalent manducus, related to biting). The "wild Majeste et premis [sic] aux dyts officiers de saisir sa personne mare" featuring in Stuart Christmas entertainment may also et la constituer prisonniere pour auoir nuittamment rible have been a relation-see Taylor 1652, 16;Wither 1934, 288soubs la forme dune jument repulee par artifice et alle a la 91 (I owe these last two references to Hutton 1994, 164-5 and vueille marguerite perrin-et comandre a tous officiers den 216); Brand 1870, 2:332-3; and Hunt 1954, 65. Aspects of this faire leur debuoir ..." appear to have analogues in the other Channel Islands and iii 14Crime 278. He was condemned to apologise, spend elsewhere, including, interestingly, Newfoundland: see twice twenty-four hours in the bassefosse (a particularly nasty Halpert and Story 1969, passim. The Channel Islands (espedungeon) on bread and water, and to pay costs. cially Jersey) maintained close commercial and cultural links with Newfoundland between the sixteenth and nineteenth 15The reading resveriesin the published sources results from centuries: Ommer 1986; and Jamieson 1986, passim. a misreading of manuscripts: I have silently corrected this. 25SeeGodefroy 1881-1902, vii 254-5, 260, s.v.v. rover and 16RichardAxton has very kindly provided the following ruef. references for this observation: Kuhn et al 1952-: s.v. harneis, see also ed. George 1991, 11, where at Chorley in 1536 per26St Martin's Rectory, Guernsey, Rolle dez Actes Du sons investigated in connection with the Pilgrimage of Grace Consistoirede St Martin aust-19-1627 (to 1655) (not paginated) attested that "... the same nyght Ther cam one Hugh Parker (Translation from the French). assocyat with diuerse ill disposed and trayterous persons their 27Thiscorrelation may be echoed in Pierre de Lancre's refaces colored and disguysed and in hares ..." Cf. ibid., 12 port of the trial of the werewolf Jacques Roulet in 1598, where and 13; Ingram 1981, 383 et passim; Nelson 1989, 459ff. The the defendant, after trial in Angers, is said to have declared cross-dressing incident coming before Jersey's Royal Court under the name resneriereferred to below adds weight to Dr to the Paris Parlement that he did not know how he came to be transformed to a wolf, unless it was a consequence of his Axton's suggestion that horse harness was not intended. earlier excommunication (de Lancre 1622, 785-90).

Night Revels and Werewolferyin Calvinist Guernsey

28Maitlandand Pollock 1898, 2:449, quoting Select Pleas of the Crown (Selden Soc.), 47. 29Fleta Houard 1776, 3:89 (Translation from the Latin). in 30Magnus [1555] 1972, 643-4. This recalls, however faintly, Francois Rabelais's naming the giants' captain Loup Garou (Pantagruel chap. xxix). This figure leads a warrior band, is violent in the extreme, and not unassociated with great thirst. See also Przyluski 1940. ii 3"Crime fols 373v-374r 24 January 1631). bakers, (list of licensed taverers and

61
contre la dite porte: Et comettre autres insollences le Consistoire ayant trove le fait grandement heineus appres preve ouyr les retranches de la Sainte Cene jusques a ce qu'il luy soit pourvieu autrement."

References Cited Alford, V. TheHobbyHorseand OtherAnimalMasks. Edited

by Margaret Dean Smith. London: The Merlin Press, 1978. Anon. U.L.V.Cachemaille] "Agricultural Sketch of the Island of Sark." The Guernsey Magazine (October 1875). Ashwin, E.A., trans. An Examen of Witches. London: John Rodker, 1929. Translation of H. Boguet Discours des Sorciers.Paris: Jean Pillhotte, 1602. Axton, M., and R. Axton, ed. Calendarand Catalogue of Sark Seigneurie Archive 1526-1927. London: List and Index Society, 1991. Bourdon, J-P., A. Cournme, and Y. Charpentier. Dictionnaire Normand-Francais. Paris: Conseil International de la Langue Franqaise, 1993.

32Themention of the action taking place beneath a thorn bush may, perhaps, have a traditional element. Blackthorn itself had supernatural associations-see MacCulloch 1903, 318 and 413; cf. Opie and Tatem 1989, s.v. "May blossom." Boguet gave the opinion that "Satan sometimes leaves the witch asleep behind a bush, and himself goes and performs that which the witch has a mind to do, giving himself the appearance of a wolf ..." (Ashwin (trans.) 1929. Quoted Otten 1986, 84). The Breton werewolf Bisclavretof Marie de France's lai of that name leaves his human clothes in a hollowed stone under a bush (De France 1986, 69). For a Livonian description of 1692 of individuals becoming werewolves beneath a bush see Duerr 1985,34. The trial of one of these, Theiss (1692), is presented in translation in Gershensohn 1991, 134-9. Caroline Oates has very kindly drawn my attention to other instances of such transformations allegedly taking place in woods and bushes, as of Clauda Gaillard, tried 1598-9; Gilles Garier, 1573-4; Jacques Roullet, 1598;Pierrette Vichard, 16578; Ronoberte Simon, 1660 (Oates 1989, 345 and illustration at 313; Oates 1993, 158, 235, 239, 303 and 309). In his trial in 1643 Claude Chastellan was said to have been halted by a blow from an ash stick (Oates 1989, 345). 33De la Place, the minister who started the surviving consistory register, besides being referred to by office in the extract presented above, is mentioned by name as minister of the parish of St Martin in a conveyance to his daughter of 15 December 1630 (Island Archives Service, Guernsey, uncatalogued Stevens Guille MSS, auctioneer's ref. no. 810). 34The reference to "beau temps" [fine weather] in the consistory minute may even reflect a mishearing. A final "n" is rarely nasalised in the Guernsey French patoisand the words spoken may have been "bon temps" [a good time], i.e. of the year. I am grateful to Dr Harry Tomlinson for confirming this. statement based on my reading of the relevant Royal Court registers to 1640.
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36Crime fols 67r-71r. ii, ii, 37Jugements fol. 70r: "... dyt quil vint quelques Jeunes hommes vng soir a sa chamber jusques a iiij ou v en nombre lesquelz estoyent masquez et fut la chandelle esteinte mais n'en arriva mall aulcun I desquelz estoyent I pierre beauuoir et Collas ettur."

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