Dimitra Rousioti, Gregory Stournaras

THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN CRETE AT THE END OF THE BRONZE AGE: SETTLEMENTS WITH SHRINES*
The excavation and publication projects of postpalatial settlements with urban shrines in eastern Crete provide us with the opportunity to examine the role of the shrines within the settlements as well as the importance of religion for the postpalatial communities.This paper focuses on the settlements of Kavousi-Vrondas, Halasmenos and Karphi that are characterized by their LM III C occupation date and the uncovering of a shrine at the edge of the habitation area. In addition reference will be made to the evidence from the partially excavated site of Kephala Vasilikis and the LM IIIB site of Gournia (fig. 1). The topography of the postpalatial shrines in urban context led scholars in the past to propose that religion in the postpalatial period was of minor importance because the shrine was often founded at the edge of the settlement and not in a central area. In this paper we explore the topography and spatial organization of those settlements where enough architectural elements were uncovered. It will be argued that shrines of public character were basic elements in the postpalatial communities and defined the existence of the settlement itself. We chose to concentrate on Eastern Crete, because this is an area rich in postpalatial settlements, which has been excavated and published to a great extent1.
* This presentation was based on a project funded by the Institute for Aegean Prehistory in 2005. We are deeply grateful to Thomas Brogan, Eleanor Huffman and Evi Sikla for the warm hospitality in INSTAPEC. We are also grateful to Dr Metaxia Tsipopoulou (Ministry of Culture), Professor Kevin Glowacki (University A&M), Panagiota

At Vasiliki Ierapetras excavations were conducted between 1994 and 1996 on the imposing hill of Kephala located about 600m to the west of the well-known EM-LM I settlement. At least 10 buildings scattered across the hill with the steep slopes and the flat table-shaped summit were located and partially investigated (Eliopoulos 1998, 301-304). The buildings, which according to the excavator belong to a LM III C-Protogeometric settlement, cover part of the top of the hill (220 70m) and extend to the N and NE (fig. 2). However the limited excavation work and the poor preservation of certain buildings do not allow any safe conclusion about urban development at the site. Building E, located at the SW edge of the hill, was characterized by the excavator Th. Eliopoulos as the Temple Complex. The building, which has been fully investigated but not published, is dated to LM IIIC Early or Middle period with possible additions and alterations of Protogeometric date (Eliopoulos 1998, 306, 309). Building E, the size of which (25m. 17m.) and the internal organization are noteworthy, consists of 8 rooms (grouped in three wings) with different orientation, interior constructions and probably function as well. In Room 3 a series of constructions were uncovered indicating a distinct function: benches
Pantou (University of Buffalo) and Professor Yannis Lolos (University of Thessaly) for their constructive commends. 1. Postpalatial shrines were also uncovered at Knossos, Gazi and and Kannia, however they are not included in this study as there is no sufficient evidence for their contemporary settlements.

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and platforms across the walls, a hearth and a central stone construction in which, according to the excavator, a rounded stone-baityl was incorporated (fig. 3). However no small finds securely used in cult practices could be related to the above constructions (Eliopoulos 1998, 306307; Prent 2005, 14). On the contrary, the southernmost Room 4 contained a group of finds in situ which could be associated with the performance of cult: at least two figures of goddesses with up-raised hands, one of which is sitting on a throne, clay stands and plaques, a considerable quantity of pebbles, a snake tube, pottery related to food preparation and consumption (Eliopoulos 1998, 307-309; 2004, 86-88). Benches are built along the walls of the rectangular room, while traces of a small clay hearth and a platform can also be identified. The rest of the rooms of the building were interpreted as residential and store rooms as based on their finds2. The functional association of Building E with the nearby areas is unclear. To the East, between Building E and Building A there is an open area through which access to the north and central part of the building is possible (Eliopoulos 1998, figs. 8-9). However Room 4, which is the only one in the building that contains equipment in association with constructions related to cult activities, could be reached only by a narrow passage along the west edge of the steep cliff. The function of Building E cannot be securely identified due to the limited scale of excavation and the absence of publication of its architectural details and small finds. Although the excavator proposed that both Rooms 3 and 4 were used for cult practices performed within a larger multi-functional building including storage rooms and residential areas, it is also possible that Room 4 functioned independently seeing that it had its own
2. Room 5 to the North of Room 4 also contained benches and a small hearth, however the uncovering of fragments of the female figure on a throne can be interpreted as later disturbance of Room 4 and not as indication of cult performances. Klein Glowacki 2009, 160.

entrance and no communication with the rest of the building. On the low hill Vronda south of the modern village of Kavousi, at an altitude of 420m, Harriet Boyd first undertook limited excavation in 1900. The site was reinvestigated from the late 1970s until the 1990s by the American School of Classical Studies under the guidance of G. Gesell, L. Day and W. Coulson. The excavation and cleaning efforts conducted on a regular base revealed an extensive settlement which crowned the summit of the hill (fig. 4). To date some 15 to 20 buildings of LM III C late period were uncovered along with small tholos tombs of SM-Protogeometric and Geometric period located to the north and NW of the settlement (Gesell Day Coulson 1995, 68-92; Day Preston 1997). A basic feature of the Kavousi-Vronda settlement is the exploitation of all the available terraces for the construction of multiple building complexes of different sizes. The architecture and the finds of those buildings indicate functional independence as all of them contain residential and storage rooms. As K. Glowacki recently suggested these complexes consist of house-units and reveal several stages of construction, most likely reflecting the growth and change of population (Glowacki 2007, 130132). In addition the evidence from Building A/B suggests the existence of some kind of central authority as the topography and the architectural sophistication indicate: the building sits on top of the summit of the hill, rising higher than any other structure and it is exceptional as far as its dimensions, layout and storage capacity (it contained at least 7 pithoi of large size) are concerned. Distribution and display of wealth as well as social stratification are indicated by the large amount of decorated drinking cups of exceptional size and the parts of bovine and agrimi skulls, probably intended for display as wall decoration or hangings (Day Preston Snyder 2004, 66-73; Day Preston 1997, 395-401; Dickinson 2006, 105-106; Glowacki Klein in this volume).

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Building G, excavated on a low terrace at the southwest edge of the settlement, must have been a building of special status as topography and architecture indicate. It is a free-standing two-room structure (measuring 3,5m 10,5m) with a NE-SW orientation. The building is located in a relatively isolated position and it is associated with an open area to the west (Klein 2004, 100). The construction of Building G has much in common with the domestic architecture of the settlement, however the western faade and the fact that it is the only building with two rooms, differentiate it from the multiple house complexes throughout the site (Glowacki 2007, 135; Glowacki Klein 2009, 154-156). Despite the construction of Geometric cist graves inside the building and in the open area to the west, which had as a result the disturbance of the Late Bronze Age strata, the religious use of Building G is well attested by both the preserved structures and the small finds. More specifically, benches and platforms were uncovered in both rooms and the remains of a hearth are located in Room 2. In addition, the large long bench that abuts against the exterior part of the western wall of the building is a unique architectural feature that makes the western faade exceptionally impressive. The association of the exterior part of Building G with cult is indicated by the large number of cult equipment spread over the open area. These finds (a large number of goddesses with up raised hands, clay plaques, kalathoi and snake tubes) along with the finds uncovered in situ in room 2 constitute a homogeneous group used during the cult practices performed in the southern part of the settlement (Gesell 1995; 1997, 123; 2001, 253254; Prent 2005, 153; Gesell Day Coulson 1995, 79-80). At Karphi, in the north range of the Lasithi mountains and at an altitude of 1.148m, the British excavations uncovered between 1937 and 1939 an extensive settlement in an area where a possible MM mountain shrine was previously founded (Pendlebury et al. 1937-1938; Myers et al. 1992, 116-119). The settlement oc-

cupies the slopes of the distinctive peak of Karphi and the nearby Koprana ridge (fig. 5). According to surface survey data the uncovered part (0,6 hectares) comprises only a small section of the original settlement, which must have covered at least 3 hectares (Nowicki 1987, 246). The settlement was probably founded in LM III C early and was in use until the Subminoan period. The evidence from the nearby cemetery of small tholos tombs supports these dates (Kanta 1980, 121; Nowicki 1987, 236-237; Myers et al. 1992, 118-119)3. The town planning indicates the existence of organized habitation quarters, consisting of megaron-shaped structures and buildings built along different axes, in functional association with the road system which run through the whole site. Building activity took into consideration the tendency to exploit every single plot of the sloping area. Religious activity has been attributed to different places spread all over the settlement based on the discovery of portable objects that could have had a cultic use4. This led scholars to the suggestion that in Karphi a possible decentralization of the cult activity took place (D Agata 2001, 348-349; Prent 2005, 139; Day Preston 2009, 150-151), in association with a possible political-administrative decentralization (Day Preston Snyder 2004, 77-78). One of the places identified as a shrine is the open area 16-17 in the eastern part of the settlement. The area is in close proximity to the so-called Great House, a building whose unusual size and the quality of finds led to its iden3. Although sherds of Protogeometric date have been reported from the area of the settlement, no conclusion about the use of the site in this period can be reached because the material remains unpublished. Prent 2005, 138. 4. In some cases conventional names had been given (Priests House, Small Shrine) to places, although the finds (clay stands, whorls, pottery) do not safely suggest their use for cult purposes. In the case of Room 27 the discovery of 2 rhyta cannot support the identification of the place as a shrine. In addition to Room 106 of the so-called Commercial Quarter, in which fragments of goddesses with up-raised hands were uncovered, various functions could be attributed, not necessarily cultic.

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tification as a building of special status, but it is unclear whether the open space was functionally related to it (Day Preston Snyder 2004, 75-76). Area 16-17 was identified as an open air shrine due to the discovery of a group of finds consisting of unspecified fragments of goddesses with up-raised hands, a triton shell and a clay stand. However the function of the whole place remains unclear5. The excavators report that some of the finds, which led to the identification of the area as a shrine, were not actually used in the place they were uncovered, but they possibly belong to a deposit pit (Pendlebury et al. 1937-1938, 135; Day Preston Snyder 2004, 75). On the contrary, the so-called Temple can be safely identified as a shrine based on its layout and small finds. The building although located on the inaccessible crest that marks the northern edge of the LM III C site, it was accessible through a well organized road system. It is a free standing building, with an independent entrance and an open space to the east (fig. 6). It has been suggested that the building has at least two architectural phases and that during the first phase it consists of a single large rectangular room (Room 1). The following architectural phase was characterized by expansion of the main room to the south and the construction of small subsidiary rooms to the west (Rutkowski 1987, 259-262; Prent 2005, 139; Klein Glowacki 2009, 158). The north wall of the main room was not preserved and had collapsed over the cliff (Gesell 1985, 79; Myers et al. 1992, 118). The excavations conducted in Room 1 uncovered stone constructions identified as benches or shelves along the south and west wall as well as a platform in the north part of the room. In addition, the important group of
5. The open area 16-17 was originally interpreted as part of the Great House. However the absence of any evidence of direct communication, its independent access to the road system of the settlement as well as the differentiation of the finds uncovered indicate that area 16-17 probably did not belong to the Great House and had an autonomous function.

objects uncovered mainly in Room 1, but also in one of the small rooms indicate the performance of rituals: at least five goddesses with up raised hands and fragments of many others, shells, a clay plaque with human head, whorls, tools, a seal and pottery with special use, like kalathoi (Gesell 1985, 79; 2004, 136; Seiradaki 1960, 29; Rutkowski 1987, 263, figs. 8-12). The position of the shrine at the border of the settlement and at the edge of the cliff is comparable to the position of the shrine (Room 4) at Kephala Vasilikis. Lastly, at Halasmenos at the north end of the Ierapetra Isthmus the Greek-merican excavations conducted from 1992 onwards uncovered an extensive settlement at an altitude of 240m (fig. 7). The settlement is located on the top of a relatively abrupt mound to the south of the Cha gorge and has unimpeded view towards the fertile plain of the north Ierapetra Isthmus and the Mirabello Gulf. To date an area of at least 3 hectares has been excavated, whereas the whole settlement is estimated to cover 20 hectares, placing it among the largest settlements in the area (Tsipopoulou Nowicki 2003, 562). Buildings and courts extended on three distinct terraces have been uncovered as well as a small tholos tomb. According to the excavators the settlement has a small period of use; it was established, flourished and abandoned before the end of LM III C period (Coulson Tsipopoulou 1994; Coulson 1999, 326; Tsipopoulou 2004a, 103-106; Tsipopoulou 2005, 317318). The town planning at Halasmenos took into consideration the configuration of the mound: the majority of the buildings had a NW-SE orientation and most of the open areas were formed by the projecting natural rock. The habitation areas uncovered so far were adjacent to each other, usually consisted of a large room with a hearth and two or three small rooms used for food preparation and storage (Tsipopoulou Nowicki 2003, 562-563; YasurLandau 2006). The NW part of the settlement is characterized by a distinctive building area:

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at least three attached megara surrounded by courts were uncovered in the most prominent part of the site, which were possibly related to an attempt for social differentiation (Paschalidis 2006, 221-224). During the Geometric period a limited reuse took place in the area of the largest megaron related to food and liquid consumption (Tsipopoulou 2004b, 129-138; 2005, 329-330). To the north of the megara, on a low terrace, a rectangular building (5,5m. 13m.) which can be identified as a public shrine came to light. The location of the building at the NE edge of the settlement, the unbuilt space that probably surrounded it and its distinct architecture suggest its functional autonomy (Gesell 2004, 136). The shrine consisted of two rooms of different size and was probably associated with storage rooms to the SE (Tsipopoulou 2001, 99). The building is equipped with a series of stone benches and portable objects some of which were uncovered in a clear functional association with them. The special function related to cult practices is well-established by the finds : numerous figures of goddesses with upraised hands, snake tubes, kalathoi, clay plaques, a stand in the shape of an altar, pithoi, pottery related to the preparation and the consumption of food (Tsipopoulou 2005, 320; 2009, 124-130; Prent 2005, 150). It can be suggested that the absence of a political center controlling the production, distribution and exchange of goods had as a result the remodeling of the countryside during the LM III C period in the area of the Ierapetra Isthmus and the Mirabello gulf and, consequently, the flourishing of numerous small independent settlements. These postpalatial settlements with buildings used exclusively for cult purposes seem to comprise a network for the control of the production activities. The settlements discussed share the following common features: they all consist of residential, administrative and religious buildings suggesting that the postpalatial communities of eastern Crete had an economic, political and

social organization. In addition, in each settlement there is a public shrine with distinct architecture and finds, independent from possible administrative buildings (fig. 8). The public character of the shrines is suggested by the placement within the settlement, the architectural independence, the special association with the system of communication as well as by the distribution of built and open areas in the settlements. Lastly, although building activity in each site does not follow a specific pattern, the shrine is always located at the edge of the settlement and is approached through the road system and open courts. These LM IIIC shrines are characterized by the relatively small dimensions and the limited number of rooms, which precludes the possibility to be simultaneously in use by a large number of celebrants. However the accessibility to open areas, some of them equipped with specially formed installations, in association with the homogeneity of the cult objects indicate their use as places of public worship. The placement of the shrines at the edge of the settlements offered unlimited visibility of the sea and land routes (figs. 9-11). For each settlement its shrine would have been a reference point and a landmark. In contrast to these settlements that were all established in LM III C, the settlement at Gournia provides an interesting alternative. The postpalatial shrine was built during the LM III B period (Russell 1979, 28; Kanta 1980, 139; Gesell 1985, 72; 2004, 135-136; Rethemniotakis 1997, . XLVIIIe) in an area where no traces of earlier cult existed. The building shares common features as far as architecture is concerned with the LM III C public shrines judging by its small dimensions, the easy accessibility from a road system and an open court and the possible bench construction in the interior. Similarities can be also traced in the cult equipment consisting of a goddess with up raised hands and fragments of others as well as snake tubes and a tripod offering table (Fotou 1993, 91-92; Whittaker 1997, 185-186; Eliopoulos 2004, 81-82;

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Gesell 2004, 136). However the position of the shrine within the settlement is clearly differentiated by the position of the LM III C public shrines and probably indicates a different role. The shrine is located at the center of the LM I town, at the end of the existing road system, in a distance from the contemporary houses (fig. 12: for the LM III settlement and the possible evidence for social hierarchy see Davaras 1989, 16; Hayden 1990, 209-210; Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 362.). It could be suggested that this location was dictated by the pre-existing settlement and could be seen as an attempt to a symbolic connection with the past. To sum up, the evidence from eastern Crete indicates that religion played an important role for the urban development of the postpalatial settlements. The features of the urban shrines suggest a change in the religious expression during the postpalatial period. The shrines seem to define the identity of the settlements, both of those that continue to exist from earlier periods, such as Gournia, and especially of the newly established in LM III C. It is possible that the collapse of the central palace authority led to the establishment of autonomous communities in the area of Mirabello gulf that may have used buildings as public shrines and religion as an important part of their political, economic and social organization. BIBLIOGRAPHY Coulson, W.D.E., 1999. , in E. Frossou, (ed.), . , 25-29 1994, Lamia, 321-330. Coulson, W.D.E. Tsipopoulou, M., 1994. Preliminary investigations at Halasmenos, Crete 1992-93, Aegean Archaeology 1, 6597.

Davaras, K., 1989. Gournia, thens. DAgata, A.L., 2001. Religion, society and ethnicity on Crete at the end of the Late Bronze Age. The contextual framework of LM IIIC cult activities, in R. Laffineur & R. Hgg (eds..), POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference, Gteborg, Gteborg University, 12-15 April 2000, Aegaeum 22, Lige, 345-354. Day Preston, L. Snyder, L.M., 2004. The Big House at Vronda and the Great House at Karphi: evidence for social structure in LM IIIC Crete, in L. Day Preston S.M. Mook D.J. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 63-79. Day Preston, L., 1997. The Late Minoan IIIC period at Vronda, Kavousi, in J. Driessen & A. Farnoux (eds.), La Crte mycnienne. Actes de la table ronde internationale organise par l cole francaise dAthnes, BCH Suppl. 30, Athnes, 391-406. Day Preston, L., 2009. Ritual activity at Karphi: a reappraisal, in A.L. DAgata A. van de Moortel M.B. Richardson (eds.), Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, Hesperia Suppl. 42, Princeton, 137-151. Dickinson, O., 2006. The Aegean from Bronze to Iron Age. Continuity and change between the twelfth and eight centuries BC, London. Eliopoulos, Th., 2004. Gournia, Vronda Kavousi, Kephala Vasilikis: a triad of interrelated shrines of the expiring Minoan age on the isthmus of Ierapetra, in L. Day Preston S.M. Mook D.J. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 81-90. Eliopoulos, Th., 1998. A preliminary report on the discovery of a Temple Complex of the Dark Ages at Kephala Vasilikis, in V. Kara-

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georghis & N.Chr. Stampolidis (eds.) Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus - Dodecanese Crete, 16th - 6th cent. B.C. Proceedings of the international symposium, Rethymnon 13 - 16 May 1997, Athens, 301-313. Fotou, V., 1993. New light on Gournia. Unknown documents of the excavation at Gournia and other sites on the isthmus of Ierapetra by Harriet Ann Boyd, Aegaeum 9, Lige. Gesell, C.G., 2004. From Knossos to Kavousi: the popularizing of the Minoan palace goddess, in A. Chapin (ed.), . Essays in honor of Sara A. Immerwahr, Hesperia Suppl. 33, Princeton, 131-150. Gesell, C.G., 2001. The function of the plaque in the shrines of the goddess with up-raised hands, in R. Laffineur & R. Hgg (eds.), POTNIA. Deities and religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference, Gteborg, Gteborg University, 12-15 April 2000, Aegaeum 22, Lige, 253-258. Gesell, C.G., 1997. Methods used in the construction of ceramic objects from the shrine of the goddess with up-raised hands at Kavousi, in R. Laffineur & P. Betancourt (eds.), . Craftsmen, craftswomen and the craftsmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean Conference, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Aegaeum 16, I, Lige, 123-126. Gesell, C.G., 1995. The goddess with upraised hands from Kavousi, Ierapetras, in , 1991, . 1, , 349-351. Gesell, C.G., 1985. Town, palace and house cult in Minoan Crete, SIMA 67, Gteborg. Gesell, C.G. Day, L. Coulson, W.D.E., 1995. Excavations at Kavousi, Crete 1989 and 1990, Hesperia 64, 67-120. Glowacki, K. Klein, N., 2009. From Kavousi Vronda to Dreros: architecture and display in Cretan cult buildings, in A.L. DAgata A. van de Moortel M.B. Richardson

(eds.), Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, Hesperia Suppl. 42, Princeton, 153-167. Glowacki, K., 2007. House, household and community at LM IIIC Vronda, Kavousi, in R. Westgate N. Fisher J. Whitley (eds.), Building communities: house, settlement and society in the Aegean and beyond. Proceedings of a conference held at Cardiff University, 17-21 April 2001, London, 129139. Hayden, B., 1990. Aspects of village architecture in the Cretan Postpalatial period, in P. Darcque & R. Treuil (eds.), L habitat gen prhistorique. Actes de la table ronde internationale organise par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, lUniversit de Paris I et lcole francaise d Athnes, BCH Suppl. XIX, Athnes, 203-213. Kanta, A., 1980. The Late Minoan III period in Crete. A survey of sites, pottery and their distribution, Gteborg. Klein, N., 2004. The architecture of the LM IIIC shrine (Building G) at Vronda, Kavousi, in L. Day Preston S.M. Mook D.J. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 91-101. Mazarakis Ainian, A., 1997. From Rulers Dwellings to Temples. Architecture, Religion and Society in Early Iron Age Greece 1100-700 BC, SIMA 121, Jonsered. Myers, W.J. Myers, E.E. Cadogan, G., 1992. The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, Berkeley. Nowicki, K., 1987. The history and setting of the town at Karphi, SMEA XXVI, 234-256. Paschalidis, ., 2006. . , in , 1-6 2001, . 1, , 219-232. Pendlebury, J.D.S. et al., 1937-1938. Excavations

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in the plain of Lasithi, III. Karphi. A city of refuge of the Early Iron Age in Crete, BSA 38, 57-145. Prent, M., 2005. Cretan Sanctuaries and Cults. Continuity and Change from Late Minoan IIIC to the Archaic Period, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 154, Leiden. Rethemiotakis, G., 1997. Minoan clay figures and figurines. Manufacturing techniques, in R. Laffineur & P. Betancourt (eds.), . Craftsmen, craftswomen and the craftsmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean Conference, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Aegaeum 16, I, Lige, 117-121. Russell, P., 1979. The date of the Gournia shrine, TUAS 4, 27-33. Rutkowski, B., 1987. The Temple at Karphi, SMEA XXVI, 257-277. Seiradaki, M.B. 1960. Pottery from Karphi, BSA 55, 1-37. Tsipopoulou, M., 2001. A new Late Minoan IIIC shrine at Halasmenos, east Crete, in R. Laffineur & R. Hgg (eds.), POTNIA. Deities and religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference, Gteborg, Gteborg University, 12-15 April 2000, Aegaeum 22, Lige, 99101. Tsipopoulou, M., 2004a. Halasmenos, destroyed but not invisible: new insights on the LM IIIC period in the Isthmus of Ierapetra. First presentation of the pottery from the 1992-1997 campaigns, in L. Day Preston S.M. Mook D.J. Muhly (eds.), Crete Beyond the Palaces. Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 11-12 July 2000, Philadelphia, 103-123. Tsipopoulou, M., 2004b. M ; , in .Chr. Stampolidis & .

Giannikouri (eds.), . , 1-4 2002, , 127-142. Tsipopoulou, M., 2005. Mycenoans at the sthmus of Ierapetra: some (preliminary) thoughts on the foundation of the (eteo) cretan cultural identity, in A.L. DAgata J. Moody E. Williams (eds.), Ariadnes Threads. Connections between Crete and the Greek Mainland in Late Minoan III (LM III A2 to LM III C). Proceedings of the International Workshop held at Athens Scuola Archeologica Italiana, 5-6 April 2003, Athens, 304-343. Tsipopoulou, M., 2009. Goddesses for gene? The Late Minoan IIIC shrine at Halasmenos Ierapetra, in A.L. DAgata A. van de Moortel M.B. Richardson (eds.), Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, Hesperia Suppl. 42, Princeton, 121-136. Tsipopoulou, M. Nowicki, K., 2003. M . , in N. Kyparissi-Apostrolika & M. Papakonstantinou (eds.), The Periphery of the Mycenaean World. Proceedings of 2nd International Interdisciplinary Colloquium, Lamia, September 26-30 1999, Athens, 561-580. Whittaker, H., 1997. Mycenaean cult buildings. A study of their architecture and function in the context of the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean, Bergen. Yasur-Landau, A., 2006. Halasmeno fagito: burnt dishes and scorched pots. Some preliminary observations on LM IIIC cooking ware, in , 1-6 2001, . 1, , 233-251.

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Fig. 1. Postpalatial settlements with shrines in eastern Crete.

Fig. 2. The LM IIIC-Protogeometric settlement at Kephala Vasilikis (Eliopoulos 1998, fig. 5).

Fig. 3. Building E, the so-called Temple Complex (Eliopoulos 2004, fig. 6.5).

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Fig. 4. The LM IIIC settlement at Kavousi-Vrondas (Gesell Day Preston Coulson 1991, fig. 1).

Fig. 5. The LM IIIC settlement at Karphi (Pendlebury 1937/1938, pl. IX.).

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Fig. 6. Karphi. The Temple (based on Rutkowski 1987, fig. 2).

Fig. 7. The LM IIIC settlement at Halasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, fig. 2).

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Fig. 8. LM IIIC sites with public shrines and possible administrative buildings.

Fig. 9. View from the site of Kavousi-Vrondas towards Mirabello Gulf.

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Fig. 10. View from the site of Halasmenos towards Mirabello Gulf.

Fig. 11. View from the site of Halasmenos towards Ierapetra Isthmus.

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Fig. 12. LM IIIB shrine at the center of the LM I town of Gournia (Myers et al. 1992, fig. 13.3).