Vugo: A Virginity Celebration Ceremony among the Swahili of Mombasa Author(s): Farouk M.

Topan Reviewed work(s): Source: African Languages and Cultures, Vol. 8, No. 1 (1995), pp. 87-107 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1771736 . Accessed: 08/03/2012 12:21
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8, AfricanLanguagesand Cultures 1 (1995). 87-107

VUGO: A VIRGINITY CELEBRATION CEREMONY AMONG THE SWAHILI OF MOMBASA* Farouk M. Topan 1. Introduction Like many other Muslim communities, the Swahili consider a state of purity an essential ingredient in maintaining the well-being of the individual, the community, the town and village. Though both men and women are expected to keep themselves pure (and, through them, the spaces they inhabit), the notion of purity is considered to be particularly central to the status of womanhood in Swahili society. The female body and the female person are vested with values whose infringement brings dishonour (fedheha) and shame (aibu) to the self and the family (Middleton 1992: 150-152). One such value is inherentin the expectation that a girl should maintainher virginity until she is lawfully given to her bridegroom. An elaborate ceremony, called vugo, is held during the wedding to confirm and celebrate the bride's chastity. The aim of this paper is to describe the ceremony and to place it within the context of the social organization of the Swahili society of Mombasa. Attention will also be paid to the songs sung during its various stages.1 But it also needs to be noted that vugo as a ceremony has gradually gone into decline since the early 1970s; hence what is presented here is almost an 'historical' account of a Swahili custom, though renderedin an 'anthropologicalpresent'. We may begin by noting that the authority to hold the ceremony (and therefore the means to 'legitimize' the status of the bride) was invested, not in individuals as such, but in two institutions. One was 'tribal' in character, the other social.2

* This paper draws on materialcollected over the years in Mombasa, Kenya, beginningin 1966. I am gratefulto the Sir TayabaliKarimjeeEducationTrust, for of I to Tanzania, its generoussponsorship the initialfieldwork. am also grateful AhmedSalim for his commentson an earlierdraft,and to Bi Lali and Bi Khadija for their help, particularly procuringa 'live' recordingof some of the songs in here. presented 1 Certaindimensions of the ceremony have been described by Strobel (1975), versionof thispaper. drawingin partson an earlierunpublished 2 The word 'tribe',a rendition the Swahilimji, 'town',is not usedherein its strict of sense but is retainedout of necessity as the existing literature anthropological (includingworksof MombasaSwahilithemselvese.g. Abdulaziz1979 andKindy to 1972) has utilizedit extensively.The unitso referred is a groupwhose members areboundby ties of kinshipandresidence,and a consciousnessthatthe ancestors migratedto Mombasafrom a common place furthernorth;hence some 'tribal' names - Kilifi, Pate, Paza, etc. - are names of places furthernorth. For the

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1.1. Tribal vugo The core of the Swahili community of Mombasa belong to two groups which are collectively known as the 'Twelve Tribes' (representinga confederationof three and nine tribes). The women who belong to each of the tribes have a leader and a deputy known, respectively, as mmiji and halifa. When a mother plans to hold a tribal vugo for her daughter, she seeks consent from these leaders. Such consent is readily granted except in cases where the girl's eligibility for the ceremony is in question; where, that is, her membership of the tribe is not clear. Ideally, the ceremony may only be performed for a girl who is a member of the tribe through either parent. In practice, however, eligibility is extended to include girls who are considered to be waungwana,the free born (in contradistinction to watumwa,slaves), a category which also covered Arab and Baluchi girls, and, in the past, girls born of the union between a master and his slave in concubinage.3 Girls who fell outside of these categories had vugo of the other institutionperformedfor them. In cases where there was doubt about a girl's 'tribal' credentials, the mmi called a ji meeting of the elderly women of the tribe to decide the issue; this now rarely happens as my impression is that the matter is discreetly decided through informal consultations. The rise in popularityof the other vugo may be related to this. In the past, each of the tribes had the means to hold its own ceremony but, today, only the Paza tribe performs vugo for girls who belong to any of the Twelve Tribes. The decline is attributedto two major factors:change in the life of the community as a whole brought about by economic, political and social factors that were outside of its control, and, interestingly, the increasing popularity of the other vugo whose basis of eligibility is social in character. This is discussed below. Once the issue of eligibility was decided, the mmi i sent vugo horns to the j place where the ceremony was to be held. I should mention that the word vugo refers to an instrumentplayed in the ceremony to accompany the singing of the participants. A vugo (pl: mavugo) is a small, hollow part of a buffalo-horn, almost cylindrical in shape which has nails pierced into it from side to side of the tube. Small pieces of copper or brass are strung loosely on the nails. It is the prerogative of the mmi i to distribute the horns to the assembled women j on the day of the ceremony; she also has the right of inviting to the ceremony a few of her own guests. But the majorityof the guests are invited by the bride's family. They sing, dance, play the horns and provide the chorus. The guests see of formation the Swahilitribesof Mombasa, Berg (1966); see Prins(1961: 17, 80) for nuancesof the wordm i. j 3 My impressionis that three (ratherthan two) social categoriesused to exist in which comprised Mombasa wami i, the bonafide membersof the Twelve Tribes j of the eitherparent; waungwana, 'freeborn'who included members other through basedon nearsocialequality; communities withwhomthe Tribeshada relationship
and watumwa,slaves.

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do not belong to just one tribe, nor indeed to one town, as relatives and friends from other towns may also attend the wedding. However, 'tribal' leaders benefit from a token financial payment for their presence. For, during the ji ceremony, or immediately after, the mmi divides among the other wamij i the amount of money paid to her by the mother of the bride;priorityis given to the leaders of her own group of tribes.The leader of a women's club also receives a courtesy payment. 1.1. Vugoof a women's club In the decade and a half before the Second World War, a number of women's and men's clubs existed in Mombasa among which Ibinaal Watan and Banu Saada were the most popular. Some features of these organizationshave since been studied by Strobel for Mombasa (1975, 1979) and, to a lesser extent, by Topp in relation to taarab organizations in Zanzibar (1992). Eligibility for membership depended mainly on the ability to pay the entrance fee and other dues ratherthan on tribal affiliation or ethnic status. The organization of a women's club was based on an hierarchy of ranks which had European names. The head of the club had the title of Queen. The main titles under her were those of Admiral, Vice-Admiral, Minister, three Doctors (of the Queen, of the elders, and of the ordinary members), Colonel, Secretary, and mualishi, the rank of an elder whose main duty was to inform members of the activities of the club.4 Once admitted, a woman could progress up the hierarchy with the consent of the Queen. She was required to hold an investiture ceremony, called mubai, which initiated her into a rank and, thereby, into the 'elderhood' (uzee) of the club. Possession of a rank within the club was considered a matter of such social prestige that women sold their jewellery in order to raise money for a mubai. Such excesses alarmedthe tribal leaders and the Municipal Council which eventually banned the performance of the ceremony within the municipality of Mombasa. This was in the early 1930s. The ranks mentioned here were invested before the prohibition and are thus 'frozen' in the sense that the same ranks have been in existence since then. Among the youth of today, however, the ranks and their duties are part of the past. A member of the club had the right to have vugo performed for her daughter or even her kinswoman's daughter. The procedure was for her to inform the Queen who, in turn, informed the elders. Once the date, time, place, and payment had been finalized, the mualishi went around inviting members to the ceremony.

4 The practiceof having officers with existed elsewhere in Europeanrank-names Africaas well; see Nadel (1942: 391) for the Nupe, andMitchell(1956: 2) for the of copperbelt Zambia.

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Over the years, the vugo of women's clubs came to be considered more successful and colourful than a tribal vugo, and consequently more popular. Its para-tribal membership may have been one reason. Another was its organizational structurewhich catered fully to the performance of the vugo. For example, it was 'compulsory' for members of the club to attend the performance. A Colonel marked their attendance, and an absentee was later requiredto furnishan explanationof her absence; a Minister made sure that the agreed type of cloth was worn for a particularperformance;and it was the duty of the Secretaryto exhort the women to sing, dance, and performof their best. A club vugo became so successful that many women came to prefer to have it held at the wedding of their daughters who were also eligible for tribal vugo. This led to a compromise in some situations whereby the first part of the ceremony was performed by one institution, and the second part by the other, in the same wedding. If invited, a mmi i was free to attend a vugo of women's club. In cases j where a bride was a mwungwana hence eligible for a tribal vugo (but and whose mother had chosen to hold a club vugo instead), the Queen or the elders of the club usually extended to the mmiji the honour of untying the vugo horns, an honour which the mmiji invariably accepted. But she was not expected to accept such honour at the wedding of a girl not deemed to have been a mwungwana; she did, she ran the risk of being reported to the elders if of the Twelve Tribes who would then discuss the matter and very possibly impose a fine on her for her behaviour. But it must be stated that such action was only likely (and even certain) in the past when the concept of umiji ('tribalism') was accordedparamountimportanceby the Swahili of Mombasa. 2. The ceremony Whether performed by a mmi and her members, or by a women's club, the ji ceremony of vugo is essentially the same in its parts and main songs. The first part is called vugo dogo ('small' vugo) and the second vugo kubwa ('great' vugo). 'Small' vugo is performed on the night that the marriage is consummated, and 'great' vugo on the third day following it. The latter may only be held for a girl who has been shown to have been a virgin. Both parts of vugo are held at the bride's home or at a dwelling of her family. 2.1. 'Small' vugo (Vugo dogo) The first part is performedafter the official wedding ceremony - khutba - has taken place either at the mosque, or elsewhere, in accordance with Islamic law and practice. Marriagedocuments are signed by the bridegroom, representing himself, and by the father or guardian of the bride, representing her; the documents are also signed by witnesses from both parties. The bride is normally not present at the khutba.

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'Small' vugo is held either on the same or on one of the following evenings.5 The bridegroom is escorted by his friends to the bride's house between 8 and 9 o'clock in the evening. The group stands just outside the main door and chants a greeting (called kebu), to which the women inside respond with the appropriate reply. The group then enters the building and again chants kebu and receive a reply. The women of the bride's group then take the bridegroom to a room for the ceremony of kutoa mkono,lit. 'to give [the] hand' which may be more appropriatelytermed as 'finding the hand'. The bride is seated on a bed, surroundedby her friends. They place one hand, palms upwards, on top of another's. The pile of hands is then covered by a cloth. A curtainin front of the bed divides them from the bridegroomwho is unable to see them. He is asked to put his hand through the curtain, to feel the hands under the cloth, and to find his bride's hand. I was told that, as this was the bride's first wedding, her hand would feel different from the others because of her situation; as an innocent and chaste girl, she would feel anxious, and the feel of her hand would reflect that anxiety. (It was said that it would tremble slightly, utatetemeka.) In a new variation of the custom, only the bride's hand is covered, thus making it easy for the bridegroom to 'find' it at once. The older women did not quite approve of the change. When the bridegroom finds the hand of his bride, he puts a present in it usually a necklace, a bangle, or some money. He then places his hand over her head, and recites a verse or two of the Qur'an. The bride's sisters or relatives then escort him to the wedding room [the bedroom] to await the bride. He takes off his outer garments and gives these to the women to take them away to be washed, ironed and kept ready for him.6 He is given two pieces of kanga, clothes to wrap aroundthe body. The bride in the meantime is taken to the bath room to be washed and perfumed. Women now start singing vugo songs to the accompanimentof the horns. Before, or just after, the bride has been taken to the bath room, a mmi i (in j the case of a tribal vugo) or the bride's mother (in a club vugo) distributesthe horns among the designated women. Besides the vugo horns, a trumpet (baragumu)is also played to accompany the singing. The bride puts on a new set of clothes after she has been washed; the woman who had supervized the washing of the bride may take the old clothes for herself. The bride is taken to 5 I was told that,sometimes,the bride'smother,or the bridegroom himself,preferred to have the marriage consummated 'secretly'first,andthento havethe smallvugo lateron, withthe samesequenceof events. performed 6 The practiceof takingaway the bridegroom's clotheshada particular relevancein the past when a custom called fungate (lit. 'seven') used to be observed.The bridegroom stayed indoors at the bride's home for seven days after the of consummation the marriage. friendsvisitedhim dailyto keephim company, His and he himself was pampered well looked after.His clothes were returned and to him on the seventhday.

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the room where the ceremony of 'finding' the hand has taken place but, before she can enter the room, an elder steps out and blocks the door with her person, all the while singing the appropriatesong. She moves aside after being paid some money and allows the bride to enter the room from where the bridegroom sends for her. The act may be interpretedas an affected gesture of resistance or protest against the girl's impending loss of chastity and purity; but the 'protest' is diffused by payment that serves as a reminder that the sexual rights of the girl have been legally given to the bridegroom.7After the bride has entered the room, the bridegroom calls to one of the sisters or women relatives of the bride, and asks that the bride be broughtover to him in the wedding room. This is done with great rejoicing by the sister(s), accompaniedby the mother of the bride and an importantwoman for the bride, her kungwi. Kungwi(or somo) is a woman who takes care of a close friend's daughterin mattersof sexual instructionfrom the time the girl reaches puberty; the girl is known as her mwari. The kungwi, on her own or accompanied by other women, waits outside the door of the wedding room until such time that the bridegroomopens it after the marriage has been consummated. The kungwi then enters the room and takes the cloth containing virginal blood which has either been placed on the bed or tied aroundthe person of the bride by the kungwi or the bride's mother. (The custom is described in a Swahili novel set in Zanzibar;Farsy 1960: 55.) The blood is considered conclusive proof of the girl's virginity. The women now dance with joy: the cloth is held up for all to see and it is then passed aroundfrom one participantto another. The husband may show his delight at finding his bride a virgin by giving her a special present (called jazua); this again may be an ornament or money. The happy news is spread around the town the next day and women are invited to come and dance 'great' vugo on the evening of the third day. 2.2. 'Great' vugo (Vugo kubwa) The performance of 'great' vugo proper is preceded by a ceremony called kuosha moo, 'washing the feet,' which is normally held between eight and nine o'clock in the evening at the bride's home. The bridegroom,accompanied by one or two close friends, is seated on the edge of a bed behind a curtainthat falls just short of his feet on the ground. The bride's sisters or kinswomen 7 Werbner whichplace emphasison drawsattention the fact thatin communities to sexual chastityand female seclusion- as do the Pakistanicommunityin Britain since it involves is problematic, amongwhom she worked- 'marriage inherently of the breaking a taboohithertoassiduouslysafeguarded the totalexposureof a ritualsduring to son or daughter a formerly person'(1986:233). Certain prohibited of contriveto facilitatethe 'breaking' the taboo. the weddingceremony,therefore, The elder's act of 'blocking' the door and subsequentlymoving aside may be one as considered constituting suchritual.

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who have taken his clothes away the other night - kneel in front of the curtain on the other side and wash his feet with scented and perfumed water from a large dish while other women play mavugo and sing the appropriate song (discussed below). After they have had their feet washed, the bridegroom and his friends put some money in a tray as the washers' dues. The tray is taken around and shown to those present while a song is sung that is relevant to the occasion. 'Great' vugo proper may now commence. It may be noted that although the ceremony of washing the bridegroom's feet is strictly a separate one from 'great' vugo proper, it is considered normal to hold them together in the sequence described.8 The significance of the ceremony of washing the feet is revealed by its song. The sisters and relatives of the bride, i.e. the women washing the feet, are asked to leave the bride alone now that she has a husband. They are being advised not to interfere in the life of their sister as she now belongs to another group as well. Jural and marital rights over her have been transferredto the husband. The washing of the feet signifies an acceptance, on the part of the bride's family, of the status, rights and authority of the bridegroom over the bride. It indicates their willingness to leave her to him. But it may be noted that the bride's mother does not form part of this group. Her exclusion signifies not only the distance of respect that must be maintained between them as mother-in-law and son-in-law, but it is also an indication that she, at any rate, reserves the right of 'interfering' in their domestic affairs should the husband come to treather daughterbadly. The different stages of 'great' vugo are largely similar to those of 'small' vugo in sequence and performance:the bride is bathed and perfumed and then escorted back to the room; an elder prevents her from entering it but moves aside after being paid some money. However, two features are particularto the performance of 'great' vugo. One is the dance with the virginal cloth that is performed while the bride is being bathed, and the other are songs that allude to the success of the consummation of marriage. Although the dance featured in the 'small' vugo as a spontaneous expression of rejoicing, it is danced now in an elaborate and more determined way. The kungwi first holds the virginal cloth high up for every woman present to see (as was done in the previous dance), and it is then passed from one woman to anotherto the accompaniment of songs and dance. A dancer holds it on her head while dancing; if she dances particularly well, the mother of the bride or the kungwi gives her a spontaneous 'reward' of a coin or two. Besides these payments, the mother of 8 A symmetryof structure the two partsof the vugo ceremonymay be noted. in 'Small' vugo is precededby the ceremonyof 'finding'the bride's hand (by the of bridegroom); 'great'vugo is preceded the ceremony washingthe bridgroom's by feet by the bride'ssistersor relatives.Participants bothceremoniessit on a bed in with friends,and,in both instances,they areveiled by a curtain placedin frontof them.

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the bride is also expected to make some payment to the kungwi and to the dancers. After the bride has been escorted to her bridegroom, the dancers sit down to rest and sing songs which invoke patience and goodwill; these are presentedbelow in section 3. It was emphasized during the the interviews that 'great' vugo may only be performed for a girl who has been shown to be a virgin in the way already described, i.e. by the presence of blood on the virginal cloth. But it is also said that a girl may be a virgin and yet not bleed. This is because she may have been bor without a hymen or that her hymen may not have developed enough to cause bleeding. It is also held that a hymen may have been affected in ways other than by sexual entry. Such cases are considered legitimate exceptions and 'great' vugo may be performed for the girl. However, despite the exceptions, it was still deemed essential that the virginal cloth be producedand it should be seen to contain blood. Blood may be obtained for the purpose either from an animal (e.g. a chicken) or from the bridegroom, if he was willing to make a small cut on his body and to donate some blood for his bride. It is recognized that the exceptions could be exploited by a bride who is not a virgin to claim that she was. The mother would want 'great' vugo performed for her daughter, and blood would be obtained for the virginal cloth in a similar manner. The women invited at the ceremony go on with the performance of 'great' vugo using the affected virginal cloth without questioning its authenticityalthough they would be aware of its 'faked' nature. Public silence is said to be the result of close ties of friendship among most of those present at the ceremony. They may also be related to one another in a network based on kinship, neighbourhood and tribal ties as well as their common membership of a women's club. These relationships and ties would seem to exert pressure on those present to go along with the mother's declarationof her girl's virginity. The situationis considered not only sensitive and delicate but also the outcome of an unforseeable situation beyond a mother's control; any woman could find herself in similar circumstances through the misbehaviour of one's own or one's kinswoman's daughter. However, an importantconsideration in such a situation is the bridegroom's attitude towards the bride; it was pointed out that such a husband would later feel freer (and justified) in taking a second wife when his circumstances permittedhim to do so. But why should a vugo be held at all for a girl who is known not to be a virgin? I think the answer lies in the moral system of the society that has been heavily influenced by Islam. An ideal girl here is one who is chaste, innocent and pure and who has been brought up in a way that precludes sexual activity before marriage. It is the moral responsibility of the parents - and of the mother in particular- to see that the upbringing of her daughter conforms to this norm. Social stigma is attached to those who have deviated from it. Vugo

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is thus a ceremony in which the norm is 'tested'; it is as much a test of the mother as it is of the daughter. But far from resenting this 'test', a mother welcomes it as a way of winning praise for herself and for her family as the daughter's chaste status is confirmed by blood on the virginal cloth (however obtained). And so that the impartiality of the ceremony may be upheld, the authorityfor holding vugo is vested, not in individuals, but in two institutions of the society. But that 'impartiality' is, so to speak, 'doctored' (in cases of non-virgin girls) so as to preserve a larger unity of the tribalunits. 3. Vugosongs Three versions of vugo songs are presented in this section: the one published by the late Sir Mbarak Ali Hinawy of Mombasa (Hinawy 1964, referred to here as the 'SM' version); transcriptof songs recorded in 1966 from a vugo ceremony in Mombasa (which we shall refer to as the 'BK' version); and texts collected from women who used to be prominent singers in vugo ceremonies (which we shall refer to as the 'BZ' version and which we shall treat as our basic texts here, to be compared with either or both of the other versions). As indicated earlier, songs in both parts of vugo are mainly the same except that in 'great' vugo certain songs are sung that allude specifically to the successful consummation of marriage. Songs common to both the parts are given first. 3.1. Songs sung at both parts of vugo Just before, or immediately after, the bride has been taken into the bath room, the singers startwith the following song:
(1) Harusi chooni iowa Yumo huwowa marashi Mavumba udi na Yumo huwowa marashi Na mavumba mema Yanukayo oto BZ

Thebrideis beingbathed the bathroom9 in She is in there(beingbathed) withrose-water withthe incenseof) gumandaloe-wood (Andfumigated She is in there(beingbathed) withrose-water And (incensedwith)gumof the best quality Whichsmells so very sweetly. The song is followed by the following three songs (which are sung while the bride is being washed):

9 The translation the songs of the BZ and BK versionsis not meantto be literal; of thatof the SM versionis presented given in Hinawy(1964). as

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BZ

(2a) T'umbujiani mwanangu K'iowa t'awalipa T 'umbujiani mwanangu K'iowa t'awalipa T'awalipa t'awalipa siwa

Bringup my child(daughter) I Andwhenshe gets married, shallrepayyou Bringup my child(daughter) I And whenshe gets married, shallrepayyou I shallrepayyou, I shallrepayyou in plenty The mother of the bride is here said to be addressing those responsible (i.e. besides herself) for the upbringing and instruction of her daughter in aspects of life; the chief person amongst these is her daughter's kungwi. As the song is sung at a time when the daughter is getting married, the implication is that the relevant persons have performed their roles and duties so well that they will be paid in plenty. Note that although the words in the song are 'spoken' by the mother, the song itself is sung by the women present at the ceremony, and any woman may take up the lead in the singing. This type of 'indirectly direct' speech is a fairly common feature of Swahili songs. The SM version of the song (with its translation)is as follows:
(2b) Nitumbujiani mwanangu, Kiyawa tawalipa Tawalipa tawalipa Siwa, tawalipa tawalipa Siwa SM

Do sootheye my child,whenshe comes outI will repayyou all I will repayandrepayyou in Siwa, I will repayandrepayyou in Siwa I interpretthe song as an address by the mother to the kungwi and the other women washing the bride to calm her daughter and soothe her in a situation during which she is assumed to be anxious. The mother promises to repay them for this service 'in Siwa'. The SM version leaves the word Siwa untranslated,but judging from the capital first letter given to it in the text, I presume that it refers to the ceremonial horn that used to be played in weddings of certain families along the Kenyan coast north of Mombasa. The connection, however, is left unexplained. The BK version of this song startswith:
(2c) Nileleani ... mwanangu BK

... Bringup my child(daughter) Note that t 'umbujiani of BZ and nitumbujiani of SM are here replaced by
nileleani.

Song 2 continues:
(2d) Kaleka kipatu cha mbale T'awalipa waleziwe mwana BZ

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I shall bring (and leave here) the small tray of money10 And I shall repay those who have brought up the child The other versions are: (2e) Kile kikapu cha mbale tawanyiya walezi Tawanyiya walezi walezi wa mwana That basket of coins I will divide between the governesses I will divide between the governesses, the governesses of the child K'aleta kapu cha mbale T'awalipa waleziwe mwana I shall bring the basket of coins I shall repay those who have brought up the child

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SM

(2f)

BK

The song ends: (2g) Kile kikapu cha mbale tawanyiya walezi hamwanda Na mwando Na mwandohamwanda hamwandamiza Na mwando I am giving to the one who has given to me And to the one who initiated the process of giving And to the one who initiated the process of giving And (between us) I am the first to overwhelm (the giver)

BZ

The first person singular refers to the mother of the bride who alludes here to a particularpractice in the process of marriage.This is the payment of bridewealth (mahari) which is normally given to the family of the bride by the bridegroom prior to marriage; he is, in turn, 'given' the bride. Although the payment of bridewealthis symbolic in its value, the mother does not deem the 'exchange' to be adequate or fair as her daughterobviously means much more to her than any amount of bridewealth the bridegroom could possibly muster. Hence the idea that she overwhelms him (by her generosity) by giving him her daughter in marriage. The bridegroom is expected to feel the debt in which she has thus placed him, and to reciprocate appropriately in future, especially in his behaviour towards his affines. The following is the third song:
(3) Hoo iya, hoo iya na mwanawa iya Hoo iya, ho iya na mwanawa iya Ai kanga wangu, ai kanga wangu kanga Kanga wangu ndokote pekwe maondoni Himlisha, himnwisha nganu na mpunga Mwana kanga kuku wakweatambua wenye Hai wenye atambua wenye. BZ

10In the glossary of his book, Amri Abedi gives the meaning of leka as acha, 'leave'. (Abedi 1954:140)

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Huowiya wa mwanawawiya Wiya wa mwanaumetenda nganu na mpunga Hai kanga wangu hai kanga wangu Mwana kanga ndokose ye pweke maondoni Hamlisha him'nwisha nganu na mpunga Mwana kanga kukuwakweatambua wenye SM

The second line in SM is missing in BZ; SM's translation,given below, holds largely for both versions:
That luck of the lucky child The luck of the child has now borne wheat and rice Oh my guinea-fowl, my guinea-fowl I picked up the little guinea-fowl alone in the bush And fed and watered it with wheat and rice When the little guinea-fowl grew up she knew her family (i.e. behaved well towards them)

The bride is compared to a guinea-fowl which has been brought up by its mother with all the attendant difficulties, such as having to provide it with wheat and rice - the best food - for her meals. The daughter is reminded that she has been well brought up by her family and she is told not to forget the members of her family now that she has grown up i.e. getting married. Note that it is still the mother of the bride who is 'speaking' in the song.
(4) Nipani kiwanda niteze pole pole mtumwene Hunomtumwene wangu si wenyeji wenu Mumwene yutumbile kisima Huwanwishawenyejiwe maji Akisha kunwisha maji akapiga pYanda Aketa wana wa nyema ndooni muole Wanawa nyema wakija wakemana kulia Yakushindwa ni ada ya waume. Pani kiwanda niteze pole pole mtu mweni Hunoutumweni wangu si wenyeji wenu Mtumweniyutimbile kisima Kuwanwishawenyejiwe maji Akima kupata maji akapiga panda Aketa wana wa nyema ndooni muole Wanawa nyema wakija wakemana kulia Yakushindwa ndio ada ya waume BZ

SM

Both versions may be translatedby the following:

Give me a ground so that I, a strangerhere, may dance upon it slowly And although I am a stranger,I am not less good than you who are residents here And then the strangerdug a well (So) that the residents may have water to drink And after digging the well, he blew on his horn And summoned the residents to come and look

Vugo: a virginitycelebration ceremonyfrom Mombasa Theycameandstoodandcried. To admitdefeatis a manlyquality.

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The first two lines may be said to be 'spoken' by the bridegroom who compares himself to a strangerin a foreign land; the rest of the song takes up the comparison and provides a parable. It tells the story of a strangerand his relationship with the residents of the place he visits. A feeling of initial hostility towards the stranger,and even of superiority over him, is implied on the part of the residents. The strangerdecides to demonstrate his goodwill by asking for space on which to perform a dance and then to dig a well which would provide water for the residents. Having done so, he summons the residents to come and have a look at the fruits of his labour and to benefit from them. They do so, and feel ashamed of the thoughts they had harboured against the stranger.The song ends with a moral that to admit that one was in the wrong is a manly quality which requiresmoral courage. The bridegroom is as yet considered a 'stranger' to his bride's family in which he has still to be accepted. The family hopes that, like the strangerin the parable, the bridegroom will demonstratehis goodwill towards them by being helpful in importantways; he is thus told to be a good husband and a worthy affine. The expectation here is that the bridegroom should be so helpful to his affines as to put them to shame for having had even the slightest hesitation in accepting him as a suitable husband for their daughter.11On the other hand, the song is also a plea from the bridegroom to be considered an equal member of the family, now that he has marriedinto it. The wife is figuratively spoken of as a 'ground' on which the bridegroom performs his 'dance slowly', a variation, incidentally, from the Qur'anic image of a 'tilth' in which seeds are sown (2: 223; see also song SM 10 below). The latter is transformed in the song to an image of digging a well which provides water for the affines. 'Water' may be interpretedas any benefit that flows from the physical union of the two people, and the social union of the two families: children, wealth, respect, goodwill, etc. After the bride is bathed, she puts on a set of new clothes to the accompanimentof the following song:
(5) Yuakunduanguo akivaa ja mmanga Yuakunduanguo akivaa ja mmanga uwakunduwa akivaa ja m'manga Yuwakunduwa akivaa ja m'manga BZ SM

She is unfolding clothesandwearsthemlike an Arab her She is unfolding clothesandwearsthemlike an Arab her

l It may be interestingto comparethis song with the poem 'Dhema' in which a husbandlamentsthe inconsiderate treatment meted to him by his wife's family, & despitedoingso muchfor them(Eastman Topan1966).

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(Note that the word nguo has been omitted in SM.) The song is sung for the duration of the bride's dressing ceremony. The following song is sung when the bride comes out of the bath room and is being escorted to her room:
(6) Huyo yuwaja yuwaja mbele na nguo Huyo yuwaja yuwaja mbele na nguo Akija utukule pembe na pembe mwanamwema mwema Akija utukule pembe na pembe mwana There she comes in front (of the others) with (i.e. dressed in) her (new) clothes When she comes she will be carrying a tusk that is a good child Huyo yuwaja yuwaja mtelea na nguu Aja atukule pembe na pembe mwananyema Atukuzie akituwa mzigo kitwani There she is coming, she is coming sliding down the hills Coming while carrying a tusk, a tusk that is a good child Carryingand taking off the load from her head Huyo yuwaja yuwaja mpeleni ndia mema Huyo yutukuze pembe na pembe mwana mema Huyo yutukuze pembe na pembe mwana Atukuae akatuwa mzigo kitwani There she is coming, make way for her There she is carrying a tusk that is a good child There she is carrying a tusk that is a good child She who carries a load on her head and puts it down BZ

SM

BK

We may also cite here the version given by Harries,with his translation,that is said to be from the papersof Sir Mbarak(Harries 1962: 178):
Huyuyuwaya yuwaya mtelea nguu Aya atukule pembe Na pembe mwananyema Atukuziye akitua mzigo kitwani This one comes, she comes swift of foot She comes carrying gleanings And the gleanings are a lusty babe She carries it until she lowers the burden from her head LH

We have here four different versions of the first line of the song. BM refers to the bride coming out dressed in her new clothes; SM states that she is sliding down the hills; BK asks that she be given way; and, LH refers to her as coming 'swift of foot'. All four versions, however, refer to her act of making an entry (into the room) and of being in motion. Of these four versions, I find SM's reference to the bride 'sliding down the hills' difficult to follow within the context of the ceremony. The reference to a tusk also seems obscure, unless one endows it with a meaning connected to the sexual act of consummating the marriage which may result in the birth of a child. But that would still leave unexplained the 'load' that she takes on and then off her

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head. Is 'load' used here in the sense of a burden or does it indicate a position of recurrent responsibility such as that of a mother responsible for the upbringing of her children? Harries differs from the other versions in nyemaby 'a lusty babe'. translatingpembe as 'gleanings' and mwana When the bride reaches the door of her room, an elder steps out and prevents her from entering it by blocking it with her person. She sings:
(7) Hangili mwanamtu Hangili mwanamtu BZ

Thechildshallnotenter Thechildshallnotenter and the others reply:

Atangia mwanangwa Atangia mwanangwa BZ

Thechildshallenter Thechildshallenter The SM version is:

Sitangili mwanamtu atangila Mwanangwa SM

No one else's childwill get in, only thatverychildwill do so The gesture of blocking the door has been explained in section 2.1 above. Although SM keeps to the literal translation of mwanamtu as 'somebody else's child', it should be understood (and probably SM assumes this) that such a construction is used in Swahili with certain implications. For example,
in a sentence such as Kwa nini wampiga mwana mtu? (or mwana wa watu),

'Why are you beating this (somebody else's) child?', mwanamtu is meant to be taken in a wider semantic context than that suggested by the literal one. The use of such a constructionin Swahili implies either that the child is a well-bred one (and thus functions as a commentary on the character of the child), or it questions the authorityover the child of those who mete out such treatment:by what right do they do so since the child is not theirs? (the construction here being underlinedby the concept of possession as employed in the language).12 In the SM version, both 'no one else's child' and 'that very child' refer to the same person, i.e. the daughter (the bride). The elder seems to question the right of those present of sending the 'child' to the bridegroom to have the marriage consummated; the women in their reply (on behalf of the mother) assert that they do have a right over 'that very child' (since that very child is 12 Too literal a renderingof this phrase without taking into account its other could give rise to a curiousinterpretation such as the one given by connotations areasthe ideapersiststhata wife is a wife of a familyrather Tanner: 'Evenin urban than of a single man, and when adulterycomes to court, the man is accused of with"thewife of the people,"mkewawatu,not the wife havingcommitted adultery of an individual' (Tanner1962).

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theirs). A token payment to the elder serves as a reminderthat the bridegroom does have marital rights over the daughter, and that the 'child' is not being treatedwrongfully. The elder then lets the bride enter the room and she sings:
Ashangia mwanangwa BZ

The childhas already entered (intotheroom) and the others reply:

E, nangie mwanagwa BZ

Yes, let the childenter 3.2. Songs sung at 'great' vugo only The above seven songs are sung in both parts of vugo. The following are among songs sung only in 'great' vugo after a successful consummationof the marriage.
(8) Mvunohuo mvuno BK

There(goes) theharvest, harvest the The song refers to a present called jazua given to the bride by the bridegroom as an expression of his joy at finding her a virgin. In the rejoicing that follows, the mother and the kungwi also give payments to the dancers. The jazua is considered a 'harvest' in the sense that it is the result of a long and careful process, the upbringing of the daughter within the prevalent moral system. The same song is also sung in the ceremony of kuosha moo, 'washing the feet', when the tray containing money for the washers, given by the bridegroom (and his friends), is being shown around.
(9) mzawani simba Mwana Yavundangile Simba ee simba Nyumbasimba ni nyumbasimba Kwetu haingiwa Ni nyumbaya simba BZ=BK

Thenativechildis a lion He has brokenin A lion, yes, a lion The lion's den,it is a lion's den into Ourhousehas beenbroken It hasbecomea lion's den Both parts of the song refer, figuratively, to the success of the bridegroom in consummating his marriage. He is spoken of as a lion who has broken into a place and has made it his den. The 'stranger' of song 4 has now begun his move towards being accepted, a situation also reflected in the following song. It may be noted that songs 9 to 14 may be sung in any sequence.

Vugo: a virginitycelebration ceremonyfrom Mombasa

(10) Mulimchambahayawi mbonayaliwele Kiti cha maguumane bwana yukalile

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BZ

You hadsaidthatit wouldnot happen; how is thatit has now happened? The master saton a chairthathas fourlegs. has SM adds a thirdline:
ni Mwana mume mbonohuwalikia kule SM

A malepersonis like a castorseed, it cracksat yonderspot The song is a 'reply' to any possible jeering that may have gone on priorto the marriage at the probable sexual incapacity of the bridegroom to perform satisfactorily on the wedding night. The jeerers are now told that not only has he done so successfully (the virginal blood being taken as proof of his virility), but he has also sat on a chair that signifies his acceptance by the bride's family as the husband of their daughter.(The image of the 'chair' may also have connotations of sexual prowess.) The third line of SM compares a male to a pod containing castor seeds; when the pod reaches a particularstage, it cracks and its seeds are scatteredaroundinto the soil, thus giving rise to new plants, pods and new seeds. The following is a variation of the same song, sung in a similar vein:
Mulimchambahayawi mbonayaliwele Wangurama uta wangu haufumi shole BZ

You hadsaidthatit wouldnot happen; how is it thatit has now happened? You hadsaidthatmy arrowwouldnot piercethe bird The first line of this song can also be taken as a 'reply' to those who had doubted the virginity of the bride. The following song is sung during the ceremony of kuosha moo, 'washing of the feet':
(11) Wenyekaumeupete kaumeke Mtanga nyayo na kupuke BK=BZ

The bridehas now got herhusband Andthosewho alwayscome to visit her(andremain withherall the time) mustnow go off (andleave heralone)
Mwinyi kaume yupete kaumeke mkandanyayo na kupuke SM

She who has a husband now got herhushand she who massages has and the feet mustgo off When the performanceof 'great' vugo is over, and the bride has been taken to her husband's room, the women take a rest. Songs which do not strictly belong to the vugo ceremony as such may now be sung; there is room at this juncture to introduce songs from other ceremonies or entertainment such as taarab (e.g. song 14, itself from a women's club) whose content lends itself to such borrowing. In song 12, the husband is asked to take care of his wife; in song 13, he is told (by a comparison with mares) that not all women are the

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same: she is a 'special' woman among women (who thus merits his utmost attention).
(12) Mwangalie sana Mwanangu naye ni mwana Mpakafiljana Ukanipe kwa mkono Kesho filjana Ukanipe kwamkono Look after her well My daughteris indeed a special girl (Look after her) until (we meet in ) Paradise When you will hand her back to me Tomorrow in Paradise When you will hand her back to me. (13) Kuna farasi farisi Na farasi wa kuzawa Ukiwaona farasi Usambeni sawa sawa There are mares that are better (than others) And there are mares that exist simply because they were bom So when you look at mares Do not think that they are all the same BZ

BZ

The following is a song of a women's club:

(14) Inasimama Zuhura Pamoja na Mushtara Na nyingi mbele subira Zinakwenda barabara Nusura Rabbi nusura Nusuria wanangu nusura The planet Venus is ascending Accompanied by Jupiter There is much tolerance (and blessings) ahead Which all augurs well Help us, O Lord, Help my children, and always protect them. BZ

We may end this section by giving a transcriptof song 1 from the BK version that may give an indication of the way vugo songs are sung. A song may be kept up for the entire durationof the action to which it refers. When the bride has been taken to the bath room, one of the women present may take the lead and start the following song, while the others form the chorus. Any woman familiarenough with the song may take up the lead - a practice that sometimes gives rise to a slight confusion when more than one woman is preparedto do
so.

Vugo: a virginitycelebration ceremonyfrom Mombasa

A Leader. Chorus: Leader: Chorus: Harusi chooni... ... iowa Harusi chooni iowa Yumo huwowa marashi na Mavumba udi Yumo huwowa marashi na Mavumba udi he Yumo huwowa marashi na Mavumba udi Yumo huwowa marashi na Mavumba udi he mema Na mavumba Yanukayo oto mema Na mavumba Yanukayo oto ee mema Na mavumba Yanukayo oto mema Na mavumba Yanukayo oto ee mema Na mavumba Yanukayo oto mema Na mavumba Yanukayo oto

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Leader: Chorus:

Leader: Chorus. Leader. Chorus:

Leader: Chorus: Leader: Chorus:

It may be noted that a leader sings only a single line in leading the song (and only half a line in starting it); the chorus continues with the rest. Sections which start with new lines have been indicated as A, B, C and D respectively. The last part of the song has been divided into sections C and D in that, although a leader has the same line in both sections, the chorus has three lines in the former and only one line in the latter. The practice of both the chorus and a leader singing a line each (as in section D) serves as a signal for ending the song and starting another. One song may then lead into another until the repertoire of vugo songs is completed. As indicated earlier, songs are sung to accompany the actions relevant for them (or deemed to be so) and they may be Song 1, for kept up for the entire duration of that particular ceremony. example, may be prolonged for a considerable stretch of time by repeating the lines of a section over and over again (particularly sections B and C). 4. Conclusion We have seen that only two institutions in the Swahili community of Mombasa had the authority of holding vugo. One was linked to the tribal structure and organization of the community, giving rise to tribal vugo, while the other had, as its basis, the structure and organization of women's clubs whose vugo was performed for the daughter or relative of any of their members. It has been noted that club vugo came to be more popular than tribal vugo, a popularity that forced the latter to come to a compromise with the former.

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Women's clubs stopped functioning effectively with all their pomp and paraphernalia in the decade or so preceding the Second World War. Ceremonies of vugo continued to be held by women's clubs until well into the 1960s. The latterclubs were not as spectacularin their overall organizationand performance as their predecessors, but they nonetheless satisfied their members' need for vugo. Gradually, however, political and socio-economic factors in Mombasabecame such that the concept of umiji ('tribalism') lost its exclusive nature. And, as social change became more pressing, the need for vugo itself became diluted. Far from supporting it, some men came to dislike it, finding particularlyshameful (aibu) the practice of beating a drum (placed outside the bride's home) to announce the loss of virginity of the bride (Swartz 1991: 187). Some women, too, came to consider the ceremony as increasingly 'old fashioned' and unnecessary. Perhaps they did not see the necessity of having their chastity proved publicly, especially as that 'proof' also accommodated, and even concealed, the identity of the 'transgressors'. Over recent decades, vugo has had to give way, like some other customs and dances of Mombasa, to newer or revitalized forms of entertainmentwhich appear to be more in consonance with current'popular' norms.

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Abedi, K. Amri. 1954. Sheria za Kutunga Mashairi na Diwani ya Amri. Dar es African History 9: 35-56.

The Salaam: EaglePress. Berg, F.J. 1968. The Swahili community of Mombasa, 1500-1900. Journal of Eastman,C.M. & F.M. Topan. 1966. The Siu: notes on the people and their The EaglePress. Farsy,M.S. 1960. Ku,-wa na Doto. Dares Salaam: L.P. 1962. SwahiliPoetry. Oxford:Clarendon Press. Harries, Swahili 34 (1): 17-35. Hinawy,M.A. 1964. Notes on customsin Mombasa. Kindy,H. 1972. Life and Politics in Mombasa. Nairobi:East AfricanLiterature Bureau.
Middleton, John. 1992. language. Swahili 36 (2): 22-48.

Civilization.New Haven:Yale University Press. Mitchell, J.C. 1956. The Kalela Dance. (Rhodes-LivingstonePapers, 27). Manchester: Press. University Nadel, S.F. 1942. A Black Byzantium. London:OxfordUniversityPress for the International African Institute.
Prins, A.H.J. 1961. The Swahili-Speaking Peoples of Zanzibar and the East African Studies Review 18 (3): 35-45. . 1979. Muslim Women in Mombasa, 1890-1975.

The World of the Swahili. an African Mercantile

African Coast. London: International Institute. Strobel,M. 1975. Women's weddingcelebrationsin Mombasa,Kenya. African
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Swartz, Marc J. 1991. The Way the World is: Cultural Processes and Social Relations among the Mombasa Swahili. California: University of California Press. Tanner, R.E.S. 1962. The relationships between the sexes in a coastal Islamic society: Pangani District, Tanganyika. African Studies 21 (2): 70-82. Topp, Janet. 1992. Women and the Africanisation of taarab in Zanzibar. PhD thesis, University of London. Werbner, Pnina. 1986. The virgin and the clown: ritual elaboration in Pakistani migrants' weddings. Man N.S. 21: 227-250.