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Archologisches Korrespondenzblatt
Jahrgang 38 2008 Heft 2

Herausgegeben vom Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz in Verbindung mit dem Prsidium der deutschen Verbnde fr Archologie

Palolithikum, Mesolithikum: Michael Baales Nicholas J. Conard Neolithikum: Johannes Mller Sabine Schade-Lindig Bronzezeit: Christoph Huth Stefan Wirth Hallstattzeit: Markus Egg Dirk Kraue Latnezeit: Rupert Gebhard Hans Nortmann Martin Schnfelder Rmische Kaiserzeit im Barbaricum: Claus v. Carnap-Bornheim Haio Zimmermann Provinzialrmische Archologie: Gabriele Seitz Werner Zanier Frhmittelalter: Brigitte Haas-Gebhard Dieter Quast Wikingerzeit, Hochmittelalter: Hauke Jns Bernd Pffgen Archologie und Naturwissenschaften: Felix Bittmann Joachim Burger Thomas Stllner

Die Redaktoren begutachten als Fachredaktion die Beitrge (peer review). Das Archologische Korrespondenzblatt wird im Arts & Humanities Citation Index sowie im Current Contents /Arts & Humanities von Thomson Scientific aufgefhrt. bersetzungen der Zusammenfassungen (soweit gekennzeichnet): Loup Bernard (L. B.) und Manuela Struck (M. S.). Beitrge werden erbeten an die Mitglieder der Redaktion oder an das Rmisch-Germanische Zentralmuseum, Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2, 55116 Mainz, Die mit Abbildungen (Strichzeichnungen und Schwarzweifotos), einer kurzen Zusammenfassung und der genauen Anschrift der Autoren versehenen Manuskripte drfen im Druck 20 Seiten nicht berschreiten. Die Redaktion bittet um eine allgemeinverstndliche Zitierweise (naturwissenschaftlich oder in Endnoten) und empfiehlt dazu die Richtlinien fr Verffentlichungen der Rmisch-Germanischen Kommission in Frankfurt am Main und die dort vorgeschlagenen Zeitschriftenabkrzungen (verffentlicht in: Berichte der RmischGermanischen Kommission 71, 1990 sowie 73, 1992). Zur Orientierung kann Heft 1, 2006 dienen.

ISSN 0342 734X Nachdruck, auch auszugsweise, nur mit Genehmigung des Verlages 2008 Verlag des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Redaktion und Satz: Manfred Albert, Evelyn Bott, Hans Jung, Anne Schmittlutz, Martin Schnfelder Herstellung: gzm Grafisches Zentrum Mainz Bdige GmbH und Horst Giesenregen GmbH, Mainz




Few graves in Sweden have been as thoroughly discussed as the monumental mounds of Old Uppsala (fig. 1). This is hardly surprising as they are situated in a place that already in the 13th century is recorded as related to ancient kings of the Svear. Another article about these graves does not appear to be necessary taking into account all that has been published on the subject up to this date 1. Chronology, however, should not be considered as a static part of science. In this case a reinterpretation of the site does affect how power structures in Middle Sweden should be interpreted, especially as Old Uppsala is often thought to have been of great importance, politically and religiously. Dating these mounds is furthermore very important for the interpretation of all monumental mounds in Middle Sweden. If the dating of these two mounds is changed, it should affect the interpretation of other big mounds. Very few mounds over 30 m in diameter have been excavated so far. This article is not intended to be a presentation of the actual contents in the graves; those have already been published by Sune Lindqvist and later by Wladyslaw Duczko. Instead, this is an attempt to revive a debate that has been dead for almost 50 years: the discussion evolving around the question whether the mounds should be dated to the Migration period or to the Vendel period which is to say before or after 550 AD.

Fig. 1

The mounds of Old Uppsala. (From Lindqvist 1936, pl. 17).



Already in the 17th century Old Uppsala and its monuments were the focus of historical and protoarchaeological research. Much of the early research dealt with the old archbiscopal church dating from the 12th century, which was provoked by Adam of Bremen who mentioned the pagan temple in the 11th century. The investigations of the biggest mounds were initiated in 1846 by crown prince Karl (later the 15th) and Bror Emil Hildebrand. The East Mound was the first to be excavated. Digging a wooden clad tunnel into the centre of the mound was an unparalleled enterprise in Swedish archaeology, but it proved to be a difficult task. Loose sand from the mound fill was constantly sifting down into the tunnel. Eventually parts of the mound collapsed and a crater emerged on top of the mound. Finally, after many complications, a large cairn was found in the middle of the mound. It covered a large cremation layer with a pottery vessel filled with bones. About 200 litres of the layer were picked out and some bones and especially objects sorted out. The remains were carried back into the cairn, which thereafter served as a tourist attraction until the tunnel became too dangerous for visitors. A completely different method of investigation was chosen when the West mound was excavated in 1874. The eastern side of the mound was simply dug away and a small central cairn on a bed of clay was revealed. It was in many aspects an easier task as the fill of this mound consisted of turf, a much more stable material than sand. Compared to the East mound, the cairn that held the remains of the funeral pyre was much smaller. In this case, too, most of the bones were reburied, which causes uncertainty regarding a number of osteological aspects. The Middle mound has perhaps the most complicated stratigraphy of the three. So far it has not been excavated all the way into a cremation layer or similar. In 1847 the grave was excavated from the top and down to the large central cairn, which was not penetrated. In 1925 Lindqvist made an excavation in order to understand the stratigraphy. The material from the two completely excavated mounds is very fragmentary. There are several reasons for that: All the finds are heavily damaged and fragmented due to the temperature of the funeral pyre. Both glass and bronze objects have melted almost completely. The post cremation rituals are of equal importance. During the Migration and Vendel periods it was a regular custom to either pick out the large iron objects after the cremation or only deposit small details of certain objects. In addition the grave goods were probably often ritually destroyed. Consequently large bronze and iron objects are rarely found in the cremation burials. This pattern seems to have been prevailing in all levels of society. One can finally state that neither of the graves was completely excavated according to modern methods. Furthermore most of the bones, and probably a number of objects, were redeposited. The datings of the mounds as they are presented in popular science and exhibitions have practically not changed since the 1920s. In those days the comparative material was much smaller than today. Chronological models stretching from the 5th-7th century were not complete, neither in Sweden nor in Europe. In archaeological research on ancient monuments nationalistic elements in research were more or less customary. Many archaeologists did not pay much attention to the source critical school gaining in importance among historians 2. Archeologists like Lindqvist and Birger Nerman in this case did not hesitate to strongly connect individuals in sagas with different monumental mounds. Since the 1920s connections between ancient individuals and tombs are, with a few exceptions (among these interpretations we find the datings of some excavated and non-excavated mounds), no longer seriously considered. The main debate about the dating of the mounds occurred in the first half of the 1900s. Main actors were Lindqvist and Nils berg 3. Lindqvist remains the scholar most intimately connected with the mounds. He is particularly known for his comprehensive monograph Uppsala hgar och Ottarshgen. He also wrote a number of articles about that place and he discovered a pagan temple underneath the old archbiscopal church 4. Lindqvist dated the East Mound to around 500 AD or the early 6th century, and the West Mound


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

to around the middle of the 6th century. He assigned both graves in chronological order to the Migration period. berg dated the East Mound to the beginning of the 7th century or its first half. He placed the West Mound around the middle of the 7th century and dated both of the graves to the Vendel period 5. At this point it is appropriate to mention that the Migration period is traditionally set to 550 AD and earlier. The Vendel period is therefore set to after 550 AD. Lindqvist and berg had completely different starting-points for their chronological determinations. berg built his interpretations upon the theories of Salin and Montelius and used a number of parallels from the continent as well as from Sweden. Lindqvist worked with more or less the same material but had a different idea of the transition of Salins style I and II. This had a large effect upon the discussion as he, contrary to berg, assumed that these styles had been coexisting in Scandinavia for 100-130 years. Another major difference is the fact that Lindqvist did not content himself with using only the archaeological material. He put a great deal of effort into connecting the mounds in Old Uppsala and the so-called Ottars Mound with the royal lineage presented in the Ynglingatal. He related the mounds of Old Uppsala to the kings Aun, Adils and Egil. This part of his theory was a direct continuation of theories that had previously been presented by Knut Stjerna and Nerman 6. After this debate the datings of Lindqvist stayed predominant. His interpretations related to the Ynglingatal have been seriously questioned 7 but the dates were accepted as a standard until recently. The mounds of Old Uppsala are now considered to originate from the late Migration period. For example, monumental non-excavated mounds in Middle Sweden are often routinely dated to the Migration period 8. In his crucial work Uppsala hgar och Ottarshgen Lindqvist used 42 pages to present the datings of the three royal mounds. He stated that the Middle Mound was the oldest, followed by the East Mound, the Ottars Mound in Vendel and finally the West mound 9. He included the Ottars Mound due to its presumed connection with king Ottar in Ynglingatal. The relative dating was not based on stratigraphy since none has been found. The determining factors were the size of the mounds, the material of the fill, the placements, and the constructions of the central cairns 10. His method is quite original but can hardly be considered more reliable than find dating. For Lindqvist, however, it was very important to establish a relative stratigraphy in his aim to link royal mounds to individuals of the Old Norse royal lineage. His datings of the mounds can be traced back to theories he presented in Vendelkulturens lder och ursprung 11. In this monograph he adapted a very broad perspective and touched upon more or less the whole of Europe inhabited by Germanic speaking people. The work is an attempt to set the whole chronology in Europe earlier for the actual period. In this way he was in opposition to works by Montelius, Salin (interestingly the book was dedicated to Salin) and most of all berg. Some of the attacks on the latter must be considered as fairly unethical. The authors ambitions were hardly modest. Lindqvist tried to re-date the very famous grave fields from Schretzheim, Nocera Umbra, the Gammertingen grave and the Taplow grave. It might seem curious that he did not present this work on an international scale in German, as the results were highly relevant for his colleagues from the continent. However, it seems he wanted to spark controversy in Sweden. The results did not have any big effects on European archaeology 12, but they laid the foundation for further chronological results. A researcher who led his own discussion was Nerman. Concerning the material he was just as competent as Lindqvist and berg. As a researcher he was in many ways closer to Lindqvist, especially in his works published after 1935. Nerman was very interested in poetry, with an almost romantic relation to the monumental graves in the landscape. Nerman placed himself closer to Lindqvist and was not interested in arguing about specific views. He dated the East Mound to the late 5th century or around 500 AD and the West Mound to around 575 AD 13. He did not, however, engage in any detailed discussion over the matter.



After a final debate led by Lindqvist and berg in 1947-49, Birgit Arrhenius and Wladyslaw Duczko primarily discussed the finds 14. Arrhenius first dated the East Mound to the end of the 6th century, but later to approximately 525-550 AD. After Lindqvist Duczko published the methodologically most refined and complete study of the material. He somewhat vaguely dated the East Mound to more advanced parts of the 6th century than around the actual beginning of this century (my translation) 15. He dated the West Mound to the late 6th century, but avoided to mention anything about relative dates. Duczko should have had in mind that the Vendel period is generally considered to begin after 550 AD. Bjrn Ambrosiani and Martin Rundkvist 16 have directly and indirectly given the mounds a Vendel period dating. Rundkvist did so on the basis of Duczkos work. None of them has however published the facts on which they based their conclusions.

The best way to date mounds today is via the find material. Comparative 14C-analyses have not yet been done. Both East and West Mounds contain a varied material. In both cases it is fragmentary and partly exotic, which means that its interpretation is difficult compared to the non-plundered chamber graves and the boat graves. It is also important to reflect upon the large number of interpretations by other scholars. A number of considerations have to be dealt with before dating the Uppsala mounds. A classic question is whether the finds originate from a long time-span or not. If that is the case, it is of course essential to date the grave on the basis of the youngest finds, or on objects that presumably have been used during a relatively short time-span. This leads to a phenomenon that I have allowed myself to call the prototype theory. It means that some types of objects are considered to be the first of their type and older than other objects of the same type. Lindqvist used this kind of argumentation in a number of cases. He argued that the Vendel- and Valsgrde helmets, as well as the helmet from Sutton Hoo were manufactured around 500 AD. By this he meant that the helmet from the East Mound was an early deposited example while all the other helmets were placed into the ground about 100-150 years later. Arrhenius believed that both a helmet fragment and a gold-filigree fragment were from prototypes. She connected the latter object to a scramasax 17. The prototype theory is interesting as it dates otherwise late objects early. Typologically older objects are often considered as heirlooms and the graves are dated on the basis of the younger objects. The finds of so-called crested helmets from mainland Sweden illustrate that in this case the prototype theory is implausible. There are at least 17 helmets of which all turned up in Vendel period contexts 18. It is not convincing that the helmet from the East mound should have been deposited 50-150 years before all other helmets (see further discussion below) and it is a daring interpretation that the above mentioned gold-filigree fragment should originate from a scramasax as the parallels referred to are far from exact. Another problem concerns the relations between style I and II. Did these art styles coexist or not? For Sweden I consider this to be a more or less finished matter 19, but the discussion was once very intense 20. As previously mentioned, Lindqvist and berg had very different opinions. Lindqvist assumed that the styles were coexisting. He therefore saw no problem giving style II objects an older date and putting them into his Ynglingatal chronology. He did, however, not show one single case, except perhaps the East mound, where both styles were present in the same context be it a grave or a hoard. This question is especially important for Scandinavia where the development of the animal style took a different direction after the middle of the 6th century. berg considered style I and II to belong to different chronological horizons in Scandinavia, which contributed to his late dating of the Uppsala mounds. Today, with the number of graves


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

Fig. 2 Comb chronology elements: B. Petrs comb classification (1984, 71f.). 1 Profiles of tooth plates. 2 Form. 3 Profiles of connecting plates. 4-6 Decoration elements.

with animal style amounting to hundreds in Scandinavia, it can be stated that graves containing both style I and II objects are extremely rare 21. Compared to the situation in the 1940s, there are more suitable typological definitions as to what separates Migration period objects from the early Vendel period objects, which today are valid for both the male and female related materials in Scandinavia 22. A lot of further research remains to be done: Existing seriations could be greatly improved and it is a challenge to determine the absolute dates. Synchronization with modern continental chronologies has not yet been conducted in Sweden. This is important as both coins and dendrochronological datings are almost nonexistent in 6th-early 8th century Scandinavian graves. The latest major works with datings of the Migration and Vendel period male graves were published by A. Nrgrd Jrgensen and M. Rundkvist. Objects dated to the beginning of the Vendel period, phase VII:1, or in absolute dates 550-600 AD 23, are dated by Nerman to 520/30 AD on Gotland, Bornholm and in



Middle Sweden by Nrgrd Jrgensen. Rundkvist seems to be of the same opinion. In a number of chronological works dealing with corresponding finds, like shield-on-tongue buckles and different strap mounts, these objects appear much later 24. The latter works are more well-founded as they, unlike the Scandinavian works, can be supported by coins and dendrochronological dating. I find it hard to believe that the above mentioned finds should turn up almost 50 years earlier in Scandinavia than in other parts of Europe. Otherwise Scandinavia would be the area that was a trend-setter for the whole of Europe regarding for example male belts and weaponry 25. I have in fact no fundamental objections towards the relative chronology of Nrgrd Jrgensen, but have chosen to follow the most accepted absolute date for the beginning of the Vendel period in Sweden, which is approximately 550 AD. Whether this date is valid or not will require a separate discussion as it is not based upon modern studies. My opinion on the absolute dates will follow below. In an attempt to avoid precious and very rare objects from dominating the discussion, I have chosen to deal primarily with finds that can be determined with certainty. This is why a number of objects from the East Mound are excluded. Some of them are bronze-foil fragments with figural motifs, probably from a helmet, and other objects 26. Interpreting these objects is in most cases rather challenging and they have been dealt with more thoroughly by Arrhenius, Frej and Duczko 27. The amount of material is large enough to allow well-founded interpretations. The finds must have clear parallels that can be tied to a relative as well as an absolute chronology. For a complete list of the finds from the mounds see Duczkos work 28. I would like to point out that the objects depicted there are not in scale. For such I refer to the works by Lindqvist, Arrhenius and Duczko. The graves in question were dated solely on the basis of the objects found as no stratigraphical relations are known. Some were put aside, however tempting it would be to deal with them, as for example the probably Sassanian cameos from the West Mound. My primary ambition is to place the graves within a relative chronology. As previously mentioned, the absolute dates are harder to determine. The works of Bo Petr 29 are a very good example (fig. 2), but are limited to the island of Lov, where some of the material of the period is either missing or minimal. The Middle Swedish material needs to be verified on the basis of modern Danish studies of materials from Bornholm, Gotland and Norway. The material from South Scandinavia differs in some degree from the Middle Swedish material; it is mainly related to female clothing, which is far more regional in character compared to mens weapons, belts and horse equipments.


Comb fragments The comb fragments from the mounds have not been thoroughly dated or dealt with in the previous works. Lindqvist and Arrhenius stated that the fragments from the East Mound originate from one single comb 30. Duczkos scepticism towards these interpretations was well-founded. In my opinion two combs can be identified on the basis of the ornamentation on the connecting plates and the manufacturing techniques. There are four major differences between the fragments of the two combs, 1 and 2 (fig. 3-4): 1. Comb 2 has much deeper cut lines of ornamentation. 2. The type element L2 31 is found on comb 1, but comb 2 has element L5. 3. Comb 1 lacks dot- and circle ornaments and has a possible cut line across the connecting plate (type element L6). These traits are lacking on comb 2. 4. The surface of the combs is very different. Comb 2 has a far more cracked surface.


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

Fig. 3 Old Uppsala, East Mound: comb fragments, parts belonging to comb (kam) 1 and 2 are noted. (Photo Antikvarisk Topografiska Arkivet).

According to Petrs comb chronology (fig. 2) the following elements can be found on comb 1: R4, S4, L2, L6, L8. Elements R4, S4, C3, L5, L8(?) can be recognized on comb 2. The tooth plate fragments are hard to relate to the fragments of either comb. The most interesting is the biggest fragment with decoration corresponding to the Petrs type elements: Ja, Pr and vertical lines. A combination of the elements on the combs suggests a dating to the early Vendel period. Petr states (my translation): In-between 550-600 the connecting plates are vaulted and thickest in the middle with a bevelled upper edge (S4) 32. A special decoration detail on comb 2 consists of two single dot and circles from where it protrudes two short, simple lines. Corresponding decoration has been discerned on combs from six graves on the Lov grave fields 33. Petr dates five of these graves to the 7th century, one possibly to the 6th century and one to the 7th-8th century. Nerman 34 depicts a comb with similar decoration and places it in period VII:2, which means 600-650 AD. I could not find information on one single grave with typical Migration period material (like clasps, skin scrapers and handle combs) containing a comb with a similar decoration 35. Animal mask

Fig. 4 Old Uppsala, East Mound: comb fragments. Close-ups, revealing distinct differences between comb 1 and 2. (Photo Antikvarisk Topografiska Arkivet).

The animal mask from the East Mound (fig. 5) was considered to be a Migration period object by Lindqvist. He pointed out the Vennebo find from Vstergtland in western Sweden as a parallel. berg questioned this interpretation 36. He agreed that the object has a number of similarities to masks from the Migration period. Closer parallels to these finds, however, originate from a number of Vendel period graves. berg in particular pointed at Vendel XII, but closer parallels can be found in Vendel X and XI. The latter graves were



Fig. 5 a Face mask from Old Uppsala, East Mound. b Fragments from Helg. c-d Vendel. e Vennebo.

Fig. 6 Left: Old Uppsala, East Mound, the bronze foil fragment of dancing warriors. Right: Sutton Hoo, Mound 1, similar figures (from Bruce-Mitford 1978, fig. 140; 155).

dated by Arrhenius to 560/570-600. Nrgrd Jrgensen dates Vendel XII to approximately 600 AD and Vendel XI slightly earlier 37. Another close parallel comes from a baldric mount from Valsgrde 7 38, a grave dated by Arrhenius to 600-630/40 AD and by Nrgrd Jrgensen to approximately 670/80 AD. The most recent published find is a mask found in A23 in the grave field Ra 116 on Helg 39, which is with no doubt from the early Vendel period. Helmet fragment A bronze-foil depicting a warrior probably originates from a helmet. This motive belongs to a group that is found in a number of places from present day Germany to England during the late 6th and 7th century 40.


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

Fig. 7 Old Uppsala, East Mound: bronze foil fragments with interlace pattern. (From berg 1957, fig. 15).

Fig. 8 Old Uppsala, East Mound: gold and silver fragments. (Photo Antikvarisk Topografiska Arkivet).

This foil has close parallels in the helmets from the 7th century graves Valsgrde 7 and Mound 1 in Sutton Hoo 41 (fig. 6). The interpretation of the fabrication of the East Mound helmet may be mentioned at this point: Lindqvist and later Arrhenius considered the helmet to be made out of organic material, probably leather. Duczko questioned this interpretation and presented substantiated evidence that could be pursued further 42. Today there are no Migration period helmet graves in Middle Sweden but seven Vendel period cremation burials with helmet fragments 43. They all contain details of iron or precious metals originating from large iron objects, such as helmets, shield bosses, spears or horse bits. Large objects are completely missing. All these graves reflect the dominating burial rite in Middle Sweden during both Migration and Vendel period. In 99% of the cases large iron objects are not present in the cremation layers. They have either been taken aside after the cremation, or only symbolic parts have been placed on the funeral pyre 44. In this aspect the East Mound and the West Mound are typical for a cremation burial in Middle Swedens society. The theory about a leather helmet is thus debatable. Bronze foils Three bronze foil fragments with interlaced ornaments (fig. 7) caused Lindqvist and Arrhenius to draw parallels primarily to the helmet crests from Vendel X and XIV that Arrhenius dates to 560/70-600 AD. Similar ornaments can be found on the shields and the helmet from Valsgrde 8 and a shield mount from grave 5 from Rinkeby in Spnga parish, Uppland, dated to the early Vendel period 45. No typical Migration period grave with similar ornaments has been found. Gold filigree foil, foil in silver with filigree animals and gold filigree foil A gold filigree foil as well as a foil in silver with filigree animals and a gold filigree foil (fig. 8) are among the most problematic objects of the grave. They are unique and exciting, but they are at the same time keenly discussed and somewhat difficult to date. The gold filigree foil (fig. 8a) represents best the problematic nature of these objects. The foil depicts an animal of which one can recognize front parts of the head and parts of the body. A very important element for determining the species is the neck, which unfortunately is missing. The closest parallel among a row of gold Scheidenmundbleche from the late Migration period is a specimen from Tureholm in Sdermanland 46. Duczko noted that the finds of the mount have a



lot in common with ornaments on later objects. One example is the buckle from Taplow, England. Another one has quite recently been found in Scothern, Lincolnshire, England 47, where the golden animal on a sword pommel is very similar to the East Mound foil. This includes both the motive and the manufacturing technique. There are clear chronological differences between the above-mentioned parallels. Gaming pieces Gaming pieces are rarely seen as chronologically important objects, but as the gaming pieces from the East Mound have been dated to the Migration period, it is reasonable to deal with them in more detail. Gaming pieces can be generally placed into three chronological horizons: 1) Late Roman Iron Age and the Migration period; 2) Vendel period; 3) Late Vendel period and Viking Age. Migration period gaming pieces are generally small with a quite flat profile. During the Vendel period the gaming pieces tend to become bigger. They usually have higher and more rounded profiles. In the Viking period the gaming pieces are almost ballshaped with a flat base48. The gaming pieces of the East mound have a typical Vendel period shape. They show one special characteristic trait: On the bottom there are two holes instead of one which is most common during the Vendel period. Lindqvist used the two holes to draw a parallel to the gaming pieces from the Ottars Mound and used it as an argument for dating the East Mound to the Migration period. Duczko drew parallels to feature 1 from Veddesta in Jrflla parish 49. This grave, however, does not contain any finds that are typical for the Migration period. The datings of the Ottars Mound should also be revised (see below). A number of examples from Middle Sweden can be confronted with these interpretations. Those hitherto found are grave 5 from Rinkeby in Spnga parish, the Tibble grave in Vstmanland, as well as grave 14 and 22 from Husby in Trosa-Vagnhrad parish and grave 1 from Rickeby in Vallentuna parish. They all contain gaming pieces with two holes and all of them originate from the early Vendel period. Gotlandic gaming pieces from this period differ to some degree from their mainland counterparts, but here also we do find early Vendel period gaming pieces with two holes 50.


Combs Comb 1 (fig. 9), cut in one piece with two parallel bulges over the teeth, was not discussed by Lindqvist and was only briefly mentioned by Duczko. This comb belongs to a group of late descendants of the early iron combs. They have been dealt with by Jan Peder Lamm 51, who stated that they had been used during both the Migration and the Vendel period. According to Lamms compilation and a few additions, ten of the combs are from Vendel period graves. Like the comb from the West mound all of them have a horizontal bulge over the teeth. The datings of these graves support the datings by Lamm. Comb 2 (fig. 10) is well-preserved and according to Petr shows the following elements: M3, R5(?), S6, L2. It has an unusually sparse decoration. According to the cross sections of both the tooth and the supporting plates it ought to be dated to the Vendel period and according to the chronology presented by Petr it should be an advanced phase, which means the 7th century AD. The non-phased off supporting plate is an element that hardly ever occurs in Migration period graves. Comb 3 is only represented by the outer part of a tooth plate with a more slender shape than the one from comb 2. It is difficult to present a more exact dating.


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

Fig. 9 Old Uppsala, West Mound: Comb 1. (From Lindqvist 1936, fig. 97).

Fig. 10 Old Uppsala, West Mound: Comb 2. (From Arrhenius 1995b, fig. 13).

Fig. 11 1 Sutton Hoo/Suffolk, ship burial: pyramid-shaped mount. 2 Old Uppsala, East Mound: triangular gold fragment with inlaid garnets. (Photo Bruce-Mitford 1978, fig. 227; Antikvarisk Topografiska Arkivet).

The triangular cloissone fragment A triangular gold fragment with inlaid garnets originates according to Lindqvist and Arrhenius from a sword pommel (fig. 11, 2) like the one found in Valsgrde 5. An alternative interpretation put forward by BruceMitford 52 claims that the fragment is a part of a pyramid-shaped mount similar to the one found at Sutton Hoo (fig. 11, 1). Duczko was sceptic about the latter interpretation and stated that other similar objects did not exist neither on the continent nor in Scandinavia. However, this is not completely true. Pyramidshaped mounts were found in Valsgrde 7 and in large numbers on the continent, including a few specimens with filigree and cloissone details. Today, the latter are regularly reported by The Portable Antiquities Scheme (see tab. 1). Menghin places these mounts in Zeitgruppe D, around 580-620 AD 53. Gold cloisonn buckle Another gold cloisonn fragment has convincingly been identified by Duczko as a part of a buckle frame. The fragment corresponds well with the buckle frames from the Taplow grave, mound 1 from Sutton Hoo, and the ker find from Norway 54. The respective finds from all these graves are dated to around 600 AD or slightly later.



Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid Sword pyramid/Strap fitting Tab. 1

Ag Ag, L6/E7C Au + clois gts (1 left), 7C Au + gt, A/S Au + gt gilt Ag + gt, E7C gilt Ag + malachite, L6C gilt Ag + niello, L6/E7C gilt Ag, 6/7C Au + gt, E7C

Freckenham, Suffolk Headbourne Worthy, Hampshire Bembridge, Isle of Wight Newark, Nottinghamshire Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk Alton, Wiltshire Lissington, Lincolnshire Flixton, New Yorkshire Kilham, East Yorkshire Dorchester Area, Dorset

00/58 03/11v6 02/59 98-9/62 00/59 01/60 02/57 02/57A 01/59 03/118

Recent finds of sword pyramids registered in the Portable Antiquities Scheme.

Fig. 12 Old Uppsala, East Mound: bone cylinder with parallell from Vendel XII. (Photo ATA; Stolpe / Arne 1912).

Bone cylinder A bone cylinder with Style II ornaments (fig. 12) was extensively dealt with by berg who pointed at the very close parallels to Vendel XII, where the same kind of face masks can be seen in the animals head. From the early Vendel period Rickeby grave there seem to be parallels to the small animals placed on the neck of the big animal. A younger parallel to the finish of the larger heads can be found on the sheath of the Ultuna sword. There is also a row of closely related motives and stylistically close finds from Gotland 55.


All these five finds from the East Mound definitely have their closest two parallels in the Vendel period: 1) the animal mask; 2) the helmet fragment with a dancing warrior; 3) the two combs; 4) bronze foil fragments with interlace ornaments.


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

Among these finds the combs are perhaps most important for dating the graves. They do not seem to be exclusive finds, and they differ markedly from corresponding combs in ordinary graves. They can thus hardly be considered as either prototypes or heirlooms. I have chosen to date the East Mound to the early Vendel period, in absolute dates approximately 550-600 AD. If continental chronologies were followed, the East mound would probably be placed in AM3/MA 3/SD-Phase 7 56 and in absolute terms dated to 560/70600/10.


From the West Mound four finds also undoubtedly have their closest parallels in the Vendel period: 1) comb 2; 2) the triangular fragment from a pyramid-shaped mount; 3) a buckle fragment; 4) a bone cylinder. The interpretations of the triangular fragment and the buckle fragment are questionable. The dating of the bone cylinder and the comb, however, are indisputable. On the basis of Scandinavian and Middle Swedish parallels to the finds, there is no doubt that they originate from the early Vendel period. The gold fragments have their parallels in Western European graves from around 600 AD or the early 7th century. The comb is of a type that points towards some time into the 7th century. I date the West Mound to 575-625 AD. If continental chronologies were followed, the West Mound would at the earliest be placed in AM 3/MA 3/ SD-Phase 7, and would in absolute terms be dated to 560/70-600/10. Considering the parallels to Sutton Hoo and other early 7th century graves and the late type of comb, it is more proper to place the grave in JM1/MR 1/Koch Stufe 4, which in absolute terms would mean around 590-620/30.


Reflecting upon the argumentation by Lindqvist and berg and after having dealt with the subject myself, I find it peculiar that Lindqvist became the prominent interpreter in spite of bergs definitely better arguments and that in the end he was right according to the relative dates. From my point of view Lindqvists dominance can be related to a number of reasons ignoring scientific results. His argumentations were held with great self-confidence and sometimes quite aggressively. As a support he eventually used the publication Uppsala hgar och Ottarshgen. Its sheer weight made it difficult for other voices to be heard. Lindqvists interpretations were further more appealing to the readers of his time. The idea that the mounds belonged to an ancient golden age and could be related to the saga kings was exciting and placed the mounds in a clearly defined context. Last but not the least the theories by Lindqvist remained unquestioned by at least three prominent students, two of which got professorships in Stockholm and Uppsala.


If the datings above are accepted, they are related to a number of interesting factors regarding Scandinavian society. I have chosen to discuss three topics: The first one deals with the way we should regard the emergence of Old Uppsala as a centre of power in Middle Sweden. The second topic deals with the very existence of monumental mounds during the Migration period and different groups among the elite in the Uppsala area. The third and final issue deals with the question how the emergence of the mounds of Old Uppsala coincides with simultaneous changes in other parts of Scandinavia and in Europe.



The early central role Old Uppsalas role as a place with certain central functions, such as a royal estate, and as a judicial and administrative centre has generally been considered to have emerged during the Migration period. These interpretations were based upon the older datings. Per Ramqvist for example has compared Old Uppsala with small Migration period kingdoms in Norrland, and Bo Grslund has discussed the Migration period power structure in the Mlaren valley on the basis of the mounds 57. A dating of the mounds to the early Vendel period makes the evidence for a Migration period centre in Old Uppsala much weaker. Another rich but very poorly documented grave, Gullhgen, has been dated to the 5th century, however this dating is open to question (see below). The only clear indications of a migration period elite in Old Uppsala, that remains today, is a 14C-date from a non-excavated, older phase underneath a large presumably hall building, situated on an artificial terrace. There was a large village in the area already during the Roman Iron Age but this does not in itself account for a big centre. Early valuable hoards, stray finds, or traces of specialized crafts are few or missing. Definite evidence for a number of exclusive specialized crafts is not appearing on the site until the 8th century 58. This evidence does not rule out the possibility that individuals belonging to an elite ruled Old Uppsala during the Migration period. They remain to be identified. Elite burials and changing burial rites in Uppland Revising the datings of the East and West mound of Uppsala requires a look at other early monumental mounds in Uppland. The perhaps most important among these are the Ottars Mound and Gullhgen. Finally there is the extremely richly equipped but still unpublished Brunnshgen. Gullhgen was excavated during the process of the excavation of the East Mound. It is extremely poorly documented and we do not know anything about its size, construction or even its localization on the Hgsen grave field. This grave has been dated to the 5th century by Arrhenius, on basis of x-shaped mounts. Duczko and Ingmar Jansson, however, have pointed out very close parallels to these mounts from Perm in Russia. Examples of these mounts have also been found in 7th century graves from Finland 59. It seems most likely that this mound, too, originates from the early or middle Vendel period. Ottars Mound was dated to around 500 or the early 6th century AD by Lindqvist, which Nerman also stated. This was of course in opposition to a later dating by berg, T. J. Arne and later Straume. Lindqvist used the same argumentations where the Ottars mound was concerned as in the discussions about the Uppsala mounds. One interesting recurrent phenomenon is that he maybe intentionally did not use not Migration-, but Vendel period finds as parallels in order to give an early dating to the actual grave he was dealing with. In the case of Ottarshgen he is placing an early Vendel period utensil brooch in the early Migration period. Arrhenius later dated the Ottars mound to the latest circa AD 500 60. For 5th-7th century graves in Middle Sweden Ottarshgen is almost unique as it contains a coin. A heavily worn solidus for emperor Basiliscus gives the grave a terminus post quem-dating to 476-477. Especially the comb and perhaps the remains of an overlay glass vessel indicate a Migration period date of the grave. Belt details and the type of gaming pieces show a later date, but Lindqvist chose to place them early. On the belt he pointed at a half round ridge detail on a triangular mount. This detail is of a shape that occurs during the Vendel period and the triangular mount it is placed upon occurs only in early Vendel period contexts. A very close parallel comes from the ker find in Norway; another one with a combination that is not as well presented comes from Larv in Vstergtland. Other finds of this type originate from the boat grave Vendel XII, Rickeby in Vallentuna parish and a number of Gotlandic cases. Corresponding mounts on


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

the continent do not seem to appear until the late part of the 6th century. On the basis of this evidence it seems most probable that the Ottars mound was erected during the late 6th century 61. The perhaps most spectacular mound that has been excavated in Middle Sweden is Brunnshgen. Its contents have not been published, but on the basis of the finds exhibited at the Statens historiska museum (SHM) in Stockholm the finds do not not seem to deviate much from the ones of the graves discussed above. After evaluating the data for these mounds it seems as if no published monumental mound in Uppland had been erected before the Migration period, that is to say before 550 AD. This separates them clearly from the mounds in Medelpad in southern Norrland. From this area a couple of rich burials originate, the majority of which are cremation burials with mostly bronze vessels as bone containers. Those burials contain for example fragments of belts and glass vessels. The most famous in this group is the Hgom grave 62. Monumental mounds in Medelpad are a phenomenon, which before the Viking period is restricted to the late Roman Iron age and the Migration period. Around 550 or shortly after, a clear shift can been seen in the grave rituals in this part of Sweden. The monumental mounds disappear and the graves and finds in general tend to be very rare or rather anonymous 63. The cremation burial rite completely dominates during the Migration- and the Vendel period in Middle Sweden. A very small percentage of the graves consists of either inhumations or chamber burials. They are in most cases plundered, but it is often possible to relate them to an elite group of the society 64. The graves coexist with cremation burials that contain objects related to high status. In Middle Sweden mounds do exist during the Migration period, but it is questionable whether monumental mounds were erected before 550 (or rather 560/570 according to continental chronologies). These monumental mounds are defined as larger than 20 m in diameter, with a central cairn covered by a layer of earth that in some cases is more or less mixed with stones, depending on the surrounding soils. If this proves to be true, the mounds of Old Uppsala, the Ottars Mound and probably the Brunnshgen promise a new outlook on the burial rite for the elite in Uppland and Middle Sweden. In the neighbouring landscape Vstmanland the monumental mound grave in Tibble, Badelunda parish, belongs to the same phase 65. After 550 there is a period with a number of changes in Middle Swedish societies. The latest of the chamber graves or rich inhumations can be dated to the late 6th and perhaps earliest 7th century, which means the earliest part of the Vendel period 66. In the same phase the first boat graves turn up in Uppland, together with monumental mounds wider than 20 m, those are the East and West Mound of Old Uppsala, the Ottars Mound, and probably Brunnshgen. Further into the middle Vendel period we find monumental burial mounds, like for example Broby and Stabby. If we take a closer look at the broader and more general trends very clear changes appear in the burial rite around the middle of the 6th century: 1) Complete animals are beginning to accompany the deceased on the funeral pyre or into the boat grave. A high proportion of the population is accompanied by dogs, sheep/goats, and to some extent pigs, horses and cows. 2) True cremation layers are increasingly superseding bone pits and cremation pits 67. 3) True monumental mounds with a distinct curved profile are becoming increasingly common. 4) The Vendel period boat graves and chamber graves do not seem to be plundered to the same degree as the earlier generations of chamber graves. The elite burials of the early Vendel period are on a large scale part of a general trend and in many ways probably the precursors of the changing burial rite and its manifestation to the coming generations. What separates the elite from the rest of the population is of course the dimension of the construction, the grave goods and the number of sacrificed animals; but it is also a conscious choice between two different burial rites. Some of the elite adhere to the regular burial rite while others continue to be a distinguished (male) group in chambers and boats.



In the Uppsala region in particular, it is interesting that we find two kinds of new burial form for the elite in the same area. Some families chose inhumation/boat graves while others were cremated. On the socalled boat grave fields there is always a mix of cremations and boats, in many cases with monumental mounds over the cremation layers. If we look at the material we detect great differences between the flashing complete grave goods in the boat graves and the extremely fragmentary goods in the cremation burials. A combination of bone analyses and detailed studies of the object fragments, reveal that the two burial forms contain the same objects. They can in other words be considered as two groups from the same social class in society 68. The boat grave individuals have been considered as closely related to royalty. Being regarded as members of the kingss retinues they were placed on sites belonging to kings or the crown 69. I would like to present an alternative hypothesis on the basis of the fact that burials belonging to the elite can be symbolic and political manifestations. The late 6th century is necessarily not one marked by strong royal power. Perhaps we have at least two different political groups in that society? The historian Thomas Lindkvist among others has pointed out that an institutionalized society in Middle Sweden is not appearing until the 11-14th century 70. There are signs of administrative traits in the late Iron Age society, of which titles such as jarl, karl and rink are indications 71. Some kings and kingdoms of that period may habe been very powerful with a strong control of the aristocracy and their realm, but as a whole the power structure was constantly fragile and often shifting. If we look at the grave forms, some had perhaps initially been constructed as signals manifesting a belonging to a certain political fraction or a distinct group among the elite. In the late 6th and 7th century some among the elite choose the conventional cremation burial rite, although with the big mound. The other group is part of a trend that occurs simultaneously in at least three different areas of Scandinavia and North-West Europe. Middle Sweden is not the only place where boat graves turn up during the late 6th century, after having been absent during the Migration period. A rich female burial from this phase was found in Augerum in Blekinge of Southern Sweden, and in England we find the boat graves from Snape and Sutton Hoo 72. The boat graves appear to have been a conscious choice of burial form signalling a direct interaction of ideas between Scandinavia and England. The major mounds burials contain exactly the same kinds of objects, but these individuals chose a closer adherence to the public burial rite.

Many thanks to Karen Hilund-Nielsen; Sonya Marzinzik; Dieter Quast and Franoise Vallet for information and important observations, to Svante Fischer for reading the English manuscript and providing valuable comments, and to Bo Grslund for reading the original Swedish manuscript.

1) See for example Stjerna 1908. Nerman 1913. Lindqvist 1926; 1936; 1945; 1949. berg 1947; 1949. Arrhenius 1995. Arrhenius / Sjvold 1995. Duczko 1996b. 2) Baudou 1997, 199ff. Hilund-Nielsen 2004. 3) Concerning the mounds, see especially Lindqvist 1926; 1936; 1949. 4) This interpretation is not considered as valid anymore, see Nordahl 1996; Alkarp / Price 2005. 5) Lindqvist 1936, 234; 1945, 109ff. 6) Stjerna 1908. Nerman 1913. 7) Arrhenius / Sjvold 1995. 8) Hyenstrand 1974, 115; 1979, 84. Silver 1996, 56. Larsson 1997, 164; 1998, 35. 47. Ramqvist 2005, 208. Smlands museum: exhibition text. 9) Lindqvist 1936, 58ff. 10) Lindqvist 1936, 148ff. 234. 11) Lindqvist 1926.


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

12) See for example Arrhenius 1983. Lund Hansen 1988. 13) Nerman 1943, 35ff. 14) Arrhenius 1987, 461; 1995b. Duczko 1996b. 15) Duczko 1996b, 81. 16) Ambrosiani 1983. Rundkvist 1998; 2000. 17) Lindqvist 1949, 36. 38. Arrhenius / Sjvold 1995, 34f. 18) Steuer 1987. 19) See however Rundkvist 2003, 31. 20) See summaries in berg 1949. Hilund-Nielsen 2004. 21) berg 1953. Petr 1984a. Hilund-Nielsen 1999. Nrgrd Jrgensen 1999. One does not find style I objects among the boat graves of Middle Sweden (Stolpe / Arne 1927; Arwidsson 1977; 1942), nor are style I objects represented among Vendel period objects in Gotland (Nerman 1969, 1975). Both Hines and berg present only one case where a Migration period style I object is found with an object related to the early Vendel period (Hines 1993, 27f.; berg 1953, 137). There are a few cases where one could claim that the style is not the authentic style II. Examples are the discussed foils from the East mound of Old Uppsala (see fig. 10), the buckle from Tuna in Alsike XIV (Arne 1934, pl. 21, 1-3) or the buckle from Helg grave field 116, grave 30c (Sander 1997, fig. 2, 29). The objects with these ornaments and the other objects in the graves can, however, be linked to AM III or the early Vendel period. If we look to the closest parallels to the ornaments on the objects, they are more closely related to what you find on for example late 6th century Anglo-Saxon objects (berg 1926, fig. 217-288; Smith 1923, fig. 72) than on late Migration period relief- and equal armed brooches (berg 1953, fig. 23-49; Magnus 2002; Hines 1993, fig. 3863). The ornaments belong stylistically to a border zone between style I and II. The objects are however quite clearly related to an absolute date after 550 AD, or in relative terms, to the early Vendel period or AM III. 22) Nrgrd Jrgensen 1999. Rundkvist 2003. 23) Nerman 1969; 1975. 24) Koch 1977; 2001. Menghin 1983. Jrgensen 1992. Brugmann 1999. Nieveler / Siegmund 1999. 25) See also Nrgrd Jrgensen 1999. Hines 1999. 26) Duczko 1996b, fig. 15c, d. 16f. 27) Arrhenius / Freij 1992. Duczko 1996b. 28) Duczko 1996b. 29) Petr 1984a; 1984b. 30) Lindqvist 1936, 175. Arrhenius 1995, 35. 31) Petr 1984b, 70ff. 32) Compare Nerman 1969, pl. 37-40 with pl. 121-122, 192. 33) Petr 1984a; 1999a; 1999b. 34) Nerman 1969, pl. 1080. 35) Investigated publications: Nerman 1935; 1969; 1975. Arne 1932. Atterman 1935. Rydh 1936. Serning 1966. Waller / Hallinder 1970. Petr 1984a; 1999a; 1999b; 2000. berg 1987; 1991; 1996; 2001. Ramqvist 1992. Nyln / Schnbck 1994. Karlsson 1996. Seiler 2001. 36) berg 1947, 279.

37) Stolpe / Arne 1927, pl. 27. 39. Arrhenius 1985. Nrgrd Jrgensen 1999, fig. 120. 38) Arwidsson 1977, fig. 61. 39) Sander 1997, 22ff. 40) E.g. berg 1947, 282ff. Paulsen 1967, fig. 55, 56, 70-72. Hilund-Nielsen 2004b. 41) Arwidsson 1977. Bruce-Mitford 1978. 42) Duczko 1996b, 76f. 43) Srlvik 1962. Steuer 1987. Sjsvrd 1989. Statens historiska museum (SHM) Inv. Nr. 26423. 44) Ljungkvist 2000. 45) Arrhenius 1983, 64. Arwidsson 1942, fig. 88; 1954, fig. 8791. Biuw 1992, fig. 107, 3. Nerman 1969, pl. 330, 659. 46) Lindqvist 1926, fig. 70-72. 47) (5/5/2008). 48) See examples from Lamm 1973, pl. 3, 5. Stolpe / Arne 1927. Arbman 1940, pl. 149. 49) Sjsvrd 1987. 50) Nerman 1969, pl. 530. Sjsvrd 1989. Biuw 1992. SHM Inv. Nr. 19224; 20251. 51) Lamm 1973. 52) Bruce-Mitford 1978, 598. 53) Arwidsson 1977, fig. 63. Duczko 1996b, 84. Menghin 1983, 150f. map 22. 54) Duczko 1996b, 84. Grieg 1918. Bruce-Mitford 1978, fig. 346. 55) Hildebrand / Hildebrand 1873. berg 1947, 259f. Nerman 1969, pl. 677, 1247. Sjsvrd 1989. 56) Koch 2001. Legoux / Prin / Vallet 2004. 57) Grslund 1993. Ramqvist 1991. 58) See classifications by Fabech / Ringtved 1995. Ljungkvist 2006, 56. 59) Lindqvist 1936, 78. Arrhenius / Freij 1992. Duczko and Jansson, verbal information. 60) Nerman 1943, 51. Lindqvist 1936, 218ff. Arrhenius / Sjvold 1995, 36. Straume 1987, 112. 61) Grieg 1916-18. Lindqvist 1936, 218. Sjsvrd 1987. Stolpe / Arne 1927, pl. 43. Nerman 1969, pl. 35-36. Legoux / Prin / Vallet 2004, cat.-no. 160. Koch 1977, fig. 8B (Stufe 4). 62) Selinge 1979, 251ff. Ramqvist 1991. 63) Selinge 1979. berg 1953. 64) See for example Lamm 1973. 65) berg 1953, 111f. SHM Inv. Nr. 20251. 66) Ljungkvist 2008. 67) Brynja 1998, 116ff. 68) Ljungkvist 2006, 38. 133ff. 69) Arrhenius 1998. Hyenstrand 1996. 70) Lindkvist 1990; 1997. 71) Brink 1996; 1997. 72) Bruce-Mitford 1975-83. Arrhenius 1960.



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Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

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Zusammenfassung / Abstract / Rsum

Die Datierung zweier Knigsgrabhgel von Alt-Uppsala eine Beurteilung der Elite des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts im mittleren Schweden Die vielleicht bekanntesten Grber der nachchristlichen Eisenzeit Schwedens sind der Ost- und Westhgel von AltUppsala (Gamla Uppsala) in der Landschaft Uppland in Mittelschweden. Nach einer Debatte, die sich von den 1920er bis in die spten 1940er Jahre erstreckte, wurde allgemein akzeptiert, dass diese Grabhgel in die Vlkerwanderungszeit gehren. Nach der blichen schwedischen Chronologie bedeutet dies eine Datierung vor die Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts. Dieser Artikel vertritt die Auffassung, dass diese Datierung falsch ist und seit 1948 auch nicht ernsthaft hinterfragt wurde. Eine Datierung der Hgel in das spte 6. und sogar in das frhe 7. Jahrhundert hat bedeutende Auswirkungen auf die Interpretationen von Eliten, Gesellschaft und Fernkontakten. Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala evaluating the elite of the 6th-7th century in Middle Sweden The perhaps most famous excavated iron age graves in Sweden are the East- and West Mounds of Old Uppsala (Gamla Uppsala) in Uppland, Middle Sweden. After a debate which lasted from the 1920s to the late 1940s it was widely accepted that these mounds belonged to the Migration period. According to the regular Swedish chronology this means a date before the middle of the 6th century. I believe that this view is wrong and that it has not seriously been challenged since 1948. To date the mounds to the late 6th and even the early 7th century has a serious effect upon how elite, society and international relations should be interpreted. La datation de deux tumuli royaux de Alt-Uppsala valuation des lites des 6e et 7e sicles en Sude centrale Il est probable que les deux tombes les plus connues de la priode de lge du Fer (apr. J.-C.) en Sude sont les tumuli est et ouest dAlt-Uppsala (Gamla Uppsala) dans lUppland de Sude centrale. Suite un dbat qui eut lieu entre les annes 1920 et la fin des annes 1940, il fut accept que ces tumuli appartenaient la priode des invasions. Selon la chronologie Sudoise cela signifie une datation avant le milieu du 6e sicle. Cet article dfend lopinion que cette datation est errone et que la question de la datation na plus t pose srieusement depuis 1948. Une datation des tumuli la fin du 6e sicle, voire au dbut du 7e a des consquences importantes sur linterprtation de la socit, de ces lites et des contacts lointains. L. B.

Schlsselwrter / Keywords / Mots cls

Schweden / Frhmittelalter / Chronologie / Knigsgrab / Elite Sweden / Early Middle Ages / chronology / royal burial / elite Sude / Haut Moyen-ge / chronologie / tombe royale / lite John Ljungkvist
Institutionen fr arkeologi och antik historia, Arkeologi Uppsala universitet Box 626 S - 751 26 Uppsala


Ljungkvist Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala

Peter May, Der mesolithische Oberflchenfundplatz Auf dem Hhnchen bei Auel (Lkr. Vulkaneifel, Rheinland-Pfalz) ein Beitrag zur Aussagekraft zweidimensional dokumentierter Oberflchenfundpltze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Walter Leitner, Steinzeitlicher Bergbau auf Radiolarit im Kleinwalsertal/Vorarlberg (sterreich) archologische Ausgrabungen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Alexander Binsteiner, Steinzeitlicher Bergbau auf Radiolarit im Kleinwalsertal/Vorarlberg (sterreich) Rohstoff und Prospektion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Thomas Zimmermann, Steinerne Rundgrber der inneranatolischen Frhbronzezeit isoliertes Phnomen oder kaukasisch-mittelasiatisches Erbe? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Angela Mtsch, Keramische Adaptionen mediterraner Bronzekannen auf dem Mont Lassois, dp. Cte-dOr, Burgund . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Matthias Jung, Palmettengesichter auf Attaschen etruskischer Kannen als mgliche Vorbilder latnezeitlicher Gesichtsdarstellungen? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Hans Ulrich Nuber, P. Quinctilius Varus, Legatus Legionis XIX zur Interpretation der Bleischeibe aus Dangstetten, Lkr. Waldshut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Georg Opdenberg, Der Chorobat des Vitruv aus der Sicht eines Landvermessers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Yann Le Bohec, Larchitecture militaire Lambse (Numidie) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 John Ljungkvist, Dating two royal mounds of Old Uppsala evaluating the elite of the 6th-7th century in Middle Sweden. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Hajnalka Herold, Der Schanzberg von Gars-Thunau in Niedersterreich eine befestigte Hhensiedlung mit Zentralortfunktion aus dem 9.-10. Jahrhundert . . . . . . . . . . 283

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