Sie sind auf Seite 1von 21

The First Victim of War Considering Leftist Orientalism in the War Reporting of Richard A.

Bermann and John Reed


Eugene Sensenig-Dabbous Notre Dame University, Zouk Mosbeh/ Lebanon

(in: Veronika Bernard, Serhan Oksay, Eugene Sensenig-Dabbous (Eds.), Breaking the Stereotype: From Orient and Occident to a Mutual Understanding of Images, innsbruck university press: Innsbruck, 2011) Abstract Richard A. Bermanns zwischen dem K. u. K. Fin des Siecle und dem 2. Weltkrieg erschienenen und heute weitgehend unbekannten Schriften, die sich mit so unterschiedlichen Regionen wie Indien, dem Nahen Osten, dem Balkan und der Trkei beschftigen, stellen wichtige Beispiele eines progressiven sterreichischen Blicks auf den Orient dar. Im Gegensatz zu Bermann wird John Reeds Bericht War in Eastern Europe (der Krieg in Osteuropa) von Medienwissenschaftlern weltweit noch immer als wichtiges frhes Beispiel eines anti-militaristischen Kriegsjournalismus studiert. Dieser Beitrag beschftigt sich mit Bermanns unverffentlichten autobiografischen Darstellungen der drei Jahre 1914 - 1916, die er als die Truppe begleitender pazifistischer Kriegsberichterstatter fr das sterreichisch-ungarische Kriegspressequartier (K.P.Q.) verbrachte. Besonderes Augenmerk wird seinen Beschreibungen der Orientalischen Front zwischen der Habsburgermonarchie und dem osmanischen Reich geschenkt. Diese Berichte ber den Balkan und die Trkei werden denjenigen von John Reed gegenber gestellt, der die Region unmittelbar vor dem Eintritt der USA in den Krieg als Gegner der Zentrumsmchte bereiste. Die kontrastierende Untersuchung von Reeds und Bermanns anti-imperialistischem und kriegs-gegnerischem Journalismus versucht festzustellen, ob beide Gefangene orientalistischer Kultur-Traditionen waren. Publishing between the K.u.K. fin de sicle and the outbreak of WW II, Richard A. Bermanns now largely unknown writing is an important manifestation of the progressive Austrian gaze on the Orient, dealing with regions as disparate as India, the Near East, the Balkans, and Turkey. In contrast to Bermann, John Reeds report on the War in Eastern Europe is still studied as an important early example of anti-militarist war journalism by media scholars around the world.

e. sensenig-dabbous

This paper will deal with Bermanns unpublished autobiographical portrayal of the three years (1914-1916) he spent as an embedded pacifist war reporter with the AustroHungarian Kriegspressequartier (K.P.Q.), highlighting his descriptions of the Oriental Frontier between the Habsburg and the Ottoman Empires. It will juxtapose these portrayals of the Balkans and Turkey with those by John Reed who traveled in the same region immediately prior to the US entry into the war as an enemy of the Central Powers. A comparative study of Reeds and Bermanns anti-imperialist and anti-war journalism will attempt to determine whether, nevertheless, they were captives of Orientalist cultural traditions.

This paper is the result of several years of detailed work on Austrian Orientalism prior to the Second World War and a preliminary survey of American Orientalism during the same period. It is based on the authors fascination with the historical characters presented in the film Reds (1981) and in the novel (1992) and film (1996) The English Patient which reflect the critical cultural mindset of the late 20th century. In both cases, the respective literary portrayals of the journalists John Reed and Richard A. Bermann are founded on historical sources penned by the characters themselves, along with a wealth of additional literature. Both authors were leftists in their own right; Bermann a fellow traveler of Austro-Hungarian Social Democratic movement during is formative, radical years; Reed a leader of the American Anarcho-Syndicalist and Communist movements, immediately prior to and following WWI. Despite a longstanding tradition of comparative Orientalism studies in the German speaking world, culminating in Johann Fcks, Die arabischen Studien in Europa bis in den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts1 in 1955, one cannot write about Austrian Orientalism for a modern audience today without referring to Edward Saids groundbreaking critical study on the topic. Many writers, including myself, have attempted over the years to close the gaps left intentionally uncovered by Said. These include the many national Orientalist traditions, such as the important contributions of the Orientalism of Germany, Italy, Russia, Spain, and Portugal, which Said himself admits are an omission. 2 However little has been undertaken to deal with the ideological territory left unexposed to Saids revisionist glance. Critics of Said, such as Malcolm Kerr3 or Martin Kramer4 among many others, have largely attempted to defend writers and artists against what they assumed where unjustified attacks on the part of Said. Rarely have entire areas of Orientalist thinking been submitted for potential reflection and revision based on the criteria developed in Orientalism. The left-leaning works of Berman and Reed present such an opportunity.

the first victim of war

Leftist Orientalism Common Denominators Shared with the Traditional Saidian Model Do leftist travel authors base their view of the East on the same binary 5 approach that Edward Said maintains is typical of Orientalism as a whole? Can one thereby locate a form of progressive Orientalism which is as much a part of the dominant power discourse as was the lefts stance towards colonialism as a whole? As shall be explained below, both the Marxist and progressive-liberal branches of the international labor movement traditionally considered Western imperialism to have had an overall positive historical impact in that it forced the colonialized populations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America out of their socio-economic backwardness and into modern industrial relationships with their employers and the international corporate elites of the time.6 The debate on leftist Orientalism is as old as Saids paradigmatic treatise on the topic. Completed in the last part of 19777 and published one year prior to the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979, Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient concentrates primarily on French and British Orientalism, beginning in the formative period between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and c. 1870. Important Orientalist traditions in countries with a strong background in the field, such as Germany, Austria, Hungary, Russia, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United States, were largely ignored. Concentrating almost exclusively on mainstreamliberal, conservative, and rightwing Orientalists, Said also neglected to include the positions taken by the Marxist, anarchist, leftist-liberal, and other anti-imperialist schools of thought in the West.8 He gives convincing arguments for his geographical limitations. Can the same be said for his focus on only half of the ideological spectrum? Debate on leftist Orientalism began in earnest in the period following the terrorist assault on the World Trade Center in New York on 11 September 2001. During the last decade, scholarly studies such as Steven Salaitas The Uncultured Wars, Arabs, Muslims and the Poverty of Liberal Thought9 or journalistic pieces, like Matthias S. Kleins recent Guardian article Twenty-first century orientalism: The left has its own prejudices, imposing value judgments and revelling in savage stereotypes of Gulf Arabs 10 have concentrated, on the one hand, on the support by many on the left for the US led global war on terror, including the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Many progressives have, on the other hand, demonstrated an almost instinctive, knee jerk support for all movements and regimes considered to be antiWestern, and thus by default, anti-imperialist, including the Iraqi Baath Party, Hamas, and Hezbollah. Prior to the 9/11 attack on the United States, debate on leftist Orientalism focused primarily on both the negative and positive stereotyping of manifestations of purportedly progressive political Islam in Iran and within Muslim feminist circles. Two of the most prolific examples of this were the criticism of positions taken by Michel Foucault11 in support of the revolution in Iran and the social criticism of the late Lebanese Marxist and feminist, Mai Ghoussoub. 12 To date, this author is unaware of scholarly research or journalistic surveys

e. sensenig-dabbous

dealing specifically with expressions of leftist Orientalism during the historical period prior to the publication of Saids groundbreaking study. Ironically, the century between c. 1870s and 1970s is the very period in which the Marxist labor movement, and the progressive world view in general, enjoyed its greatest support, both in the West and the Orient. It should be noted here that Said makes no attempt to justify these limitations in ideological scope in the Afterword of the 1994 second edition of Orientalism, in which he otherwise deals with a myriad of controversies, debates, and misreadings surrounding the book. 13

Justifications for Exclusion of Central European and Pre-WW II American Orientalism As opposed to the ideological spectrum, Said is quite explicit with respect to geography and geopolitics. The grounds for the exclusion of German and pre-WW II American Orientalism are dealt with in Orientalism in great detail. American Orientalism, both of the center-left (e.g. Samuel Clemens, alias Mark Twain) and on the right (e.g. theologians and Biblical students, diplomatic and military encounters, or the odd naval expedition to the Far Orient) was, according to Said, irrelevant during the formative first two thirds of the 19 th century. This would change immediately following World War II, when the United States found itself in the position recently vacated by Britain and France. 14 Accordingly, as of the mid 20th century, French and British hegemony over Western Orientalist discourse had been replaced by American scholarship, news media, educational institutions, and cultural production. Prior to that period, there was no invested tradition of Orientalism, and consequently in the United States knowledge of the Orient never passed through the refining and reticulating and reconstructing process, whose beginning was in philological study, that it went through in Europe. 15 According to Said, the eastern frontier with the Orient, that was so vital to the French and British imperialism, was supplanted by the great American West.16 Of relevance for this study, American scholars, journalists, artists, and educators did not directly link their Orientalist discourse to American national interests in the period to be studied here, i.e. immediately prior to and during WW I. This colonial juxtaposition between the western and eastern frontiers of the global West will be of some significance when considering the images that American authors including John Reed created and shared with respect to those parts of Mexico which had been colonized and annexed by the United States between 1845 and 1848, namely all of Arizona, California, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, and parts of Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Wyoming, as well as the rump state of Mexico proper. Said neglects German, and by inference also Austrian, Orientalism entirely, this because of the fact that both countries lacked colonies in the Arab/Muslim world in the period of classical European imperialism. To be in a position of superior military, cultural, scientific,

the first victim of war

and economic power was essential in order to be truly Orientalist in the Saidian sense. The key to Oriental-European relations was that Europe was always in a position of strength, not to say domination. 17 By citing both Austrian (Mller, Goldziher) and German (Steinthal, Becker, Brockelmann, Nldeke) academics in his explanation of why he excludes Central Europe from his study, Said collapses the experience that both major powers had with the eastern, i.e. Oriental frontier. Any work that seeks to provide an understanding of academic Orientalism and pays little attention to scholars like Steinthal, Mller, Becker, Goldziher, Brockelmann, Nldeke to mention only a handful needs to be reproached, and I freely reproach myself. I particularly regret not taking more account of the great scientific prestige that accrued to German scholarship by the middle of the nineteenth century.18 Said juxtaposes French and British direct military, economic, and political interaction with the peoples of the Orient, on the one hand, and German, and by default also Austrian, participation in the imperial endeavor from the security of their centers of intellectual inquiry, on the other. By about 1830 (), German scholarship had fully attained its European preeminence. Yet at no time in German scholarship during the first two-thirds of the nineteenth century could a close partnership have developed between Orientalists and a protracted, sustained national interest in the Orient. There was nothing in Germany to correspond to the Anglo-French presence in India, the Levant, North Africa. Moreover, the German Orient was almost exclusively scholarly, or at least a classical, Orient: it was made the subject of lyrics, fantasies, even novels, but it was never actual, the way Egypt and Syria were actual for Chateaubriand, Lane, Lamartine, Burton, Disraeli, or Nerval. There is some significance in the fact that the two most renowned German works on the Orient, Goethe's Weststlicher Diwan and Friedrich Schlegel's ber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier, were based respectively on a Rhine journey and on hours spent in Paris libraries. What German Oriental scholarship did was to refine and elaborate techniques whose application was to texts, myths, ideas, and languages almost literally gathered from the Orient by imperial Britain and France. Yet what German Orientalism had in common with Anglo-French and later American Orientalism was a kind of intellectual authority over the Orient within Western culture.19 Saids exclusion of German and Austrian Orientalism has not gone unchallenged. Both Roman Loimeier20 and Carl Niekerk21 have attempted to locate a Saidian Orientalist tradition

e. sensenig-dabbous

for Germany during its brief three decades in the colonial sun between 1884 and 1918, e.g. in German East Africa (Rwanda and Burundi, the continental portion of Tanzania, and a small section of Mozambique), Togo, and Cameron. Loimeier mentions the Austro-Hungarian officer, Rudolf Slatin Pascha, who while serving the British as governor of the Darfur province of Sudan, was captured by the Mahdi. Slatin Pascha's two volumes, written after the defeat of the Mahdiya in Sudan by the British in 1898, served as a key source for the German adventure author, Karl May, who never left Europe, incidentally. Thus, the link between imperial power and albeit popular, or even trivial, cultural production is more than evident with respect to late 19th century Wilhelminian Germany. May's Austrian hero, Kara ben Nemsi, and his dimwit Arab/Muslim sidekick, Hadschi Halef Omar ben Hadschi Abul Abbas ibn Hadschi Dawud al-Gossarah, have helped form the imagery of the Orient in the minds of generations, in much of Central Europe, to this very day.22 Niekerk points out that postcolonial discourse in Germany has tended to assume the following position: "(I)t has always been part of the rhetoric of German colonialism to claim that Germans would be better colonialists than others." In reality, he maintained, "(t)he marginal role of Germany in the West's colonial past was tied to a desire to catch up with other colonial powers, which without a doubt led to a discarding of humanitarian principles in countries like Namibia."23 It should be pointed out here, that Namibia was not a predominantly Muslim colony, as were the other German possessions in Africa. As opposed to Prussia and the other German states, the Germans of Austria enjoyed a long history of "national" belonging under the rule of the unifying Habsburg dynasty. Andre Gingrich's work on Austrian "frontier Orientalism" is amongst the most significant in detailing this development. 24 I have also done work in this field in preparation for the reissuing of Lszl Ede Almsy's writings on the Libyan Desert. Almsy became accessible to consumers globally because of the success of the novel and film, The English Patient. In the mid 1990s, the Austrian Haymon Verlag in Innsbruck asked me to assist them in doing a background search on the real Almsy, the results of which were published in 1997 in a comprehensive collection of his writings, titled Schwimmer in der Wste, Auf der Suche nach der Oase Zarzura (Swimmer in the Desert, in search of the Zarzura Oasis).25 The history of the 'real' Lszl Ede Almsy accentuates the differences between German and Austrian Orientalism. According to Gingrich, Austria does have an Orientalist past when viewed from a Saidian perspective. It began with the Crusades in the Middle Ages; continued throughout the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, with the successful double defeat of Islam by the Spanish and Austrian forces, fighting against the Moorish and Ottoman invaders in Andalusia as well as at the very gates of Vienna.

Binary Opposition Fixed Identities Battling across a Permanent Divide

the first victim of war

Established as a key indictor in the first edition of Orientalism26 and reiterated in the Afterword of the second, 27 Said maintains that a binary juxtaposition of the East and the West is one of the revealing attributes of the Orientalist mindset. He coins the term binomial opposition to illustrate how this binary approach i.e. the culturally sanctioned habit of deploying large generalizations by which reality is divided into mutually exclusive categories is applied in Orientalist writing and art. Underlying these categories is the rigidly binomial opposition of ours and theirs, with the former always encroaching upon the latter (even to the point of making theirs exclusively a function of ours). 28 By traversing the imperial East-West divide Said states that personally he entered into the life of the West. The procedure of crossing, rather than maintaining, barriers in Orientalism, enables him to challenge the binary opposition between the East and the West and abjure the sense of fixed identities battling across a permanent divide that is so typical of Orientalist literature.29 Leftist scholarship and partisan political texts have often been guilty of resorting to this very binomial opposition when dealing with the impact of colonialism in the regions today referred to as the Third World or the global South. Thomas Mitschein quotes Karol Sobelsohn (alias Karl Radek), one of the leaders of the revolutionary socialist movement in Europe prior to WWI and a key player within the Soviet backed Communist International (Comintern) after the Russian Revolution, as calling on the proletariat in the industrialized regions of Europe and North America to not only overthrow their capitalist oppressors, but to provide genuine cultural support to the underdeveloped peoples in the colonies in order to enable them to become part of the European cultural sphere. 30 According to Mitschein, as well as Inge Kircheisen, Michael Wortman, and Leonhard Mahlein,31 prior to WW I, the leftist labor parties, and the labor unions allied with them, were convinced that the colonized peoples were incapable of developing without the support of the socialist movement in the countries which today are referred to as the West.32 It was this approach to the peoples of the colonialized world, and for this study of particular interest, the peoples of the Orient, which permeated the Soviet Congress of the Peoples of the East held in Baku in September, 1920. According to the congresses opening statement it held a special place in the history of the Communist movement. It was the first attempt to appeal to the exploited and oppressed peoples in the colonial and semi-colonial countries to carry forward their revolutionary struggles under the banner of Marxism and with the support of the workers in Russia and the advanced countries of the world.33 In his own speech at the Baku Congress, John Reed echoed these sentiments. We appreciate the need for solidarity between all the oppressed and toiling peoples, for unity of the revolutionary workers of all the countries of Europe and America

e. sensenig-dabbous

under the leadership of the Russian Bolsheviks, in the Communist International. And we say to you, peoples of the East: Do not believe the promises of the American capitalists! There is only one road to freedom. Unite with the Russian workers and peasants who have overthrown their capitalists and whose Red Army has beaten the foreign imperialists! Follow the red star of the Communist International! 34 In following, the attempt will be made to analyze the writings of the two prominent leftist travel authors and journalists introduced at the outset of this article, Bermann and Reed, and determine whether their portrayals of the Orient conform to Saids concept of binomial opposition; or were they inversely, like Said, able to transverse the great divide between West and East in their writings, but this time in the opposite direction? The study will attempt to establish preliminary results. For this reason, as opposed the highly sophisticated tools developed by Said in Orientalism in order to test this phenomenon, the analysis which follows will focus on one aspect only. Using a relatively simple approach, I will attempt to locate binaries in the writing of both authors during their respective travels in Serbia and Turkey during the second year of the Great War. To do this, the binomial opposition often found in pre-WW I leftist political literature with respect to the colonialized peoples will be used.35 These include: Western progressive modernity vs. Eastern traditional conservatism Rational analysis vs. emotional subjectivity Progressive (or revolutionary) development vs. reactionary stagnation

Both Bermann and Reed traveled south through the Balkans to Istanbul in the fall of 1915. Prior to this experience, Bermann had visited Palestine, Egypt, and India as a travel journalist. References to these countries can be found in Richard A. Bermann alias Arnold Hllriegel, sterreicher Democrat Weltbrger, (Austrian, Democrat, Citizen of the World), part of the German Exil Archives collection, 1995, and Die Fahrt auf dem Katarakt (A Ride on the Cataract) unpublished autobiography, 2000, both edited by Hans-Herald Mller and Brita Eckert. 36 Reed, on the other hand, was experiencing the real Orient, i.e. the predominantly Muslim world, for the first time when he reported on the War in Eastern Europe during his travels through the Balkans in 1915, in the book by the same name. 37 Significantly, he did spend a extended period of time in the American equivalent of the Orient, i.e. Latin America, while working on Insurgent Mexico in 1913 and 1914, as will be developed below. 38 With respect to the binomial relationship between the Western origins of the two authors and the South-East European Orient they described in their respective works, a brief portrayal of their background will help to illuminate their shared views of the Balkans and Turkey.

the first victim of war

Whether or not these personal attributes influenced their thinking about the East will be left to a later, more in-depth survey on this topic. Both Bermann and Reed came from relatively privileged backgrounds, although they both complained about the marginal positions of the families. Growing up in Prague and being of German-Jewish middle class origin, Bermann felt excluded from Czech society because he was German and alienated by mainstream German society because he was Jewish. His critical, leftist leanings could be seen as a means of compensating for this outsider status. Reed, from an early age, felt alienated by bourgeois society in the provincial city of Portland Oregon, in which his father was a leading citizen. In order to flee the limitations of their surroundings, Bermann left for the imperial capital of Vienna and then Berlin, the thriving metropolis of the German empire; Reed moved to Greenwich Village, which till this very day remains the center of counterculture in New York, Americas most cosmopolitan city. Both accomplished travel authors were plagued by health problems from an early age and both would meet an early grave because of their weak constitutions. This tension between an adventurous mind and a body that couldnt keep up seems to have driven both authors desire to experience the world outside their sheltered cities of origin, especially the exotic countries on the borders of their respective homelands, and not to submit to doctors orders and the concerns of friends and family. Bermann was able to travel throughout the world for three decades before succumbing to the detrimental effects of imprisonment and flight from Austria following the Nazi annexation (Anschlu) in 1938. Reeds extensive travels as a war reporter and revolutionary journalist took him in less than a decade to Mexico, Eastern Europe, and, under great danger to himself, to the Communist Internationals First Conference of the Peoples of the East in Baku in 1920. Shortly thereafter, most likely because of his history of health problems, he died and was buried in Moscow. Finally, both authors private lives seem to reflect a lifestyle that would have been considered adventurous by the standards of their time. Reeds private life is well documented. 39 As an anarchist intellectual and aspiring artist, Reed was drawn to the leftist, avant-garde counter culture of pre-World War I New York City, a place to which those who challenged the sexual, social, and political norms prevalent in the United States of that period naturally gravitated. Bermanns private life is more ambivalent. No mention is made of amorous relationships in his autobiographical writings. However, his close personal relationship to the purported homosexual travel author, Lszl Ede Almsy, which enabled Bermann to participate in several daring explorations into the deserts of North Africa during the interwar period, has nurtured speculation about his sexuality, including an illusion to him being gay in the movie version of The English Patient.40 This is significant from an Orientalist perspective because of the association with the Orient as being a destination in which to locate and experience unfulfilled sexual desires. The following excerpt dealing with Anthony Minghella's cinematic adaptation of the relationship between Bermann and Almsy in The

10

e. sensenig-dabbous

English Patient, and juxtaposing it to Michael Ondaatje novel, though purely fictional, is symptomatic of this phenomenon. It is important for this study because it reflects the debate on Bermanns sexuality. The assumed colonialist/Orientalist permissibility of things forbidden at home is further developed with the introduction of the issue of homosexuality, which is unique to the cinematic version. As previously stated, Minghella's Patient refers to the International Sand Club as a group of buggers (gays). The following scene accentuates the cinematic Bermanns sexual orientation. (Bermann looks uneasily at Almsy. He wants to tell him of his passion, his absolute love for Kamal, but he darent.) Bermann: How do you explain? To someone whos never been here? Feelings which seem quite normal. It should be mentioned here that although Almsy, Bermann, and other members of their entourage are rumored to have been gay, neither Bermann nor Almsy brought up the issue of sexuality in their writings.41 Before turning to and comparing the actual portrayals of the Balkans and Turkey during WW I, Reeds and Bermanns pre-war relationships to the colonial, exotic, underdeveloped world will be briefly review. In Pancho Villa and John Reed: Two Faces of Romantic Revolution, Jim Tuck describes Reeds ideological progression from an advocate of liberal reform capitalism (after graduation from Harvard University he declared two goals in life, to make a million dollars and get married, to an anarchist and later a communist party leader. 42 Tuck describes his work as an editor for the Anarcho-Syndical journal, The Masses, his support as a reporter for the historically significant 1913 radical textile workers and miners strikes in Paterson, New Jersey and Ludlow, Colorado, respectively, his support for the Mexico Revolution documented in Insurgent Mexico, published in 1914, and his portrayal of the European powers with which the United States would ally itself in WW I as being as reactionary and oppressive as their Central European adversaries. All of these led ultimately to his embrace of the Russian Revolution, the events of which were immortalized in his epic portrayal, Ten Days that Shock the World.43 The Masses Paterson Mexico Ludlow imperialist England authoritarian France Czarist Russia Teddy Roosevelts sellout the antiwar movement all were milestones on Reeds road to revolution. Coming up was the final marker, the foreign revolution he would embrace as his own and, later, act as its representative in the United States.44 By reporting from the front during the Mexican Revolution (1913-1914) Reed experienced an ersatz Orient, which was to remain his only Oriental (i.e. exotic-colonial) encounter prior to

the first victim of war

11

his journey through the Balkans to Istanbul in 1915. According to the American novelist and artist John Dos Passos, it was Mexico that really taught Reed to write. 45 In an article written for The Masses, Reed juxtaposes the primitive, erotic, female, Mexican Other to the superior American woman, in a way similar to the binary opposition described by Said with respect to Orientalist stereotyping. However, he does this in an obvious attempt to expose and criticize American ignorance and arrogance vis--vis its southern neighbor. In the piece MacAmerican46 Reed describes a bigoted, but well travelled fellow countryman, with whom he reluctantly teams up in Chihuahua City in order to reach his destination. Mac is racist, sexist, and generally disparaging of all things Mexican, just as he is full of praise for the culture of his country of origin. Mac is thus the perfect foil through which Reed can make his many ideological points about the greatness of the Mexican Revolution, for which, according to Tuck, he had a burning commitment. 47 Whereas foreign mine owners and company representatives the Mac Americans cynically viewed the Revolution as a means whereby poor greasers could prevail among the rich ones, Reed witnessed at first hand the code of honor prevailing among the ragged men.48 The following quote, taken from Mac-American, indicates just how successful Reed was, in a Saidian sense, at transversing the great divide between the US and Latin America and effectively undermining the binomial opposition codified in the descriptions of Mexico common in his day. In Chee Lees we met up with two more Americans. They were the kind that preface all remarks by Ive been in this country seven years, and I know the people down to the ground!" Mexican women, said one, are the rottenest on earth. Why they never wash more than twice a year. And as for Virtueit simply doesnt exist! They dont get married even. They just take anybody they happen to like. Mexican women are all , thats all there is to it! Mac banged his fist on the table. The American Woman, God bless her! he said. If any man dared to dirty the fair name of the American Woman to me, I think Id kill him. He glared around the table, and, as none of us besmirched the reputation of the Femininity of the Great Republic, he proceeded. She is a Pure Ideal, and weve got to keep her so. Id like to hear anybody talk rotten about a woman in my hearing! () The first man spoke. Well, said he. You can crack up your pretty senoritas all you want to. But for me, give me a clean little American girl.49 The only description of an Arab and/or Muslim character in Reeds reporting prior to War in Eastern Europe that I or my research assistants were able discover can be found in the early pages of Insurgent Mexico, in which the author seems once again to use his personal encounters to make a critical political point about stereotyping and prejudice. Reed describes

12

e. sensenig-dabbous

how he initially expects the worst from the hostile Arab Swayfeta (most likely originally Choueifati indicating that he was probably a Lebanese from the town Choueifat located on the hills south of Beirut), but is pleasantly surprised by the merchants openness and generosity. A hostile Arab named Antonio Swayfeta happened to be driving to Parral in a twowheeled gig the next morning, and allowed me to go with him as far as Las Nieves, where the Grenerrl lives. By afternoon we had climbed out of the mountains to the great upland plain of Northern Durango, and were jogging down the mile-long waves of yellow prairie, stretching away so far that the grazing cattle dwindled into dots and finally disappeared at the base of the wrinkled purple mountains that seemed close enough to hit with a thrown stone. The Arab's hostility had thawed, and he poured out his life's story, not one word of which I could understand. But the drift of it, I gathered, was largely commercial. He had once been to El Paso and regarded it as the world's most beautiful city. But business was better in Mexico. They say that there are few Jews in Mexico because they cannot stand the competition of the Arabs. 50 () I knew that the price for such a journey as Antonio had carried me was at least ten pesos, and he was an Arab to boot. But when I offered him money, he threw his arms around me and burst into tears. God bless you, excellent Arab! You are right; business is better in Mexico.51 Turning to Bermanns pre-WW I encounters with the Orient, a similar procedure of crossing, rather than maintaining, barriers52 can be ascertained. Mller maintains (in Richard A. Bermann) that as opposed to much of the German travel literature of this period, that produced a negative image of the Orient, Bermann made no attempt to conceal the fact that for him the region was and remained largely foreign (). 53 Bermann writes (in Die Fahrt auf dem Katarakt): We were tourists. A smooth and transparent wall existed between us and this country. We could appreciate all these buildings and historical sights, but nevertheless understand nothing, literally nothing about the life of its people.54 Bermann reported in the Berliner Tagblatt and Vossische Zeitung, in a ten installment series between February and May 1914 on his travels to the Orient. As cited in Richard A. Bermann, he complained about the negative influence that European (currently more likely termed global) culture had exerted on the Orient. This Europe of ours reeks throughout the entire world.55 The Orient stinks like the Occident. () My God, the garbage of Europe has ruined this beautiful planet! In Palestine we saw more of the same. Its everywhere! In the grand pilgrim temples of southern India, fat, naked Brahmans sell colorful idols Made in Germany to the believers arriving from the most remote Himalayan valleys, based on how the German idol merchants believe an Indian god should appear.56

the first victim of war

13

The Western Left and the Saidian Other in the Balkans and Istanbul In following I will be dealing with excerpts from the War in Eastern Europe and Die Fahrt auf dem Katarakt, as referred to above. With respect to Saids reference to Borgesian polymorphism I will also maintain that over time a book becomes something more and different than what its author intended. Layers upon layers of discourse have altered the nature of Orientalism in a way that an insistence on its authors original intent would indeed seem to be a fallacy. The result of all this is that Orientalism, in almost a Borgesian way, has become several different books. And in so far as I have been able to follow and understand these subsequent versions, that strange, often disquieting and certainly unthought-of polymorphousness is what I should like to discuss here, reading back into the book that I wrote what others have said, in addition to what I myself wrote after Orientalism ().57 Wimsatt and Beardsleys intentional fallacy premise, i.e. that a text takes on a wealth of additional and contradictory meanings after publication, would seem to hold true for the works discussed here; especially after their reworking in modern literary and cinematic formats. Furthermore, any discussion of now almost one century old texts, with respect to Orientalist stereotyping, must take into consideration that our gaze on the Orient has been forever altered by Saids Orientalism. Thus our view of these historical documents will almost automatically be anachronistic. Nevertheless, using the very reduced approach described in the introductory section, i.e. concentrating solely on the binary opposition between a superior West and inferior East, some insights into the nature of WW I leftist Orientalism should be possible. In following, I will present those textual sequences prepared for the 2010 Istanbul conference Breaking the Stereotype: From Orient and Occident to a Mutual Understanding of Images. They include descriptions of Bosnia and Serbia, in the fall of 1915 by Bermann and Reed respectively. The English language excerpts from Bermanns unfinished autobiography, Fahrt auf dem Katarakt, are unauthorized translations which were done previously for a special issue of Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, i.e., Will the Real Almsy Please Stand Up! Transporting Central European Orientalism via The English Patient, dedicated to the late Edward Said in 2004, or for the 2010 Istanbul conference.

14

e. sensenig-dabbous

The Balkans Europes Oriental Backyard Because of his role in the life of the real Lszl Ede Almsy (or Graf Ladislaus Eduard von Almsy, as the Hungarian explorer often referred to himself), as well as in those of the literary and cinematic English Patients, I previously translated Richard A. Bermanns description of the Bosnian Orient, while working on an article on both historical charters almost a decade ago.58 Although Bermann is best known for the travel literature and articles he published during the interwar period, his career as a writer began much earlier and includes various descriptions of the Austrian Orient prior to the collapse of the empire in 1918, the period we are now dealing with. Bermanns attempt to transverse the great divide between East and West was described above. The following excerpt from his autobiographical fragment, Fahrt auf dem Katarakt, illustrates his detached and ironically critical writing style, reflecting both his dissatisfaction with the ruling elites and his identification with the Central European values he supported as an assimilated Central European Jewish intellectual. In this text, Bermann combines impressions gathered during preWorld War I journeys to India and the Middle East, referred to above, with his gaze on the Austrian Orient during his years as a war correspondent with the imperial forces on the eastern and southeastern fronts. I had never been to Bosnia before and found the country intoxicatingly beautiful. Its exceptional Austrian administration had turned Sarajevo into a modern city, which means it had a hotel that was free of lice, a few soberly modern buildings, schools in which Austria had educated the young Bosnian revolutionaries who were responsible for the assassination of 28 June 1914, and a garrison that was intended to keep them under control. The city had stores in which one could purchase Viennese products, and coffee houses whose selection of newspapers included the Neue Freie Presse. But just take one step off the main boulevard and the most colorful of Orients began. Fountains could be heard splashing in the courtyards of the city's mosques. Sitting in the narrow alleyways of the bazaar, clothed in picturesque costumes, the Eastern Jews were selling nobly crafted copper and brass vessels as well as their marvelously soft Bosnian carpets, a product of Sarajevo. I spoke with these Jews in their mother tongue, the antiquated Spanish of Cervantes. Everyone else in the bazaar wore similarly colorful costumes. Those in the know could distinguish the Roman Catholic Croats from the Serbian Orthodox based on their fez, Turkish trousers, and vests; and again distinguish them from the Serbian-speaking Muslims, who here were referred to as Turks, although they had stopped being so long ago. The "Turkish" women were deeply veiled when in public, a scene I had observed in Cairo and Delhi.

the first victim of war

15

I had already visited many Islamic countries, but none had appeared as genuine to me as Bosnia still was in the middle of World War I. Here you did not find the NegroidArabian Islam of Egypt or Morocco, but rather that of the traditional Turks, enjoying their status as overlords in the midst of their subjugated Christian peoples; with tolerant arrogance, warlike traditions, and despite their casual grace, conservative to their very souls. They had got along well with my fellow Austrians and had proven to be extremely loyal to our aging emperor, who had formed an alliance with the Turkish sultan. In their eyes this entire war, which had begun with the shots fired on a bridge in Sarajevo, was nothing more than an attempted rebellion instigated by their traditional subjects, the Bosnian Christians. 59 Here, Bermann combines his colorful, slightly ironic, descriptive style with expressions of empathy for his Oriental subjects and only mildly disguised distain for the European colonial powers. This is in keeping with his approach to the Orient previously demonstrated in the Berliner Tagblatt/Vossische Zeitung piece. Although this quote, and the description of Istanbul below, were only written by Bermann in 1938 as a refugee on the le-aux-Moines off the French coast of Brittany, as well as in the US in 1939 shortly before his death, they are based on detailed notes from his journeys, which were partially published, while he was active as a war reporter, in various newspaper reports. The various publications on Bermann quoted in this survey (Hans-Herald Mller and Brita Eckert) support the assumption that his style vis-vis the Orient in the 1910s and 1930s was largely consistent. As opposed to Bermann, whose portrayals of the Orient before and during WW I seem to be consistent, Reeds description of the Balkans has strong binary tendencies. This is particularly significant when compared to his evenhanded reporting on the North American Orient during the Mexican Revolution. The following excerpts have been taken from pages 15-16 with reference to Nish and pages 20-21 with reference to Belgrade in the 1994 Orion Books edition used for this article. The stench of the city was appalling. In the side streets open sewers trickled down among the cobble stones. Some sanitary measures had been taken such as closing the cafs and restaurants from two oclock until six every day in order to disinfect them but still it was an even chance of typhus if you stayed in a hotel or public building. Luckily the hospitable American vice consul, Mr. Young, took us in at the consulate and introduced us to the Diplomatic Club, which had dining-rooms over an abandoned restaurant, and where good food was to be got when half the town was starving. The entrance was through a pigsty, after stepping across an open sewer; and when you opened the club-room door, your astonished eyes encountered tables, decorated with flowers and covered silver and snowy linen, and a head waiter in smart

16

e. sensenig-dabbous

evening dress, an Austrian prisoner by the name of Fritz, who had been head waiter at the Carlton in London before the war. To see the British minister sail majestically past the pigsty and mount the club stairs as if it were Piccadilly was a thing worth coming miles for. Such was Nish, as we first saw it. Two weeks later we returned, after the rains had altogether ceased, and the hot sun had dried the streets. It was a few days after the feast of St. George, which marks the coming of spring in Serbia. On that day all Serbia rises at dawn and goes out into the woods and fields, gathering flowers and dancing and singing and feasting all day. And even here, in this filthy, overcrowded town, with the tragic sadness of war and pestilence over every house, the streets were a gay sight. The men peasants had changed their dirty heavy woollens and sheepskins for the summer suit of embroidered dazzling linen. All the women wore new dresses and new silk kerchiefs, decorated with knots of ribbon, with leaves and flowers even the ox-yokes and the oxen heads were bound with purple lilac branches. Through the streets raced mad young gypsy girls in Turkish trousers of extravagant and gorgeous colours, their bodices gleaning with gold braid, gold coins hung in their ears. And I remember five great strapping women with mattocks over their shoulders, who marched singing down the middle of the road to take their dead mens places in the work of the fields. ---------Johnson was a dramatist of note. He had transplanted to the Serbian stage the Comdie Rosse of the Thtre Antoine, and had been ostracized by respectable society. Because, he explained, my play was obscene. But it was true to Serbian life, and that is the ideal of art, dont you think? Johnson was saturated with European culture, European smartness, cynicism, modernism; yet scratch the surface and you found the Serb; the strong, virile stock of a mountain peasantry, intensely patriotic and intensely independent. But many Serbian intellectuals are like the city of Belgrade, where only three years ago the peasants drove their creaking ox-carts along unpaved streets deep in mud, between one-storey houses like the houses of Nish and which now puts on the buildings, the pavements, the airs and vices of Paris and Vienna. They affect modern art, modern music, the tango and fox-trot. They ridicule the songs and costumes of the peasants. In both instances, Reed juxtaposes the civilized West and raw-romantic East. As opposed to his description of Mexico, he is only mildly critical of Western European attempts at cultural hegemony in the Balkans. As we will see in the following excerpts dealing with

the first victim of war

17

Istanbul, Bermann continues to critique the arrogant Western imperial gaze on the East by allowing his Oriental subjects to expose Central European Orientalism in their own worlds.

Istanbul - The Germans Go Ottoman The following bitingly ironic and self-deprecating description of Turkeys German and Austro-Hungarian allies is Bermann at his best. He clearly distances himself from his arrogant fellow (Prussian) Central Europeans and sympathizes with the perspective of his Turkish host. The excerpts, translated by this author, can be found on pages 221-222 of Fahrt auf dem Katarakt. During a gala dinner, which had been prepared for the embedded journalists in our hotel, I started chatting with a gentleman sitting next to me. He was a very elegant young man; after he finally removed his bright red fez, I saw his surprisingly blond hair. At first I held him for one of those Prussians who were dressed up as Turks, swarms of which could be found in Constantinople at the time, because he spoke German without an accent. But I quickly discovered that he was indeed Achmad Sedat Bey, the son of a former grand vizier, and Old Turk, who had lost his influence after the fall of Abdul Hamid. The father was reactionary and old Turkish to the extreme, the son the other extreme, being both radical and modern. He was now sitting beside me hardly able to control his rage because a representative of the German Reich was giving an incredibly blunt speech in which he informed his Turkish allies that after the coming victory in the Great War they would play second fiddle in Germanys drive to the East. ---------The next day, in the chaos of the Grand Bazaar, we continued our discussion. Sedat had taken me there because I was in search of the intoxication of Oriental romanticism, hoping to see merchants of these darkened passageways bargain with customers over the treasures of Asia, watch the silver and brass smiths at work. However, my young Turkish friend himself simply intended to buy an electric desk lamp at a good price. With bitterness in his voice he accused us tourists of being disappointed if the Turks werent underdeveloped enough for our taste. If I had my way, he said, Id douse the Bazaar in gasoline, if I only could, and rid the world of this crescented romanticism with a single match and replace it with a beautifully modern department store built on the ruins of this place filled with the stinking camel caravans from Central Asia that so fascinate you.

18

e. sensenig-dabbous

In the first excerpt below, it is evident that Reed is also critical of the manner in which the Prussians seem to be taking over Istanbul and its environs. However, his 1001 Nights descriptions of the city, exemplified by the second excerpt, lack the tongue-in-check selfcriticism one finds in Bermanns portrayals of the Ottoman capital. The brisk young Prussian who got on at Adrianople was strikingly different. He wore the uniform of a Bey in the Turkish army, with a tall cap of brown astrakhan ornamented with the gold crescent, and on his breast were the ribbons of the Iron Cross, and the Turkish Order of the Hamidieh. His scarred face was set in a violent scowl, and he strode up and down the corridor, muttering Gottverdammte Dummheit! from time to time. At first stop he descended, looked sharply around, and barked something in Turkish to the two tattered old railway guards who were scuffling along the platform. Tchabouk! Hurry! he snapped. Sons of pigs, hurry when I call! Startled, they came running at a stiff trot. He looked them up and down with a sneer; then shot a string of vicious words at them. The two old men trotted off and, wheeling, marched stiffly back, trying to achieve the goose-step and salute in Prussian fashion. Again he bawled insultingly in their faces; again, with crestfallen expressions, they repeated the manuvre. It was ludicrous and pitiable to watch . Gott in Himmel! cried the instructor to the world in general, shaking his fists in the air, were there ever such animals? Again! Again! Tchabouk! Run, damn you!60 ---------At four hours precisely, Turkish time (or three minutes past nine la fraqnue), on the morning of chiharshenbi, yigirmi utch of the month of Temoos, year of the Hegira bin utch yuze otouz utch, I woke to an immense lazy roar, woven of incredibly varied noises - the indistinct shuffling of a million slippers, shouts, bellows, high, raucous peddler voices, the nasal wail of a muezzin strangely calling to prayer at this unusual hour, dogs howling, a donkey braying, and, I suppose, a thousand schools in mosque courtyards droning the Koran.61 Reed could be accused here of merely pandering to his readers expectations. However, a comparison with Insurgent Mexico, published just one year previously which is free of binomial opposition illustrates that he has indeed internalized the very Western mindset that he is otherwise so critical of.

the first victim of war

19

A Victim of Good Intentions Concluding Remarks Both Richard A. Bermann and John Reed set out to portray war on the Oriental Frontier of their respective homelands in a manner that is sensitive to the specificities of the protagonists they are describing. They share a deep-seated abhorrence towards the Western arrogance of the power elites that dominate the economies and political systems in which they have grown up; they sympathize with the peoples and movements who are their victims and who are struggling to establish and maintain their dignity. Bermann developed a style which enabled him to toy with the Orientalist expectations of his readers and invert them, thereby exposing Austro-Hungarian imperialism and enabling him to cross, rather than maintain, the barriers between East and West. Reed, in comparison, when dealing with Latin America, demonstrates his ability to transverse the great divide set up between the 19th centurys colonial power centers and the exotic, even barbaric peoples they dominate. However, when dealing with the peoples of the East he demonstrates the same Orientalist mindset shared by his fellow leftists of the time, such as Karl Radek, with whom he traveled to Azerbaijan in 1920 shortly before his death. In conclusion, when describing the Orient, Leftist travel literature of the fin de sicle and WW I period seems to conform to both of Saids concepts with respect to Orientalism. It is full of binomial oppositions, which can be used, like Said himself did, to enable the author to transverse the great divide between West and East. Both Reed and Bermann have illustrated their ability to do this. However, Reed seems to be torn between his loyalties to the oppressed nations of the Orient and his overarching dedication to social justice on a global scale. He appears to ultimately have been willing to sacrifice the truth about the people of the East in order to serve the higher good of the red star of the Communist revolution. Thanks goes to my research assistants at the Notre Dame University, the Masters students in the Political Science Department, Pamela Chemali and Joelle Zlaket.

Johann Fck, Die arabischen Studien in Europa bis in den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts (Arabic Studies in Europe until the Beginning of the 20th Century), Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 1955. 2 Edward Said, Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient, London: Penguin Books, 1995 2nd edition, 17.
3

Martin Kramer, Edward Said browbeat Middle Eastern studies into submission http://www.geocities.com/martinkramerorg/SaidSplash.htm , retrieved:27 Jan 04. 4 Malcolm H.Kerr, Review of Orientalism, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12, no. 4 (December 1980), 544. 5 Said: Orientalism, 46. 6 Eugene Sensenig, sterreichisch-amerikanische Gewerkschaftsbeziehungen 1945 bis 1950 (Austrian and American Labour Relations), Cologne: PahlRugenstein Verlag, 1987, 150-152. 7 Said: Orientalism, 329. 8 Adam K., Anarchist Orientalism and the Muslim Community in Britain, Anarchist People of Colour Network, http://mostlywater.org/node/4205, retrieved 07 December 2010; Anti-imperialism or Orientalism, RevLeft, http://www.revleft.com/vb/anti-imperialism-orientalismi-t109014/index.html? s=200e35320d22d7b08e1b4b70f3285ace&t=109014 , retrieved 08/Dec/10. 9 Steven Salaita, The Uncultured Wars, Arabs, Muslims and the Poverty of Liberal Thought, London: Zed Books, 2008. 10 Matthias S. Klein, Twenty-first century orientalism: The left has its own prejudices, imposing value judgments and revelling in savage stereotypes of Gulf Arabs, The Guardian, 18 October 2009, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/oct/18/orientalism-left-gulf-arabs, retrieved 08 December 2010.
11

Janet Afary and Kevin Anderson, Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism by; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005 12 May Ghoussoub, Feminismor the Eternal Masculinein the Arab World, New Left Review I/161, January-February 1987. 13 Said: Orientalism, 330. 14 Ibid, 290. 15 Ibid, 290. 16 Ibid, 290. 17 Ibid, 40. 18 Ibid, 18. 19 Ibid, 19. 20 Roman Loimeier, Edward Said und der Deutschsprachige Orientalismus: Eine Kritischee Wrdigung, Stichproben: Wiener Zeitschrift fr kritische Afrikastudien, 1, 2, 2001. 21 Carl Niekerk, Rethinking a Problematic Constellation: Postcolonialism and its Germanic Contexts (Pramoedya Ananta Toer/Multatuli), Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 23, 1&2, 2003. 22 Helmut Lieblang, Im Schatten des Groherrn; Karl May, Charles Didier, von der Berswordt; http://karlmay.leo.org/kmg/seklit/JbKMG/1999/270.htm, retrieved 27 January 2004. 23 Niekerk: Rethinking, 62. 24 Andre Gingrich, "Grenzmythen des Orientalismus: Die islamische Welt in ffentlichkeit und Volkskultur Mitteleuropas," in Orientalische Reise: Malerei und Exotik im spten 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Erika Mayr-Oehring and Elke Doppler (Vienna: Wien Museum, 2003), 11029; Andre Gingrich, "Immigration Politics, Austrian Millennial Festivals, and the Role of Anthropology," paper presented at the twentieth annual conference of the German Studies Association, Seattle, 1013 October 1996, <http://www.univie.ac.at/voelkerkunde/ theoretical-anthropology/andre.html, retrieved 21 September 2004. 25 Raoul Schrott and Michael Farin, Vorwort, Schwimmer in der Wste, in: Ladislaus E. Almsy, Schwimmer in der Wste: Auf der Suche nach der Oase Zarzura, Innsbruck: Haymon, 1997, 22. 26 Said: Orientalism, 46. 27 Ibid, 336. 28 Ibid, 227. 29 Ibid, 336.
30

Thomas Mitschein, Die Dritte Welt als Gegenstand gewerkschaftlicher Theorie und Praxis, Zur Analyse der internationalen Politik metropolitanischer Gewerkschaften, Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 1981, 30, quoted in Sensenig: sterreichisch, 151. 31 Inge Kircheisen, Die Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale und das Problem des Ministerialismus bis zum Ende der Periode der relativen Stabilisierung, in: Hallesche Studien zur Geschichte der Sozialdemokratie, Band 6, Halle, 1981.; Leonhard Mahlein, Gewerkschaftlichen International, Im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ost und West Aus eigener Sicht, Frankfurt am Main: Nachrichten-Verlagsvegesellschaft, 1984; Michael Wortman, Gewerkschaftliche Solidaritt mit der Dritten Welt? In Sozialwissenschaftliche Studien zur internationalen Problemen, Nr. 90, Saarbrcken, 1984. 32 Sensenig: sterreichisch, 150-152. 33 Baku Congress of the Peoples of the East, Foreword, 1920, http://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/baku/foreword.htm, Marxists Internet Archive: History Archive, retrieved 08 Jan 2011. 34 Reed, John, Speech, Baku Congress of the Peoples of the East, Appendix to the report of the Fourth Session, Marxists Internet Archive: History Archive http://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/baku/ch04a.htm, retrieved: 7 Jan 2011. 35 Kircheisen: Die Sozialistische; Mitschein: Die Dritte Welt; Sensenig: sterreichisch.
36

Hans-Herald Mller and Brita Eckert (eds.), Richard A. Bermann alias Arnold Hllriegel, sterreicher Democrat Weltbrger, (Austrian, Democrat, Citizen of the World), Munich: KG Saur Verlay, 1995; Hans-Herald Mller and Brita Eckert (eds.) Die Fahrt auf dem Katarakt (A Ride on the Cataract), Vienna: Pikus Verlag, 2000. 37 John Reed, War in Eastern Europe: Travels through the Balkans in 1915, London: Orion Books, 1994. 38 John Reed, Insurgent Mexico, New York: International Publishers, 1969. 39 Alex Baskin, John Reed: The Early Days in Greenwich Village, New York: Archives of Social History, 1990; Barbara Gelb, So short a Time: A Biography of John Reed and Louise Bryant, 1973 rpt. New York: Berkeley Books, 1981; Hicks, Granville, John Reed: The Making of a Revolutionary. New York:

Macmillan, 1936; John Reed, The Education of John Reed, New York: International Publishers, 1955; Robert A. Rosenstone, Romantic Revolutionary: A Biography of John Reed, Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press, 1990. 40 Eugene Sensenig-Dabbous, Will the Real Almsy Please Stand Up! Transporting Central European Orientalism via The English Patient, in Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 , 2004, pp. 163-180. 41 Sensenig-Dabbous: Will the Real, 173. 42 Jim Tuck, Pancho Villa and John Reed: Two Faces of Romantic Revolution, Tucson Arizona, University of Arizona Press, 1984, 58. 43 John Reed, Ten Days that Shook the World, New York: Viking Penguin, 1986. 44 Tuck: Pancho Villa, 75. 45 Ibid, 120. 46 John Reed, MacAmerican, first published in April 1914 in The Masses, John Reed Internet Archive, transcribed by Sally Ryan January 2001, http://www.marxists.org/archive/reed/1914/mac.htm, retrieved: 07 Jan 2011. 47 Tuck: Pancho Villa, 103. 48 Ibid, 105. 49 Reed, MacAmerican. 50 Reed, Insurgent Mexico, 14. 51 Ibid 21. 52 Said: Orientalism, 336. 53 Mller and Eckert: Richard A. Bermann, 32. 54 Mller and Eckert: Die Fahrt, 133. 55 Mller and Eckert: Richard A. Bermann, 34. 56 Ibid, 35. 57 Said: Orientalism, 330. 58 Sensenig-Dabbous: Will the Real. 59 Sensenig-Dabbous: Will the Real, 168. 60 Reed: War in Eastern Europe, 118. 61 Ibid, 121.