Nationalities Papers, Vol. 32, No.

3, September 2004

Evacuation to a Cold Country: Child Refugees from the Greek Civil War in the German Democratic Republic, 19491989*
Stefan Troebst

We Greek political emigres celebrate the thirtieth historical anniversary of the GDR as our own holiday since we are vitally connected to this state from its rst steps onwards. We feel better than any other foreigner the great joy and the pride of the people of the GDR since, from the foundation of its socialist state, we are marching side by side and since then we by way of our small contribution feel as co-constructors of this grand act. The thirtieth anniversary of the GDR coincides with the thirtieth anniversary of our political emigration to this hospitable country. Today we all remember the rst years after our arrival and our caring reception in the GDR. (Speech of the day at the central celebration of the Greek political emigres in the GDR devoted to the thirtieth anniversary of the GDR and the thirtieth anniversary of the political emigration, Dresden, 29 September 1979).1

In many respects, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was a special case within the Soviet sphere of hegemony. Having been up to late 1949 the Soviet Zone of Occupation in Allied-controlled Germany, the GDR was considered by Moscow not to be a full-edged peoples democracy, as were Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Albanian and Bulgaria, but at best as a semi-colony. One of many indicators for this inferior status within the Soviet Bloc is the relatively small number of refugees from the Greek Civil War that were assigned to the GDR in the years 1949 and 1950: Out of a total of some 100,000, just 1,128 were distributed to East Germany, i.e. 4% of the ca. 28,000 refugee children.2 Albeit being the perfect example of proletarian internationalism in action, GDR propaganda did not make a public case of the Greek refugees arriving in the years 1949 and 1950. Accordingly, there are very few publications from GDR times on the topic, mostly articles in the daily press singing the praise of friendship of peoples. The same goes for products of GDR historiography, sociology and other disciplines.3 But also in West German research on foreigners in the GDR, the refugees from the Greek Civil War do not gure at allin contrast to guest workers from Poland as well as from Mosambique, Angola and Vietnam. The same goes for the post-1989 period when the GDR archives were opened. Accordingly, a recently published voluminous survey of post-1989 research on the history of the GDR makes no mention of the Greek refugees at all.4 The best treatment of Greek refugees in the GDR so far is given by a German geographer: Gerrit Ruwes brochure of 1990 on expulsion and return of refugees
ISSN 0090-5992 print; ISSN 1465-3923 online/04/030675-17 2004 Association for the Study of Nationalities DOI: 10.1080/0090599042000246442

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from the Greek Civil War is based on interviews with Greek refugees who had migrated from GDR to West Berlin.5 Furthermore, there is Andreas Stergious study on the relations between Greece and the GDR and the relationship of the SED towards the Greek Communist Party in exile (Kommunistiko Komma Elladas, KKE) of 2001, a Ph.D. thesis which is distributed in parallel as a book.6 In addition to a number of unpublished M.A. theses,7 there are several articles in German newspapers on refugees from the Greek Civil War in general.8 And in two instances, newspaper reports on the topic produced letters to the editor.9 Finally, there are a Deutschlandfunk radio programme by Ruth Diessel and Claus Leggewie of 1987 and a Westdeutscher Rundfunk television programme by Bernhard Petschinger of 1997, both of high quality.10

Political Preparations for Receiving Refugee Children That the German communists at all accepted Greek refugees is to be explained by the fact that the Greek Civil War was a prominent issue in Soviet-controlled German media and that this hot start of the Cold War caused considerable emotions among the East German public: just a few years after the end of the German occupation of Greece, a possibility for Wiedergutmachung of injustice against Greeks occurred. On 14 September 1948, the Central Secretariat of the Party of Socialist Unity of Germany (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, SED) ordered the founding of a German Support Committee for Democratic Greece (Hilfskomitee fur das de mokratische Griechenland) which was to include all political parties, trade unions, other mass organisations and leading personalities in academia, culture and politics like the writer Ludwig Renn or the painter Willi Sitte. The lead was to be taken by the Federation of Free German Trade Unions, the Free German Youth (Freie Deutsche Jugend, FDJ), the Democratic Womens League of Germany and the Association of the Repressed by the Nazi Regime (Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes, VVN).11 The aim of the committee was to grant humanitarian help to the victims of fascism in Greece in the form of donations in money and kind, particularly, medical help, medicine, medical aids and care for children without parents.12 Within weeks, the head ofce in Berlin was supplemented by regional committees in the ve provinces. E.g., on 7 December 1948, in Dresden a regional committee was founded by the VVN branch in Saxony.13 In the same month, the SED Central Committee agreed with representatives of the KKE that we for a longer period of time, probably 12 years, will host 100 Greek children in the Soviet Zone of Occupation.14 Obviously already at that time the decision had been made that to Germany exclusively children, i.e., no adults should be dispatched.15 Whether this decision was taken by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), the KKE or the SED for the time being remains unclear. The same goes for the reasons behind this choice.

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In January and February 1949, the new support committee hosted the visit of a delegation of the Greek communist provisional government led by Minister of Social Affairs and Education, Petros Kokkalis.16 Even the SED was surprised by the interest of the German public in this visit demonstrated, for instance, by high attendance at public meetings with the Greek delegates, by the sums of money donated for humanitarian aid and by unpaid solidarity shifts in industrial plants. The obvious reason for the popularity of the communist side in the Greek Civil War was the exculpation from war crimes extended by the delegation members to their German audience:
Again and again the participants in the public meetings were most strongly impressed by the assertion of the Greek speakers that the chasm between the German and the Greek people which Hitler-Fascism had brought about was bridged and there was very strong applause when the speakers of the Greek delegation declared that we are leading a common ght and when they wished us success in our struggle for the freedom of Germany.17

A particular success was the delegations tour through Saxony where the largest attendance at solidarity meetings was achieved and the highest amount of money was donated.18 The Greek delegation also raised the topic of evacuating Greek children from the Balkans to the GDR, and the German side indicated its willingness to host 150 children permanently in orphanages, to give apprenticeships in enterprises to another 75 youths and to receive annually 1000 children for several weeks of holidays.19 During the months to follow, the number of children for permanent residence in Germany almost doubled. On 4 August 1949 the rst train carrying 342 Greek children arrived from Czechoslovakia at Bad Schandau border station in Saxony.20 There are no hard data from which countries the children came and according to which criteria they were sent to GDR,21 yet there is some evidence that this rst transport came from Albania.22 GDR as well as Greek communist sources contain the information that the children were exclusively of Greek ethnic origin, i.e., among them there were no Macedonians, Albanians, Vlachs or others.23 However, several Macedonians living today in Leipzig, also in Saxony, report that they had been among those children arriving in 1949 and 1950,24 and there was at least one boy of Cham, i.e., Albanian, origin from the Ioannina region in the childrens home of Dolkau castle near Merseburg.25 So it seems that GDR authorities made no distinction between (Greek) citizenship and (Macedonian, Albanian, etc.) ethnicity or were unable to do so. In any case, in GDR there was only Greek language teaching for the refugee children, no Macedonian as in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania.

Administering and Educating Unruly Refugee Children After having been for a number of months provisionally put up in various places in

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Saxony, the children were concentrated in Radebeul, a small town in the immediate vicinity of the provincial capital of Dresden. Here, a former restaurant, a school, a stadium, a red cross station as well as a dozen larger villas, whose owners and tenants were for that purpose evicted, formed the Care Combinate Free Greece (Heimkombinat Freies Griechenland). Initially, this institution was run by the governmental NGO Peoples Solidarity (Volkssolidaritat), then by the Committee Free Greece (Komitee Freies Griechenland), the follow-up organisation of the Support Committee for Democratic Greece. In institutional terms, the combinate was a branch of the GDR Ministry of Peoples Education in Berlin. The reasons for choosing Radebeul were the accommodation possibilities described above, a satisfactory supply situation plus the vicinity of the city of Dresden which gave the possibility to assign the youths as apprentices to industrial enterprises. Also the fact that the headquarters of the Soviet Military Administration of Saxony were located in the same compound might have had an impact.26 In the fall of 1949, Kokkalis and his German counterparts negotiated another transport of up to 700 children to Germany and on 10 March 1950 the SED Central Committee conrmed this number.27 On 1 July 1950, another 720 children between 8 and 17 years of age arrived by train from Bulgaria in Radebeul, among them many with serious health problems like tuberculosis, meningitis or skin deseases.28 In the same month, German authorities employed 26 Greek and 39 German educators as well as 45 Greek and German teachers for the children.29 According to Greek communist sources, by the fall of 1950 a total of 1128 Greek children (probably including teachers, educators, nurses and KKE ofcials) were permanent residents in the GDR.30 Soon this gure was to rise due to the fact that many Greek youths married each other and founded families. Another Greek communist source of 1979 cites the number 1240 for the years 19491950,31 whereas a GDR source cites for 1959 the gure 1218.32 According to the Greek communist press, on 1 April 1980 the number of Greek refugees in the GDR amounted to 1541,33 whereas for the following year the number was given as 1620.34 There is no information on whether GDR authorities were part of the process of deciding which country should take how many refugees. It is known that in spring of 1948 the Executive Committee of the Balkan Youth Organisation of the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform) functioned as a clearing house in this regard,35 but the SED was no Cominform member. Yet, it is also known that with regard to the Greek refugees, GDR ofcials acted in line with Moscow and the peoples democracies. For example, the GDR like the USSR and the other COMECON member states declined an invitation by the International Red Cross for a meeting on 21 May 1953 in Geneva to discuss the issue of the repatriation of Greek refugee children.36 Another indication for close cooperation of the GDR with the peoples democracies in the question of treatment of Greek refugees is the fact that GDR authorities commissioned a number of reports on how Greek, Korean, Vietnamese and Macedonian children were dealt with in Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and other

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peoples democracies. Also, specialised GDR delegations were sent to these countries. In the les of the GDR Ministry for Peoples Education there is a report of December 1952 on the visit of a delegation to Hungary where homes for children from Korea and Greece were visited.37 On behalf of the GDR authorities, a number of educational principles were applied towards the children from Greece. The most important one was to educate them as patriotic partisans-to-be. For example, the elementary school Free Greece in Radebeul dened its pedagogical goals as follows:
The children are to be educated as conscious, determined and disciplined patriots and ghters for the liberation of their native country from the yoke of Monarcho-Fascism and to be qualied for the swift planned building-up of Greece as a progressive democratic country. For this purpose, they have to be brought up according to the communist Weltanschauung as universally educated and morally developed human beings. In this regard, the foundations are science, Marxism-Leninism and Soviet pedagogics. The children have to be able and prepared to participate jointly with all forces in the democratic development of their native country and to keep unswerving friendship with the great friends of a democratic Greece, namely the Soviet Union, the peoples democracies and the GDR.38

Accordingly, the German education of the Greek children contained a signicant military element. Sophoklis V. who in 1950 at the age of 10 was transferred from Karlovo in Bulgaria to Radebeul reported:
All refugee children became Thaelmann Pioneers, frequently carried out subbotniks (voluntary working action according to Soviet example) and were wearing new ELAS children uniforms sewn for them. He reports that the education was aimed at making them conscious of an immediately forthcoming liberation of Greece and at preparing them for their military role in this event. Accordingly, every-day life in the boarding-schools was permeated by watchwords for liberation and patriotic speeches, starting from the morning roll call over the hoisting of the ag in the schoolyard to the shouting of slogans before the meals. Paramilitary training took place under the direction of Greek ELAS veterans and others together with units of the barracked peoples police, Soviet ofcers, Spanish and from 1953 on also Korean boardingschool pupils.39

The regime in Radebeul was a very strict one. For example, the children were not allowed to leave the compound without permission.40 Direct interaction between Greeks and Germans was restricted to the spheres of working, schooling, military and ideological activities. Private contacts between Greek and German children were declared undesirable, yet happened nevertheless.41 Also, among themselves Greek youngsters had to obey strict rules. For example, intimate relationships were not tolerated and boys who had a girlfriend were reprimanded in meetings or excluded from the ranks of the party.42 Another type of control of the children and youths was the tight censorship of all private correspondence. This censorship was coordinated by the KKE headquarters in Bucharest and carried out by the Greek teachers and educators. The measure was justied by the TitoStalin break and by

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the fact that some children had relatives in Yugoslavia.43 There is no information on additional surveillance by the GDR Ministry for State Security at that time while from the split in the KKE in February 1968 on this Ministry closely watched the sympathizers of the Eurocommunist faction among the Greek refugees.44 What GDR authorities obviously had underestimated was the antipathy and even hate of many of the Greek refugee children against Germany and the Germans. Quite a number of them still remembered the German occupation of Greece of 19411944, when Wehrmacht and SS troops executed Greek civilians at random. According to Andreas Stergiou, for some of the children who in 1949 were provisionally living in orphanages and boarding-schools in Bulgaria, Albania and elsewhere it came as a shock to learn that they had to go to Germany.45 This resentment must have caused problems to the German institutions and individuals in charge of the Greek children. Of course, the topic was not discussed openly but tabooed by German authorities as well as Greek communists. Yet there is at least one report by a German educator which gives a glimpse of the atmosphere:
In the beginning it was difcult to get along with the children. They came here to Germany and met us as Germans whom they had gotten to know as enemies during the war in Greece. [] My wife told me that in the beginning they treated the educators playfully as their prisoners and for fun tied them to trees. And albeit this was, as I mentioned, just a game, one sometimes got a bit scared.46

In addition to being separated from or even having lost their parents and other relatives and to being far away from their native villages, the aversion against the Germans, the excessive military drill, the overdose of communist ideology in its particularly bureaucratic German variety and, not the least, the rigid German insistence on discipline, order, cleanliness, manners, etc., quite understandably made some of the children from the very day of their arrival in Germany refractory to their German as well as Greek educators, teachers, nurses and others. The comparative luxuries of their every-day life in Radebeul probably did not in all cases make good for this situation. Thus, the representative of the Greek communists in the GDR, Thanasis Georgiou, urged the KKE repeatedly to send mothers, i.e., older girls and young women who could give emotional support, from the peoples democracies to Radebeul.47 On the other hand, however, the considerable if not dramatic improvement of living conditions for the children should not be overlooked: up to ve meals per day, heating, bed sheets and bathtubs were something most of them had not had during their former life, and in many autobiographical reports, the day they were allowed, after months and sometimes years, to dispose of their lice-ridden rags and got new clothes gures as the turning point in life. Through this rite of passage, the anthropologist Riki van Boeschoten stated, they were reborn as extralocal, deterritorialised subjects.48 And in some instances it was exactly the favourable living conditions which caused Greek refugee children, e.g., in Bulgarian homes, to volunteer for transfer to GDR.49

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While there are no reliable statistical data on the Greek children for the rst years of their stay in Radebeul, there is a detailed survey of 16 January 1959 which describes the regional distribution and professional structure of the then 1218 Greek political refugees in the GDR as follows: the overwhelming majority lived in historical Saxony, namely 490 in Radebeul and adjacent Dresden, 263 in Leipzig, and 182 in Chemnitz, then Karl-Marx-Stadt. Medium-sized colonies of 2040 people existed in Zwickau, also in Saxony, and further away in Brandenburg, the Soviet sector of Berlin, Bad Durrenberg and Magdeburg. And from one to 10 Greeks lived in another 30 towns and some villages.50 According to other sources, however, Greeks were temporarily residing also in a number of additional towns, particularly ones with institutions of higher education.51 Seven hundred and seventy-one of the 1218 refugees were employed589 as workers, 162 in other professions like engineers, teachers, nurses, etc., and 20 were labelled members of the intelligentsia. The rest were students, apprentices, children under the age of six or housewives. Thirty-six refugees were listed as living (temporarily?) in West Germany, 130 in the peoples democracies and one (!) in Greece. Four hundred and fourteen were either members or candidates of the SED.52 In legal terms, the Greek refugees were categorised by GDR authorities as stateless and as such were given special identity cards labelling them Greek without home country (Grieche ohne Heimat).53 These identity cards did not entitle their holders to cross either the borders of the GDR or of the Soviet sector of Berlin. However, up to the building of the Berlin Wall in August 1961, it was still possible sneak into West Berlin by way of public transport, and even beyond that date some Greeks were granted permits for short-term visits there.54 Visits to family members in other socialist countries required the permission of the KKE, of GDR authorities as well as a visa of the country of destination. From the very arrival of the Greek children, teachers, educators and nurses in Germany, the SED had made it clear that in politicalorganisational terms full integration into the GDR political systemPioneer Organisation Ernst Thaelmann, FDJ and SED plus other organisations close to the regimewas mandatory. Setting up separate political organisations of GDR Greeks was not permitted, whereas double membership, e.g., in SED and KKE, was allowed. The workers uprising of 17 June 1953 against the SED in the urban centres of the GDR came as a shock to the Greek party ofcials and teachers, but also to some of the children:
When on 17 June 1953 the uprising took place [] the kids mobilised on their own initiative and wanted to safeguard the compoundthey stood guard, sometimes with knifes. One could feel how they were frightened; they probably thought the fascists would come back.55

More problems arose in 1953 with the ight of some of the German teachers of the Greek children to West Germany, by German teachers leaving the SED as a sign of

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protest against the government56 and by the fact that three Greeks had left the Radebeul compound without permission and were suspected to have ed to the West.57 The multiple pressure exerted on the refugee children resulted in various forms of retreat as well as protest which were perceived by their Greek and German wardens as signs of ideological deviation. German party ofcials reported incidents like the following:
Some Greek girls, among them a party member, wrote without the knowledge of the directorate of the boarding-school and the Greek party ofcials to the radio in London (in January) and ordered music programmes together with greetings to other Greek friends living in the GDR. These programmes were emitted. In an intensive discussion with them they refused to realize which political consequences their deed would have.58

Difcult Children into Problematic Adults One of the reasons for the increasing self-assurance of the Greek youngsters mightnext to their advanced agehave been that, in 1955 for the rst time, 630 of them were allowed to visit their parents in Romania, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Hungary and Poland, while some got permission to join them permanently.59 At least three of them did not return, and in 1956 as many as 15 children were said to have illegally moved via the loophole in West Berlin to other countries.60 The uprising in Budapest of the same year, the Twentieth Party Congress of the CPSU and the overthrow of the popular KKE leader Nikos Zachariadis in the wake of de-Stalinisation complicated things further also in GDR. A rst result was a reconstruction of the Care Combinate Free Greece in Radebeul ordered by the SED Central Committee and the Ministry of Peoples Education in July 1956 and including a purge of the Greek staff.61 Furthermore, in the spring of 1957, the SED tasked Nikos Akritidis, a KKE Central Committee member with permanent residence in the GDR,62 to inquire into the causes of the ideological diversion among the Greek refugees. As a result of a 3-month inspection tour, Akritidis presented the Central Committee with a lengthy as well as cryptic report on his ndings. He identied a number of general problems on behalf of the Greeks like low work discipline, gambling, drinking and brawls with Germans, as well as more specic ones like unfullled wishes for family reunion, visa problems and others. In particular, he pointed to the fact that every-day life for the majority of the refugees had changed signicantly: having come to GDR as children and been put up in boarding-schools under the control of educators, they were by now adults, earned their own money, had married each other,63 had moved into their own apartments, and founded familiesin the period 19501959 alone 250 children were said to be born. Accordingly, they were less and less willing to take advice, not to mention orders, by othersincluding the KKE and SEDand thus

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became arrogant (eingebildet). Even worse, they bought radios and tape recorders in order to listen to and to tape Western music.64 In the following year, Akritidis had again worrying things to report in this regard:
We noticed that some dances and the clothes of many [Greek] friends were not in accordance with proletarian, socialist culture but are symptoms of bourgeois society. We pledge to work untiringly towards turning our youths away from Western culture. We do not consider it appropriate that at celebrations and dancing-parties these Western dance are danced. We ask the directorate of the combinate to announce in all boardings-schools that only decent dancing is allowed in cultural centres.65

What at rst glance seemed to be a minor offence of socialist order was characterised by Akritidis as a serious violation of party discipline and of the hospitality extended to the refugees by the GDR:
The members of the SED agree to take the most strict measures against individual political emigres who violate the demands and obligations of common life and do not respect the moral and other principles of a socialist society and speak ill of other political emigres. They abuse the hospitality which the German people and the GDR have extended to them.66

Not least deviations like these caused a negative response by the SED towards an inquiry by the KKE as to whether a separate Greek communist organisation for the refugees could be set up in the GDR. The ofcial explanation was, however, that for the Greek refugees in the GDR the building-up of communism in their second home country was now of primary importance, and this would require full integration of the refugees into the SED and GDR society.67 Yet, in addition to Western cultural inclinations, also the Stalinist leanings of our Greek friendsas they were ofcially called in the GDRworried German communists: in 1963, they were deeply concerned about pro-Chinese and pro-Albanian sentiments among the Greek refugees. They were particularly suspicious about the intensive correspondence of Greeks in Saxony with the dethroned Zachariadis in Tashkent in the Uzbek Socialist Soviet Republic and with his followers in Czechoslovakia and Romania.68 The Technical University of Dresden, where in 1963 some 30 Greek refugees were studying, was said to be a centre of Stalinist opposition to the new Soviet doctrine of peaceful coexistence of East and West.69

Greek-Style Eurocommunism in Saxony The establishment of a dictatorship in Greece on 21 April 1967, as well as the split within Greek communism of 1968, complicated things for the Germans further. In February 1969, some of the Greek communists living in the German Democratic Republic sent a letter to the Eurocommunists in Greece expressing the approval of

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the only correct way for the reconstruction of unity of the party as well as for the successful organisation of the ght against dictatorship.70 At the same time, GDR foreign policy worked for the opening of negotiations with the Junta in Athens on recognition and the establishment of diplomatic relations. Both aims were achieved in 1973the year when the KKE held its Ninth Party Congress in complete secrecy in a village the northern part of the GDR. This was the result of an agreement of the SED as well as the Hungarian Communist Party with the CPSU in 1968 concerning the protection of the orthodox Greek communists. The KKEs department in charge of agitation and propaganda activities in Greece, West Germany and the Warsaw Pact countries together with a Greek radio station were now established in Leipzig and fully nanced by the SED.71 Since the SED supported the orthodox KKE faction, it perceived the above-mentioned address of the Greek Eurocommunists in the GDR to the splinters in Athens as an open provocation and acted accordingly: Greek Eurocommunists were excluded from the SED, lost their professional positions and were put under the surveillance of the Ministry of State Security.72 In social terms, predominantly members of the technical intelligentsia, doctors, teachers and others were affected, i.e. a group of some 400 people.73 The result was an exodus of Eurocommunists from GDR to West Berlin and West Germany and later to Greece. By the early 1970s, German communists had lost control over most of the Greeks living in the GDR. Calls for remigration to Greece by the Greek Eurocommunist party as well as by the Greek Military Mission in West Berlin triggered a steady ow of outward migration, and this against the will of KKE and SED. The fact that formally the Greek refugees applied with the GDR authorities for return to Greece, while actually they moved to and settled in West Germany and West Berlin was perceived by German communists as class betrayal.74 In parallel, the Committee Free Greece, led at that time by Stratis Tsiradsidis and residing in Radebeul, even in German eyes turned out to be without any inuence among the refugees.75 This situation caused the SED in 1973 to formulate a new policy towards the Greek refuges:
No Greek is to go to the Military Mission [of Greece] in West Berlin or to the Greek Embassy in the GDR (whose opening will take place soon) as long as he is an emigre in the GDR. He does not need a Greek passport, his citizenship will be preserved anyway. What does a political emigre want from his enemy who has expelled him from his country? A democratic government in Greece will give them the possibility to get passports. A political emigre has obligations towards the country which granted him the right of asylum. That means also that he is subject to the rules dened by our authorities concerning travel opportunities abroad. All Greeks who have led in an application for return to Greece or for moving to a capitalist country are allowed to emigrate under the condition that (1) they have not signed an obligation on condentiality [and] (2) that they do not insist on joint emigration with their relatives who are GDR citizens. For relatives of Greek emigres who are GDR citizens emigration is generally denied. Those who have emigrated will be banned from return.76

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Remigration Ironically enough, it was the 1973 agreement with the Junta which channelled the remigration of GDR Greeks away from West Berlin and West Germany to Greece: When in the spring of 1974 a Greek embassy was opened in East Berlin, the Greek Military Mission in West Berlin lost its competence for the GDR and thus its signicance for the Greek refugees there.77 And with the replacement of the Junta by the Karamanlis government in the same year the reservations of the SED against remigration withered away. In line with its internationalist logic, German communists now supported the idea of a return of the refugees to Greece. On 18 March 1975, the partys central committee regulated the emigration to Greece of GDR citizens married to Greeks, and on 2 April of the same year this body decreed that Greek refugees who returned to Greece either for good or for holidays should be granted nancial support.78 However, permissions granted by the Greek government for the repatriation of Greeks from GDR were much less than applications. By 1979, only 316 applicants had gotten a positive answer, some others a negative one and most none.79 With the PASOK government of 1981 nally in place, almost all applicants got permissions, and in 1984, East Berlin and Athens signed a treaty on GDR pensions for refugees having returned to Greece.80 It can be estimated that by the implosion of the GDR in 1989, the overwhelming majority of Greek refugees had left the country. Those who remained were either married to Germans or closely afliated with the SED regime. Rough estimates put the number of those who came in 1949/50 and still live in the eastern parts of Germany at 50 people.81

NOTES * Paper given at the International Colloquium The Child Refugees from Greece in Eastern and Central Europe after World War II, Joseph Karolyi Foundation, Karolyi Mansion, Fehervarcsurgo, Hungary, 3-4 October 2003. I am indebted to my research assistant Dorothea Steude, Leipzig, for locating a number of archival and other sources. 1. Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirkspartei archiv, IV D-2/18/791. 2. Lars Brentzen, The Paidomazoma and the Queens Camps, in Lars Brentzen, John O. Iatrides and Ole L. Smith, eds, Studies in the History of the Greek Civil War 19451949 (Copenhagen, 1987), pp. 127157; Petre Nakovski, Makedonski deca vo Polska (19481968) (Politoloska studija) (Skopje, 1987); Nikifor Robovski, Make doncite od Egejskiot del na Makedonija vo Cehoslovakija (Skopje, 1988); Mieczysaw Wojecki, Uchodzcy polityczni z Grecji w Polsce 19481975 (Jelenia Gora, 1989); Risto Kirjazovski, Makedonskata politicka emigracija od Egejskiot del na Makedonija vo Istocnoevropskite zemji po Vtorata svetska vojna (Skopje, 1989); Irina Lagani, To paidomazoma kai oi ellinogioukoslavikes scheseis 19491953 (Athens, 1996); Eftihia Voutira, Aigli Brouskou, Borrowed Children in the Greek Civil War, in Catharine Panter-Brick, Malcolm T. Smith, eds, Abandoned Children (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 92 110; Milan Ristovic, Dugi povratak kuci. Deca izbeglice iz Grcke u Jugoslaviji 1948 1960 (Beograd, 1998); Riki van Boeschoten, The Impossible Return: Coping with

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3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Separation and the Reconstruction of Memory in the Wake of the Civil War, in Mark Mazower, ed, After the War Was Over: Reconstruction the Family, Nation, and State in Greece, 19431960 (Princeton, NJ, 2000), pp. 122144; Pavel Hradecny, Recka komu nita v Ceskoslovensku. Jej vznik a pocatecn vyvoj (19481954) (Praha, 2000); Idem, Die griechische Diaspora in der Tschechischen Republik: Die Entstehung und Anfangsentwicklung 19481956, in Evangelos Konstantinou, ed, Griechische Migration in Europa. Geschichte und Gegenwart (Frankfurt/M. etc., 2000), pp. 95117; Lazar Minkov, Makedonskata emigracija od Egejskiot del na Makedonija vo Ungarija (Skopje, 2000); Miladina Monova, De lhistoricite a lethnicite: Les Egeens ou ces autres ` Macedoniens, in Balkanologie 5, 2001, pp. 179197; Eadem, Parcours dexil, recits de non-retour. Les Egeens en Republique de Macedoine. Ph. D. Thesis, EHESS (Paris, 2002); and Keith S. Brown, Macedonias Child-Grandfathers: The Transnational Politics of Memory, Exile and Return 19481998 (Washington, 2003) ( Donald W. Treadgold Papers series, No. 37). Werner Zeitler, Sie lernen fur ein befreites Griechenland. Eine Klasse griechischer Schuler wird in der Roseggerschule Radebeul unterrichtet, in Sachsische Zeitung, 26 September 1951, p. 4; Willy Suttner, 34. Jahrestag der Kommunistischen Partei Griechenlands. Feierstunde im Freien Griechenland in Radebeul, in Sachsische Zei tung, 5 December 1952, p. 4; Thomas Nikolau, 40 Jahre Kommunistische Partei Griechenlands. Feierstunde in Radebeul Ausdruck des proletarischen Internationalismus, in Sachsische Zeitung, 8 December 1958, p. 4; See also Komitee Freies Griechen land, ed, 10 Jahre DDR (Berlin (Ost), 1959); Kolloquium griechischer Wissenschaftler in der DDR. (Materialien) (Berlin (Ost), 1975). Rainer Eppelmann, Bernd Faulenbach, Ulrich Mahlert, eds, Bilanz und Perspektiven der DDR-Forschung (Paderborn etc., 2003). On labor migrants from Poland, Africa and Asia see Rita Rohr, Polnische Arbeitskrafte in der DDR 19601970, in Peter Hubner, Klaus Tenfelde, eds, Arbeiter in der SBZ-DDR (Essen, 1999), pp. 185204; Eadem, Die Beschaftigung polnischer Arbeitskrafte in der DDR 19661990. Die vertraglichen Grundlagen und ihre Umsetzung, in Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte 42, 2002, pp. 211236; Annegret Schule, Proletarischer Internatinalismus oder okonomischer Vorteil fur die DDR? Mosambikanische, angolanische und vietnamesische Arbeitskrafte im VEB Leipziger Baumwollspinnerei (19801989), in Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte 42, 2002, pp. 191210. See also Jan C. Behrends, Thomas Lindenberger, Patrice G. Poutrus, eds, Fremde und Fremd-Sein in der DDR. Zu historischen Ursachen der Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Ostdeutschland (Berlin, 2002). Gerrit Ruwe, Griechische Burgerkriegsuchtlinge. Vertreibung und Ruckkehr (Munster, 1990) ( Berichte aus dem Arbeitsgebiet Entwicklungsforschung am Institut fur Ge ographie, Munster, 16). Andreas Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR und das Verhaltnis der SED zur KKE. Ms., Inaugural-Dissertation (Universitat Mannheim, 2001). See also idem, Im Spagat zwischen Solidaritat und Realpolitik: Die Beziehungen zwischen der DDR und Griechenland und das Verhaltnis der SED zur KKE (Mannheim, 2001) ( PELEUS Studien zur Archaologie und Geschichte Griechenlands und Zyperns, 13). See, in particular, Panajotis Dalianis, Ethnische Koloniebildung am Beispiel der griechischen Nachkriegsemigration von 1949 in die DDR und in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Rekonstruiert anhand einer Familienbiograe). Ms., Diplomarbeit, Fachbereich Sozialarbeit, Fachhochschule Frankfurt am Mai 1997, and Rosjat, Katrin: Die griechischen Burgerkriegsuchtlinge in Dresden und Leipzig. Ms., Magisterarbeit im Fach Geschichte (Universitat Leipzig, 2003).

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EVACUATION TO A COLD COUNTRY

8. Ruth Dieel and Claus Leggewie, Die Heimkehr der Partisanen. Das neue Hellas und die alten Geschichten der Andarten, in Die Zeit, 20 March 1987, p. 81; Barbara Spengler-Axiopoulos, Die Kinder von Padomasoma. Ein dunkles Kapitel der griechis chen Geschichte wirkt bis in die Gegenwart fort, in Frankfurter Rundschau, 20 January 1996; Christiane Schlozer, Die spate Heimkehr der verlorenen Kinder. Risto Kiprovski auf der Suche nach dem Haus seiner Eltern, in Suddeutsche Zeitung, 27 August 2003; and Stefan Troebst, Vogel des Sudens, Vogel des Nordens, in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 13 September 2003, p. 7. 9. See Stavros Stathoulopoulos, Ohne Vertreibungen nach dem griechischen Burgerkrieg, in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 27 November 1996, p. 11, in reaction to Dorothea Razumovsky, Kaum erfullt und schon uberholt. Sloweniens und Mazedoniens Traum von der nationalen Eigenstaatlichkeit, in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 16 November 1997, p. B 3, as well as Heinz Hulek, Griechen in der DDR, in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 17 November 2001, p. 11; and Hans B. Neumann, In Marschordnung, in Frankfurter Allemeine Zeitung, 6 Dezember 2001, p. 59, both reactions to Dennis Kuck, Die fremden sozialistischen Bruder. Volkerfreundschaft als Fall fur die Sicherheitsor gane und die Angst vor den Armen: Das Schicksal der Gastarbeiter in der DDR, in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 10 November 2001, p. I. 10. Ruth Dieel and Claus Leggewie, Die Ruckkehr der Andartes. 40 Jahre nach dem griechischen Burgerkrieg: Politische Fluchtlinge kehren aus den sozialistischen Landern heim, in Deutschlandfunk, 16 December 1987; Bernhard Petschinger, Stiefmutter Heimat. Der Burgerkrieg in Griechenland 19431949, in Westdeutscher Rundfunk, 25 April 2003. 11. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 26. 12. Ibid. 13. Protokoll uber die Grundungskonferenz des Griechenland-Hilfskomitees am 7.12.48 im Waldpark-Hotel, Dresden A, Prellerstrae, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bestand SED Landesleitung Sachsen, Abteilung Agitation, IV/A/2/7, Akte Hilfskomitee fur das demokratische Griechenland, 19481952, A/325, Bll. 27. 14. Quoted by Rosjat, Die griechischen Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 27. 15. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, pp. 38. 16. Ibid., pp. 2627. Other members of the delegation were lieutenant-general Kikitsas, major-general Lambros, the chairman of the Greek Communist Committee to Help the Children (EVOP), Fotopoulos, and the (ethnic Macedonian) EVOP ofcial Andon Sikavica. The delegation was accompanied by the journalist Thanasis Georgiou who in 1949 and 1950 was to function as a permanent KKE representative in the GDR. Ibid., p. 26. On Sikavica who from 1950 to 1956 was exiled in Romania as a Titoist agent see Martinova-Buckova, Fani: I nie sme deca na majkata zemja Skopje 1998, pp. 179 180 . 17. Bericht uber den Besuch der griechischen Delegation, p. 8, in Archive of Modern Greek Social History (ASKI), Athens, Section Eidiki Ypiresia Berolinou, 180, 8/6/1. Quoted by Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, pp. 27 28. 18. Ibid., p. 27. See also Bericht des Hilfskomitees fur das demokratische Griechenland, Land Sachsen, an den Leitungsvorstand der SED Dresden uber die Kundgebungen anlalich der Anwesenheit von Vertretern der griechischen Regierung in Sachsen, Dresden, 17 February 1949, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bestand SED Landesleitung Sachsen,

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19. 20.

21.

22 23.

24.

25. 26.

27. 28.

29.

30. 31.

32.

Abteilung Agitation, IV/A/2/7, Akte Hilfskomitee fur das demokratische Griechenland, 19481952, A/325, Bll. 1317. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 38. Ministerium fur Volksbildung der DDR, Abt. Jugendhilfe und Heimerziehung: Griechenlandkinder-Aktion, Berlin, 6 May 1950, in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DR 2 (Ministerium fur Volksbildung), 6096. In this document, the gure 432 children is corrected into (342). Stergiou: Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 39, has c. 340. The detailed map by Blagoja Markoski and Dimitra Karcicka of 1998 Migration Currents of Refugee Children from the Agean Part of Greece does not include the GDR. See Blagoja Markoski, Dimitra Karcicka: Migracionni tekovi na decata begalci od Egejskiot del na Makedonija. In: Martinova-Buckova: I nie sme deca, p. 34. Martinova-Buckova: I nie sme deca, pp. 4050. Vasilis Bartziotas, Secretary of the Central Committee of the KKE, reported to the Third Conference of the KKE Central Committee in October 1950 in Bucharest, that there were 1128 Greek children in the GDR, but not a single Macedonian one. See Minkov, Makedonskata emigracija, p. 173. Also, Macedonian historians dealing with the topic do not report any Macedonians in the GDR. See, e.g., Kirjazovski, Makedonskata politicka emigracija. Information by Rumjana Mitewa-Michalkowa, Leipzig. This information is supported by the gure of 14 children of Macedonian origin in the GDR given by Martinova-Buckova: I nie sme deca, p. 50. Information by Sally Ewig, Janesville, Wisconsin, on her uncle Haxhi Pondikati (Hadzis Pontikatis). See Martin Broszat and Hermann Weber, eds, SBZ-Handbuch. Staatliche Verwaltungen, Parteien, gesellschaftliche Organisationen und ihre Fuhrungkrafte in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deutschland 19451949 (Munchen, 1990), p. 133, and the section Schulgeschichte on the website of the Lossnitz High School Radebeul (URL http:// www.loessnitzgymnasium.de). Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 39. Ministerium fur der DDR, Hauptabteilung Unterricht und Erziehung, Abt. Jugendhilfe und Heimerziehung: Uber die Sitzung mit Vertretern der Volkssolidaritat und der Hauptabteilung Unterricht und Erziehung des Volksbildungsministeriums Sachsen in Radebeul bei Dresden [uber die] Unterbringung der am 1.7.1950 in Deutschland ankom menden Griechenlandkinder, Berlin, 16 June 1950, in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DR 2 (Ministerium fur Volksbildung), 6046. Instead of 720 children, Stergiou, Die Beziehun gen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 40, gives the gure of 900. Hauptabteilungsleiter Riesner (VII 1 A) to the Ministry of Peoples Education in Berlin, n. p., 25 July 1950. In: Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, Landesregierung Sachsen, Ministerium fur Volksbildung, 405. Minkov: Makedonskata emigracija, p. 173. Festrede auf der zentralen Feier der griechischen politischen Emigranten in der DDR, die dem 30. Jahrestag der DDR und der 30 jahrigen politischen Emigration gewidmet ist. Dresden, d. 29.9.1979 (Wesentliche Auszuge), in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dres den, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV D-2/18/791. [Heimkombinat Freies Griechenland:] Aufstellung der Gesamtstarke der griechisch politischen Emigranten in der DDR, Radebeul, 16 January 1959, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit griechischen Patrioten, 19571962, IV/2.18.008.

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EVACUATION TO A COLD COUNTRY

33. Risospastis of 16 April 1980, quoted by Kirjazovski, Makedonskata politicka emi gracija, p. 155. 34. Eksormisi of 23 August 1981, quoted by Kirjazovski, Makedonskata politicka emi gracija, pp. 155156. 35. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 31. 36. Ibid., p. 37. 37. Berichtauszug 8. Heime fur koreanische und griechische Kinder), December 1952, in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DR 2 (Ministerium fur Volksbildung der Deutschen Demokratis chen Republik), 3677 b. 38. Ziele der Bildungs und Erziehungsarbeit der Grundschule Steinbachstrae Freies Griechenland n.d., in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, Landesregierung Sach sen, Ministerium fur Volksbildung, 470. 39. See 1. Interview (Sophoklis V.), In Ruwe, Griechische Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, pp. 28 and 47. 40. At the Fehervarcsurgo colloquium, Ilios Yannakakis who in the early 1950s was the director of a childrens home in Czechoslovakia, reported that in case a child left the home without permission he immediately had to call the police. According to a written contribution to the colloquium by George Dimer, formerly Jorgos Dimiropoulos, of Australia, Hungarian authorities were afraid that Greek and Macedonian parents illegaly tried to get the children out of the homes. It can be assumed that the same regulation was in force in GDR. See Dimer, Georger (Jorgosz Dimiropulosz): The Refugee Problem: Was It Tragedy or a Blessing in Disguise? Ms., Melbourne, July 2003. 41. Migrationsbiograe M. (Mutter), in Dalianis, Ethnische Koloniebildung, p. 42. 42. Ibid., p. 41. 43. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 44. 44 See below. 45. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 38. 46. See VI. Interview (Herr NoakDresden) ehemaliger Mitarbeiter der Volkssolidaritat, in Rosjat, Die griechischen Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, pp. 57. 47. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 39. 48. Riki van Boeschoten, Unity and Brotherhood? Macedonian Political Refugees in Eastern Europe, in Jahrbucher fur Geschichte und Kultur Sudosteuropas 5 (2003) (in print). 49. Information by Alkis Vlassakakis, Vienna, on the case of his father. 50. [Heimkombinat Freies Griechenland:] Aufstellung der Gesamtstarke der griechisch politischen Emigranten in der DDR, Radebeul, 16 January 1959, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit griechischen Patrioten, 19571962, IV/2.18.008. See also the map Die ermittelten Ansiedlungsorte der griechischen Burgerkriegsuchtlinge in den Staaten Mittel- und Osteuropas by Ruwe, Griechische Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 27. 51. The reason why these towns did not gure in the list of 1959 was the fact that the Radebeul combinate functioned as home institution (Stammheim) even for Greeks students studying outside Radebeul. 52. [Heimkombinat Freies Griechenland:] Aufstellung der Gesamtstarke der griechisch politischen Emigranten in der DDR, Radebeul, 16. Januar 1959, in Sachsisches Haupt staatsarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit griechischen Patrioten, 1957 1962, IV/2.18.008. See also a letter by the Heimkombinat Freies Griechenland to the

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53. 54.

55. 56.

57. 58.

59. 60. 61. 62. 63.

64.

65.

66. 67. 68.

Central Committee of the Party of Socialist Unity, Dept. International Relations, Radebeul, 16 January 1959, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit griechischen Patrioten, 19571962, IV/2.18.008. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 45. Sophoklis V., a Greek refugee who after schooling in Radebeul became an apprentice in Magdeburg where he married a German reported that the police in Magdeburg for some time after August 1961 by mistake granted stateless Greeks the possibility to go for visits to West Berlin. According to him, Greeks in Leipzig, Dresden and Karl-Marx-Stadt did not have this possiblity. See 1. Interview (Sophoklis V.), in Ruwe, Griechische Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 48. See Interview (Herr NoakDresden) ehemaliger Mitarbeiter der Volkssolidaritat, in Rosjat, Die griechischen Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 59. Erziehung und Ausbildung auslandischer Jugendlicher im Rahmen des proletarischen Internationalismus (Bezirk Dresden), o. D., in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DR 2 (Ministerium fur Volksbildung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik), 4389. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 44. Erziehung und Ausbildung auslandischer Jugendlicher im Rahmen des proletarischen Internationalismus (Bezirk Leipzig), o. D., in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DR 2 (Ministerium fur Volksbildung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik), 4389. Rosjat, Die griechischen Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 43. Already in 1954, 25 children were given the possibility legally to join their families in the USSR for good. Ibid., p. 42. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 44. 1. Arbeitsberatung am 29.8.1956/30.8.1956 des Heimkombinats Freies Griechenland, in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DR 2 (Ministerium fur Volksbildung), 4389. On Akritidis long-standing party career see Risto Kirjazovski, ed, KPG i makedonskoto nacionalno prasanje 19181974 (Skopje, 1982), p. 581. An interesting detail is the procedure of marriage of the refugees in the GDR. In an interview two of them, Tassia and Nikos A., reported: [We] were married [c. 1955] by a Greek registrar who acted on behalf of the Committee Free Greece. At that time, the Greek refugees married each other. Later on, in a collective procedure marriage certicates were issued by GDR authorities to all Greek couples. See 3. Interview (Frau Tassia und Herr Nikos A.), in Ruwe, Griechische Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 55. Letter by Nikos Akritidis to the SED Central Committee, Radebeul, 18 October 1957, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit griechischen Patrioten, 19571962, IV/2.18.008. Bericht von N. Akritidis uber die Parteiversammlungen der griechischen Emigranten, Mitglieder der SED in Leipzig am 6.5.1958, in Bundesarchiv Berlin, DY 30 (Buro Walter Ulbricht), 2/20/252a. Quoted by Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, pp. 4344. Ibid., p. 44. Ibid., p. 86. Abt. Agitiation und Propaganda: Einige Hinweise uber die Situation unter den griechis chen Genossen, Dresden, 21 Januar 1963, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, SED Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit den griechischen Patrioten, Januar 1963Dez. 1967, IV/A/ 2.18.647. The immigration of Greek refugees from the Uzbek SSR into the GDR had been almost stopped completely by GDR authorities already in 1956. See Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 86.

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EVACUATION TO A COLD COUNTRY

69. Gen[osse] Wunsche: Einschatzung der politisch-ideologischen Situation unter den in unserem Bezirk lebenden griechischen Emigranten, Dresden, 11 February 1963, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, Teilbestand Internationale Verbindungen, Aktentitel Arbeit mit den griechischen Patrioten, Januar 1963Dez. 1967, IV/A/2.18.647. 70. Abschrift des Gruschreibens an das Buro der Spalter, February 1969, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV/ B.2.18.697. 71. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, pp. 5, 131133 and 140. 72. For a biographic survey of two of them see Dalianis, Ethnische Koloniebildung, pp. 4447. 73. According to gures of 1979, 175 refugees had gotten a university degree in the GDR, 18 a Ph.D. and four became professors. See Festrede auf der zentralen Feier der griechischen politischen Emigranten in der DDR, die dem 30. Jahrestag der DDR und der 30 jahrigen politischen Emigration gewidmet ist. Dresden, d. 29. 9. 1979 (Wesentliche Auszuge), in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV D-2/18/791. 74. 3. Interview (Frau Tassia und Herr Nikos A.), in Ruwe, Griechische Burgerkriegsuchtlinge, p. 56. 75. [Ministerium fur Staatssicherheit der DDR:] Bericht uber die derzeitige Situation unter den in Dresden und Radebeul lebenden griechischen politischen Emigranten im Zusam menhang mit Antragen auf Ubersiedlung nach der BRD, o. O., 12. Juli 1973, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV D-2/18/791. 76. Abteilung Parteiorgane/Internat. Verbindungen: Erganzende Informationen zum Bericht MfS uber die derzeitige Situation unter den in Dresden/Radebeul lebenden griechischen politischen Emigranten im Zusammenhang mit Antragen auf Ubersiedlung nach der BRD, Dresden, 21 August 1973, in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden, SED Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV D-2/18/791. 77. Sektor Internat. Verbindungen: Einschatzung zur Arbeit mit den griechischen politis chen Emigranten im Bezirk Dresden, Dresden, 26 March 1975, in Sachsisches Haupt staatsarchiv Dresden, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV D-2/18/791. 78 Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, pp. 151152. 79. Festrede auf der zentralen Feier der griechischen politischen Emigranten in der DDR, die dem 30. Jahrestag der DDR und der 30 jahrigen politischen Emigration gewidmet ist. Dresden, d. 29.9.1979 (Wesentliche Auszuge), in Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dres den, SED-Bezirksleitung Dresden, Bezirksparteiarchiv, IV D-2/18/791. 80. Stergiou, Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und der DDR, p. 160. 81. See Stathis Soudias, Einundfunfzig Jahre Gast Vereinigung Griechischer Burger Sachsens e. V, in Dresdner Blattl, Vol. 13, No. 1, 1 February 2002 (URL http:// www.dresdnerblaettl.de/2002/02/texte/02021101.hstm). The same source, however, gives the number of Greeks in the Saxon capital of Dresden as 337 (November 2001). Here, of course, second- and third-generation refugees as well as Greeks coming from former West Germany and West Berlin are included. See also the multimedia CD by Dimitris Christakudis, 19491999. Funfzig Jahre. Treffen in Dresden. Dresden 1999.

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