Guerrero Dissertation Proposal

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara
Internally Displaced Children Constructing Identities: The case of Shooting Cameras for Peace in Colombia
Dissertation Proposal For Doctorate of Education Cultural Perspectives and Comparative Education By
Alba Lucy Guerrero
Committee: Professor Mary E. Brenner, Chair Professor Jenny Cook-Gumperz Professor Carol Dixon Professor Judith Green
September 2005
Dissertation Proposal Internally Displaced Children Constructing Identities: The case of Shooting Cameras for Peace in Colombia
The escalation of armed conflicts and human rights violations in the contemporary world has produced massive migrations across borders and internal displacement of civilian populations. Although children are disproportionately affected by this phenomenon, their voices are rarely included in political and academic arenas. This study will examine the ways internally displaced children, participating in an educational photography-based project in Colombia, create and recreate the meanings of their physical, social and cultural worlds and the way they construct alternatives for the future. Drawing from sociocultural theories of self and identity, which emphasize the interplay between structural factors and agency in the constitution and negotiation of identities, and the role of discourse as a mediating tool for the construction of identity (Gee, 2001; Holland et al, 1998; Sfard & Prusak, 2005), this study will explore the multiple ways displaced children identities are constructed, negotiated, and deployed within specific situations, spaces and circumstances. The study will also take into consideration work in cultural anthropology and migration studies which call attention to the experience and agency of the displaced (Malkki, 1992, 1995). Ethnographic research methods and photo-elicitation strategies will be use to give voice to these children by inscribing their own experience and revealing their own construction of reality. By exploring
Guerrero Dissertation Proposal
the relationship among multiple identity artifacts, including their narratives, photographs, maps representing their geographies and everyday talk within an after school program, this study will make visible the multiple ways in which displaced children reconstruct personal and cultural meanings and on the influence that a nonformal educational program has on these construction of meanings. Taking into consideration that experience of displacement is tightly connected with a sense of place, this study will also examine the particular ways in which children transform spaces into meaningful places. This paper begins with an overview of the research problem by presenting a brief description of the international and national context of internal displacement and the particular relevance of the study proposed here. Research questions and basic theoretical concepts are also introduced in this section. Next, a brief historical summary about the sociopolitical situation in Colombia is provided to give the necessary context to the study. The following section explores the theoretical perspectives on which this study is based. This section is disaggregated and organized into four sections: (1) Interpretations of displacement; (2) The social construction of identity; (3) Identity and space/place and (4) Community youth organizations. Finally the methodology, as well as an overview of the context where the research will take place will be provided.
Overview The escalation of armed conflicts and human rights violations in the contemporary world has produced massive migrations across borders and internal displacement of civilian populations. A person who flees to another part of their country to seek safety but has not crossed an international border is considered an internally displaced person (IDP), not a refugee. According to the Norwegian Refugee Council, there are approximately 25 million internally displaced people around the world, a figure that has not change during the last four years (GIDPP, 2005). Unlike refugees, who have legal international protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 protocol, IDPs remain under the sovereignty of their own government, even though that government may be unable or unwilling to protect them. According the Global IDP Project (2005), internally displaced people have become the most vulnerable victims of conflict and the largest at-risk population in the world. Colombia with the worlds second largest IDP population after Sudan, accounts for most of the 3.7 million internally displaced people in Latin America and nearly all new displacements in the region during 2004 (GIDPP, 2005). More than 40 years of conflict in Colombia have forced rural communities and residents from small towns to leave their homes to flee to the outskirts of Colombias large cities, mainly to Bogot, where they live in precarious conditions and are still confronting the violence. The mass migration from rural areas to Bogot has created an explosive growth of shanty towns where displaced people live in conditions of
poverty and marginalization, affected by unemployment and limited access to institutional services. Although the Colombian legislation on IDP is considered one of the most advanced, the government response has been criticized by the international community and Colombian human right defenders for being weak in preventing displacement and protecting IDPs. In this context local associations and nongovernmental organizations have played a major role in assisting displaced persons by providing locally based responses to the needs of different displaced groups, namely, ethnic minorities, women and children. The displacement crisis in Colombia has particularly affected children, who represent 66% of the internally displaced population that has arrived to Bogot (ACNUR, 2003). Displacement is usually accompanied by violence, children rights violations, poverty and discrimination (WCRWC, 2002). Long-term displacement causes loss of traditional livelihood skills, and disintegration of family and community structures (GIDPP, 2005). Although there are not exact statistics about displaced childrens access to basic services, la Unidad de Atencin Integral a la Poblacin Desplazada (UAID) has estimated that 83.5percent of Colombian displaced children do not have access to health care and 73.2 percent do not have access to education. These children are often forced to work to support the economy of the family and in many cases are targets of abduction or have been forcibly recruited by rebel and paramilitary groups (ACNUR, 2003). The case El Progreso, a neighborhood located in the outskirts of Bogot that hosts more that 20.000 IDPs, illustrates central aspects of the problem. In this area
children have limited access to educational opportunities and continue facing the same type of violence that, in the first place, caused their exodus to the city. The AJA Project web page describes the area: Gangs of masked teenagers patronized by paramilitary and insurgent groups patrol at night - nobody dares walk the dusty roads of El Progreso after 9 p.m. The children of El Progreso struggle with the present while being haunted by their traumatic past. The prospects to study elementary school are dim. (AJA Project, n.d.) In this area the AJA Project, an international organization, has created a photography-based educational project named Shooting Cameras for Peace (SCP) intended to provide a space for children to reflect on their experiences of displacement and to adjust to their new environment. In this study, I will examine how internally displaced children participating in this non-formal educational project reshape their views of past and present experiences and the way they construct alternatives for the future. For many children, the violence that is an inherent part of their lives deflects any positive sense of future or even a secure conviction that they will have a future (McLaughlin, 1993). However, a growing body of research shows that neighborhood-based organizations provide opportunities for children to create a sense of belonging, meaning, and coherence which enable children to construct a positive sense of themselves (Heath & McLaughlin, 1993; Miles et al, 2002; Vasquez, 2003). The purpose of this study will be to illuminate how displaced children make sense of their displacement
experiences and how this construction of meaning is influenced by their involvement in an educational photography project. Many humanitarian agencies reports and related literature discuss the impact of armed conflict on childrens physical, social and psychological well being (ACNUR, 2003; GIDPP, 2005; UNHCR, 1998; UNICEF, 2003). These approaches are usually from the perspective of the humanitarian agencies or from the point of view of the host society which look at the IDP issue only insofar as IDPs cause problems to the host society (Bourdieu, 2004). Drawing from sociocultural theories of self and identity, which emphasize the interplay between structural factors and agency in the constitution and negotiation of identities, and the role of discourse as a mediating tool for the construction of identity (Gee, 2001; Holland et al, 1998; Sfard & Prusak, 2005), this study will emphasize the experience and agency of displaced children, analyzing the structural factors from the childrens point of view. While the lived experience is becoming an important component in refugee studies (Agger, 1994; Langer, 1997) little is known about childrens perspectives on their experience of displacement and the humanitarian help they receive. By examining the visual, written and spoken narrative of displaced children, this study will provide insight into the childrens construction of events and meanings. This study will not only give voice to the unheard experiences of displaced children, it will also offer a critical insight into the educational interventions targeting children affected by conflict.
The study will also address the interaction between space and the construction of identity of displaced children. The displacement experience is tightly connected with a sense of place. Displacement implies disruption of childrens everyday life, a loss of attachment and a need to adjust to a new space under very difficult circumstances, often without hope of ever being able to return to their home place (Anderson, 2004). The relationship between space and identity for displaced populations is already considered an important component of refugee studies (Baron, 2003). However, the common framework in refugee identity studies and humanitarian discourses is that identities are rooted in particular places, in other words that space is a static dimension to which identities are rooted (Malkki, 1992). Drawing on recent work in migration studies, social anthropology and visual sociology in this study, I will analyze the relationship between identity and space understanding the former as a social construction occurring in the everyday interactions and the later as constitutive of the social life. The foundation Shooting Cameras for Peace has encouraged children of Altos de Cazuc to reflect on their relationship with the space where they live through the photos and written narratives. The images and narratives created by these children were published in 2003 in the book El Lugar que Habito (The Place I Inhabit). The fact that the organization has encouraged children to reflect on their spatial dimension makes this case a suitable opportunity for exploring the social visions of space and the meanings children give to specific places and landscapes.
The overall questions that will guide the research are as follows: - How do internally displaced children (in Colombia) construct alternatives for the future? How do they interpret their social reality to make sense of themselves and of their lived experience? - How is this construction of meanings shaped by their participation in an educational photography-based program? - How is the notion of space integrated to the construction of meaning and identity for children living in displacement conditions?
Socio political context of Colombia In order to understand the meanings that children give to their experience of displacement it is necessary to locate their displacement experience and subsequent arrival to Bogot within the socio-political context of the country. Therefore a brief review of the political history of Colombia is required. The next section will briefly summarize the complex history of the conflict of Colombia during the last century. It is not intended to be an analysis of the political history of Colombia, it is rather an informative summary that will give a geopolitical and historical background to the situation of internal displaced children in Colombia.
Background Colombia is a large and diverse country rich in natural resources, with habitats that range from snow-capped mountains to tropical rain forests. Colombia has a population of 44 million people. About 57 percent of its people are Spanish and native Indian descent (mestizo), 21 percent are Afro-Colombian (black and mulatto), 20 percent are White; and 2 percent indigenous Native American. The great majority of the population is Spanish-speaking. Although Colombia is a middle-income country with sustained improvements in its social and economic indicators (Moser, 2000), the unequal income distribution with a small portion of the population controlling the majority of wealth has produced high levels of poverty. According to Giraldo-Isaza, as cited in Soler, (1997), by 1994 three quarters of the Colombian population were living in impoverished conditions. According to the United Nations Human Development Report (UNDP, 2004) 14 percent of Colombians have an income of less that $1 per day and 27 percent earn less than $2 per day. Colombia has had a long history of armed conflict. Paradoxically having one of the strongest democratic traditions in Latin America, Colombia has experienced a long history of political violence and terrorism with deep historical roots. The first half of the twentieth century was marked by the rivalries between the dominant political parties, the Partido Conservador and the Partido Liberal. These two parties fought the War of a Thousand Days (1899-1902) in which 100,000 people died and later combated during the conflict known as La
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Violencia (1946-1958) in which more than 300,000 people were killed. Although a power sharing agreement called the National Front was reached in 1957, the clash between Liberals and Conservatives continued, originating insurgent leftist groups. In consequence, the Colombian government has engaged since the 1960s in contrainsurgency operations against guerilla groups, particularly the two most influential, Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) and Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN) as well as the right-wing paramilitary groups known as the Autodefensas Unidas the Colombia (AUC), which emerged in the 1990s to counteract the leftist forces. Colombian civilians have been the most affected by this political conflict. According to the Global IDP Project Report (2005), since 1985 more than three million people have been forced to leave their homes located in rural areas to emigrate to the outskirts of the cities or to the neighboring countries. Scholars and international organizations have emphasized that unlike other countries where displacement occur as a by-product of conflict, in Colombia forced displacement is a war strategy that serves to control territory and appropriate land (Reyes & Bejarano, 1998). Endorsing this affirmation a report from the RSS (2002) states that attacks on civilians have increased dramatically because it is a low cost and effective strategy to clear territories allowing illegal armed groups to strengthen their control area, transport weapons, and develop illegal activities, namely, the cultivation of illicit crops. The illegal drug industry has become one critical source of economic and political violence (Moser, 2000). Both guerillas and paramilitary
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groups have financed their activities from the narcotics trade, which has complicated the displacement patterns. The aerial spraying of illicit crops has destroyed food alongside coca crops, causing thousands of peasants to flee their homes in the country side (CODHES, 2004). All these factors have created a complex conflict with serious implications for the capacity of the State to mobilize the resources needed to resolve the problems. On this respect Solimano (2000) asserts: The Long lasting Colombian conflict is probably the most intractable, armed conflict in South-America, given the complex interplay of guerrilla, narcotraffics, paramilitary, and the army. (p.vii). Colombian IDPs Most of Colombias IDPs are farmers and residents from small towns who have fled to the outskirts of Colombias large cities. The conflict has disproportionately affected, women, children, and ethnic minorities, particularly Afro-Colombians and indigenous people, who make up some of the country's poorest people. Some 404,000 IDPs have arrived in Bogot, giving it the highest concentration of IDPs (CODHES, 2004). Instead of finding safety in the cities, IDPs live in poverty and persistent danger. The increased presence of armed groups in urban centers has created complex networks of organized crime and IDPs are primary victims of urban warfare; 80 percent of Colombian IDPs live in extreme poverty and have insufficient access to nutritional foods (GIDPP, 2005). Since IDPs earn only about 61 percent of the Colombian minimum wage most of their income goes to food and only about 3 percent is allocated to education (WFP, 2003; ICRC
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& WFP, 2004). Moreover, two-thirds of IDPs live in inadequate housing with no access to basic sanitation (WFP, 2003). About 70 percent of IDPs have two or more unmet basic needs (including housing, access to services, living conditions, school enrolment and economic dependency), compared to 10 per cent among the poorest urban dwellers (WFP, 2003; ICRC & WFP, 2004). The 80.4 percent of Colombians IDPs are people under 26 years old. The Office of Integral Support for Displaced Population (Unidad de Atencin Integral a la Poblacin Desplazada, UAID) receives 1,700 IDPs per month and half are children and adolescent up to 17 years old (WCRWC, 2002). Displaced children are particularly vulnerable to suffering the impact of conflict as they are often separated from their families and communities (WCRWC, 2002); IDP children often suffer from malnutrition, some of them are injured or killed and girls are common victims of sexual abuse and enslavement (WCRWC, 2002). Social networks and infrastructures are destroyed; children experience the separation from their rural homelands to confront new environment under very difficult circumstances, where they encounter problems in having access to school and very often are forcibly recruited by armed groups (GIDPP, 2005). Research commissioned by Save the Children UK found that 85 percent of Colombian internally displaced children do not receive education, and the majority of these children have not had access in the last five years (Weaver, 2002).
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Protection Mechanisms The Colombian Government has acknowledged the problem of internal displaced population. Thus, in 1994, with an active participation of NGO's, international organizations, the Catholic Church and the University, the Government introduced a national policy to deal with the problem of displaced persons, which was institutionalized in the Law No. 387 of August 1997 and in the creation of a Presidential Advisory Board on the Problem of Displaced Persons. The Law defines the specific responsibility of the State for the formulation of policies and actions for the prevention, assistance and protection of victims of displacement as well as their socio-economic strengthening and stabilization. The actions specified in the law are targeted towards displaced persons as defined under the terms of the 1994 Cartagena Declaration and the Geneva Conventions of 1951 and 1967 and are carried out within the framework of a series of principles included in international law, related to the movement of populations, such as the right of return, the right to humanitarian assistance and to family reunification. Although the progressive Colombian legislation for dealing with displaced persons has been internationally recognized, the law has not been adequately implemented and the Government's policy has failed to prevent displacement and to protect displaced people (GIDPP, 2005). In addition the political agenda of the current government has intensified the conflict in isolated areas. In 2002, President Alvaro Uribe suspended the political negotiation with guerilla groups and launched
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the policy democratic security, a military operation against guerrillas and paramilitaries aimed to regain territory. While the government reports significant progress in the war against armed groups and against drugs, the new strategy drew more civilians into the conflict, allowing armed groups to displace over 175,000 people in 2003 and leaving widespread human rights violations unpunished (GIDPP, 2005 p.1). In this context, nongovernmental organizations and local associations have played a central role in offering assistance to displaced persons. According to the Office of Integral Support for Displaced Population (Unidad de Atencin Integral a la Poblacin Desplazada, UAID), NGOs provided 81.2 percent of the assistance to displaced families arriving to Bogot between 1999 and 2002 (ACNUR, 2003). Despite the significant amount of national and international NGOs projects concerning internal displacement around the world, there is limited information about the real impact of these programs within the communities they work with. While there is statistical evidence of the impact of these organizations in emergency relief actions, it is necessary to explore the socio cultural impact of specific interventions in the lives of the displaced population. As it was described above, the Colombian problem of internal displacement is the product of multiple connected factors; therefore a comprehensive strategy to confront the problem should consider economic and institutional reforms but also specific interventions to address the needs of particular groups. Through the
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ethnographic research study proposed here, the impact of a specific educational intervention will be critically explored from childrens perspectives. There is a clear need to link the voices of children and organizations working at the grassroots to the national and international policy arena, to influence decision makers at both the international and national level. Accordingly, the results of this study may enlighten the widely known statistical data on displacement and provide valuable information about displaced childrens perspectives on their reality and on the resources they are provided with by an organization.
Theoretical Perspectives This study draws from four major fields of knowledge. The first one includes theories that have provided interpretations on the experience of displacement within the field of refugee studies. The second area of interest incorporate theoretical perspectives on the social construction of identity that emphasize the interplay between structural factors and agency in the constitution and negotiation of identities, and the role of discourse as a mediating tool for the construction of identity. The third area explores literature pertinent to the analysis of displaced childrens sense of place and the role it plays in childrens construction of meanings. The final field incorporated in the theoretical framework of the current study includes research on community youth programs and their influence in childrens development of identities.
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1.
Interpretations of displacement As the number of internally displaced people and refugees has grown significantly around the world there has been an increasing interest in including the issue of forced migration within political and academic arenas. Historically the concepts of refugee and internally displaced person, as they are understood today, were created in the aftermath of World War II, when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was created. Thus, since 1951, when the Geneva Convention defined an international legal framework to protect refugees, displacement has been discursively approached as an international humanitarian problem (Malkki, 1995). Although Internally Displaced Persons are not afforded protection under the Geneva Convention, humanitarian agencies and refugee studies have often used the term refugee in a generic way to cover all types of forced migrants. The study of displacement as a new interdisciplinary area of scholarship is constituted of ideas drawn from a variety of fields: international law, psychology, anthropology, development studies, sociology, etc. However, the most prominent literature on displacement comes from international agencies and psychologists who have mainly focused on the traumatic effects of war. In this body of research, children and youth are frequently portrayed as passive victims of conflict who need external intervention to cope with the trauma and its subsequent effects (Agger,
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1994; Frater-Mathieson, 2004; Hamilton & Moore, 2004). Taking as model theories of migration that emphasize the agency of the displaced, this study begins with the premise that displaced children are not traumatized victims detached from their cultural identities but rather active social agents reacting and making sense of very difficult circumstances. The humanitarian discourse of displacement too often portrays the displaced as a matter for international charity organizations and not as a political problem (Malkki,1995). By analyzing the photographic representation of displaced people in the humanitarian literature, Malkki (1995) points out that the photographs of women and displaced children are a tangible representation of the universalizing idea of the displaced as a powerless being with no consciousness of history, traditions or culture (p.11). Similarly, Baron (2003) points out how limited the literature has been in documenting the active participation of refugees in nationalists and state-building projects. While the literature produced by international agencies is a valuable source of information for this study, my assumption -that children are active agents creatively reconstructing the meanings of their experiences- will challenge the frequent depiction of refugees as merely passive objects of policy. Therefore, the study proposed here will contribute to the growing body of literature that challenges the image of refugees as victims and dependents. The exploration of particular
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experiences of displaced children in Colombia goes beyond the common humanitarian discourse of demographic categorization. Another framework commonly used to study displacement derives from psychological research on emotional distress (Frater-Mathieson, 2004; Mollica, 1989). This approach gives emphasis to the prevalence of Post Traumatic Stress Disorders (PTSD) in childrens reaction to trauma and stress. Such research highlights the trauma related symptomology: nightmares, panic, sleeplessness, etc. By focusing on the negative psychological manifestation of trauma this model tend to attach pathological labels to the experience of displacement. Another approach from psychology takes a less pathologizing stance by recognizing that there are also non-pathological reactions to trauma. This approach has produced generic models with normative stages to explain the displacement experience. For example, Anderson and colleagues (2004) develop a model of refugee adaptation and development that distinguish factors of pre-migration, trans-migration and postmigration. Similarly, Apfel and Simon (1996) proposed a medical model that argues that trauma can create both positive and negative outcomes. Hence, these models locate the problem on the individual while ignoring social, cultural, historical and political contexts. It is not in question that displacement has psychological and physical effects on children, as it has been widely evidenced in the refugee literature, however it may be more detrimental than helpful to assume that every displaced child has a dysfunctional psychological condition requiring therapeutic intervention. On the contrary, this study is based on the assumption that despite the
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difficulties, displaced children remain active agents in reshaping their lives within their new communities. Recent work of migration studies argues that those views of trauma from psychology have contributed to the essentialization of the displacement experience in academic and political discourses. Although the term could be analytically useful, Malkki (1995) points out that tendency of universalizing the refugee experience does not acknowledge the diversity of historical and political causes of forced migration and the different circumstances displaced people experienced. The present study builds upon the work of Malkki and others investigating the plurality of experiences and histories of displacement providing an insight into the personal construction of events and meanings in relationship with the collective and individual migration. While there is an increasing interest in documenting the subjective experience of displacement (Ager, 1999), there are not studies that examine childrens perspectives on the experience of displacement and on the structural factors that have lead them to this situation. The present study seeks to begin to further this research by making an in-depth examination of how displacement is experienced and constructed. The exploration of children narratives in this study will also contribute to the growing body of literature that empowers the voices of the displaced within the discourse of refugee studies (Agger, 1994; Callamard, 1999; Malkki, 1992). Next I will introduce theoretical frameworks that provide a
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conceptual alternative to the individualizing model for studying the constitution of displaced children identities.
2.
The Social Construction of Identity
The concept of identity has proven to be a useful analytical tool for investigating cultural and educational processes. Although the study of identity has its origins in the work of the psychologists (Erikson, 1968; Mead, 1934) the use of the term has become prominent across different disciplines. In this study I will draw from particular perspectives within the fields of cultural anthropology and education. One of the critical debates within the literature of identity is the interrelationship between structure and agency in the constitution of identities. Earlier theories characterized identity as determined either by individuals or by society. New frameworks that consider the transactions of both active, intentional agents and active social environments have criticized earlier perspectives for being static and essentialist or for portraying individuals as passive victims of the social order. The theoretical framework for the current study is based on sociocultural theories of identity construction, which sustain that identity is not a stable or coherent entity instead it is dynamic, fluid, and constructed in and through discursive practice (Holland et al, 1998). Identities are constantly created and recreated through social interaction with others acting in particular cultural contexts as a consequence, vary across settings and across events. (Gee, 2001; Holland et al, 1998; Sfard & Prusak, 2005). Such theories of identity provide a theoretical basis
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for this study to understand how displaced children coming from rural warring areas recreate the meaning of their experiences within new cultural worlds. From this perspective, rather than exhibiting fixed character traits, displaced children take on a variety of social positions or are positioned in certain ways by others during social interaction (Davies & Harre, 1990; Gee, 2001; Holland et al, 1998). Identity is socially mediated and much of that mediation is through language (Harr, 1983). As mentioned, the exploration of childrens narratives is a critical piece to answer my research questions. Sociocultural constructionist theories of self and identity share the notion that meaning emerges in the interplay between individuals acting in social contexts and its mediators such as language, tools, activity structures, signs, and symbol systems. Many authors emphasize the special affinity between narrative and self, such that narrative plays a privileged role in the process of self-construction (Bruner, 1990; Gee, 2001: Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner & Cain, 1998; Ochs & Capps, 1996; Polkinghorne, 1988; Wortham, 2000). Individuals tend to construct personal stories and accounts of their lives, in which they position themselves as protagonists (Gergen & Gergen, 1983). In talking about narrative as a self-portrait, Schiffrin (1996) asserts the ability of narrative to verbalize and situate experience as text (both locally and globally) provides a resource for the display of self and identity (p.167). In the present study, the visual, written and spoken narratives of displaced children will be consider as a form that interweaves and create both personal and cultural meanings (Holland et al, 1998). The understanding of narratives as externalized, multivoiced utterances that
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originate from the authors internalization of past and imagined dialogues and encounter in the social world (Skinner, Valsiner & Holland, 2001, p.2) situates narrative as a central site of analysis to explore displaced childrens self understanding and construction of meanings at the personal and cultural levels. In the following, I briefly sketch some of the theoretical models I will draw upon, which consider identity as a process of identification in relation with collective and personal discourses. Gee (2001) introduces a framework that view identity as a tool for studying issues of theory and practice in education. For Gee, human acts and the others recognition of these acts define the kinds of person that we are (p. 99). Being recognized as a certain kind of person, in a given context, is what I mean here by identity (p.99). Therefore, people can and do have multiple identities linked to their performances in society. Gee distinguishes four different contexts to view identity: the nature identity (N-identity), the institution identity (I-identity), the discourse identity (D-identity), and the affinity identity (A-Identity). The nature identity (N-identity) is developed from forces in nature; these are forces into which one does not have control, the process through which it works is developed outside of the individual or societal control. The second perspective is the institutional identity (I-identity), which refers to a position that has been legitimate by a set of authorities within an institution. It is something accomplished by people and not something given. The third perspective, the discursive identity (D-identity), refers to an individual trait recognized in discourse or dialogue of other people. It means
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that the individual trait rely on the discursive recognition of others. The forth perspective, the affinity identity (A-identity) is formed through a set of practices shared by an affinity group. It involves access and participation in specific practices that distinguishes a group of people from others. The motif of affiliation are the practices rather than institutions and the affinity group is something that one has to actively choose to join (p.106). As it was stated above these perspectives must be seen interrelated in complex ways, in both theory and practice (p.101). In a recent work, Sfard & Prusak (2005) propose a model in which identity is consider the narrative itself. In their words, identities do not find their expression in stories; identities are the stories (p.14). Their conceptualization on identity emerged by reflecting on an empirical study in which Prusak (2003, cited in Sfard & Prusak, 2005) compared mathematical learning practices of immigrants from the Soviet Union with practices of native Israelis. In order to explain the differences between these two groups, the authors propose a model that distinguishes two subsets of narrative about a person: actual identities, which are stories told in present tense, and designated identities, which are stories told in future tense which are expected to become a part of ones actual identity. Designated identities give direction to peoples actions. However, designated identities are not a matter of rational choice (p.18) , they emerge in interaction with others, and particularly in interaction with people in the position of authority and power. Sfard and Prusak conclude that learning plays a crucial role as a mean to close the gap between actual and designated identities. This view of learning as the only hope to close the gap
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between actual and designated identities will be relevant for this study to answer the question about the role of an after-school program in the constitution of both actual and designated identities of displaced students. Drawing from Vygotsky's developmental perspective and Bakhtin's dialogic understanding of self and society, Holland and collaborators (1998) articulate a theory in which "persons and to a lesser extent, groups are caught in the tensions between past histories that have settled in them and the present discourses and images that attract them or somehow impinge on them" (p. 4). The authors identify four contexts of identity. The first of these contexts is the figured world, a recognized field or frame of social life" (p. 7). Figured worlds are socially and culturally constructed, therefore they are constantly shaping and being shaped by everyday social activity. Within a figured world particular characteristics and actors are recognized, significance is assigned to certain acts, and particular outcomes are valued over others" (p. 52). The second context is positionality, which refers to one's position relative to the figured world; one's positionality is "inextricably linked to power, status, and rank" (p. 271). They relate these two contexts to each other, stating, "figurative identities are about signs that evoke story lines or plots among generic characters; positional identities are about facts that constitute relations of hierarchy, distance, or perhaps affiliation" (p. 128). The third context is the space of authoring, this is the ground of responsiveness where one writes one's self into the world in a particular way. Authoring contributes to the fourth context, which is making worlds, in which new worlds are created so that
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"new figured worlds may come about" (p. 272). As a person moves into, through, and out of these four contexts of identity, she/he has the repeated opportunity to author herself into the world as empowered, which may result in her making of new worlds. How these authors formulate identity is particularly suited to the present study in which both individuals and social identities of displaced children are in the process of reconstruction and renegotiation. Starting with the notion that self and identity are projects in constant construction implies that neither displacement nor marginalization are inalterable fixed meanings in the lives of these children. By exploring the relationship among multiple identity artifacts, including their narratives, photographs, maps representing their geographies and everyday talk within an after school program, this study will make visible the multiple ways in which displaced children reconstruct personal and cultural meanings. Holland et al. (1998) argue that these productions, or symbols, can be appropriated by people as "heuristic means to guide, authorize, legitimate, and encourage their own and others' behavior" (p. 18). Thus, for these children, while living out particular figured identities and positional identities in the figured world of displacement, every interaction affords new possibilities for reshaping and reforming themselves.
3. Identity and Space/ Sense of Place This study will address the interaction between space and the construction of identity of displaced children. Rasmussen (2004) argues that place is a central
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category in conceptualizing the transient, ordinary nature of everyday life (p.155). Because all activity occurs in concrete physical spaces, those spaces must be attended to in order to gain an understanding of the nuances of that activity. While place is a central piece within the lived experience of every person, it takes particular relevance when discussing processes of identification of displaced children. Displacement is tightly connected with a sense of place; the concept itself refers to a forced movement from a familiar place to a new one. It implies disruption of childrens everyday life, change of routines and a need to adjust to a new space under very difficult circumstances (Anderson, 2004). Following the rationale of my previous assumptions, I will analyze the relationship between identity and space understanding the former as a social construction occurring in the everyday interactions and the later as constitutive of the social life. The relationship between space and identity for displaced populations has already being considered within psychological interpretations of displacement. In relation to displacement and loss which occurs during the migration process, a potent theme to consider is of one's sense of place and belonging in the world (Frater-Mathieson, 2004, p.12). A prominent theoretical model, which recognizes the importance of sense of place and belonging, is the `Psychology of Place' (Fullilove, 1996). Fullilove sustains that everyone has a relation with placeits universal, but violent displacement is a shocking rupture to the person-place connection" (1996). Her model distinguishes three psychological processes: Place attachment, the bond between a person and a beloved place; familiarity, the
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persons awareness of their environment; and identity, the resulting sense of self. Fullilove (1996) notes that displacement is one of the most significant traumas and loss a person can face and suggests that its consequent disorientation, nostalgia and alienation may undermine her sense of belonging in particular her mental health in general. Again, while there is strong evidence that the experience of displacement contributes to multiple grief and loss experiences, the supposition that to become uprooted is to become detached, leaves out alternative ways in which displaced children may enact their identities within new spaces. Holland et al. (1998) suggest that one way identities are reshaped is through improvisations. They define improvisations as impromptu actions that occur when our past, brought to the present as habitus, meets with a particular combination of circumstances and conditions for which we have no response. (p. 18). In such situations, the emergence of improvised behavior offers the possibility of liberation from oppresive conditions. The present study will focus on the significance and impact of the physical surrounding in the construction of identity higlighting the particular ways in which children transform spaces into meaningful places. This study will also draw from a growing body of literature interested in the geographies of childhood and the landscapes of childrens and youths lives (Coninck-Smith, & Gutman, 2004; McKendrick, 2000; Nairn, Panelli & McCormack, 2004; O'Brien, Jones, Sloan & Rustin, 2000; Orellana, 1999; Rasmussen, 2004). This literature takes particular importance for this study in that,
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it makes children visible as actors that react, relate and create new spaces. For example, Rasmussen (2004) introduces the concept childrens places in opposition to places for children in order to explain the fact that children relate not only to official places provided by adults, but also to informal places, often unnoticed by adults. Similarly, Nairn, Panelli & McCormack (2004) challenge the common representation of urban areas as alienating communities for youth in comparison with the inclusive representation of rural lifestyle. Their study pays particular attention to young people's experiences of public space and examines how young people describe the sites where they `hang out', and their experiences of inclusion and exclusion at these sites. While these studies give foundation to my exploration of displaced children spatial identities, I also consider that integrating the voices of Colombian displaced children within this field of research will provide valuable insights to understand how children construct a sense of belonging to a sociocultural space under varying conditions.
4. Community Youth Organizations A growing body of literature indicates that youth community organizations represent important resources for young people to create a positive sense of themselves. Research in adolescent development provides support to the notion that youth organizations are contexts where youth are likely to be agents of their own development (Dworkin, Larson & Hansen, 2003; Larson, 2000; McLaughlin, 2000; Youniss, McLellan, Su & Yates, 1999; National Research Council, 2002).
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Literature suggests that youth participation in extracurricular activities is linked with an increase of interpersonal competence, self-concept, higher school achievement and educational aspirations (Youniss, McLellan, Su & Yates, 1999). In the US context, researchers highlight the benefits of these programs for inner-city youth living in dangerous areas where there is a high incidence of gangs, poverty and crime (Heath & McLaughlin, 1993). For instance, Mahoney documented the link between extended participation in extracurricular activities during high school and reduced rates of school dropout and criminal offending, particularly for highrisk youth (Mahoney, 2000). Heath and McLaughlin (1993) assert: Youth organizations provide opportunities for youngsters to build a sense of self-efficacy and a series of prevailing narratives of success in different events and kinds of activities (Heath & McLaughlin, 1993. p. 24) While the Colombian context and the circumstances of displaced children living there, are very much different, this literature is particularly relevant for this study in that it is concerned with the exploration of informal learning and particularly a photography projects influence in the constitution of displaced childrens identities. Heath (2001) found through her research on youth organizations that art activities that take place within these projects are a good place for youth to say something and to find out about themselves. Similarly, Strack, Magill and McDonagh (2004) found that the use of photovoice methoda process that uses photos to record aspects of people and communities lives - in an after school program in Baltimore provided youth the
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opportunity for identity development and contributed to increases in their social competences. Together these arguments support my assumption that youth organizations may hold learning opportunities for displaced children, provide a safe place to express themselves, and to reflect on their transition experiences from their own perspectives. Young childrens identities are constructed in their social world, that is family, school, neighborhoods and communities. McLaughlin (1993) uses the term embedded identities to explain how young peoples identities are embedded in the character and resources of their communities, neighborhoods and families (p.55). These identities are constructed through the childrens involvement in multiple experiences. In this dissertation I will particularly examine how the resources provided by a nongovernmental organization influence the way displaced children make sense of their realities and pursue alternatives for their future. Drawing from sociocultural theories of self, which argue that meaning and identity emerge in the interplay between individuals acting in particular cultural contexts (Gee, 2001; Holland et al, 1998), the study will look not just at the ways in which the program influence the lives of displaced children, but also how these children lives are authored in this created context (Holland et al, 1998). In Colombia as in other developing countries nongovernmental organizations are becoming increasingly involved in the provision of education for the poor intending to provide services governments are unable to provide (La Belle, 1986). Programs for youth development run by these organizations play a major
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role in providing alternatives for displaced children from low social and economic status who may not have access to formal education or must rely on informal community schools organized by their communities under precarious conditions (WCRWC, 2002). While there is a growing body of literature showing the benefits of after school programs for immigrant populations of youth in the USA (SuarezOrozco & Todorova, 2003; Vasquez, 2003; Roffman, Suarez-Orozco & Rhodes, 2003) there has been virtually no research that examines how these programs can provide new learning opportunities for internally displaced children. By examining childrens perspectives on their participation in a photography-based educational program this study will contribute to fill this literature gap. Uncovering the meanings children attribute to their participation in these kinds of programs may also provide valuable information to the design and implementation of community programs.
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RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS The study will employ ethnographic research methods for collecting and analyzing data. By using ethnographic research tools, I expect to gain an understanding of the construction of meaning from the natives point of view (Geertz, 1973). In order to gain cultural knowledge, I will look for patterns and principles of practice within an emic framework to make visible the everyday practices of these groups of children and the consequences of membership within Shooting Cameras for Peace (Green, Dixon & Zaharlick, 2001). Accordingly, this study will rely on different perspectives, sources of data and methods that will be used to explore displaced childrens construction of meanings about themselves and their surroundings and also to examine the influence of an educational photography project on displaced childrens construction of identities. Since the focus of the study is the construction of meaning of displaced children regarding their lived experiences, the methodology will rely primarily on personal narratives gathered through interviews that will employ photo-elicitation strategies. As literature confirms, in research where the focus of interest is the human experience narrative holds an exceptional place, for it is through narratives that people organize and give meaning to their experience (Bruner, 1990). Document analysis, written autobiographies analysis, photography, participant observation, and focus group interviews with different actors will promote an understanding in the complexity of childrens meaning construction and identity while functioning as means for triangulation (Corsaro, 1981).
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The program This study will be conducted in a nonformal educational program, Disparando Cmaras para la Paz (DCP) Shooting Cameras for Peace (SCP) located in Colombia, specifically in Bogots outskirts, Altos de Cazuc. The program is part of an international humanitarian aid organization (The AJA Project) that provides multimedia and vocational education to refugee and internally displaced youth (AJA Project, n.d.). The AJA project consist of three related programs in different international locations: Disparando Cmaras para la Paz (Shooting Cameras for Peace), involving internally displaced children in Colombia; Record of Truth, involving refugee children on the Thailand/Burma border; and Journey, involving refugee children in the United States. This study will focus on the children who attend the program Shooting Cameras for Peace in Colombia (SCP). SCP is a participatory photography project that started in 2002 from the interest of a group of persons concerned with the consequences that violence and displacement have on children and youth (DCP, 2003). Today the program is directed by a group of Colombian educators and photographers. The aim of the program is to provide a space for displaced children to reflect on their lives and changing culture by using photography as a means. The premise of the project is that spaces for meeting and artistic expression create opportunities for children to construct a positive future and creative life projects (DCP, 2003). The director of SCP in Colombia states:
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Throughout the course of the project participants gain a new consciousness of the way in which they perceive their surrounding reality. They recover and strengthen their sense of belonging to a specific culture. This exercise creates a meaningful contribution to the personal development of participants, at the same time as it gives a means for reflection on the consequences that armed conflicts have on children and youth throughout the world. (DCP, 2003; p.11) The curriculum of the program includes three levels: In the first level children are introduced to basic concepts of photography and build their own cameras with materials on hand. During the second level children learn photographic techniques and start taking and developing pictures. During the third level children keep learning about photography techniques but the main goal of this level is to develop childrens leadership skills for students to play an active role in teaching newcomers. Many of the students, who began when the project first opened, are still involved and have become assistants in the process of teaching photography to newcomers. An additional component of the program is the Project to Exchange Experiences between refugee and displaced youth participating in the programs of Thailand, the United States and Colombia in which children from the three locations are paired up to share letters and photographs. Currently there are about 80 children involved in different phases of the program. The children come from diverse areas of Colombia where their families worked predominately in agriculture or associated activities.
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The project has been actively involved in the community where they work. One of the founders of the project relates that what started as a pilot experience was established as a community based organization in response to the community request. Currently the organization is involved in a social network that has designed an action plan where governmental and community-based organizations develop strategies and coordinate activities to improve the quality of life of inhabitants of Altos de Cazuc. In addition DCP has started leading workshops around the country with marginalized children living in isolated areas of the country. The neighborhood Altos de Cazuc is an impoverished area located in the outskirts of Bogot. The area hosts approximately 20,000 internally displaced persons that lack adequate protection and assistance from the national government (GIDPP report, 2005). The neighborhood has a particular social and urban structure which is common for neighborhoods on the periphery of Bogot: a high density of population and a poor infrastructure (dusty roads, small houses made of brick, plastic, metal, and cardboard); lack of basic social services; lack of parks and leisure facilities and high rate of violence, in most cases associated with the same political violence that caused their displacement to the city. A major problem for internally displaced people from rural areas coming to the cities is to create new means of livelihood, especially for unskilled agricultural workers (GIDPP report, 2005). With an unemployment rate over 50%, the informal economy of recycling materials and street vending has become the main alternative
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for these neighborhood residents (AJA Project, n.d.). Many of the children help their families either working on the streets or taking care of the house duties and younger siblings.
The participants I will select the participants through a purposeful sampling technique (Patton, 1990). All of the children will be internally displaced children, between 10 and 16 years old, living in the geographical area of Altos de Cazuc in Bogot. I will include boys and girls coming from different areas of the country and from different ethnic communities. For contrasting purposes I will select: children who have participated in Shooting Cameras for Peace for more than two years, experienced-participants; children newly participating in the program, newcomers; and children that live in the same area but have not been involve with the SCP program, non-participants. Children from these three groups attend the Corporacion Fe y Esperanza (School Faith and Hope) which is communitybased school created by a displaced teacher in 2002. Community-based schools are institutions opened by community volunteers outside of the formal educative system. The WCRWC (2002) describes a community school in El Progreso: These schools [community-based schools] may be run with great effort, but lack basic operating resources. In Barrio el Progreso, Soacha the informal school has dirt floors, cardboard walls and water runs through the
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building when it rains. Desks are almost on top of each other (WCRWC, 2002 p.24). Still under precarious conditions, the participants of this study have the opportunity to participate in informal educational alternatives that are not available to most displaced children throughout. The rationale for this study selecting this group of children -not displaced children that lack access to education at all-, is based on my interest in examining the role educational interventions play in displaced children reconstruction of identities. An understanding of educational interventions, where displaced children improvise and find spaces to re-describe themselves, offers new possibilities that may contribute to design of social policies. Access I have already established a relationship with the organization in Colombia and with the directive board members of San Diego. Directors of the AJA Project in San Diego have expressed their interest in participating in the study and have shared informative documents about the organization. During my last visit to Colombia in January 2005, I met with two members of the Colombian team, the director of the program and one of the photographers, who express their willingness to participate in the study. Since that time we have kept in periodic contact, basically exchanging information about the program. I consider the fact that I had previously met the Director in an earlier study as a definitive factor in the cooperative relationship we have established.
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Data-gathering methods As mentioned previously, different sources of data will be used in this dissertation. The data will be generated and recorded by me over two periods of participation on site at Shooting Cameras for peace in Bogot. Initially, I will immerse myself in the culture of the project for approximately two months. A follow up visit to enrich my data collection and to share my partial results with the participants of the study will be carried up later. By following a phenomenon over time, we can take account of the nonstatic nature of events and people (Peshkin, 2001 p.243). While collecting my data on site I will play a role as participant observer (Spradley, 1980). I will be both a participant working with the children in their daily activities and a researcher recording my observations. This situation will provide strategic access and participation in the life of the children, offering formal and less structured ways to engage with their process. To record my observations, I will write fieldnotes, take pictures and eventually videotape or audiotape some particular events. Images of the photos, maps, written and spoken narratives, biographical texts and everyday talk within the program will be all considered identity artifacts that provide rich sources for analysis. The study will elicit the view of three groups of children: experiencedparticipants, children who had participated in Shooting Cameras for Peace since it started in 2002; newcomers, children newly participating in the program; nonGuerrero Dissertation Proposal
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participants, internally displaced children not participating on the program, who live in the same geographical area. Having the perspectives of these three different groups will provide information about internally displaced children construction of identities under varying conditions while eliciting information to answer how childrens construction of meanings is influenced by their participation in the SCP program. It is important to note that this dissertation is not intended as an evaluation of the after school program. Instead, it is an exploration of childrens perspectives as they entered the program as well as a reflection on the opportunities afforded to them due to their participation in it. Focus Group interviews will be conducted with children from each of the groups identified above. During the interview, I will ask questions about their daily lives and their surroundings before and after their displacement. To elicit their interpretations about their social and physical context and the meanings they assign to different spaces, I will ask children to draw maps of their communities before and after the forced displacement (Morrow, 2001; Orellana, 1999). Focus group interviews will be also useful to identify key informants for conducting in-depth interviews. I will conduct approximately eighteen in depth interviews, including children from each of the groups identify above (experiencedparticipants, newcomers and non-participants). I will make sure that among the groups on newcomers and non- participants there are children that have recently arrived to
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Bogot and children that have been in Bogot for at least one year. To elicit the narratives, I will employ life story interview techniques through open-ended questions and use photo-elicitation strategies which will allow children to tell their own stories in a recursive way. I will ask children, who participate in SCP to give me a guided tour through the photos they have taken about their surroundings. To interview children who are not involved at SCP I will use photographs that depict images of everyday life within urban and rural landscapes of Colombia. The use of photographs as a research tool, photo- elicitation has been proved as a valuable method to arrive at the emic perspective (Harper, 2002; Clark, 1999; Rich & Chalfen, 1999) and to elicit childrens views on places (Conick-Smith & Gutman, 2002; Morrow, 2001; Orellana, 1999; Rasmussen, 2004). The interviews will be conducted in Spanish and audio taped for the subsequent analysis. The purpose of conducting in-depth interviews with children is to elicit narratives from the informants. Because researching displaced childrens construction of meanings and sense of self frame my inquiry, narrative will play an essential part of my data collection. As literature confirms there is a special affinity between narrative and self, such that narrative plays a privileged role in the process of self-construction (Bruner, 1990; Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner & Cain, 1998; Mishler, 1991; Ochs & Capps, 1996; Polkinghorne, 1988; Schiffrin, 1996; Wortham, 2000). Individuals tend to construct personal stories and accounts of their lives, in which they position themselves as protagonists (Gergen & Gergen, 1983).
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As a text structure, narratives formalize the sequence of actions, events, feelings, and thoughts of unique characters in specific situations. In talking about narrative as a self-portrait, Schiffrin (1996) asserts the ability of narrative to verbalize and situate experience as text (both locally and globally) provides a resource for the display of self and identity (p.167). I will study SCP documents and reports prepared by the organization staff and by external consultants. I will observe SCP staff meetings and attend to the meetings of the neighborhood network, Convivencia, where different organizations, including SCP collaborate to implement an action plan that aims to improve the lives of the inhabitants of Altos the Cazuc. I will also conduct a focus group with the SCP team and attend, at least one of the photography workshops that the organization is offering to children living in isolated areas affected by conflict in the countryside of Colombia. By exploring the organization history, rationale, leadership, networking and governance (Heath & McLaughlin, 1993), I expect to identify strategies or activities that enable displaced children to construct a positive sense of self and gain a valuable perspective to answer my question about how the resources provided by the organization influence childrens construction of meanings. Finally, I will conduct focus group interviews with parents of children attending the SCP program. I will select approximately 12 parents to participate in the focus groups. Similar to the children sample criteria, I will take into consideration the time that their children have been involved in the project and the
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time they have been living in the area. The focus groups will be a good way to explore parents perceptions regarding childrens participation in the program and the benefits or limitations they perceive on it. Moreover, these focus groups will provide a new perspective on childrens positional or designated identities by asking how parents position their children in terms of their lived experiences and how they envision their futures.
Data analysis The process of data analysis will occur simultaneously to the data gathering process. The researcher is guided by initial concepts and developing understandings but shifts or modifies them as she collects and analyzes the data (Marshall & Rossman, 1999, p.151). It means that the derived information may influence decisions about the ongoing process of data collection. The first step of my analysis will be to transcribe all the interviews. Green, Franquiz and Dixon (1997) argue that analysis starts with transcription and that transcripts are interpretative constructions. Although there is not standard form or code for transcription of research interviews, Kvale (1996) claims every stage in an interview project involves decisions that offer both possibilities and constraints in later stages of the project. The interviews will be transcribed in Spanish, the same language in which all the interviews will be conducted. Although some pieces of information will be translated to English, the analysis of the data will be based on the Spanish transcripts.
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Following the transcription, I will read through the raw data of the transcribed interviews, written fieldnotes and collected artifacts to identify recurring themes and patterns. Diagrams, charts and event maps will be used to make visible the system of cultural meanings (Spradley, 1979). Once themes and patterns have been identified, I will create coding schemes to search for relationships among the patterns. The coding process itself will continue to provide a way to interrogate data, to see what patterns emerge and re-emerge (Emerson, Fretz & Shaw, 1995). At this point, new hypothesis will emerge that will be tested by checking with participants in the study. Allowing participants to respond to the researcher interpretations permits further information while helping to ensure accuracy, completeness fairness, and validity of the data (Patton, 2002). The final phase of the study will be writing up the cultural description of the case (Spradley, 1979).
Trustworthiness Multiple sources of data, methods and perspectives available for my dissertation form the basis for triangulation. Data triangulation will be effective by interviewing different respondents (early-entrants, newcomers and non-participant children, and organization team members) and by carrying out multiple observations of events at different times and places. Multiple perspectives on the same event increase the credibility of the account (LeCompte & Preissle, 1993). Combining multiple methods provides the opportunity to look for corroboration in the results. In this study, focus group and in-depth interviews, participant
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observations, visual material, written narratives and collection of artifacts will provide means for methods triangulation. Johnson (1997) points out that the weaknesses (and strengths) of one method will tend to be different from those of a different method, which means that when two or more methods are combined better evidence will be obtained the whole is better than its parts(p.288). An additional strategy for achieving interpretative validity will be member checking procedure (Lincoln & Guba, 1985), where participants will provide a feedback on my initial interpretations.
Timeline Activities
Fieldwork planning Observations Children Focus Groups Organization staff Focus Group Parents Focus Groups Children in depth interviews Attend staff and community meetings Collection of documents Collection of children artifacts Data Organization/ Transcription of Interviews Data Analysis Sharing initial interpretations Writing final report
Month 6 7 8
10 11 12
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ACRONYMS
ACNUR AJA AUC CODHES DCP ELN FARC GIDPP ICRC IDP NGO NRC SCP UAID UNDP UNHCR UNICEF WCRWC WFP
Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas Para los Refugiados [United Nations High Commission for Refugees] Autosuficiencia Juntada con Apoyo [Supporting Self-Sufficiency] Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia [United Self-Defense Organization of Colombia] Consultora Para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento [Advisory Office for Human Rights and Displacement] Disparando Cmaras Para la Paz [Shooting Cameras for Peace] Ejercito de Liberacin Nacional [Popular Liberation Army] Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] Global Internally Displaced People Project International Committee of Red Cross Internally Displaced Person Nongovernmental Organization Norwegian Refugee Council Shooting Cameras for Peace Unidad de Atencin Integral a la Poblacin Desplazada [Office of Integral Support for Displaced Population] United Nations Development Program United Nations High Commission for Refugees United Nations Childrens Fund Womens Commission for Refugee Women and Children World Food Program
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara

Alba Lucy Guerrero