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H

S P

A N

NOTES

S P

A N

SOCIMTY

AND MONOGRAPHS

O F

AMERICA

HISPANIC
NOTES & MONOGRAPHS
ESSAYS, STUDIES,
HISPANIC

AND BRIEF
OF

BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE


SOCIETY

AMERICA

II

[\&

EL INCA
GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
JULIA FITZMAURICE-KELLY, M.A.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS HUMPHREY MILFORD


1921

PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE OXFORD UN1VERSITY PRESS BY FREDERICK HALL

Mr

PRHFACE

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA

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EL INCA
carved with serpents, Juan de Cellorico, and Carlos, the son of Paullu Inca, his nele. His relationship with the Incas procured him many experiences, which, as
a Spaniard, he might othervvise have
lost,

and

in

his

boyhood he frequently
rites

wit-

nessed their curious


standing
their

without underas when, for watched a lamb

meaning,

instance, in a courtyard, he

being sacrificed in order to help in reading


the

omens

(18).

On

another occasion he

saw

floating

down

the stream, which flowed

through the sobare near Juan de Cellorico's


house, one of the lighted torches which
play so prominent a part in the ceremony
for exorcizing the evil spirits of night.
rid their

To

houses of these

spirits,

the Indians

made round
cuncus,

torches of straw called panin

which were slow

burning

these

they fastened with string, and using them


in the

manner of brooms, swept the

streets
in

with them.

The

evil thing

was caught

the smouldering balls of straw, which they

then threw into the rivers that the current

might carry out of Cuzco

all

maleficent

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HISPANIC NOTES

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
influences. The little Indian boys ran away from the torch as from some baleful thing, and had Garcilasso known its import, he would have done likewise, he guilelessly adds, for he was but a child at the time (19). Something too of Indian lore he learnt, the simple herbal remedies and

the complicated system of recording events

by the quipus (20) or


colours, strung

tallies.

These were

knotted threads of the same or of different

on

to a thicker cord in the


;

manner of a

fringe

each knot on a thread

represented a number, and the coloured


threads signified things of the
for instance,

same

colour,

a yellow thread might mean gold, a white one silver. To keep an

and so
lized

account of their arms, laws, population, forth, which could not be symboby colours, the Incas arranged the

knots in descending order of merit, and

appointed special quipu readers to

make

and decipher these

tallies.

In

this

way they

preserved records of all concrete things, for


they would appear to have had no knowledge of a written language. Garcilasso

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he would have set the building ablaze, had not a comrade's practical words reBut there was nothing to srained him. prevent wholesale looting, and the house
was stripped of every valuable thing in whilst the lives of its inhabitants were

1.3

it,

only saved by followers of Pizarro

who

had been on friendly terms with Garcilasso de la Vega the Conquistador before his treachery. For eight months the miserable
household consisting of eight per his mother and his sister, Juan de Alcobaza, Alcobaza's son
little

sons

Garcilasso,

and brother, and two devoted servants who underwent all the leave refused to terrors of a siege, and would literally

have starved but for the generous help of an Indian chief, who at dead of night, and at the risk of his life,brought them an abundant supply of maize.

Spanish friend,

Juan de Escobar, took pity on the hungry little Garcilasso and invited him to dinner and supper every day, but owing to the
risk of

opening house-doors

at night, the

child was only allowed to creep out

when

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA

i6

EL INCA
Guevara,
1645.
to
six

who appears to have died in The Peruvian rebellion is stated


for

have been prolonged

about another

months until the battle of Sacsahuana, which ended in the irremediable defeat of Pizarro and his followers. Garcilasso contradicts this current versin, maintaining

that the battle of

Huarina was well over

when Gonzalo Pizarro borrowed the horse Salinillas, but his word would seem to have
had
this
little

weight beside the written asser-

and Gomara (37). However Gonzalo Pizarro won the battle, and at his triumphal entry into Cuzco, floral arches were raised in the streets and
tions of Zarate

may

be,

the Cathedral bells pealed as the victors

marched through the town. Garcilasso, who had gone to meet his father at Quespicancha the day before, was taken by him in the procession and noted with
childish curiosity every detail of the day,

even to the diflerent houses


captains alighted (38).

He

at which the was evidently

impressed by the personality of Francisco de Carbajal, the veteran warrior whose

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HISPANIC NOTES

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGAl
tactics

17

had won the day


untiring
efforts

at

Huarina, and
re-equip
the

by

his

to

For Carbajal knew that Pizarro's soldiers were not all A sound judge of men, he divided loyal. the wavering Spaniards into two classes, (i) those whom he aptly termed ejedores,
nucleus of the rebel army.
the

men

who,

whenever

the

wind

of

fortune veered, shifted from side to side


as the weavers

move

the shuttle in and

out of the web, and(ii) the neutrals, os de la mira, who took no active share with
either

party but bided


justified

their

time (39).
the

Events
in
la

him.

Even before

battle of Sacsahuana, Pizarro's followers,

twos and threes, deserted to Pedro de


Gasea, the President.
It

was then

that

Garcilasso's father,
his plans his lot

having carefully laid

some

three days before, threw in

And

in

once more with the royal forces the final contest, as the grim od

Carbajal, hurt in his loyalty by Pizarro's

unfounded and growing distrust of him, watched squadron after squadron going over to the enemy, he sang out lustily

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
gathereci in the house of Antonio de Loaysa

to

celbrate a

wedding.

It

had been
of

arranged that Garcilasso,


fourteen,
father

now a youth

should be allovved to join his

and stepmother (42) there towards

the end of the banquet.

The

Corregidor,

on seeing the boy enter shyly, called him to his side, bade him lean against his chair, for every seat was taken, and in a fatherly way picked out the fruit most pleasing to the lad's tastes. Suddenly the hall was in an uproar the great doors were battered down and Girn and his armed raen were in the midst of the
;

revellers.

Garcilasso followed his father

and friends, as the group escaped by means of a ladder on to the roofs of the adjoining houses and let themselves out by Juan de Figueroa's door ; he scouted the streets to see if the way were clear and ran home to fetch and saddle a horse for his father. Having seen the party safely off on its way to Lima, Garcilasso returned to spend a night of anxiety wondering

what might be the

fate

of

his

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conjecture, a short stay in Seville, Garcilasso

23

went to Madrid

(56),

presumably

in

the hope of obtaining

some

substantial

recognition of his fathers services.

He

seems to have presented himself at Court, where he fell in with Hernando Pizarro (57), and again with Bartolom de las We catch an unintentional gleam Casas. of humour in his account of his meeting Las Casas, under the with the latter. impression that the young man hailed
from Mxico, greeted him with warm emisin,

which cooled down

at

once when he

heard that Garcilasso carne from Per, and the interview which began so promisingly
appears to have ended somewhat abruptly
(58).

Shortly after his arrival in Madrid,

Garcilasso was granted an interview before

the Council of the Indies, and his expecta-

seemed about to be fulfilled when a member, Lope Garca de Castro, pertinently reminded the other Councillors that Garcilasso's father had saved the life Garcilasso's protests of Gonzalo Pizarro.
tions

certain

were overruled by the crushing forc of

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EL INCA
introduction into Per o a great

European animis, and


to

it

entertained

many him

hear such details as that the hens, which were not laying at all when he left in
1560, had later hatched chickens in great

numbers.
with
the

He

likewise tried experiments


seed,

which his od but these were not successful, as the seed would not germinate(74). Meanwhile, hecontinued
gui/iua

schoolfellows

had sent him,

his

working steadily, adding day by day to book which he probably finished some

time in 16 13.

The

last

years of his
If

life

he felt a yearning for the glories of Court, he does not express it. He seems much more to
think with the poet

were peaceful and quiet.

la

qu descansada vida del que huye el mundanal ruido

Thus, freed from the haunting fear of being unable to finish his work, and with
the double satisfaction that
it

had gained
showing,

the approval of the Council of the Indies


(75),

Garcilasso died in

16 16,

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32

EL INCA
II

Garcilasso's comparative poverty may not have been without compensations.

Unhampered by the
he could, on

cares of a great estte,

his retirement

from the army,

devote his leisure to what pursuits he chose. He chose literature, and, because
its

mystic philosophy and subtle language

appealed to him, he began to transate the Dialoghi di Amore of Len Hebreo.

Len Hebreo was the ame assumed by


the Jew, Judas Abrabanel, who, expelled

with his compatriots in 1492 from Spain,

sought refuge in

Italy,

and there

wrote,

probably in

Italian, his dialogues.

These

dialogues had already twice been translated


into Spanish ; once by Afia in 1568, and again in 1582, by Micer Carlos Montesa.

Garcilasso's was therefore their third trans-

The Inca naturally spoke of his work to his friends, some of whom, notably the Padre Agustn de Herrera, Padre Gernimo de Prado, the Licenciado Pedro Snchez de Herrera and Padre Fray Ferlation.

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HISPANIC NOTES

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,-

34

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
dialogues.

35

Then

follow the kindly letter

of thanks

from Maximilian of Austria,

dated June 19, 1587 ; a dedication to the King written from Montilla, January 19,
1586
;

and

finally

letter to

Don
18,

a second dedication or Maximilian from Montilla,

September

cation to the

and a second dediKing from Las Posadas,


1587
;

November 7, 1589. The two to the King are reprinted in


tarios Reales;

dedications
the Comenit

Segunda Parte, and

is

likewise in the introductory matter of that

book that Garcilasso tells us of the ban put on his translation by the Holy Office. The aprobacin most plainly says that the dialogues contain 'muchas cosas ... no in spite of this sospechosas contra la Fe
'

exculpatory clause the Inca's translation

seems to have been put on all the nConsequen tly Garcilasso's dices (77). first attempt may be said never to have had a far chance, and little is known of
its

merits beyond the fact that the school-

master of Priego, as well as Maximilian,

thought highly of

it

(78).

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36

EL INCA

III

Garcilasso
to

tells

us that on his journey

Spain he halted at Lisbon, and there met

with such kindness from the inhabitants


that he cast about to make what return he could, for, he adds, one of the favours they did me was to save my life' (79) He had been inclined in his boyhood to admire the Portuguese by his father's tales of their conquering prowess, and later from the books which he had read (80) Consequently it was with a duplcate bias that he resolved to dedicate to the Duke of Braganza his forthcoming History of Florida which appeared in 1605 under the
'

following

title

La

Florida del

Ynca

Historia del Adelantado

Hernando

de Soto,

Gouernador y capitn general del Reyno de


la Florida,

de otros heroicos canalleros

Espaoles Indios ; escrita por el Ynca


Garcilasso de la Vega, capitn de su Magestad,

natural de la gran ciudad del Cozco,

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HISPANIC NOTES

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
In a passage which presses on the Spanish King the desirability of sending out an
expedition,

39

undeterred

by

the

hapless

issue of Soto's foray, Garcilasso hints that

he would gladly have gone to Florida, had not Fate willed othenvise (86).

The
besides

sources of

La

Florida del Yuca,


here

information

gathered

and

there from former veterans, are three in

number. They are, firstly, the papers o Alonso de Carmona, a native of Priego

who took
and was
calling
'

part in the expedition to Florida,

likewise a soldier in Per,

and had These

delighted in noting his experiences down.

them simply
'

Peregrinaciones.

Journeyings

gave a short and confused

account of the Florida Expedition, but the main facts served for comparison with
Garcilasso's other authorities.

Secondly,

Garcilasso
soldier
at

uses the

manuscript of the
Zafra, written

Juan Coles, native of


Fe,

the request

of the Provincial Pedro

Aguado of Santa

who
it

after collecting

material for a book, was unable to proceed

with his work and

left

in the printer's

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42

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA

44
inquiry

EL INCA
it was Again Gonzalo I have some rusks from made answer Utrera, all hot from the oven if you wish, I will share them with you It is (95) hardly likely that any but the author of

in

those days of hunger


greeting.
'

the

common

'

so small a joke, delighted at the success


it

had won, would remember

it

long years

afterwards.

Not even the

questioners,

however witty the answers may have seemed to them at the time, would have These treasured them for half a century. two instances will serve perhaps to suggest that Gonzalo Sylvestre may well have been Garcilasso's unnamed informant. Garcilasso does ampie justice to the story of the heroic little band's march through country, here deserted and arid, there infested by treacherous and fierce Indians, and of their Governor's dauntless courage and spirited leadership. The tale
has
all

the elements of a romantic fiction.


to
its

These elements, owing


matter, are lacking in
Reales,

very subject-

the Commefifarios

where in the Primera Parte the

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HISPANIC NOTES

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46
for,

EL INCA
so Garcilasso
tells

us,

seemed

to

them no time
courtesies (96).

for

the

interchange
report

of

On

another occasion he

quotes

the

missioners'

on

their

attempts to convert the Indians of Florida

and the failure of those attempts, for so savage and cruel a race was not apt to listen to sermons (97).

No

records of

the

expedition

were

apparently kept by

by his captains,

Hernando de Soto or and besides La Florida

del Ynca there are only three

known

ac-

counts, one presented by Luis

Hernndez

de Biedma to Charles
of the

at the Council
(98),

written

the other 1544 by a Portuguese gentleman of Elvas and published at Evora in 1557 (99), and a manuscript fragment by the These soldier Rodrigo Ranjel (100).

Indies

in

three writers took part in the expedition,

they have therefore, over Garcilasso de

la

Vega, the double advantage of being eyewitnesses of the events which they record,

and of writing within a much shorter

inter-

val after the occurrence of those events.

In

ir

HISPANIC NOTES

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the main points, the four narratives agree

47

although dates, numeris, and ames of


places

show

divergencies,

Garcilasso's

marking a tendency to exaggeration. But even though contemporaries may have regarded La Florida del Ynca as a valuable addition to historical
especially

numbers

research (101),

readers a thrilling

the scientific
history to be.

seem to modern romance rather than document which \ve expect


it

will

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48

EL INCA

IV
In
compiling

La

Florida

del

Ynca,

Garcilasso was not confronted with such

an array of documents as he afterwards had to deal with when he began to write This work, as we his history of Per.
have noted, carne out in two parts. The Primera Parle, dedicated to Catharine of Portugal, Duchess of Braganza, was begun some time before 1602. It was finished in 1603, an extra chapter being added to

March 1604 (102); the was passed by the Inquisitionary authorities and was published at Lisbon in 1608 or 1609 under the title 'Primera Parle de los Commentarios
the manuscript in
it

same year

Reales qve tratan del origen de los Yncas,


reyes qve fveron del Perv, de sv idolatra,

y gouierno en paz y en guerra : de sus y conquistas, y de todo lo que fue aquel Imperio y su Repblica, antes que los
leyes,

vidas

Espaoles passaran a el: Escritos por

el

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HISPANIC NOTES

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
Ynca,
Cozco,

49

Garlasso de

la

Vega, na/u ral del

Capitn de su Mages/ad.'

The

introductory matter consists of a dedica-

Duchess of Braganza, a preface and a notice about the Quichuan language the Segunda Par/e was not published until 1617, at Cordova. A second edition of the whole work appeared in Madrid in 1723, headed as follows Primera par/e de los come?i/arios
tion to the

to the

reader,

reales

que tra/an de
que fueron

el origen de los Incas,

reyes

del

Per.

Historia

This was followed by a third edition of thirteen volumes published at Madrid in 1800-1801 ; the
editor of this later edition deviates from Garcilasso's

General del Per.

arrangement of
it

the

work,

books and chapters according to a plan of his own. There is also a Lima edition of 1918,
arbitrarily dividing

up

into

compiled

introduction by Dr.

Agero ;

by H. H. Urteaga, with an Don Jos de la Riva this reprint has proved unobtain-

able in Europe.
Garcilasso himself confides to us the

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5a

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA

54

EL INCA
after giving us the derivation of the

Per,

word and an account of the gods adored


tribes

by the Indian

before their

prehis

historic subjugation,

soon plunges into


anecdotes.

main theme.
delights

By

nature garrulous, he

to

interplate

He

warns his readers


their dynasty,

that, as the

Incas strove

in every respect to imtate the founder of

Manco

Capac, the child of

the Sun, of whose origin mythical tales are


told (as they are told in our

own time
will

of

the

Mikado of Japan), there

be rnuch

similarity in the record of their reigns

and
This

customs, and that he


detail

will therefore give in


first

an account of the

king.

he proceeds to do.

The

descriptions of

the successive Inca rulers, of the improve-

ments they made


of their conquests a certain

for their subjects,


all

and
di-

have, consequently,

sameness, but Garcilasso's

gressions about the produce of the land,


its

beasts

and

birds, relieve his narration


It is

from the reproach of tedium.


interest that
skill

with

we

follow his chapters

on the

and ingenuity shown by the Indians

II

HISPANIC NOTES

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in the art

55

of building;

with the rudest

implements they raised monuments whicli outdid the wonders of the Colossus of Rhodes and of the Pyramids*(ri3). A
notable instance
is

the great palace outside


walls
still

Cuzco, a remnant of whose


stands.
It
is

when he

treats

of these

antiquities

and of

their present state that

Garcilasso has the moral courage to speak


plainly of the destruction caused

by the
he

Spaniards.
designedly,

They

often wrought mischief


in

although

sorae cases

allows that they

ignorance.

may have offended through No advancing army, as we all


its

know,

will

cease

pillage out of con-

sideration for works of art.

The Spanish

were a handful of men amongst countless Indian hosts whom


Conquistadores
they expected
barians.

and believed to be barTheir blood was aflame with and


in order to

the lust of gold and gain,


find the treasure

which they sought, they

recklessly pulled
(i 14).

down

ancient buildings

The

great herds of vicuas, which

the Incas only hunted in rotation, were so

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act of war.
less

59

The

episode at Huarina
;

is

easy to explain away

Zarate,

Gomara,

and Diego Fernndez, all three agree in their assertion that Gonzalo Pizarro's life was saved by the eider Garcilasso. After an attempt to deny the action ascribed to
his
father,

Garcilasso,

recognizing

the

futility

of bringing forward contradictory

arguments in the face of such crushing testimony, makes a complete volte-face (116), and emphasizes the gallantry of the exploit. Throughout the eight books which form the Segunda Parie, we cannot
fail

to see that,

much

as he glories in his
is

Indian descent, Garcilasso

not a

little

one of the Conquistadores. He compares the unin of Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando de Luque (117)
his cise relationship to

proud of

with the Triumvirate, not to the advantage


of the
latter,

vvarding her great


plaint,

and taxes Spain with not remen (118). This comwhich has often been renewed,

might
nation.

be brought against almost any Considering his sympathies with

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
of methodology.

61

He cannot sift and weigh


when
it it

evidence,
offend,

and

the

truth

would

he thinks

admissible and even


(122).

advisable to

mask

His avowed

desire to present a truthful history carries

conviction (123), but he cannot see that the omission of facts or of a detail which

would reveal character


against historical

is

as grave a fault

accuracy as delibrate

His uncritical mind be too charitable and prevents his being a good judge of men. Garcilasso was not, however, concerned with character-drawing. His aim was to give us the story of Per in the form of a His pleasant and agreeable narrative.
misrepresentation.
inclines

him

to

style,

colloquial,

diffuse,
is

and

easy,

but

never majestic,
object.

in

keeping with his

The
and

Comme?itarios Reales have been

translated into English, French,


Italian
;

Germn,

they have also been utili/ed

by Robertson, Prescott, Marmontel, and Sheridan. Sir Clements Markham, during his travels through Per in 1852, carne

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA

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GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
course, the reading of

65

good poetry

was

so

much
It

waste.
glorified
'

was a Frenchwoman who


:

Sans un peu de gourmandise, on risquerait de perdre un des plus grands plaisirs de la Garcilasso was in no danger of invie
greediness into a virtue, saying
'.

curring

this

risk.

The
first

episode of the
us

asparagus stalks

reveis his love of

good

living.

He

tells

almost with

rancorous

annoyance that

he was not

offered even a morsel to taste, although he

had prepared the materials for cooking and had waited on his father's guests Again, on his way to Spain, (130). Garcilasso passed through some vineyards
(the cultivated grape

was a novelty

in
still

Per),

and

forty-two years later he

harbours a regret that their owner did not

him the bunch of grapes which would have been so acceptable on his journey This suspicion of greediness on (131).
give
his part

and

his faculty for taking pleasure

in small things

easy guest to entertain.

would have made him an Garcilasso would

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66

NOTES
NOTES
la Palla doa Isabel Inga Huallpa Topac, vno de los .' hijos de Topac Ynca Yupanqui. Dedicatoria, dated Montilla, January 19, 1586. la mesma gente de Atahuallpa de (2) '. lastima de ver perecer la sangre que ellos dieron lugar a que se tenian por diuina, saliessen del cercado en que los tenian, y ellos mismos los echauan fuera, Todos los que assi faltaron fueron nios y nias, muchachos y muchachas, de diez y onze aos a baxo, vna dellas fue mi madre, y vn hermano suyo llamado do Frcisco Huallpa .' Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Commentarios reales I, Lib. IX, c. XXXVIII, f. 260 v. reales II, Lib. VIII, (3) Comentarios c. XII, f. 2S7 r. See also P. de Gayangos E. de Vedia G. Ticknor, Historia de la literatura espaola, Madrid, 1854, vol. III, p. 555. (4) Mestizo is trie ame given to a child born of a white father and an Indian mother or of an Indian father and a white mother. Pass [Garcilaso de la Vega] ellas (5) [las provincias del Per], con el adelantado don Pedro de Aluarado, ao de mil y quinitos

67

(i)

'Que mi madre

fue hija del

'

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II

68

NOTES
y treyntay vno.' Dedicatoria, dated Montilla, January 19, 1586. Sir Clements Markham,
in the introduction to his translation, First

Part of

the

Royal Commentaries,

says, p. iv,

that Garcilasso set out with

Don Alonso de
slip.

Alvarado.
(6)

This would appear to be a

The term segundos

conquistadores was

given to the Spaniards who entered Per with Diego de Almagro or Pedro de Alvarado,
in contradistinction to the original discoverers

{primeros conquistadores) under Francisco


Pizarro.

See Commentarios reales


IX,
f.

I,

Lib.

VII,
(7)

c.

175

r.

A repartimiento was a grant of Indians.


of a repartimiento

The owner
and

was

called a

vecino and was empowered to exact tribute

Coinmentarios Advertencias acerca de la lengva general de los Yndios del Per. For the position of the Conquistador Garcilasso de la Vega's repartimientos see Commentarios
reales
I,

service from his Indians.

reales
c.

I,

Lib.
f.
f.

I, c.

XXVI,
c.

f.
f.

52 v.

Lib. III, Lib. IV,

XII,

67
93

v.

XIV,

70 v.

c.

XVI,
(8)

r.

Commentarios reales
v.

I,

Lib. VII,

c.

XI,
I,

f.

177
(9)

Comentarios reales

II, Lib.

VI,

c.

f.

2iov.

II

HISPA NIC NOTES

NOTES
Comentarios reales II, Lib. VI, c 227 r. (il) Comentarios reales II, Lib. II, c XXV, f. 60 r. Lib. IV, c. XLII, f. 1581:. (12) Commentarios reales I, Lib. III, c. I,
(10)

69

XVII,

f.

f.

57

v.
.
.

(13) '.

el

Padre Diego de Alcobaca ya

otras

vezes por mi nobrado, en vna carta


.'

que
vno,
c.

me
.

escriuio ao de mil y seiscientos y Commentarios reales I, Lib. VII,


f.

XXV,
(14)
la

191

r.

'Acuerdme
fiesta

bi de todo esto,

por-

que

de

los

dozenas de acotes, los porque no fui al escuela, los otros me dio el maestro, porque falte della.' Commentarios reales I, Lib. IX, c. XVII, f. 244 r. (15) ' ... el Licenciado Juan Cuellas ... el qual ley grammatica a los Mestizos hijos de hombres nobles, y ricos de aquella ciudad [Cozco]. Mouiose a hazerlo de caridad propria y por suplica de los mismos estudiantes, porque cinco preceptores que en vezes antes auian tenido, los auian desamparado a cinco o seis meses de estudio. ... El canonizo Juan de Cuellar tampoco dex sus discpulos perficionados en latinidad, porque no pudo lleuar el trabajo que passaua, en leer quatro

bueyes me cost dos vnos me dio mi padre,

AND MONO GRAPH S

II

7o

NOTES
lecciones cada da, y acudir a las horas de su coro y assi quedaron imperfectos en la lengua latina.' Commentarios reales I, Lib.
:

II, c.

XXVIII,
r.

f.

55v-f. 56r.
II, Lib.

(i 6)
f.

Comentarios reales

IV,

c.

X,

121

(17) After the death of

Garcilasso de la

Vega
them

adopted his two


entire charge of

little

Pedro del Barco, Conquistador orphan boys and took


the
for five

years.

mentarlos reales
(18)

II, Lib.

VIII,

c.
I,

XII,

Commentarios
f.

reales

291 Lib. VI,


f.

r.

c.

XXII,
(19)

149
. .

r.

acuerdme que otro dia vi vn el arroyo que corre por medio de la placa, estaua junto a las casas de mi condiscpulo en gramtica Juan de Cellorico acuerdme que huyan del los muchachos Yndios q passauan por la calle yo no huy,
'.

Pancuncu en

porque no sabia la causa, que si me la dixeran tambin huyera, que era nio de seys a siete Commentarios reales I, Lib. VII, aos.
c.

VII,
(20)

f.

171 v.
I,

Commeritarios reales

Lib. VI, ce

VIII-IX, ff. 1361-.-137V. (21) Commentarios reales I, Lib. III, c. XVI, ff. 72r.-73r. La Florida del Yuca, Lib. VI, c. II, f. 293 r. [wrongly numbered]
;

II

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
(22)

71

Commentarios reales
208
r.

I,

Lib. VIII, c.

IX,

f.

(23)

Commentarios reales
f.

I,

Lib.

IX,

c.

XXXVII,
XVIII,
(25)
f. f.

260 v. (24) Comentarios reales


261
r.

II,

Lib.

VII,

c.

133

r.

(26)

Comentarios reales II, Lib. IV, c. XX, Lib. V, c. XXII, f. 184 r. Comentarios reales II, Lib. V, c.
;

XXIII,
(27)
los

f.

iS6r.
. .

que yo sabia herrar y sangrar .'. de casa de mi padre Comentarios reales II, Lib. V, c. XXII f.
'.

cauallos

184V.
(28)

Commentarios reales
f.

I,

Lib,

II,

c.

50 v. (29) Blasco Nuez Vela had been sent out from Spain in 1543 as Viceroy of Per toenforce the observance of the ordinances framed

XXV,

by the Council of the

Indies.

That Council,

summoned
1

at

Valladolid by Charles

in

541, acting

on the representations of Barlas

tolom de

Casas,

who

reported that

the Iridian race, through the oppression of the Spaniards, would rapidly die out, ruled amongst other things that every Spaniard who had been concerned in the faction fights of the Almagros and the Pizarros should

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

72

NOTES
lose his repartimiento.

which cut out practically

This sweeping law, all the Conquista-

dores, created the greatest consternation in

Peni. Men who had been great landowners now saw themselves beggared at an age

when
and

life

in their distress

could not easily be begun again, they turned to their

natural

leader,

named Procurator-General
the Viceroy

Gonzalo Pizarro. He was of Per and in

vited to voice the Spaniards' claim before

who, in 1544, had landed at Tumbez. On the pretence that he must have an armed forc behind him to ensure success, Gonzalo Pizarro organized a large army and prevailed on the people of Cuzco to ame him Captain-General. (30) Comentarios reales II, Lib. IV, c. X, c. XVII, f. 149 v. ff. i2or.-v. (31) 'Mi padre ... se fue al cveto de santo Domingo, donde le recibieron los re ligiosos, y le escondieron en vna bobeda y hueco de vn entierro, y assi estuuo escondido en aquella casa con mucho secreto mas de quatro meses Comentarios reales II,
;
:

.'

Lib. IV, c.
(32)

XX,

f.

132 v.

Pedro de Puelles was governor of


at the

Guanuco
arrival
in

date of Blasco Nuez Vela's

Per.

Although his

office

was

II

HISPA NIC NOTES

NOTES
by the Viceroy, the prospect opened by the new regulations so dismayed him that he joined Pizarro's party, arriving,
confirmed
so
it

73

chanced, at the time

when

the rebel

captain's hopes were lowest on account of

the desertion of

many upon whom he had


II,

most counted. IV, c. X, f. 121


(33)
'
. .

Comentarios reales
r.

Lib.

Garcilasso de la Vega, cuyas

casas saquearon los soldados, y vno dellos quiso pegarles fuego, que ya tenia el tizn en

Otro que no era de tan malas que os han hecho las casas ? si pudiramos auer a su dueo, nos vengramos en el pero las paredes que os deuen ? por esto las dexaron de quemar: pero no dexar en ellas cosa que valiesse vn marauedi, ni Yndio, ni Yndia de scruicio, que a todos les pusieron pena de muerte si entrauan en Ouedaro ocho personas en ella la casa. desamparado?, mi madre fue la vna, y vna
la

mano.

entraas

le dixo,

hermana mia, y vna

criada, q quiso

mas

el

que negarnos, y yo, y Juan de Alcobaga mi ayo, y su hijo Diego de Alcobaca, y vn hermano suyo, y vna Yndia de seruicio, que tampoco quiso negar a su seor. A Juan de Alcobaca defendi de la muerte
riesgo de que la matassen,

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

74

NOTES
su buena vida y exemplo, que era tenido por vn hombre quitado de toda passion, e inters mundano a mi madre y a los dems que tambin nos quisieron matar, nos defendi el amistad de algunos que entraron, que aunque andauan con Goncalo Pigarro eran Vn Cazique de los amigos de mi padre. de mi padre que se dezia don Garcia Pauqui vino vna noche a casa, y apercibi que la noche siguiente a tal hora estuuiessen en vela, porque les embiaria veynte y cinco hanegas de Mayz, siete, o ocho noches despus embio otras veynte y cinco, con que pudimos sustentar la vida que dur mas de ocho meses la hambre. Juan de Escobar, que possaua entonces en las casas de Alonso de Mesa, que era calle en medio de las de mi padre, viendo nuestra hambre, y dolindose dea, pidi a mi ayo, Juan de Alcobaca, que me embiasse cada dia a comer y acenar con el la comida se acepto, y la cena no, por no abrir aquellas oras la puerta de casa que a cada momento temamos que nos auian de degollar porque a cada passo nos amenazauan. Y Hernando Bachicao capitn de la artillera, que aun no auia salido con ella, nos caoneo la casa dende la suya ... y acabara de echarla por el suelo, sino que
:
.
. . .

II

HISPA NIC NOTES

NOTES
tambin huuo padrinos que nos
Come/ian'os
121 r.-v.
(34)
f.

75
valieron.'
c.

reales

II,

Lib.

IV,

X,
c.

f.

Comentarios reales

II, Lib.

V,

X,

171

r.

(35)

The Inca

givcs us to understand that

Pizarro treated Garcilasso de la


' .

Vega

the

Conquistador as a prisoner, la importunidad dess amigos acab con Goncalo Pigarro, que lo [Garcilasso de la Vega] perdonasse del todo, y tuuiesse por bien de
.
.

y assi se lo lleuaron delante, y lo perdon, y lo truxo csigo debaxo de nombre de prisionero, que nunca mas Goncalo Picarro
verle,
le

dex

salir

de su casa,
el

ni

comer fuera de
su

su mesa, y en

campo dormia dentro en

toldo, y assi lo truxo hasta el dia de la batalla

de Sacsahuana ... yo digo lo que passo, como persona a quien le cupo mucha parte
de aquellos trabajos,

y necesidades de mi

padre, q en tres aos no goz de sus Yndios, que estuuo desposeydo dellos, en los quales
el

los suyos,

ocho,

viuimos

que como atrs dixe eramos Comntanos de limosna.'


c.

reales II, Lib. IV,

XX,

f.

133

r.

(36) Comentarios reales II, Lib. V,


f.

c.

X,

171

r.
'

(37)

Francisco Lpez de

Gomara

dize.

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

76

NOTES
Picarro corriera peligro
diera vn cauallo &c.
.

si
.

Garcilasso no le Diego Fernandez

dize

hablando de la misma batalla [Huarina] Fue en este encuentro derribado Goncalo Pigarro, y Garcilasso (que auia quedado en la silla) se apeo, y le dio su Todo esto cauallo, y le ayudo a subir. Yo he dizen aquellos autores de mi padre. escrito de aquella batalla lo que realmente pass que tomar Goncalo Piqarro el cauallo de mi padre, no fue en el trance de la batalla, pero no me espanto que si no despus della
.
.

los

historiadores

tuuiessen

otra

relacin

acuerdo que algunos mestizos condiscpulos mios de la escuela, me dezian, que auian oydo dezir de mi padre lo que Boluiendo pues Diego Fernandez dize. a lo que los Autores escriuen de mi padre

porque yo

me

que. yo contradiga a graues como ellos son, que ni me creern, ni es justo que nadie lo haga, siendo yo parte. Yo me satisfago con auer

digo,

que no es razn

tres testigos tan

dicho verdad, tomen lo que quisieren, que sino me creyeren, yo passo por ello, dando por verdadero lo que dixeron de mi padre. ..'
.

XXIII, ff. l85v.-i86r. The Inca includes amongst the three authors of whom he speaks Zarate,
Coinentarios reales
II,

Lib. V,

c.

TI

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
but the quotation he gives makes no mention
of Garcilasso's father.
(38)
el
'

77

Yo

entr en la ciudad con ellos, que

da antes auia salido a recebir a

mi padre

hasta Ouespicancha tres leguas del C'ozco. Parte del camino fuy a pie y parte me lidiaron dos Vndios a cuestas remuddose a vezes. Para la buelta me dieron vn cauallo, y quien lo lleuasse de diestro, y vi todo lo q he dicho, y pudiera assi mismo dezir en quales casas se aposentar los capitanes cada vno de por si, q los conoci todos, y me acuerdo de las casas con auer casi sesenta aos que pass porque la melo que vamos escriuiendo moria guarda mejor lo q vio en su niez que lo que passa en su edad mayor.' Co:

mentarios reales
189
v.
'

II,

Lib. V,

c.

XXVII,

f.

(39)

...

los

que

el

[Carbajal]

Uamaua

passadores y texedores, que andauan passandossedel vn vandoal otro,comolancaderas en vn telar por lo qual les llamaua texedores,
:

Comentarios ira/es II, Lib. IV, c. XXVIII, f. 142 v. '... a los quales llamauan los de la mira porque en las guerras passadas auian estado a la mira, que ni auian sido .' traydores, ni leales. Comentarios reales II, Lib. VI, c. I, f. 210 v.
. .

.'

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

78

NOTES
XXXV,
Comentarios reales ff. igSv.-aoor. Comentarios reales (41) XLII, f. 208 r.
(40)
II,

Lib.

V,

c.

II,

Lib.

V,

c.

(42) Garcilasso uses the

word madrastra.

To understand his father's marriage whilst Chimpa Ocllo was still alive, we must infer
the Conquistador never went through the ceremony of marriage with her or that customs which may be called patriarchal were prevalent. Sir Clements Markeither that

ham

(see Introduction to his translation of

The First Part of the Royal Commentaries,


p. vii) inclines to

believe that

Chimpa

Ocllo

This view is contradicted by the following passage Destas crueldades naci el cuento que ofresci dezir de Don Francisco hijo de Atahuallpa, y fue, que muri pocos meses antes que yo me viniesse a Espaa el dia siguiente a su muerte bien de maana antes de su entierro vinieron los pocos parientes Incas que auia a visitar a mi madre, y entro ellos vino el Inca viejo de quien otras vezes hemos hecho mencio. El qual en lugar de dar el psame, porque el difunto era sobrino de mi madre, hijo de primo hermano, .' Comment arios reales I, Lib. IX, c. XXXIX, f. 262 v.

was dead.

'

II

S P

AN

NOTES

NOTES
ff.

79

Comentarios reales II, Lib. VII, c. II, 242 r.-243 v. (44) Comentarios reales II, Lib. VII, c. III,
(43)

f.

244
(45)

r.

Comentarios reales
f.

II,

Lib.

VII,

c.

XXX,

273 r. (46) Comentarios reales VI, f. 280 r.


(47)
f.

II,

Lib. VIII,

c.

Comentarios reales
r.

II,

Lib. VIII,

c.

V,
c.

279
f.

(48)

Comentarios reales
[dated

II,

Lib. VIII,

IV,

278 r. (49) Dedicatoria


19, 1586].
c.

January
(50)
f.

Lib. VIII,

XII,

f.

from Montilla, Comentarios reales II, 286 r.


I,

Commenlarios reales
passim.

Lib. II,

c. III,

27

v. et

(51)
f.

Commenlarios reales
Comentarios reales

I,

Lib.

I, c.

VII,

6v.
(52)
II, Lib.

VI,

c.

XIII,

f.

223

v.

Comentarios reales II, Lib. I,c. VI,f. 5 r. The undated Dedicatoria to the Duke of Braganza in La Florida del Ynca. (55) Comentarios reales II, Lib. V, c.
(53)
(54)

XXIII,
(56)

f.

186

r.

Comentarios reales
f.
i

II,

Lib.

IV,

c.

XXIII,

3 6r.

AND

MONOGRAPHS

II

8o

NOTES
(57)
f.

Commentarios reales
Comentarios rea/es
.

I,

Lib. VII, c. X,

176
1

v.

(58)
f.

II, Lib.

IV,

c.

III.

12

v.
.

pidiendo yo mercedes a su los seruicios de mi padre, y por la restitucin patrimonial de mi madre, que por auer muerto en breue tiempo la segunda vida de mi padre, quedamos los dems hermanos desamparados, y vindose en el consejo real de las Yndias las prouancas que de lo vno, y de lo otro present, hallndose conuencidos aquellos seores co mis pro(59) '.

Magestad por

el Licenciado Lope Garcia de Castro (que despus fue por presidente al Per) estando en su tribunal, me dixo, que merced

uancas,

quereys que os haga su Magestad, auiendo hecho vuestro padre con Goncalo Picarro lo que hizo en la batalla de Huarina, y dadole aquella tan gran victoria ? Y aunque yo
repliqu,
le

que auia sido testimonio falso, que auian leuantado,medixo tienen lo escrito
:

historiadores y quereyslo negar? Con esto me despidiera de aquellas pretensiones.


los

y cerraron las puertas a otras que despus ac pudiera auer tenido por mis particulares
seruicios. ..
c.
.'

Comentarios realesW, Lib. V,

XXIII,

f.

iS6r.

II

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
(60)

81

Comentarios reales
reales

II, Lib.

VIII,

c.

XV,

294 v. (61) Comentarios XXIII, f. 186 r.


f.

II,

Lib. V.

c.

(62)

Proemio al
'

letor,

La

Florida del
la

Ynca.
(63)

Tambin

lo

caus escapar yo de

guerra tan desbalijado y adeudado, que no me fue possible boluer a la Corte, sino acogerme a los rincones de la soledad.
.'
.
.

Comentarios reales f. 186 r.


(64)

II,

Lib. V,

c.

XXIII,
c.

Commentarios reales
f.

I,

Lib. VIII,

223 r. (65) Dedicatoria (dated from Montilla, January 19, 1 586). (66) Proemio al letor, La Florida del Ynca. Dedicatoria of Garcilasso's translation of Len Hebreo to Maximilian of Austria,

XXIII,

Montilla,
'

March

12, 1587.

(67)

Todo

este cuento escreui en nuestra

historia de la Florida, sacndola de su lugar, por obedecer a los venerables padres maestros de la sancta Compaa de Jess Miguel Vzquez de Padilla natural de Seuilla, y Gernimo de Prado natural de Vbeda, que me lo mandaron assi, y de alli lo quit, aunque tarde, por ciertas causas tyranicas

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

Sa

NOTES
.

.'

Commeitaros reales
v.

I,

Lib. II,

c.

VII,

f-

33

(68)
f.

Commentarios reales
v. et

I,

Lib. V,

c.

VI,

104
(69)

passim.

(70)

Commentarios reales\,\b.l,c.\T \l,.J r. Commentarios reales 1, Lib. I, c.


7
r.

VII,

f.

et passim.
c.

Commentarios reales I, Lib. VIII, V, f. 202 r. c. XXIII, f. 222 r. (72) Commentarios reales I, Lib. IX,
(71)
;

c.

XXIX,
(73)

f.

2531-.-V.
II,

Comentarios reales
f.

Lib. VII,

c.

XXII,
(74)

265r.-v.
is

The quinua

serves three purposes.

a useful plant, for it Its leaves can be

its seeds boiled like rice, Commentarios stems used as fuel. reales I, Lib. VIII, c. IX, f. 207 v. (75) Comentarios reales II, Lib. VIII, c.

eaten like spinach,

and

its

XX, f.
(76)

299

v.

On

translation,

account of the rarity of the Inca's it may be convenient to quote


:

Maximilian's letter

'Al Capitn Garcilasso Inga de la Vega. Ante Ayer me embio don Juan de Herrera, hijo del Alcayde de Priego la traduccin de
suya.

Len Hebreo hecha por V.m. con vna carta Vino todo tan de noche que pare-

II

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
ciendome corto el tiempo para sinificar la merced que con ello auia recibido, con su licencia difer el hazerlo paraaora: qauiendo
leydo otra del libro propio

83

me

parece lo sera

tambin el de toda mi vida, para corresponder a tanta merced. Beso V.m. las minos por ella, y por el fauor que me haze con palabras y con obras poniendo en tanto punto mi corto juyzio, que quiere le haga de obras salidas de sus manos. Lo que el y yo valiremos sera para reconocimiento della en todo lo que V.m. mandarme quisiere. Para lo qual desde aora me ofrezco por
:

seruidor, suplicando
el

me mande, y trate como


Con
:

Rey nuestro seor ordena.

licencia

de V.m. me quedo con el libro hasta fin de Setiembre por gozar del de espacio tendrelo en los ojos, y al fin deste tiempo lo boluere. Nuestro seor guarde V.m. de Alcal y de
Junio diez y nueue, 1587.
'

Maximiliano de Auxtria.'

(77) Prez Pastor, Bibliografa madrilea.

Siglo

(78)

XVI, p. 173. Menndez y Pelayo appreciated


y gallarda de
el

'la

belleza

la prosa,

que tanto
la

contrasta con
-

desalio del texto italiano.

Pelayo, Historia de Poesa hispano-americana, t. II, p. 145.

.'

M. Menndez y

AND MONOGRAPHS
G
2

84

NOTES
(79)
'

... no doy cuenta en

particular de

los regalos

y fauores que me hizieron que vno dellos fue librarme de la muerte.' Dedication to the Duke of Braganza o La Florida del Ynca.
(80) Ibid.

f.

Florida del Ynca, Lib. I, c. I, c. IX, ff. 322 n-322 v. pues no todas partes ay oro (82) ni plata, y en todas viuen las gentes.' La Florida del Ynca, Lib. VI, c. XXI, f. 346 r. (83) La Florida del Ynca, Lib. VI, c.
(81)
1 r.
;

La
'
.

Lib. VI,
.
.

XVII,
(84)
f.

ff.

336r.-v.

La Florida del

Ynca, Lib. VI,


II

c.

XXI,

346
(85)

r.-v.

La
II, c.

Libro

Florida del Ynca, XVI, f. 120 r., v.

Parte del

(86) ' De mi se dezir que si coforme el animo, y desseo vuiera dado el Seor la possibilidad, holgara gastarla jtamente con la vida co esta heroica empresa: Mas ella

se

nado.
c.

deue de guardar para algn bien afortu.' La Florida del Ynca, Lib. VI, IX, ff. 322 V.-323 r. (87) La Florida del Ynca, Proemio al
.
.

letor.

(88) First Par ofthe Roy al Commetitaries of the Yncas, translated by Sir Clements R.

II

HISPA NIC NOTES

NOTES
Markham,
p.

vol.

II,

book

VII,

c.

XIV

266 n.
(89)

La
La

Florida del

Ynca, Proemio al
I, c.

letor.

(90)
f.

Florida del Ynca, Lib.

VII,

1 1

v.

La Florida del Ynca, I Parte del Lib. XIII, f. 53 v. c. XV, f. 57 v. (92) La Florida del Ynca, Lib. V, c. XIV, Lib. VI, c. V, f. 314V. f. 3021-. Lib. VI, Lib. VI, c. XIV, f. 332 r. c. X, f. 323 v. . yo escriuo de relacin agena de (93) quien lo vio y manej personalmte. El qual quiso ser tan fiel en su relaci, q captulo por
(91)
II, c.
;
;

captulo

como

le

yu escriuido

los

yua

co-

rrigido, quitado, o aadido lo q faltaua o

sobraua de lo q el auia dicho, q ni vna palabra agena por otra de las suyas nuca las csintio.
Florida del Ynca, I Parte del Lib. f. S2v. ' Apeaos, y dormid lo que quisieredes, (94) pues atrueque de no resistir vna hora mas el sueo quereys que nos maten los Indios.'
.

.'

La

II, c.

XXVII,

La
c.

Florida del Ynca,


f.

Parte del Lib,

II,

XIV,

55 v.
.

.El quarto (95) '. uestre, ech sus diez y


en vn pauelo, y
los

que era Gzalo Sylocho granos de maiz meti en el seno. Poco

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

86

NOTES
despus se topo con vn soldado Castellano que se dezia Francisco de Troche ... el qual Goncalo le dixo, lleuays algo que comer ? Si, que Syluestre le respodio por donayre. vnos mazapanes mui buenos rezien hechos me truxeron aora de Seuilla. Francisco de

Troche en lugar de enfadarse, rio el disparate. A este punto llego otro soldado ... el qual enderezando su pregunta a los que hablauan en los macapanes les dixo Vosotros teneys (que no era otro el lenguage algo que comer de aquellos dias) Goncalo Syluestre resVna rosca de Vtrera tengo mui pondi buena, tierna y rezien sacada de el horno, si quereys della partir con vos largamente.'
: : :

La Florida
155 \\-156r.
(96)
'
.

del Ynca, Lib. III,

c.

VIII,

f.

sacaron a tierra

la

muger

del

Gouernador y sus dueas y


bueltas
dellas

dozellas,

salieron algunos caualleros esperimtados en semejantes peligros, los quales sedauan tanta priessa a entrar en el batel, que perdido el respeto que a las damas se les deue, no se comedian

mocos,

no

ni

dauan lugar a q ellas entrassen primero, pareciendoles que no era tipo de comedimientos.'

La
r.

Florida del Y?ica, Lib.

I,

c.

VIII,

f.

15

II

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
que gte tan barbara inhumana (97) La Florida del no quiere oyr sermones.' Ynca, Lib. I, c. IV, f. 6 r.
' .
.

87

(98)

Biedma was
His
official

factor for the

King

of

account is brief. (99) Relacam verdadeira dos trabalhos do gonemador Don Hernando de Solo. Por un fidalgo Deivas (Evora, 1557). (100) This fragment was incorporated in Oviedo's Historia Natural y General de las Indias, Islas e Tierra Firme del mar ocano
Spain.

IS35-I557)(101) The not over-scrupulous Antonio de Herrera made use of Garcilasso's La Florida del Yaca in his Historia de los hechos de los

Castellanos en las Islas i Tierra firme del mar ocano (1601), transcribing it almost entirely
c.
I, Lib. IX, 263 r., f. 264 r. (103) Prologo a los Yndios Mestizos y criollos. Comentarios reales II, Sccond Dedication of the Dialoghi di Amore et

(102)

Commentarios reales

XL,

f.

passim.
(104)
'
. .

me

dispuse

al

trabajo
sido.
.

tan
.'
.

eccesiuo

como hasta aqui me ha

Commentarios reales I, Lib. VII, c. VIII, f. 172 v., Comentarios reales II, Lib. VIII.
c.

XX,

f.

299 v.

AND MONOGRAPHS

88

NOTES
(105)

Commentarios reales
18
r.

I,

Lib.

I,

c.

XIX,
f.

f.

(106) Comentarios reales II, Lib.

I, c.

III,

2V.
(107) Comentarios rea/es
II,

Lib.

II,

c.

XXIX,
(108)
f.

f.

64 v.;

Proemio al Lector, ComI. I,

mentarios reales
5 v.

Commentarios reales

Lib.

I, c.

VI,

escriuia por

'Su paternidad [Blas Valera] lo mejor orden, mas breue, y con mucha gala, y hermosura. Commentarios
(109)
.

.'

reales

X, f. 108 v. (110) Commentarios reales I, Lib. V,c. VI,


I,

Lib. V, c.

passim. Comentarios reales II, Lib. V, c. XXXIX, ff. 203 V.-204V. (112) La Florida del Ynca, I Parte del In Commentarios Lib. II, c. VI, f. 39 v.
f.

104

v. et

(1 11)

reales

I,

Lib.

II,

c.

XXVII,

f.

52 v. and

f.

53

v.,

Garcilasso quotes from

Quichuan songs, and gives his translation. See also Professor E. C. Hills, T/ie Romn ic Review, vol. V, pp. 1 53- 155. (113) Commentarios reales I, Lib. VII, c.

memory tvvo own Spanish

XXVII,
(114)

f.

192V.-C.

XXVIII,
c.

f.

194
I,

v.
c.

Commentarios reales
121 v.; Lib. VI,

Lib. V,
f.

XXII,

f.

XXXIII,

161 v.

II

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
I, Lib. V, c. VI, f. 134 v. Boluiendo pues a lo que los Autores (116) [Zarate, Gomara, and Diego Fernandez] escriuen de mi padre digo, que no es razn que yo contradiga a tres testigos tan graues como ellos son, que ni me creern, ni es justo que nadie lo haga, siendo yo parte. Yo me satisfago con auer dicho verdad, tomen lo que quisieren, que sino me creyeren, yo passo por ello, dando por verdadero lo que dixeron de mi padre para honrrarme y preciarme dello, con dezir que soy hijo de vn hombre tan esforzado, y animoso y de tanto valor, que en vn rompimimiento de batalla

89

(115)
f.

Commentarios reales
r.
;

IX,

107
'

Lib. VI,

c.

tan

rigurosa y
los

como
fuesse

cruel como aquella fue, y mismos historiadores la cuentan, mi padre de tanto animo esfuerco y

valenta,

que se apeasse de su cauallo, y

lo

diesse a su amigo, y le ayudasse a subir en el, y que juntamente le diesse la vitoria de

vna batalla tan importante como aquella, que pocas hazaas ha auido en el mundo Comentarios reales II, Lib. V, semejantes.'

XXIII, f. i86r.-v. (117) Hernando de Luque was a schoolmaster at Panam. It was arranged that
c.

he should remain

in that city to administer

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

9o

NOTES
estates of Pizarro and Almagro, that Pizarro should head the discovery party, and that Almagro should go backwards and for-

the

wards
(118)
f.

vvith

reinforcements

of

men and
I, c. II,

supplies of food.
Co7ne7itarios reales II, Lib.

v.-f.

2
'.

r.
.
.

(119)
la Isla

era [Phelipe Yndio] natural de


pleueya,

Puna y de gente muy

mogo

que aun apenas tenia veinte y dos aos, tan mal enseado en la lengua general de los Yncas, como en la particular de los Espaoles
.

su interpretacin ... la hizo

mala y de
lo

contrario

sentido

no porque

quisiesse

hazer maliciosamente sino porque no entenda lo que interpretaua y que lo dezia como vn

papagayo.
c.

Comentarios reales II, Lib. I7v.-i8r. (120) Comentarios reales II, Lib. I,
.

..'

I,

XXIII,

ff.

c.

XXXVI,
f.

f.

28

r.

(121) Comentarios reales II, Lib.


2r.-c. VII,
f.

I,

c. III.

6v.

(122) 'Assi que de vn principe tal que puede ygualarse con todos los de la fama, no se permite dezir cosas semejantes aunque fueran verdades.' Comentarios reales II,

Lib. III,

c.
'

IX,

f.

92

r.

c.

XIX,

f.

104

v.

(123)

Que mi

intencin

nunca

es otra sino

II

HISPA NIC NOTES

NOTES
contar llanamente lo que passo, sin lisonja,
ni

91

vno,
del

odio que no tengo para que tener ni lo otro.' Comentarios reales

lo

II,

Lib. IV, c.

XLI,

f.

que escriue
.

los

la obligacin 157 v. sucessos de sus tiem'


. . .

pos . me obliga y aun fuerca . . que sin passion ni aficin diga la verdad de lo que
. .

pass.

.'

Lib. V,

c.

XXXIX,

f.

203

v. et

passim.

A (124) Sir C. R. Markham, Cusco: fourney to the Ancient Capital of Per; with ati account of the hislory, language, literalure and antiqtdties of the Incas and Luna, a visit to the Capital and Provinces of Modem Per ; with a sketch of the vice'

regal gover?iment, history of the republic, and a revictu of the literature and society of Per (London, 1856), p. 23.
(125) Ibid.

(126) ... de mi parte he hecho lo que he podido, no auiendo podido lo que he des'

seado.'

Commentarios reales
19
. .

I,

Lib.

I,

c.

XIX,

f.

r.

(127)'.

su mucha afabilidad.' Cotnentarios

Garcic. XXXII, f. 69 v. have obtained permission for his father's remains to be brought over to Spain, where they were interred in the Church
reales II, Lib. II,

lasso

seems

to

AND MONOG-RAPHS

II

92

NOTES
of

San Isidro
VIII,

at Seville.
c.

Comentarios reales

XII, f. 286 r. (128) ' ... Yo me despoje de toda la ropa blanca que tenia, y de vnos tafetanes que auia hecho a la soldadesca, que eran como
II, Lib.

vanderas de infantera de muchos colores vn ao antes le auia embiado a la Corte vn cauallo muy bueno, q me pidi, que todo ello llegara valer quinitos ducados. Ya
:

cerca dellos

me

dixo

hermano

fialdos

de mi,

que en llegando nuestra

tierra,

os embiar

que

dos mil pesos por el cauallo, y por este regalo me aueis hecho. Yo creo que el lo

mi buena fortuna lo estonio que llegando Payta que es termino del Per, de puro contento y regozijo, de verse en su tierra, espir dentro de tres dias.' Comentarios reales II, Lib. VIII, c. XVII, f. 296 v. por q toda mi vida (sacada la (129) '. buena poesa) fuy enemigo de ficciones, como son libros de cauallerias, y otras semejtes, las gracias desto deuo dar al illustre cauallero Pedro Mexia de Seuilla, porq co vna reprehensin, que en la heroyca obra de los Cesares haze, a los que se ocupan en leer y
hiziera assi, pero
. .

componer

los tales libros,


les

me

quito

el

amor

que como muchacho

podia tener, y

me

II

HISPANIC NOTES

NOTES
hizo aborrecerlos para siempre.'

93

La Florida
c.

del Ynca,
f.

Parte del Lib.

II,

XXVII,

82

v.

(130) '. .. Desta manera se comieron los esprragos con mas regozijo y fiesta, que si fuera el aue Fnix, y aunque yo seru a la mesa, y hize traer todos los aderentes, no me cupo cosa alguna.' Commentarios reales I. Lib. IX, c. XXX, f. 254 v. El qual [Alfonso Vaez] me (131) '.
. .

passe por toda

la

eredad que estaua cargada

vuas, sin darme vn gajo que fuera gr regalo para vn husped caminante, y tan amigo como yo lo era suyo, Commentarios y dellas mas no lo hizo

de

muy hermosas
:

dellas

.'

reales

I,

Lib. IX,

c.

XXVI,

f.

250

r.

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

94

INDEX
PAGES
Catherine of Portugal Cellorico (Juan de) Centeno (Diego de) Coles (Juan)
. . .

48, 49
8,

70
15

39, 40

Commcntarios Reales
Contreras (Martn de) Crdoba (Francisco de) Cullar (Juan de) Charles V Chimpa Ocllo ^Isabel)

35, 44

8-2, 63

6, 7,

29 22 69
7
1

1,

67, 78

Daro (Rubn).
Dialop-hi di

31
26, 3 2 -35, 37

A more

Elvas (A Gentleman of)

46,87
13, 74

Escobar (Juan de)

Fernndez de Crdoba y Figueroa (Alonso) Fernndez de Palencia (Diego) 51, 59, 76,
Figueroa (Juan de) 19 Florida del Yuca (La) 24, 27, 33, 36-47, 48, 63 Francisco (son ofAtahualpa) 78

.....

...

Garca Pauqui

....

96

INDEX
(Pedro) de Biedma (Luis) de Oviedo (Gonzalo Girn (Francisco) Herrera (Agustn de) Herrera (Antonio de) Herrera (Juan de) Hills (Elijah Clarence Huallpa Tupac Huallpa Tupac (Francisco
. .
j

Hernndez Hernndez Hernndez Hernndez

.....
.
.

46, 87
19,

Huscar

Huayna Capac

.... ..... ..... ....... .....


. .

....
.

.18,

87 20 32 8
8 67

33, 8

2,

67

Inca, El.

His birth, 4 his education, 5-7 his his amusements, 8-10 ; his playmates, 7-8 accomplishments, 11 he undergoes the terrors of a siege, 13 he escapes from Cuzco, 14; he lives in great poverty, 14 he is sent to greet Diego de Centeno, 15 he goes to meet his father after the battle of Huarina, 16; he escapes with his father from Girn and his followers, 19 he becomes secretary to his father, Corregidor of Cuzco, 20 he loses his parents, 21 he leaves Per for Spain, 21 Seville, 22 he arrives at he goes to Madrid, he meets Hernando Pizarro and Barto23 lom dlas Casas, 23 he obtains a commission asCaptain, 22 he is grantedan interview with the Council of the Indies, 23 he takes part in the Alpujarras' risini;, 24 he conceives the idea of writing La Florida, 24-25 he retires from the army to Cordova, 26 he begins the translation of the Dialoglii di Amore, 26 he moves to Las Posadas, 26 he finishes
;

;
;

II

HISPANIC NOTES

INDEX
pages Inca, El continued). La Florida, 27 ; he removes to his former quarters, 27 ; his sense of isolation, 28 ; his pleasure in reminiscences ot the Incas, 28-29
;

97

his death,

30-31

his character, 63-66.

John of Austria Juan I

24, 26

Lasso de Lasso de
75) 7

la la

5, 11, 12,

Vega, the poct (Garci) Vega, the Conquistador (Garci) 2,3 13, 15, 17, 19. 2 > 2I 59, 68 70, 73,
. > >

Lasso de la Vega, el Inca .Garci), see el inca. Len (Pedro Cieza de) Loaysa (Antonio de) 42 Lpez Cacho (Juan) 51, 59, 75, Lpez de Gomara (Francisco) 59, Luque (Hernando de)
.

51
r 9 43

>

89

89

Manco Capac

Mardones (Diego de)

54 57 61, 68, 78, 85, 91 Markham (Sir Clements) 61 Marmontel (Jean-Francois) . Maximilian of Austria 33, 34, 35, 8l 8s 8 3 21 Mendoza (Andrs Hurtado de) 4 Mendoza (Francisco de) 29 Mendoza (Garca de) 83 Menndez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 74 Mesa (Alonso de) 64, 92 Mexia (Pedro)
.

...
M
.
.

...

>

.... ....

Montesa (Carlos)

32

AND MONOGRAPHS

II

98

INDEX
Ticknor (George)

Troche (Francisco de) Tupac Inca Yupanqui

Urteaga (H. H.)

Vaez (Alfonso)
Valencia (Pedro de) Valera(Blas) Vargas (Juan de) Vzquez de Padilla (Miguel) Vedia (E. de) . . Velarde (Alonso Hurtado de) Velez de Guevara (Luis)
.
.

Xuarez (Fernando)

Zarate (Agustn de) Zarate (Fernando del

AND MONOGRAPHS

HISPA NIC NOTES

HISPA NIC SOCI

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