Beacons in the Dark: Painted Murals of Amitbhas Western Pure Land at Dunhuang.

Freddie Matthews

The man reborn in Heaven From a lotus he emerged Angels hover around him Petals rotate between spaces, And gentle music enchants the sky. Here I enjoy the celestial bliss Better than I stay in paradise. Anonymous Dunhuang Monk of the 8th century.

The Sukahavati-vyuha (Sutra of the Land of Bliss) was one of the first sutras ever translated into Chinese in the year 147 CE.i Since its inception into China, the Western Pure Land of Amitbha (Sukhavati) has captivated the Chinese imagination far more profoundly than any other sutra.ii This is evident by the fact that more than one fifth of all Mahyna sutras of Indian origin in the Chinese Buddhist Canon mention Amitbha and his Pure Land.1 Furthermore, The Pure Land of Sukhavati is by far the most popular jingbian (illustration of a sutra) in the entire Dunhuang cave precinct, appearing a total of eighty four times in mural form. This essay sets out to trace, discuss and diachronically examine the development of Dunhuang murals of Sukhavati through a condensed analysis of specific depictions. Any reference to Mogao includes the caves of the entire Dunhuang region. Likewise, any mention of Amitayus simply refers to Amitbha- their names being the same in early Chinese Buddhism.iii Any reference to the Amitbha Sutra refers to the Shorter Sukhvatvyha Stra.

The trajectory of Chinese Buddhism can be traced with unrivalled vividness through the cave-temple murals of Dunhuang (), Gansu Province, Western China. Indeed, Dunhuang is arguably the best preserved Buddhist temple complex remaining in Asia. As Sarah Fraser has commented, in breadth and range of objects it rivals the Potala Palace in Tibet.2 Throughout its varied mural depictions, there is one consistent artistic and religious feature that appears to resist the impermanence (anitya) of time; depictions of Sukhvat,iv the glorious Western Paradise of Amitbha- the Buddha of Boundless Light.3 Throughout the art of Dunhuang, generations of artists have striven to depict this wondrous land through visually stunning pleasure-scapes that portray its majesty in a way that was captivating, compelling and above all- worthy of aspiration.

The basic doctrines concerning the Pure Land of Sukhvat are found in three canonical Mahyna texts: the Longer Sukhvatvyha Stra, the Shorter Sukhvatvyha Strav (Sutras on the Land of Bliss) and

Beduhn, Jason David. Eds. 2005. New Light on Manichaeism. Brill, Netherlands, p. 203. Fraser, Sarah. E. 2004. Performing the Visual: The Practice of Buddhist Wall Painting in China and Central Asia, 618-960. Stanford University Press, p. 3.
1 2

the Amityurdhyna Sutravi (Visualizing Amitayus Sutra). These texts are believed to have been composed in Northwest India in Gandhari or a related Northwestern Prakrit language around 100 CE.4vii

Sukhvat was conceived of as a paradise unconnected with our space and time,5 presided over by the Buddha Amitbha, the brilliance of whom is measureless; illuminating the lands of the ten directions everywhere without obstruction.6 Within this hedonist paradise7 as Zwalf calls it, it is said that living beings, endure none of the sufferings (of life), but enjoy every bliss.8 Furthermore, all those reborn in Sukhvat were avaivartika 9 (non-returning), meaning final liberation in this land would be assured.10 Indeed, this was the compassionate commitment of the Buddha Amitbha, who created Sukhvat as a place to transmit the Dharma to each and every aspirant who earnestly invoked his name.viii The monk Huiyuan (334-416) is often credited with the founding of the first Pure Land society in China (the White Lotus Society of Mt. Lu) in 402,ix although the first official patriarch of the Pure Land sect as a popular devotional faith was in fact the monk Tanluan (476-542).x As the evolution of cave murals at Dunhuang seem to suggest however, it was the first half of the Tang period that was most deeply affected by Pure Land beliefs.xi Nonetheless, whilst the bulk of the eighty four notable representations of Sukhvat at Dunhuang were originally painted during the Tang Dynasty, its depiction extended across the entire breadth of the caves. One of the earliest depictions comes from cave 251 dating to the Northern Wei period (386-534 CE), where we find a slender, somber, yet tranquil depiction of Amitbha flanked by his two attending Bodhisattvas, Avalokitevara (Guanyin) and Mahsthmaprpta, who faithfully remain by his side in every representation of the Sukhvat Pure Land at Dunhuang from this point onward. (See FIG. 1).

Beduhn, op cit, p. 204. On the Patronage by Tang-Dynasty Nuns at Wanfo Grotto, Longmen. McNair, Amy: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 59, No. 3/4 (2000), p. 175. 6 Sukhavativyuha (The Amitabha Sutra), Lopez, Donald. Eds. 2004. Buddhist Scriptures. Penguin Books, London, p. 63. 7 Zwalf, W. Ed. 1985. Buddhism: Art and Faith. British Museum Publications Ltd, London, p. 16. 8 Sukhavativyuha (The Amitabha Sutra), Lopez, Donald, op cit., p. 64. 9 Ibid. 10 On Pure Land Buddhism and Ch'an/Pure Land Syncretism in Medieval China, Sharf, Robert H: T'oung Pao, Second Series, Vol. 88, Fasc. 4/5 (2002), p. 286.
4 5

FIG 1: Amitbha flanked by Attending Bodhisattvas with celestial musicians overhead, Dunhuang, Cave 251, Northern Wei period (386-534 CE). In Whitfield, (1995). In this early mural one may note the artistically embryonic (and almost baihua) depiction of the figures, which showcase the physical and sartorial features of the Western regions (namely Central Asia), the artist cautiously following the prescribed prototypes and artistic principles established by foreign models.11

Following the decline of the Northern Wei, depictions of Sukhvat at Dunhuang continued during the Western Wei and Northern Zhou in a similar vein. By the time that the Gansu region became part of a

Four Sichuan Buddhist Steles and the Beginnings of Pure Land Imagery in China. Wong, Dorothy C: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 51 (1998/1999), p. 56
11

reunited China under the brief, yet highly influential governance of the Sui Dynasty (589-618 CE) however, murals depicting Sukhvat were becoming a far more complex, lavish and imaginative affair. When the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE) arrived, depictions of this land began showcasing unprecedented vitality and liveliness.

As we pass through the grand, multi-storey entrance of Cave 57 (Early Tang: 618-705), we find a mural of Amitbha (flanked by Avalokitevara and Mahsthmaprpta), preaching in his Pure Land. He is surrounded by a typical Thousand-Buddha motif, a scheme that attempted to convey the transcendent and infinite nature of the Buddha realms. (See FIG. 3).

FIG 2 (left): Avalokitevara (Guan-yin). South wall of cave 57, Dunhuang. (Early Tang Period, early-7th century). Dunhuang Academy Online. FIG 3 (above right and below right): Amitbha in his Western Pure Land. South wall of cave 57, Dunhuang. (Early Tang Period, early-7th century). Dunhuang Academy Online.

The three central figures are all in perfect proportion and radiate the ethereal vitality that would become characteristic of paintings at Dunhuang up until the late 8th century. Furthermore, such early Tang murals showcased, the rising power and prosperity of the ruling Li family,12 demonstrating this with lavish amounts of gilt. Indeed, in cave 57 Amitbhas face, bared right shoulder, and the Bodhisattvas halos and ornamentation were all gilded at one time,xii although much of this is now lost.

Also of note in this mural, is the distinctly effeminate representation of Avalokitevara whose delicate grace epitomizes the feminization of the deities and the celestial beings that was occurring not only within the murals of Dunhuang, but all across China during the Tang Dynasty. (See FIG. 2). Despite their tadpole-shaped mustaches, Tang Bodhisattvas such as Avalokitevara are clearly represented at Dunhuang as elegant ladies of the court, thus abandoning the robust and heroic postures13 that they had boasted in earlier Central Asian depictions, such as this sculpture of Vajrapni from Gandhara.xiii (See FIG. 4).

FIG 4: Vajrapani, baked earth with traces of polychromy, Hadda, Tapa-e-shotor, 3rd-4th centuries. Beguin, 2009, p. 216.

12 13

Chung, Tan. 1994. Dunhuang Art: Through the Eyes of Duan Wenjie. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, p. 73. Ibid, p. 73.

Moving into Cave 220 (Early Tang, 642 CE), we find the climax of transformation14 where the independence of Chinese Buddhism15 is at last proudly stated. xiv The mural of Sukhvat is monumental in size and exudes a grandeur that contrasts with the smaller, more modest depictions that had preceded it; forming an immense cosmic spectacle16 that served to convince the spectators that the paradise is real, and well before their eyes.17xv Eugene Wang has coined this form of utilitarian Buddhist painting, a transformation tableaux.18 Cave 220 also appears to be the oldest extant depiction of Sukhvat at Dunhuang that attempts to accurately reconstruct the features found in the Amitbha sutras, vividly reconstructing, a Land of Ultimate Bliss (where) everything is surrounded by seven tiers of railings, seven layers of netting, and seven rows of trees, all formed from the four treasures, (upon a) ground that is yellow gold.19 (See FIG. 5).

Baker, Janet. 1991. The Art of the Sui Dynasty caves at Dunhuang. University of Kansas, Ann Arbor, MI, p. 258. Tanaka, Kenneth K. 1990. The dawn of Chinese Pure Land Buddhist Doctrine: Ching-ying Hui-yan's Commentary on the Visualization sutra. State University of New York Press, Albany, p. 103. 16 Zwalf, W. Ed. 1985. Buddhism: Art and Faith. British Museum Publications Ltd, London, p. 16. 17 Chung, Tan. 1994. Op cit., p 37. 18 Wang, Eugene, Y. 2005. Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China. University of Washington Press, Seattle, p. xiii. 19 Sukhavativyuha (The Amitabha Sutra), Lopez, Donald. Op cit., p. 65.
14 15

FIG 5: The Paradise of Amitbha (Sukahavati-vyuha). South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 65.

During this era of increased creativity and innovation (not only in Buddhist art, but in Chinese Buddhist culture as a whole), we find the parallel orthogonal perspective 20 inherited from Han replaced by a convergent, multiple-viewpoint perspective21 which largely formed the basic composition of the depictions of Pure Lands that would follow, even to the present day. As Janet Baker notes of this characteristically Tang feature: it is a unified, symmetrical and iconic scheme which is static and flat despite its utilization of lines of perspective in the architectural elements.22 This birds-eye perspective skillfully solved the problem of visually representing the depth of Sukhvat in a confined space allowing, the impression of a thousand miles (to be) condensed into a distance of a stones throw23xvi

However, the employment of this birds eye perspective should not solely be credited to the Tang Dynasty. As Dorothy Wong noted in 1999, a Buddhist stele recently found in Sichuan dating from between the late 5th and early 6th century CE also utilizes an extremely similar perspective in its depictions of Sukhvat. (See FIG. 6a-c).

FIG 6a (left): Pure Land depiction with secular landscape. Rubbing of Wanfosi Stele 1 from Wanfosi site, Chengdu, Sichuan, 5th-early 6th century. Rubbing in Sichuan Provincial Museum. In Dorothy Wong, p59

Wong, Dorothy. Op cit., p. 56 Ibid., p. 56 22 Baker, Janet. Op cit., p. 259. 23 Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 85.
20 21

10

FIG 6b (centre): Pure Land depiction with secular landscape. Reverse of Wanfosi Stele 1 from Wanfosi site, Chengdu, Sichuan, 5th-early 6th century. Rubbing in Sichuan Provincial Museum. In Dorothy Wong, p59 In Dorothy Wong, p59 FIG 6c (right): Reconstruction of stele 1 from Wanfosi site, Chengdu, Sichuan, 5th-early 6th century. Rubbing in Sichuan Provincial Museum. In Dorothy Wong, p59 Within both these steles and cave 220, we find a receding bridge that reaches over a lotus pond, leading towards Amitbhas throne. This bridge would become a key iconographic element of Pure Land imagery24 from this point onwards as a symbol of transition between the mundane world and the Buddha realm- the land of saha (transformation, C: huatu).25 (See FIG. 7).

FIG 7: Details of The Paradise of Amitbha (Sukahavati-vyuha). South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 65. Given the obvious advantage of being able to depict the scene in colour at Dunhuang, this bridge is composed of what seem like plates of shimmering precious metals. With this in mind it is pertinent to

24 25

Wong, Dorothy C., op cit., p. 58 Ibid., p. 67

11

turn to the descriptions of Sukhvat in the sutras which describe the architecture of this paradise as being composed of, gold, silver, lapis lazuli, and crystal;26 materials which could match up with these plates. Furthermore, the (almost trance-inducing) arrangement of these square panels may also be referencing mirror-halls (and the mirror-like qualities of the Dharma itself); a common visual metaphor of the Mahyna, often adopted within the Yogcra or Consciousness-Only school (Wish Zng; ). (See FIG. 8-9).

FIG 8: Example of court and religious usage of mirror-halls, Woodblock print illustration of chapter 31 of The Romance of Emperor Yang of Sui, 1631, Rale Book Collection, Harvard-Yenching Library. In Wang, (2005), p. 258 FIG 9: Modern reconstruction of Fazangs mirror installation by Victoria I, a Boston artist, based on medieval Chinese description. In Wang, (2005), p. 259 Either side of this bridge, we find shimmering ratna-ponds; pools of the seven jewels, filled with the eight waters of merit and virtue upon which float lotuses as large as carriage wheelswonderfully, fragrant and pure.27 Upon one of these lotus platforms, amongst jewels and luxuriant vegetation there is a figure prostrating before Amitbha. (See FIG. 10). It is interesting to parallel this prostrating figure

26 27

Sukhavativyuha (The Amitabha Sutra), Lopez, Donald. Op cit., p. 65. Ibid.

12

with that of Sumedha, who prostrates himself before Dipankara Buddha in the famous Dipankara motif (See FIG. 11); an image scheme that had been popular in earlier Gandharan Buddhist art.

FIG 10: Prostrating devotee of Amitbha. South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 65. FIG 11: Dipankara Buddhas prophecy. Ca. late 1st-2nd century. One of 13 relief panels on circular base of Sikri Stupa, Gandhara. Grey schist: h. 33cm, w. 35cm, Lahore Museum.

In another pool we find the nascent forms of newly born devotees (Aupapadaka Kumaras28) who emerge from great lotus buds to celebrate their final existence. xvii (See FIG. 13). Above this scene is a boundless blue sky inhabited by flying gandharvas (xiangyin shen; literally, gods of fragrant music) and apsaras (yuren). (See FIG. 12). Notably, these flying figures are an innovative departure from the Indian counterparts, in that they float upon whispy, coloured clouds.

28

Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 141.

13

FIG 12 (left and above right): Flying Apsaras riding coloured clouds. South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 153. FIG 13 (below right): Souls reborn-from-lotuses. South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Dunhuang Academy Online.

With such details the Dunhuang artist was asserting his ability to convey the magical power of the stories,29 and depict a celestial extravaganza of stage performance that could entertain and excite the viewer30 whilst conveying the magical world of Buddhism.31 This increasingly performative quality of of Sukhvat is also embodied by the two central dancers who energetically perform the The Hu Swirling Dance, a foreign routine extremely popular during the cosmopolitan Tang Dynasty. (See FIG. 14).

Chung, Tan., p. 74. Fraser, op cit., pp. 178-179 31 Ibid., p226
29 30

14

FIG 14: Detail of Dancers performing the Hu Swirling Dance. South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 171. Below, on either side of the dancers is an orchestra of eight musicians (many of whom are clearly foreign, reflecting the Tang Dynastys cosmopolitan composition), who sit on a coloured rug playing musical instruments such as the Angular Harp (), Ruanxian (), Crooked-Neck Pipa (), Straight-Neck Pipa ().32 (See FIG. 15).

Tang Dynasty Musical Instruments, University of Hong Kong Music Department: http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/mus/instruments/tang.html
32

15

FIG 15: Sukhvat Orchestra. South wall of Cave 220, Dunhuang, (Early Tang, 642 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plates 172-173 As a part of such a grand spectacle, the spectator is admitted entrance into the entertainment and adornments of the contemporary Tang court. In a happy marriage between Temple Culture and Palace Culture33Chinese Buddhism was constructing the Paradise of Amitbha as a regimented, richly adorned imperial landscape ruled over by a worthy Cakravartin ("king who turns the Wheel of the Law." As Susan

33

Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 41.

16

Whitfield notes, the function of such a scene would showcase Chinese imperial power. 34 This is evident also in cave 112 (c. 690-730 CE), which advertised an increasingly Sinicized vision of paradise all along the north wall, a depiction of Sukhvat that in any other context might be mistaken for a Chinese court scene. (See FIG. 16).

Whitfield, Roderick; Whitfield, Susan; Agnew, Neville. 2000. Cave temples of Mogao: Art and History on the Silk Road. Getty Conservation Institute and the J. Getty Museum, Los Angeles, p. 69.
34

17

FIG 16: Visualizing Amitayus Sutra. Cave 112, Dunhuang, (High Tang, c. 690-730 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 75.

18

In this mural, not only does the architecture and linear style exude Sinicism, but so also do the clothes, complexions and physical features of all the figures present- including those amongst the orchestra. (See FIG. 17). Whilst Amitbhas entire body has been peeled from the surface of the mural (it was likely covered in thick gilt), the feminine faces of the individuals that surround him all have faces of jade skin and long eyebrows extending to the temples.35 Furthermore, they all appear somewhat chubby, with pronounced double chins- the very symbol of prosperity36 in China. This was especially true at a time during the Tang Dynasty when the plumper physical features of Yng Gufi () had imprinted themselves in the Chinese psyche as the very picture of feminine beauty. Notably, this double chin became firmly embedded in all of the images of Sukhvat that followed at Dunhuang, most prominently among the paintings of donors.

35 36

Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 73. Ibid., p. 40.

19

FIG 17: Sukhvat Orchestra. Cave 112, Dunhuang, (High Tang, c. 690-730 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plates 173-175. Stepping into cave 172 (ca. 742-755 CE), we find the (now established) conventions already discussed being continued. However for the first time, two narrative panels vertically frame the scene. (SEE FIGURE) This triptych composition may in large part be seen as a response to the diminishing didacticism of earlier paintings that used compelling stories such as the Jtakas to convey Buddhist themes and ideas. xviii Within these ostensible margins appear stories from the Lotus Sutra such as the Parable of the Conjured City,37 or teachings such as the 16 methods of Visualizing Amitayus. In the case of cave 172, the stories are of Ajatasatru and Sodasa Vipasyana respectively, both essentially

37

Whitfield, Susan. Op cit., p. 79.

20

illustrating the negative karmic consequences of those who commit wrong doings, as well as the bliss to be attained by living a life of virtue. This three-in-one pattern would soon begin to crystallize into a set feature38 of Sukhvat depictions at Dunhuang long after the collapse of the Tang. (See FIG. 18, 19).

FIG 18: Visualizing Amitayus Sutra (Amityurdhyna). Cave 172, Dunhuang, (High Tang; 742-755 CE). Whitfield, (1995).

38

Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 141.

21

FIG 19a (centre): Standardized composition for illustrations of the Amityurdhyna Sutra. In Chung, Tan, p. 153. FIG 19b (far left and right): Ajatasatru and Sodasa Vipasyana, Detail from Visualizing Amitayus Sutra. Cave 172, Dunhuang, (High Tang; 742-755 CE). Whitfield, (1995). A new era of technical ability was also showcased in this cave by the resplendent and dazzling colouring39 which enriched its figures with liveliness and depth. Here, an increasing dimensionality was achieved using what was known as the traditional method of Heavenly India (Tianzhu yifa),40 a technique that stressed yun-ran (colour shading) wherever possible. The influence of Gupta India in this cave however, does not end with its use of shading. Its depiction of Avalokitevara (Guanyin) adopts a profound physical likeness to that of the Avalokitevara of cave 1 at Ajanta. (See FIG. 20 & 21).

39 40

Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 74. Ibid., p. 68.

22

FIG 20: Detail of Bodhisattva Avalokitevara (Guanyin). Cave 172, Dunhuang, (High Tang; 742-755 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 63. FIG 21: Detail of Bodhisattva Avalokitevara (Padmapani). Cave 1, Ajanta, India. 3rd-4th CE. In Behl, Benoy (2005), p. 69. One distinctly Chinese aspect of the Sukhvat of cave 172 however, can be found in its proud depiction of typical Chinese architecture. We find raised, multi-storey pavilions with curved tiled gabled roofs and wooden rafters surrounded by railings, hovering above shimmering lotus pools besides striking (prototypical) landscapes, with corridors that criss-cross with one another to link the magnificent buildings that abound. Beyond making the scene compelling, these details all went towards making a bold political statement of the Dynastys significant technological capabilities. (See FIG. 22).

23

FIG 22: Details from Visualizing Amitayus Sutra. Cave 172, Dunhuang, (High Tang; 742-755 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 73.

A version of Sukhvat upon the north wall of cave 217 (705-781 CE) conveys the increasing political instability of the world beyond the caves at the time of its creation. At this time the Dunhuang area was witnessing increased international trade and border tension- most notably from Tujue (Turk) and Tubo (Tibet), which were emerging as two powerful and ambitious neighbours ready to intrude the Chinese territory at any time.41 Whilst the Tang government was galvanizing its garrison forces in the area to meet the new challenges, within the caves it seems that the Dunhuang artists were striving to depict a distinctly, almost politically Sinicized representation of the Western Paradise, which in turn would stress Chinas worthy guardianship of the Dharma. As Tan Chung has noted of this cave, everything is very

41

Ibid., p. 31.

24

Chinese, with the Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and flying angels having Chinese features for the most part, in addition to the Chinese landscape and living details of Chinese traditions and customs.42 Notable also, is this caves continuation of the triptych tradition previously established in cave 172, in this case portraying Queen Vaidehis Meditation. (See FIG. 23, 24 & 25).

FIG 23: Paradise of Amitbha. Cave 217, Dunhuang, (High Tang: 705-781 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 73.

42

Ibid., p. 36.

25

FIG 24 (left): Detail of Paradise of Amitbha. Cave 217, Dunhuang, (High Tang: 705-781 CE). Whitfield, (1995). Plate 6. FIG 25 (right): Bodhisattvas within Paradise of Amitbha. Cave 217, Dunhuang, (High Tang: 705-781 CE). In Chung, Tan, p. 260. It was at this critical point that the An Lushan rebellion broke out (755 CE) in China, leaving an irreversible effect on the entire artistic trajectory of Dunhuang. In 776 CE, cave 148 was built to hold a giant reclining Buddha in Mahaparanirvana. Adjacent to this tragic scene, on the east side of the entrance we find one final depiction of Sukhvat from the High Tang period before the Tibetans gained control of the caves from 781-842 CE, ushering in a new period in the art of Dunhuang.

During the Tibetan occupation, portrayals of Sukhvat (artistically speaking) seem to decline in quality. This was largely due to the fact that by this time not only the Pureland sect but also the Vinaya sect, the Esoteric (Tantric) sect, the Huayan (Avatamsaka) sect, the Chan (Dhyana) sect, the Weishi (Dharmalaksana) sect and even the ephemeral Sanjie sect were all competing for representation.43 Despite this increasing heterogeneity, Tibetan versions of the Sukhvat paradise continued during the occupation, although came to be tinted with a far more esoteric (and thus inevitably less realistic) interpretation.xix However, to the Tibetan sentiment, Sukhvat was by no means an exclusive goal or one

43

Ibid., p. 186.

26

that was decisively preeminent in relation to other important Buddhist ends.44 Evidently, the sutra illustrations of Chinese Mahynism were on the road to decline faced with extensive dissemination of Tantrism.45

After the Tibetans were eventually expelled from the region in the mid-ninth century, many new caves attempted to reassert the political power of the Dunhuang rulers.46However, this act of reassertion seemed to merely take the form of stale repetition of what had come before, as can be seen in the portrayals of Sukhvat in both cave 12 and cave 156, both from the Late Tang 848-907 CE. (See FIG. 26 & 27).

Payne, Richard Karl and Tanaka, Kenneth Kazuo. Eds. 2004. Approaching the Land of Bliss: Religious Praxis in the Cult of Amitbha. University of Hawaii Press, University of Hawaii Press, Honululu, p. 20. 45 Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 186. 46 Whitfield, Susan. Op cit., p. 89.
44

27

FIG 26 (left): Visualizing Amitayus Sutra. Cave 12, Dunhuang. (Late Tang 848-907 CE). In Chung, Tan, p. 276. FIG 27 (right): Entertainment in Sukhvat, Cave 156, Dunhuang. (Late Tang 848-907 CE). Dunhuang Academy Online.

Following the Great Buddhist Persecution by Emperor Wuzong in 845 CE, Dunhuang broke off from the rest of China during a period of independence (ca. 890-980 CE), when it made close cultural connections with its neighbours to the south and west: the Uighur kingdom based in Turfan, the Khotanese kingdom to its west, and the state of Shu in present-day Sichuan Province.47 During this period, Dunhuang artists made profound changes in their art, the most significant being the emergence of a standardized stylistic and programmatic repertoire.48 Painters settled on iconographic schemes, developed efficient production methods, and introduced a variety of techniques that helped solve the inevitable problems that accompanied embellishing enormous cave temples. This however led to a distinctly formulaic mood in the later Dunhuang images of Sukhvat, which in many ways echoed the uninspiring rigidity of its earliest depictions.

47 48

Fraser, Sarah. E. Op cit., p. 9. Ibid.

28

FIG 28: Visualizing Amitayus Sutra. Yulin Cave 3, Dunhuang, (Western Xia Period; 1038 - 1227 CE). Yinshi, Fan, p. 220.

Upon the east wall of Cave 3 at Yulin we find a version of Sukhvat created during the Western Xia Dynasty (1038 - 1227 CE). (See FIG. 28). The scene reflects the dual orientation of the Tangut rulers of the time49 who visibly attempted to fuse generalized cultic Mahyna themes50 with the more advanced and specialized practices of the Tantric form of Buddhism.51 Indeed, whilst gazing at Amitbha, one stands beneath a circular Vajradhatu mandala in the centre of the ceiling, marking that we are now well and truly within the realm of the Vajra; the esoteric branch of Buddhism that would have considerable influence on Chinese Buddhist practice in the centuries that followed.

Peripheral Visions: On Recent Finds of Tangut Buddhist Art. Linrothe, Rob. Monumenta Serica, Vol. 43 (1995), p. 236. Ibid., p. 259. 51 Ibid., p. 236.
49 50

29

The turquoise green ground was distinctive of this period,52 as was the forceful line-drawing and restrained colour scheme. However, these features amassed to an overall atmosphere that feels cold, monotonous and somewhat unwelcoming- especially to the Chinese aesthetic. Furthermore, the physical features of the figures (straight noses, small mouths and almost vertical eyes) seem more like those of the Western regions, such as we find at Basilik during the Uighur Gaochang period.53 As Tan Chung adds, by this time, the magnificence...of Sukhvat has totally disappeared.54

Jinshi, Fan. 2010. The Caves of Dunhuang. Scala Publishers, London, p. 221. Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 75. 54 Ibid.
52 53

30

FIG 29: Details of Visualizing Amitayus Sutra. Yulin Cave 3, Dunhuang, (Western Xia Period; 1038 1227 CE). Yinshi, Fan, p. 220. Importantly however, this ostensible loss of artistic quality was replaced by heightened iconographic and symbolic didacticism. For example the flaming, muscular figure who sits beneath Amitbha, may be interpreted as one of the demons that one inevitably encounters along the spiritual path and must subjugate before proceeding to Sukhvat.xx (See FIG. 29). Furthermore, the use of mandalic forms and colour schemes took on a heightened importance in later depictions, as the notion of presenting Sukhvat as simply an alluring physical paradise, seemed to diminish.

31

As this essay has examined, representations of Sukhvat were a central subject of the mural paintings of Dunhuang, with special significance placed on them throughout the Tang Dynasty when set formulas and compositions were first formalized. They served as visions of beauty, not simply for the purpose of spiritual aspiration but also for their own sake; providing a vivid glimpse into contemporary court life as well as illustrating the tastes, aspirations and motivations of the audience whom they were created for. Expressive of this sentiment were the words of an anonymous 8th century Dunhuang monk, who waxed lyrical on how the celestial bliss attained by gazing at a mural of Sukhvat within the confines of Dunhuang was in many ways better than rebirth in the paradise itself:

The man reborn in Heaven From a lotus he emerged Angels hover around him Petals rotate between spaces, And gentle music enchants the sky. Here I enjoy the celestial bliss Better than I stay in paradise.55

These words communicate the nascent (quasi-Tantric) practice of using art as a utilitarian means of reaching a spiritual end along the Buddhist path; which could in many ways, be credited as an invention of the Dunhuang murals themselves. Indeed, whilst there is a modern scholarly consensus that the Pure Land murals of the Tang Dynasty were not rivaled before or after their appearance; it must also be considered that the aesthetic trajectory of visions of Sukhvat at Dunhuang also indicate an evolving function; from a largely social and political one during the early Tang Dynasty, to an increasingly technical religious one after the Tantric form of Buddhism had taken hold of the region by the 9th century CE.

55

Anonymous 8th century Dunhuang monk, in Chung, Tan. Op cit., p. 45.

32

In essence, the depictions of Sukhvat at Dunhuang tell us equal amounts of evolving Buddhist practice in China as they do the technical and artistic skills of the periods from which they emerged. For this, they must be acknowledged as one of the most important surviving documents in the entire breadth of Buddhist art history.

33

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JSTOR Articles

Four Sichuan Buddhist Steles and the Beginnings of Pure Land Imagery in China. Author(s): Wong, Dorothy C. Reviewed work(s): Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 51 (1998/1999), pp. 56-79

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Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111283 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:53

Peripheral Visions: On Recent Finds of Tangut Buddhist Art Author(s): Rob Linrothe Reviewed work(s):Source: Monumenta Serica, Vol. 43 (1995), pp. 235-262 Published by: Monumenta Serica Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40727067 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:54

On the Patronage by Tang-Dynasty Nuns at Wanfo Grotto, Longmen Author(s): Amy McNair Reviewed work(s): Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 59, No. 3/4 (2000), pp. 161-188 Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3249878 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:54

Readings and Re-Readings of Narrative in Dunhuang Murals Author(s): Hsio-Yen Shih Reviewed work(s): Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 53, No. 1/2 (1993), pp. 59-88 Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250508 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:56

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The Origins and Development of the Pensive Bodhisattva Images of Asia Author(s): Junghee Lee Reviewed work(s): Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 53, No. 3/4 (1993), pp. 311-357 Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250524 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:56

Why Chinese Painting Is HistoryAuthor(s): Wen C. Fong Reviewed work(s): Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 85, No. 2 (Jun., 2003), pp. 258-280 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3177344 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:56

On Pure Land Buddhism and Ch'an/Pure Land Syncretism in Medieval China Author(s): Robert H. Sharf Reviewed work(s):Source: T'oung Pao, Second Series, Vol. 88, Fasc. 4/5 (2002), pp. 282-331 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4528903 Accessed: 15/02/2012 10:57

Online Sources

Dunhuang Academy Online: http://enweb.dha.ac.cn/0038/index.htm

Tang Dynasty Musical Instruments, University of Hong Kong Music Department: http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/mus/instruments/tang.html

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Endnotes

Although the most famous translations are those by Kumarajiva (344-413) and Xuanzong (600-660 CE). (Chung, 1994, p. 36.)
i

Given the serious troubles that marked the collapse of the Han dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), the weakening in traditional values, increasing horizontal and vertical human mobilityii and the emergence of a profound brand of individualism, it was no wonder that a Sinicized interpretation of Sukhavati as a permanent utopia became so popular at the dawn of Chinese Buddhism.
ii

I use the Sanskrit name Amitabha throughout this paper as a convenient shorthand, although by the end of the 6th century, he is commonly referred to in China as Amida or Amitabha (Omito) rather than Amitabha or Amitayus (Wlingshu, ; "Infinite Life" or Wlinggung (; "Infinite Light").
iii

In China, Sukhvat is also known as Xtin (, "Western Heaven"), Jl (, "Ultimate Bliss"), or nl (, "Peaceful Bliss").
iv v

Known in Chinese as the Wlingshu Jng () Known in Chinese as the F Shu Gun Wlingshuf jng ()

vi vii

However, it is pertinent to note that The Pure Land was never a distinct school in India as such. It was more of a broad goal that emerged in a vibrant climate of cultural pluralism during the Kushan empire and was held to all Mahynists as a generalized religious goal open to the Mahyna community as a whole. This was the underlying reason for the practice of ninf () in China, which simply involved the pious invocation (and repetition) of Amitabhas name; usually the phrase, Nm mtuf ( ). Indeed, it was largely for this practices perceived simplicity that made it, so welcomed by the common peopleviiiviii during the early days of Chinese Buddhism, and indeed, such a significant landmark in the history of Buddhismviii as a whole. (Sharf, 2002., p. 286)
viii

Huiyuan wrote the Commentary on the Sutra of Visualization on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life, which is not only the oldest extant commentary on this sutra, but also the key text in the history of Pure Land Buddhism in China.
ix

It is pertinent to note that Tanluan was initially attracted to the Pure Land teachings after a long personal pursuit seeking the Taoist elixir of immortality. (Wong, 2002, p. 3).
x

We may in large part link the popularity of Sukhavati during this era to the proselytizing activities of Shandao, the third of the great Pure Land masters who effectively and successfully spread the teachings of the Pure Land school in the capital Changan from the 640s to his death in 681 CE. (BeDuhn, 2005, p. 202). According to the 11thc century Xinxiu wangshen zhuang, Some of (his) followers were affected by his teachings to such a degree that they committed suicide by throwing themselves from a high mountain range, jumping into a deep well, or setting themselves on fire, in order to hasten their entry to the Pure Land. (BeDuhn, 2005, p. 202).
xi

This was achieved using the li-fen-dui-jin technique; literally, squeezing plaster and adhering gold foil on the painting.
xii

A speculative theory for this perceived gender change in the (ostensibly genderless) Bodhisattvas of China, may lie in part, with the fact that in Pure Lands such as Sukhavati, women were doctrinally unknown.xiii Indeed, as the Sukhavati Sutra insists, no one is born into the Western paradise in a
xiii

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womans body so that sexual desire is unknown there.xiii (Krishan, 1996, p. 108). A heightened feminization of Bodhisattvas in Pure Land depictions, therefore might function as a substitute to the female form- reassuring the uninitiated female devotee of her worthiness to this realm whilst also providing male devotees with a sensually compelling vision of land that was worthy of their aspiration. Yet another explanation of this increased feminization of Bodhisattvas during the Tang Dynasty however, lies in the strong influence of Empress Wu Zetian (), who at this time was to award herself with the title, "Sacred Emperor of the Golden Chakra." This mural was completed in 642 through the patronage of the prominent Zhai family, who remained guardians of the cave's upkeep until the tenth century. During the 640 expansionist military policy of the Tang into Central Asia, the Zhai expressed their wish that the wounded be cured and the dead be reborn in a Pure Land; thus the family oversaw the painting of the Bhaisajyaguru (medicine Buddha) and Amitabha murals in the cave.
xiv

Given that in the early days of Buddhism there was an all but complete ignorance about the cultural milieu in which the scriptures had originated, (Zurcher, 1972, p. 2), the non-existence of a permanent ego (anatman) was often resisted.
xv

Indeed, this strategy created depth by deliberately altering the natural uni-dimensional proportions of the scene, resulting in a typical example of what would later be called ren dayu shan (human figures bigger than mountains) in landscape painting. (Chung, 1994, p. 50). This wide-angle depiction of infinite depth meant that it was almost impossible to perceive any sense of conventional perspective and meant these paintings could permit, both distant and close viewing. (Chung, 1994, p. 85.)
xvi

From such depictions of this utopian land however, it appears that (for the average Chinese devotee of the Tang age), the prospect of self-extinguishing was far from the motivation to aspire to this wondrous land after death; the terrain of which so compellingly presenting itself as a place worthy of spending an eternity of (conventional) existence.
xvii

This is evident by the significant number of Tibetan compositions and aspirational prayers to Sukhavati and related dharani found later in cave 17. (Arnold, 2009, p. 261)
xix

As Eugene Wang states, the journey to the Amitabha Pure Land was imagined as torturous and perilous, with demons threatening to ensnare the wandering soul. Therefore, to ensure the safety of the deceased, one had to quell the demons. (Wang, 2005, p365)
xx

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