Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
***Framework File***
B. Reasons to prefer:
1.) False Competition – their framework requires the negative to defend a competing policy option, which means
that diminishing the case’s inherency through uniqueness objections or otherwise becomes a voting issue for the
affirmative. This undermines the quality of policy analysis by making objections to the general principle non-unique,
which link turns all their offense.
2.) Defense of Assumptions – their framework claim is based on the assumption that the resolution is objective,
which is a perspective of western thought invalidated by the development K. The bigger picture is that the process of
testing ideas involves determining and critiquing the assumptions behind them. Their framework would literally
preclude all author or study indicts, and most case defense, as those ask methodological questions and implicitly
prescribe rejection of arguments with undefended assumptions. Defending assumptions is crucial to academic and
deliberative link turns, so it turns their position as well. O’Donnell’s view of affirmative choice still requires defending
assumptions, so it link turns anything good about his argument as well.
3.) Deeper Topic education – policy rounds will exist and provide the education they seek. Affirmative choice,
which is part of their framework not just an advantage to it, is the worst threat to topic education, since there’s no check
on affirmatives making the round about who is hotter, dresses nicer, is more ethical personally, etc. Only by defending
assumptions can you access the richer literature base without the nuisance of requiring perm-able disengagement CP’s.
AFC locks in judge intervention and forces judges to agree when they don’t – this is a link
turn for policy judges and there wouldn’t be compliance from the others
Timothy M. O’Donnell (Director of Debate University of Mary Washington) 2004
http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/DRGArtiarticlesIndex.htm
AFC implementation will require action by both debaters and judges. From debaters it will require both willingness to compromise
and recognition that learning to debate in different frameworks has value. I envision a world where prior to the start of the debate, the
affirmative would disclose to the negative team what it is that they wish to talk about (the case/plan) as well as the question
that the judge ought to answer at the end of the debate. In addition, they should be prepared to begin their first affirmative constructive
speech with a rationale for the question which lets the negative know what it is that they need to do to win the debate. AFC will also require a
similar move on the part of judges. Not only will we need to lay our framework predispositions at the doorstep, we
will also need to explain to debaters that we endorse the idea of AFC.
O’Donnell agrees some assumptions should be defend though he lacks a clear line. We contend
assumptions about whether the West should develop Africa at all are policy germane and
predictable – they respond directly to the literature base which predicts the plan would be
desirable. They can’t exclude us under affirmative choice without clarifying O’Donnell’s
article
Timothy M. O’Donnell (Director of Debate University of Mary Washington) 2004
http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/DRGArtiarticlesIndex.htm
Would AFC mean the negative could never question affirmative assumptions? There are at least two answers to this objection.
First, not necessarily. The negative would still have ground to critique the assumptions embedded in the framework
advocated by the affirmative team. For example, if the affirmative advocated ceding political control in Iraq to the
United Nations through a policy framework, the negative could still question all of the policy assumptions which speak
to the plan’s desirability. AFC only constrains the negative to the extent that they are limited to the starting point selected by the affirmative.
This means that the negative would be forced to bracket questions regarding the desirability of the affirmative with respect to its language, its
representations, its politics, its performance, its philosophy, etc. Similarly, if the affirmative advocated ceding political control in Iraq to the United
Nations through a performance framework, the negative could question all of the assumptions behind their performance in addition to topically
derived core negative arguments (although those arguments would have to be adapted to the framework advanced by the affirmative). In such
situations, ground loss would be minimal because the ground that the negative loses would not be germane to either the resolutionally derived
question or the affirmative framework. Thus the only thing that the negative loses under AFC is the ability to shift the question of the debate through
critiques of the affirmative framework. Viewed this way, the negative’s complaint is that they don’t get to talk about everything but the affirmative.
But why should they? Second, the benefits gained by adoption of AFC outweigh what would be lost. Limiting negative ground focuses the
discussion and generates richer debates within the framework chosen by the affirmative. There is no substantial benefit to allowing the
negative to question every assumption since the emergence of critical affirmatives ensures a place at the table for these
types of arguments. Third, the negative does not have a right to question every assumption. Infinite preparation time for the affirmative is a
myth. Affirmative teams, only have a fixed amount of time to prepare to debate. If they are forced to defend any and all assumptions that they are heir
to by virtue of their existence at the end of thousands of years of human civilization there is no reasonable expectation that they could ever be
prepared to debate. The number and range of questions that the debate could be about is certainly much greater than the amount of time the
affirmative has to prepare. Such a situation is anathema to any cooperative learning enterprise. If learning is to be maximized, participants
must have a reasonable expectation about what to prepare for. This is, after all, why everyone who participates in two-person “policy”
debate thinks there ought to be a topic. Yet, while we seem to agree that there should be limits placed on the affirmative, the same thinking does not
always seem to apply to the negative. AFC merely recognizes that both sides need to give something up to have a debate.
AT: Lutz
Their Lutz card is devastating offense for our framework – he says that clarifying the ideal
state of affairs is PRIOR to the question of whether an idea should be pursued. This justifies
placing the K before the case. Our framework checks infinite regression because they get to
weigh the affirmative
Donald S. Lutz (Professor of Polisci at Houston) 2000 Political Theory and Partisan Politics p. 39-40
Aristotle notes in the Politics that political theory simultaneously proceeds at three levels—discourse about the ideal, about the best possible in the
real world, and about existing political systems.4 Put another way, comprehensive political theory must ask several different kinds
of questions that are linked, yet distinguishable. In order to understand the interlocking set of questions that political theory can ask, imagine a
continuum stretching from left to right. At the end, to the right, is an ideal form of government, a perfectly wrought construct produced by the
imagination. At the other end is the perfect dystopia, the most perfectly wretched system that the human imagination can produce. Stretching
between these two extremes is an infinite set of possibilities, merging into one another, that describe the logical
possibilities created by the characteristics defining the end points. For example, a political system defined primarily by equality
would have a perfectly inegalitarian system described at the other end, and the possible states of being between them would vary primarily in the
extent to which they embodied equality. An ideal defined primarily by liberty would create a different set of possibilities between the extremes. Of
course, visions of the ideal often are inevitably more complex than these single-value examples indicate, but it is also true that in order to imagine
an ideal state of affairs a kind of simplification is almost always required since normal states of affairs invariably present themselves to human
consciousness as complicated, opaque, and to a significant extent indeterminate. t A non-ironic reading of Plato's Republic leads one to conclude
that the creation of these visions of the ideal characterizes political philosophy. This is not the case. Any person can generate a vision
of the ideal. One job of political philosophy is to ask the question "Is this ideal worth pursuing?" Before the question
can be pursued, however, the ideal state of affairs must be clarified, especially with respect to conceptual precision
and the logical relationship between the propositions that describe the ideal. This pre-theoretical analysis raises the
vision of the ideal from the mundane to a level where true philosophical analysis, and the careful comparison with
existing systems can proceed fruitfully. The process of pre-theoretical analysis, probably because it works on clarifying ideas that most
capture the human imagination, too often looks to some like the entire enterprise of political philosophy.5 However, the value of Jean-Jacques
Rousseau's concept of the General Will, for example, lies not in its formal logical implications, nor in its compelling hold on the imagination, but on
the power and clarity it lends to an analysis and comparison of actual political systems. Among other things it allows him to show that anyone who
wishes to pursue a state of affairs closer to that summed up in the concept of the General Will must This justifies placing the K before the
case. However, once the ideal is clarified, the political philosopher will begin to articulate and assess the reasons why
we might want to pursue such an ideal. At this point, analysis leaves the realm of pure logic and enters the realm of the logic
of human longing, aspiration, and anxiety. The analysis is now limited by the interior parameters of the human heart (more properly the human
psyche) to which the theorist must appeal. Unlike the clarification stage where anything that is logical is possible, there are now definite
limits on where logic can take us. Appeals to self-destruction, less happiness rather than more, psychic isolation, enslavement, loss of
identity, a preference for the lives of mollusks over that of humans, to name just a few possibilities, are doomed to failure. The theorist cannot
appeal to such values if she or he is to attract an audience of politicians. Much political theory involves the careful, competitive analysis of what a
given ideal state of affairs entails, and as Plato shows in his dialogues the discussion between the philosopher and the politician will quickly
terminate if he or she cannot convincingly demonstrate the connection between the political ideal being developed and natural human passions. In
this way, the politician can be educated by the possibilities that the political theorist can articulate, just as the political
theorist can be educated by the relative success the normative analysis has in "setting the hook" of interest among nonpolitical theorists. This realm
of discourse, dominated by the logic of humanly worthwhile goals, requires that the theorist carefully observe the responses of others in order not to
be seduced by what is merely logical as opposed to what is humanly rational. Moral discourse conditioned by the ideal, if it is to be successful,
requires the political theorist to be fearless in pursuing normative logic, but it also requires the theorist to have enough humility to remember that, if
a non-theorist cannot be led toward an ideal, the fault may well lie in the theory, not in the moral vision of the non-theorist.
AT: Shively
The Shively card creates lots of offense for us. First, it shows that that embracing a plan
means rejecting ALL others, so everything is competitive, there are no perms, and debate will
be infinitely distracted from the topic. Second, it shows we should judge ideas, not just
policies. Third, it justifies rejecting their move to silence our arguments. Finally, our
framework checks infinite regression.
Ruth Lessl Shively (Assoc Prof Political Science at Texas A&M) 2000 Political Theory and Partisan Politics p. 180
Thus far, I have argued that if the ambiguists mean to be subversive about anything, they need to be conservative about some things. They need to
be steadfast supporters of the structures of openness and democracy: willing to say "no" to certain forms of contest; willing to set up certain clear
limitations about acceptable behavior. To this, finally, I would add that if the ambiguists mean to stretch the boundaries of behavior—if they want to
be revolutionary and disruptive in their skepticism and iconoclasm—they need first to be firm believers in something. Which is to say, again, they
need to set clear limits about what they will and will not support, what they do and do not believe to be best. As G. K. Chesterton observed, the true
revolutionary has always willed something "definite and limited." For example, "The Jacobin could tell you not only the system he would rebel
against, but (what was more important) the system he would not rebel against..." He "desired the freedoms of democracy." He "wished to have votes
and not to have titles . . ." But "because the new rebel is a skeptic"—because he cannot bring himself to will something definite and limited— "he
cannot be a revolutionary." For "the fact that he wants to doubt everything really gets in his way when he wants to denounce anything" (Chesterton
1959,41). Thus, the most radical skepticism ends in the most radical conservatism. In other words, a refusal to judge among
ideas and activities is, in the end, an endorsement of the status quo. To embrace everything is to be unable to embrace
a particular plan of action, for to embrace a particular plan of action is to reject all others, at least for that moment.
Moreover, as observed in our discussion of openness, to embrace everything is to embrace self-contradiction: to hold to both one's purposes and to
that which defeats one's purposes—to tolerance and intolerance, open-mindedness and close-mindedness, democracy and tyranny. In the same
manner, then, the ambiguists' refusals to will something "definite and limited" undermines their revolutionary impulses. In their refusal to say what
they will not celebrate and what they will not rebel against, they deny themselves (and everyone else in their political world) a particular plan or
ground to work from. By refusing to deny incivility, they deny themselves a civil public space from which to speak. They cannot say "no" to the
terrorist who would silence dissent. They cannot turn their backs on the bullying of the white supremacist. And, as such, in refusing to bar the
tactics of the anti-democrat, they refuse to support the tactics of the democrat. In short, then, to be a true ambiguist, there must be some limit to
what is ambiguous. To fully support political contest, one must fully support some uncontested rules and reasons. To
generally reject the silencing or exclusion of others, one must sometimes silence or exclude those who reject civility
and democracy.
AT: Dietz
Dietz gives us offense. Their choice to gender modify proves the relevance of non-policy
considerations. Also, their position should be read as endorsing half truths, or the intrusion of
politics into an intellectual forum. Also, it justifies rejecting the case in each instance that it
makes different arguments than a politician would make. Finally, it implies that we are
responsible for validity and coherence, which our K proves the case lacks.
Mary Dietz, Professor of Polisci at Minnesota, 2000 Political Theory and Partisan Politics p. 117-8
Against this Vaclavian politics of truth, Ash deploys the alternative formulation of "working in half-truth" in order to distinguish "the professional
party politician's job" from the intellectual's, especially as it is "reflected, crucially, in a different use of language" (1995, 35). Here he amplifies
what it means to work in the language of half-truth: If a politician gives a partial, one-sided, indeed self-censored account of a
particular issue, he [or she] is simply doing his [or her] job. And if he [or she] manages to "sell" the part as the whole then he
[or she] is doing his [or her] job effectively.... If an intellectual does that, he [or she] is not doing his [or her] job; he [or she] has failed in
it. (1995, 36) Ash is anxious to insist that he is not casting the intellectual as "the guardian or high priest of some metaphysical, ideological or
pseudo-scientific Truth with a capital T" (1995, 36). Thus, the difference between the role of intellectual and the role of the politician is not
equivalent in any easy way to the epistemological divide between absolute Truth and relativism, or the metaphysical divide between objective
reality and subjective experience. Whatever else they are, Ash's intellectuals are not Platonic philosopher-kings; although from the perspective of
Platonic philosophy his politicians are surely sophists and rogues. The divide between Ash's truth-seeking intellectual and his partisan
politician has rather more to do with the linguistic and ethical terrain on which they work, and not the upper ether of
epistemology and metaphysics. If this terrain is organized along lines of "responsibility," then we might understand the divide between
the intellectual and the politician as a matter of assuming, as Ash puts it, "qualitatively different responsibilities for the validity,
intellectual coherence and truth" of speech in each of these irreducible domains (Ash 1995, 36, italics mine). *
This link turns their Shively impact – our K proves they are defending tyranny
Ruth Lessl Shively (Assoc Prof Political Science at Texas A&M) 2000 Political Theory and Partisan Politics p. 186
To sum up the argument thus far, the
ambiguists cannot support political contest unless they are willing to say "no" to—or to
bring closure to—some activities, and unless they are willing to say "yes" to the rational rules of persuasion. Like all
other democratic theorists, they must make some foundational assumptions about the goodness of self-determination,
the preferability of reasons over force, and the evils of tyranny, among other things. All democratic visions presuppose that
politics is about rational persuasion. Thus, talk of resisting or subverting all orders or all rational foundations is incoherent. At the very least, the
foundations of rational persuasion must be rigidly upheld. It will not do, then, to say we simply need more contest or more "politics" and less
rationality or foundationalism. It will not do to invoke contest as a kind of talisman against the need to make difficult judgments about good and
bad, healthy and unhealthy, political actions. For inasmuch as the conditions necessary to political contest require constant support and protection
and inasmuch as we require constant education and improvement in upholding and effectively applying them, the conditions necessary to political
contest require these judgments.
START HERE
Consequentialism Good
Political responsibility requires a consideration of consequences
Jeffrey Isaac, James H. Rudy Professor of Political Science and director of the Center for the Study of Democracy and
Public Life at Indiana University, Bloomington, Spring 2002, Dissent, vol. 49, no. 2
As writers such as Niccolo Machiavelli, Max Weber, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Hannah Arendt have taught, an unyielding concern with moral
goodness undercuts political responsibility. The concern may be morally laudable, reflecting a kind of personal integrity, but it suffers
from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that the purity of one's intention does not ensure the achievement of what one
intends. Abjuring violence or refusing to make common cause with morally compromised parties may seem like the right thing; but if such tactics
entail impotence, then it is hard to view them as serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters;
(2) it fails to see that in a world of real violence and injustice, moral purity is not simply a form of powerlessness; it is
often a form of complicity in injustice. This is why, from the standpoint of politics--as opposed to religion--pacifism is always a
potentially immoral stand. In categorically repudiating violence, it refuses in principle to oppose certain violent injustices with any effect; and (3) it
fails to see that politics is as much about unintended consequences as it is about intentions; it is the effects of action,
rather than the motives of action, that is most significant. Just as the alignment with "good" may engender impotence, it is often the
pursuit of "good" that generates evil. This is the lesson of communism in the twentieth century: it is not enough that one's goals be
sincere or idealistic; it is equally important, always, to ask about the effects of pursuing these goals and to judge these
effects in pragmatic and historically contextualized ways. Moral absolutism inhibits this judgment. It alienates those
who are not true believers. It promotes arrogance. And it undermines political effectiveness. WHAT WOULD IT mean for the
American left right now to take seriously the centrality of means in politics? First, it would mean taking seriously the specific means employed by the September 11
attackers--terrorism. There is a tendency in some quarters of the left to assimilate the death and destruction of September 11 to more ordinary (and still deplorable)
injustices of the world system--the starvation of children in Africa, or the repression of peasants in Mexico, or the continued occupation of the West Bank and Gaza by
Israel. But this assimilation is only possible by ignoring the specific modalities of September 11. It is true that in Mexico, Palestine, and elsewhere, too many innocent
people suffer, and that is wrong. It may even be true that the experience of suffering is equally terrible in each case. But neither the Mexican nor the Israeli government
has ever hijacked civilian airliners and deliberately flown them into crowded office buildings in the middle of cities where innocent civilians work and live, with the
intention of killing thousands of people. Al-Qaeda did precisely this. That does not make the other injustices unimportant. It simply makes them different. It makes the
September 11 hijackings distinctive, in their defining and malevolent purpose--to kill people and to create terror and havoc. This was not an ordinary injustice. It was an
extraordinary injustice. The premise of terrorism is the sheer superfluousness of human life. This premise is inconsistent with civilized living anywhere. It threatens
people of every race and class, every ethnicity and religion. Because it threatens everyone, and threatens values central to any decent conception of a good society, it
must be fought. And it must be fought in a way commensurate with its malevolence. Ordinary injustice can be remedied. Terrorism can only be stopped. Second, it
would mean frankly acknowledging something well understood, often too eagerly embraced, by the twentieth century Marxist left--that it is often politically necessary to
employ morally troubling means in the name of morally valid ends. A just or even a better society can only be realized in and through political practice; in our complex
and bloody world, it will sometimes be necessary to respond to barbarous tyrants or criminals, with whom moral suasion won't work. In such situations our choice is not
between the wrong that confronts us and our ideal vision of a world beyond wrong. It is between the wrong that confronts us and the means--perhaps the dangerous
means--we have to employ in order to oppose it. In such situations there is a danger that "realism" can become a rationale for the Machiavellian worship of power. But
equally great is the danger of a righteousness that translates, in effect, into a refusal to act in the face of wrong. What is one to do? Proceed with caution. Avoid casting
oneself as the incarnation of pure goodness locked in a Manichean struggle with evil. Be wary of violence. Look for alternative means when they are available, and
support the development of such means when they are not. And never sacrifice democratic freedoms and open debate. Above all, ask the hard questions about the
situation at hand, the means available, and the likely effectiveness of different strategies. Most striking about the campus left's response to September 11 was its refusal
to ask these questions. Its appeals to "international law" were naive. It exaggerated the likely negative consequences of a military response, but failed to consider the
consequences of failing to act decisively against terrorism. In the best of all imaginable worlds, it might be possible to defeat al-Qaeda without using force and without
To be
dealing with corrupt regimes and political forces like the Northern Alliance. But in this world it is not possible. And this, alas, is the only world that exists.
politically responsible is to engage this world and to consider the choices that it presents. To refuse to do this is to
evade responsibility. Such a stance may indicate a sincere refusal of unsavory choices. But it should never be mistaken for a serious political
commitment.
Consequentialism Good
Horrendous consequences justify escape clauses in absolute morality.
G.E.M. Anscombe (Professor of Philosophy at Cambridge University) 1993 Absolutism and Its Consequentialist
Critics, ed. Joram Graf Haber, p. 58-59
Whenever a defender of traditional morality protests that there are moral rules which, whatever the consequences, must not be broken, such as the
rule prohibiting murder- the killing of the materially innocent-a natural reaction is to confront him with imaginary horror upon imaginary horror,
and to inquire whether it would not be permissible, nay right, to commit murder if these horrors would be the consequences of his not committing it.
And so it has come to seem natural to accept as much of utilitarianism as this: that no moral system can be philosophically acceptable
unless it is supplemented by an escape clause, to the effect that, in all cases of a choice of evils, if one of those evils is
so great that incurring it rather than any of the others would be calamitous, and if it can only be avoided by taking a certain
action, then that action is to be taken even if it is in breach of a precept of the system.