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Klaipda University Press



Edited by Algirdas gIRININKAS

Klaipda, 2008




UDK 902/904 Ar 46

Volume 9 Editorial Board

Editor in Chief Prof. Habil. Dr Vladas ulkus (Klaipda University, Lithuania) Deputy Editor in Chief Dr Habil. Algirdas girininkas (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Lithuania) Members

Prof. Dr claus von carnap-Bornheim (Archologisches Landesmuseum Schlo gottorf, Schleswig, germany) Dr Rasa Banyt-Rowell (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania) Dr Anna Bitner-Wrblewska (State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw, Poland) Dr Audron Bliujien (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Lithuania) Dr Diugas Brazaitis (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Lithuania) Dr Agn ivilyt (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania) Prof. Dr Wladyslaw Duczko (Pultusk Academy of Humanities Institute of Anthropology and Archaeology, Poland) Dr John Hines (cardiff University, United Kingdom) Associated prof. dr Rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, Lithuania) Dr Romas Jarockis (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Lithuania) Dr Vygandas Juodagalvis (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania) Prof. Dr Andrzej Kola (Torun Nicolaus copernicus University, Poland) Dr Marika Mgi (Tallinn University, Estonia) Habil. dr Alvydas Nikentaitis (Lithuanian Institute of History, Lithuania) Prof. dr Jrn Staecker (gotland University, Sweden) Prof. habil. Dr Andrejs Vasks (University of Latvia, Latvia)

Editorial Assistant

Jurgita ukauskait (Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Lithuania)

Articles appearing in this journal are peer-reviewed by either internal or external reviewers
Editor of this volume Algirdas girininkass English language editor: Joseph Everatt Lithuanian language editor: Roma Nikentaitien Summaries in Lithuanian translated by: Algirdas girininkas Design: Algis Klieviius Layout by: Lolita Zemlien

Archaeologia Baltica volume 9 was prepared by Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology
Klaipda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, 2008 Article authors, 2008 Klaipda University Press, 2008 ISSN 1392-5520


Romas Jarockis. Eket Iron Age and Early Medieval Hill-Fort Settlement Complex. Aerial Archaeology and Remote Sensing Algirdas Girininkas. The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age Giedr Motuzait-Matuzeviit. Living above the Water or on Dry Land? The Application of Soil Analysis Methods to Investigate a Submerged Bronze Age to Early Iron Age Lake Dwelling Site in Eastern Lithuania Gintautas Zabiela. Ancient Landscapes in Aerial Photography: The Lithuanian Example of Noise Levels 8


33 47

N E W R E S E A R C H I N T H E E A S T B A LT I C R E g I o N
Ilze Loze. The Neolithic Anthropomorphic Clay Figurine from the Northern Kurzeme Littoral Birut Salatkien. Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1) Anna Bitner-Wrblewska, Audron Bliujien and Wojciech Wrblewski. Following the Traces of the Lost glikiai-Anduliai Curonian Cemetery 53 61 77

Jan Peder Lamm. oscar Montelius Visit to Lithuania in 1876, Necrolithuanica and the Creation of an International Comparative Collection at the Museum of National Antiquities in Stockholm


Algirdas Girininkas. Mike Parker Pearson: The Archaeology of Death and Burial Gintautas Zabiela. Audron Bliujien: Lietuvos prieistors gintaras (Lithuanias Amber in Prehistory) Guidelines for Authors 95

97 101




The ninth volume of Archaeologia Baltica is devoted to an elucidation of landscape archaeology and to the examination of the latest archaeological research in the eastern Baltic. Romas Jarockis article Eket Iron Age and Early Medieval Hill-Fort Settlement Complex. Aerial Archaeology and Remote Sensing, in which the author uses aerial photography and geophysical research data in interpreting the Eket (west Lithuania) archaeological complex, belongs to the first of these themes. Jarockis points out that, until now, archaeological field research alone has distorted the true picture of the hill-fort. The latest research data shows that the hill-fort has an ovalshaped levelled summit that used to be surrounded on all sides by a rampart, while the settlement adjacent to the hill-fort was fortified by a rampart and a ditch. Magnetic field research data shows that the hill-fort settlement had a structural plan similar to the town of Birka on an island in Lake Mlaren in Viking times. Environmental influences on the lifestlye of people living around Lake Kretuonas (in east Lithuania) in the Stone Age and Early Bronze Age are discussed in Algirdas Girininkas article The Influence of the Natural Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas During the Stone Age and Early Bronze Age. Environmental, geological, zooarchaeological, palynological and archaeological research all suggest that the environmental conditions around Lake Kretuonas were such that people were able to feed themselves from the natural resources around them, from the lake and other water bodies in its basin, from the variety of trees, and, from the Neolithic period, from the fields surrounding the settlements. Various types of scientific research data illustrate the influence of the communities that lived around Lake Kretuonas on their environmental surroundings, and the same environments influence on peoples foraging and farming way of life. The questions examined in this article deal with the consequences of peoples economic activity on the flora and fauna, as well as the influence of the natural resources on the people in the formation of the economy, social structure and intercultural relations of the regions inhabitants with other communities living in similar microregions in the eastern Baltic. This research shapes our understanding of the formation and the evolution of the cultural landscape around Lake Kretuonas. Giedr Motuzait Matuzeviits article Living above the Water or on Dry Land? The Application of Soil Analysis Methods to Investigate a Submerged Bronze Age to Early Iron Age Lake Dwelling Site in Eastern Lithuania describes the economic activity and natural surroundings of people who inhabited pile dwelling sites in the Late Bronze Age at Lake Luokesai (in east Lithuania). Based on magnetic measurements and micromorphological and other research data, the author examines the evolution of the sedimentation processes of the lake during the time that the pile dwellings were inhabited, and the palynological and macrobotanical data, and ascertains the vegetation of both the water and the land surrounding the lake. The inhabitants grew wheat, and collected strawberries, hazel nuts, cranberries, wild garlic and other nutritious plants. Vegetation characteristic of arable fields and pasture grew near the lake not far from the settlement. The open lakeside plots were favourable for farming, and that influenced peoples decision to settle there. In 2005 and 2006, three core samples were taken, from the end of the Bronze Age to the beginning of the Iron Age, at Luokesai I lake dwelling site, which is currently 1.5 to two metres under water. The magnetic susceptibility, loss-on-ignition, particle size and micromorphology of the stratigraphy-reflecting core samples were analysed. The main goal of the research was to answer the following questions: What was the water level at the time of the Luokesai I dwelling sites existence? Did this settlement stand above the water level? How can information about the water level of the time influence the types of the dwellings at Luokesai I? These investigations showed that the Luokesai I dwelling site was built on a small island that formed when the lakes water level fell. That the settlements territory was dry is indicated by traces of faunal (earthworm, soil mites) activity found in micromorphological thin sections, as well as by the distinct oxidation of the organic material, which is clearly visible throughout the entire stratigraphic cross-section of Luokesai I and the organic materials in situ burn marks. These particular sediment features could only have formed on dry land, in an environment with oxygen. The inhabitants of Luokesai I regularly fortified their living area with sand, wooden constructions and rocks that they had brought in. The buildings of the settlement could have stood on a foundation raised slightly above ground level. Gintautas Zabielas article Ancient Landscapes in Aerial Photography: The Lithuanian Example of Noise Levels describes the importance of aerial photogra-


phy in analysing landscape, as well as the potential for making interpretations from aerial photographs. The aim of the article is not to explore the very essence of aerial photography, nor to investigate specific issues of prehistoric research with its help. The articles aim is to explain questions of the utilisation of aerial photography in Lithuania concerning one specific aspect: the influence of 20th-century human activity on identifying the legacy of earlier times. This legacy essentially affects the earlier archaeological legacy in a negative way. It is referred to by the author as a unique noise, a factor that inhibits the acquisition and interpretation of positive information. Concomitant with this is the specific character of Lithuanian aerial photography, whose noise level is high. The unavoidable conclusion is made that this noise is a relative thing. While it is unwanted when analysing remote times, in the detection of certain 20th-century problems it is a source that helps us to understand these times. This sources significance will only grow as time goes on. The works of three authors cover the latest scientific research. The first is Ilze Lozes article The Neolithic Anthropomorphic Clay Figurine from the Northern Kurzeme Littoral, in which the author describes the clay anthropomorphic figurine found at the late Neolithic Gipka A settlement site (Kurzeme, Latvia). In its style, it resembles artistic work found in the land Islands in the Baltic Sea. These were also made of clay. The author also presents some contextual material. According to the author, the figurine belongs to the Middle Neolithic Sarnate site type group. This article is very valuable for research into Stone Age art, and shows the close ties between the inhabitants of Kurzeme and the inhabitants of the land Islands, including the spread of the style in art. In her article Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1), Birut Salatkien discusses in detail iron metallurgy research questions associated with the iron smelting process in Lithuania. The chronological period of the authors iron metallurgical research is rather broad: it goes from the second century BC to the 13th century AD. Two hundred and nineteen iron metallurgical artefact find sites dating from this period are known in Lithuania. In most of the settlements, only slag has been found. Roasted and not roasted iron ore and mining pits, ore roasting pits, ore washing equipment, wells with buckets, planks upon which the ore was strewn, smelting furnaces, charcoal roasting pits, blooms, stone anvils and other objects have been discovered in other find sites. The author writes that while every community had iron objects, iron was smelted in only one out of four. She makes some interesting observations, including that iron metallurgy settlements were mostly concentrated in eastern

In their article Following the Traces of the Lost glikiai-Anduliai Curonian Cemetery Anna Bitner-Wrblewska, Audron Bliujien and Wojciech Wrblewski research pre-1945 material about the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery, which was the largest cemetery studied by German archaeologists before the Second World War. The research material consists of archival material and a small percentage of surviving artefacts. This type of historiographic article is very important to the history of Baltic research, as is illustrated by the fact that archaeologists from several countries have tried to recreate the sites research history and research material, most of which is currently stored in Moscow. Landmarks used by earlier researchers have disappeared, and the surroundings have changed beyond recognition. Because of this, going by both archival data and the latest research data at the site, archaeologists today have a lot of problems in localising and designating the boundaries of the plots previously excavated (except for that by A. Bezzenberger). We can only be glad that the articles authors have successfully solved a large part of this research question. The Swedish archaeologist Jan Peder Lamm presents some very interesting archival data in English about the trip in 1876 by Oscar Montelius and his wife Agda to Lithuania, where they bought Carl von Schmiths work Necrolithuanica for 120 Russian rubles in Kaunas and took it to Sweden. The published parts of Agda Montelius diary associated with the purchase of this work are very important to Lithuanias and Swedens archaeological historiography. It is like a continuation of Carl von Schmiths work Necrolithuanica which came out recently in Lithuania. The review part of this volume presents reviews of Mike Parker Pearsons book The Archaeology of Death and Burial (2005), reviewed by Algirdas. Girininkas, and Audron Bliujiens monograph Lietuvos prieistors gintaras (Lithuanias Amber in Prehistory, 2007), reviewed by Gintautas Zabiela. Algirdas Girininkas Translated by Indr Antanaitis-Jacobs



and southern Lithuania, in the area of Streaked Pottery Culture, where the Lithuanian state later formed. This shows that the inhabitants of this area spread metallurgy not just because they were in favourable places for the aquisition of the ore. Economic development was spurred throughout the entire Baltic area.

Eket Iron Age and Early Medieval Hill-Fort Settlement Complex. Aerial Archaeolgy and Remote Sensing Romas JaRockis



Romas JaRockis
Current advances in science allow us to survey and investigate archaeological sites without destroying them. This article presents the results of integrated archaeological research in the Eket locality. The object of study is the Iron Age/Early Medieval hill-fort and ancient settlement complex. The aim of the research is to recreate the development of the formation of the hill-fort and settlement using widely applied non-destructive remote sensing methods of landscape archaeology: the analysis of aerial photographic images and geophysical prospecting research data. Key words: aerial archaeology, landscape studies, geophysical prospecting, remote sensing, hill-fort settlement complex.

Non-destructive archaeology Current advances in science allow us to survey and investigate archaeological sites without destroying them. Aerial photography and geophysical surveys belong to the non-destructive or remote sensing methods (Renfrew, 1998, p.96). Article 3 of the European Convention on the Protection of the Archaeological Heritage writes: Non-destructive methods of investigation are applied wherever possible (Bardauskas, Kariauskas, 1997, p.10). This article presents the results of integrated archaeological research in the Eket locality. The object of study is the Iron Age/Early Medieval hill-fort and ancient settlement complex. The aim of the research is to reconstruct the development of the formation of the hill-fort and settlement using widely applied non-destructive remote sensing methods of landscape archaeology. This article is based on a presentation about the research into the Eket hill-fort and settlement that was given in 2006 October at an international seminar on maritime landscape studies in Tallinn in Estonia.

Research into Lithuanian hill-forts

The hill-forts in Lithuania comprise only a small part of the huge tract of fortifications spread throughout Europe in prehistoric and early historic times. They began to be researched according to more or less scientific methods at the beginning of the 20th century. Throughout the course of a century, out of the 993 hill-forts in Lithuania (some of which are already destroyed), 184 have been researched to some extent (a total area of approximately 10,000 square metres). However, only the research material from about 27 hill-forts has been published (Kulikauskas, Zabiela, 1999, p.149-158; Zabiela, Baubonis, 2005, p.4, 6). In the context of the scientific interpretation of hillforts from archaeological material, it must be noted that several themes dominate in Lithuanian archaeological historiography. Perhaps the most widely elucidated theme concerns the evolution of hill-forts and their fortification constructions. Much attention in research literature is also paid to the archaeological material from hill-forts that is associated with commerce, trade and crafts (Daugudis, 1977; Zabiela, 1995). Archaeological data about hill-forts is used very much in the localisation of certain places or castles mentioned in written sources from the Middle Ages, in archaeologi-

T h e l o c a l i t y s s e t t i n g a n d p h y s i c a l geographical characteristics The Eket (Kalot) hill-fort and settlement (A412KP) are in the Klaipda district, in the Sendvaris area, seven kilometres inland from the Baltic coast, by the confluence of the Dan-Akmena river and the Eket rivulet, approximately 12 kilometres to the northeast of its mouth in the Curonian Lagoon (the modern city of Klaipda) (Plate I:1). The hill-fort is surrounded by the Eket valley (now dammed) to the east, south and west. Before the building of the dam, the slopes of the rivulet were steep, reaching a height of eight or nine metres. The hillforts levelled summit is in the shape of an irregular quadrangle, 110 metres long from east to west, and 105 metres wide from north to south. A semi-circular, 130-metre-long and eight to nine-metre-high rampart is on the northern edge of the flat hilltop. Beyond it, the remains of another four ramparts have been detected. The entrance to the hill-fort castle gate was near the end of the eastern rampart. The ancient settlement was on the eminence to the north-northeast of the hill-fort; it covered an area of two to three hectares (Plate I:2). The Eket (Akute, Akitte, Ackete) locality was mentioned in historical sources for the first time in 1253, and later in 1285 in a partition of land between the Livonian Order and the archbishop of Riga. The Eket locality is marked on a 1775 map of East Prussia. It is also known from historical documents that the Eket manor was situated near the hill-fort in the 18th century, and that a watermill was built on the Eket rivulet (Merkeviius, 1974, p.15-19; LAA, 1975; Jarockis, 1998, p.67-68; ulkus, 2004, p.89-90; Zabiela, Baubonis, 2005, p.414-415). An archaeological expedition by the Lithuanian Institute of History, headed by Algimantas Merkeviius, investigated the Eket hill-fort and settlement in 1972. Four plots, of which the total area was 180 square metres, were excavated in the hill-fort. A trench-profile (60 square metres) was dug in the area of the ditches and ramparts, on the southern edge of the hill-fort; the southeast and northeast foot of the hill-fort was surveyed (44 square metres); and a 30-square-metre plot of the settlements southeast part was excavated. In all,

Research methods and sources of information

Looking at the current view of hill-forts and at general features that unite one or another group of hill-forts, it is difficult to find and understand them. Aerial photography makes it possible to see hill-forts from another angle, and shows the full view of the photographed object. This is much more informative than the typical hill-fort description, map or photograph taken from the ground. As is known, modern aerial archaeology is not limited only to the photography of known archaeological objects, or to the search for new archaeological sites. It is a scientific method of research by which most of the time is spent in deciphering and interpreting aerial photographic images. In addition to oblique aerial photographs taken from a plane, archival vertical aerial photographs taken for cartographic purposes and digital satellite imagery were also used. As is indicated by the practice of such research, aerial photographic data is often combined with geophysical research data (Archologische Prospektion, 1996). Unpublished archaeological research report material from 1972 (Merkeviius, 1972; 1974) and the 1998 morphological research results of the hill-fort settlements cultural layer (Jarockis, 1998) were used in the investigations of the Eket archaeological site complex. Also employed were black and white vertical aerial archive photographs from 1958, as well as coloured oblique aerial photographs from 2003 and 2005, along with geophysical research results obtained from the hill-fort settlement in 2006. Some of these above-mentioned investigations were performed as part of international projects. These were the 1998-2001 project Cultural Clash or Compromise: Europeanization of the Baltic Sea Area, financed by Swedens National Bank (Blomkvist, 1998) and the 2004-2007 project European Landscapes: Past, Present, and Future, financed by EU Culture 2000 (Mus-


In the opinion of this articles author, the application of landscape archaeologys remote sensing methods in analysing known archaeological data from hill-forts enables other new angles of approach in viewing hillforts. All of this allows researchers to better understand this cultural-historical phenomenon, and to explain it in a more understandable way to the broader public.

The investigations of the Eket hill-fort and ancient settlement


cally oriented cultural-historical interpretations based on historical events, as well as in discussions on ethnic-cultural boundaries (gimbutas, 1963, p.148-154; Daugudis, 1978, p.18; Zabiela 1995, p. 163, 164).

son, Bewley, 2007). The 2006 geomagnetic research was financed by Klaipda University, and was carried out by Martin Posselt (Posselt&Zickgraf gbR) and Dr Immo Heske of gttingen University, germany.

clay plaster. A great many pieces of iron dross, broken iron artefact fragments, several small pieces of crucibles, and parts of iron knives and scythes were found in the building area. According to the archaeological finds, it is believed that this had been the workshop of an artisan who worked with iron. The building has been dated to the second half of the first millennium or the beginning of the second millennium AD. A Roman coin (a Liucilla Augusta sestertium) dated to the second century AD was found in the area of the building, as were iron and bronze roughouts or half-finished products, iron tools, whetstones, unworked pieces of amber, glass beads, many bronze artefact fragments, an iron weight, and an iron rivet. Plots no 3 and 4, each covering 40 square metres, are in the central and southwest parts respectively of the hill-forts levelled summit. Not many artefacts were found in plot no 3: an unidentified Roman coin, fragments of a scythe, a knife, a rivet, and bronze ornaments. The artefacts found in plot no 4 were hafted iron knives, spindle whorls, whetstones, fragments of bronze ornaments, a forged iron nail, an iron roughout, many pieces of unworked amber, and modelled clay potsherds.
Fig. 1. Oblique photograph of Eket from 2003: 1 settlement; 2 hill-fort

Romas JaRockis

Eket Iron Age and Early Medieval Hill-Fort Settlement Complex. Aerial Archaeolgy and Remote Sensing

a 314-square-metre area of the Eket archaeological site was excavated that year (Merkeviius, 1974, p.1516).

The hill-fort
Plots no 1 and 2, covering 60 and 40 square metres, are in the northeast corner of the hill-forts levelled summit, near the northeast edge of the rampart. Rectangular post constructions were uncovered at a depth of 40 to 50 centimetres below the current ground surface; they constituted the remains of a four to five-metrewide and ten-metre-long building. The 100-milimetre-diameter posts were laid out in three rows. They were dug into the undisturbed bed and surrounded by rocks. Poles were piled up between the posts. This is evidenced by the triangular cross-sections pieces of

A trench three metres wide and 20 metres long was dug in order to try to understand the structure of the earthen fortifications to the north and behind the large rampart. The trench was oriented north-south, at a slight angle to the west (343). Four places with small ditches and three ramparts between them were uncovered at a depth of 1.2 to 1.6 metres from the present ground surface. One hundred and fifty archaeological finds dating from the beginning of the first millennium to the beginning of the second millennium AD were found during the excavation (Merkeviius, 1972).

The settlement
An ancient settlement that covered an area of two to three hectares was situated on a rise north-northeast of the hill-fort (Fig. 1). A map and the approximate boundaries of the settlement were established in the fall of 1972, at which time the settlement was ploughed up.


Fig. 2. Archival vertical photograph of Eket from 1958: 1 settlement; 2 hill-fort; 3 manor.

Signs of the cultural layer could be seen in the ground in a 130 to 140-metre-wide north-south veering tract, and in a 60-metre-wide tract on the northern edge of the settlement, as well as in a 180 to 200-metre-wide tract at the southern end of the settlement near the hillforts ramparts. A cultural layer that reached one metre thick was found at the settlement. In an effort to determine more accurately the boundaries of the extent of the hill-fort settlements cultural layer, 44 boreholes were drilled in 1997 in an approximately six-hectare area to the north and northwest of the hill-fort. The boreholes were drilled with a manual geological drill, and spaced at 20 to 30-metre intervals. Based on the data obtained from the drillings about the cultural layers thickness and intensity in the hill-forts settlement, it was determined that a continuous cultural layer, albeit partially destroyed from ploughing in some places, with numerous pieces of clay plaster, spread across a 480 by 140-metre area north and northeast of the hill-fort, in all covering an area of more than six hectares. From the frequency of the boreholes, made every 30 to 50 metres, it is evident that the central part of the settlement was opposite the hill-fort from the northeast side, where a 30 to 70-centimetre-thick cultural layer, distinguished from its surroundings by its intensity, was found (Jarockis, 1998, p.67). A geophysical survey that covered a 50 by 122-metre area was conducted in 2006 in the south of the hillforts settlement, across from the hill-fort (Plate I:3). A

fluxgate magnetometer Frster Ferex 4.032 DLg. was used for the survey. It was determined that the magnetic anomalies are concentrated in the central part of the settlement across from the hill-fort, as well as in the settlements northern part near the slope. Signs of structures that had been laid out parallel to each other can be traced opposite the hill-fort from the view obtained from the magnetic anomalies. It is conjectured by the passageways that orderly constructed rows of buildings could have been here. The passageways are oriented in the direction of the hill-fort (Plate II:1).

Research data analysis

The hill-fort By taking photographs at certain intervals of time, it is possible to observe a hill-forts physical condition and to record disturbances to it. Many hill-forts have survived to our days partially destroyed by water or wind erosion. An analysis of vertical 1958 archive photographs used in aerial archaeology showed (Fig. 2) that the view of the hill-fort has changed markedly in the last 50 years. Without a doubt, most damage to the hillfort occurred with the dam that was built across the Eket rivulet in the 1970s. Practically one third of the hill-fort was demolished by water erosion in its aftermath (compare with Plate I:2).



Eket Iron Age and Early Medieval Hill-Fort Settlement Complex. Aerial Archaeolgy and Remote Sensing

The settlement
During a survey of the ploughed up settlement in 1972, it was observed that the settlements western edge ends at approximately the northwest corner of the hill-fort. It almost corresponds to the small rise noted in the soil at the western edge, where there is an approximately 0.5-metrehigh terrace. The northern edge of the settlement rests on a rather deep ravine, at the bottom of which flows a stream. It appears that the eastern edge of the settlement was separated from the remaining high part of the settlement by a ditch. Its remains are currently comparatively clear at the settlements northeastern edge. Here, an approximately 20-metre-wide and approximately one-metredeep depression can be seen in the surface of the soil. It narrows and grows shallower to the south, so it is not very clear along the southeast edge of the settlement (Merkeviius, 1972). The land of the hill-forts settlement has been uncultivated and unploughed Fig.3. Oblique photograph of Eket from 2005. The arrow points positive cropmarks, posfor a good ten years. This sibly indicating the settlements fortification ditch. cannot be seen in an aerial photograph taken in the The hill-forts original shape is clearly visible in the ar- spring of 2003; however, an aerial photograph taken chive aerial photograph. According to the photograph, in the summer of 2005 recorded a semi-circular tract, the hill-fort is ascribed to the coastal type of hill-forts, approximately five to six metres wide and 100 metres with an oval levelled summit that was encircled by a long, in the western and northern parts of the settlement rampart all the way round. The most recent archaeo- (Fig. 3). According to the methodology of established logical literature still mentions that the hill-forts lev- archaeological features in aerial photographs, a darker elled summit is in the shape of an irregular quadrangle tract of vegetation such as this is ascribed to positive (Zabiela g., Baubonis Z. 2005, p.414), while the ram- vegetation indicators. This means that the undisturbed part encircles the levelled summit in a semi-circular bed in this area has, in fact, been disturbed, presumably by the digging of a ditch. The collation of the survey shape.


Romas JaRockis

The manor
Aerial photography allows us the possibility to record not only one site, but entire complexes of sites. Hillforts, just like other sites in the past, never existed singly. They appeared and developed in particular contexts, alongside other features of the cultural landscape from the same or from different times. Some previous ancient castle sites, as places of habitation with more or less expressed features of urbanisation, continued to exist in the Middle Ages. As wooden castles in hillforts declined in the 14th and 15th centuries (Zabiela, 1995, p. 182), the function of the central point in country localities was gradually taken over by manors (Mikinis, eelgis, 1965, p. 218). It is known from historical documents that from the 18th century a watermill that belonged to the Eket manor stood at the east foot of the hill-fort. The east part of the levelled summit, closer to the large rampart, was dug out when building the dam on the Eket rivulet for the manors mill. The foundation of this mill and the remains of the dam are at the east foot of the hill-fort. The manor itself was founded southwest of the hill-fort, on the other bank of the rivulet. The manors remains were discovered in the 1958 archive aerial photograph. The manor seemed to consist of a U-shaped yard that was surrounded by buildings on three sides (Plate II:1). It burned down at the end of the Second World War.

1. The hill-forts condition has markedly deteriorated over the past 50 years. Approximately one third of the hill-fort was destroyed by water erosion by the dam. 2. The shape of the hill-forts levelled summit and fortifications are incorrectly named in the archaeological literature. It is, in fact, a coastal type of hill-fort with a flat hilltop that is oval-shaped and that was encircled on all sides by a rampart. In its shape and environmental-geographical situation, the Eket hill-fort is similar to the Impiltis hill-fort in the Kretinga district in northwest Lithuania. 3. On its unprotected sides, the hill-forts settlement was fortified with a rampart and a ditch. Traces of these fortifications were observed in aerial photographs that were taken in 2005. According to the measurement data of the magnetic field, the hill-forts settlement had a planned structure. This type of hill-fort and fortified settlement is very similar to one that existed in the city of Birka during viking times on one of the islands of Lake Mlaren in Sweden. 4. According to the archaeological finds, amber was stored at the west, north and east sites during the Roman Period, while two Roman coins bear testimony to the trade in amber. Crafts existed at the hill-fort during the Late Iron Age: bronze ornaments were cast and iron was worked. Iron rivets found in the hill-forts cultural layer indicate nautical navigation. 5. A manor, traces of which were found in an archive aerial photograph, according to historical documents was built alongside the hill-fort in the 18th century, which testifies that the Eket localitys central function continued to be maintained. A small-scale archaeological survey within the locus of the manor would help determine when the manor was built. 6. Near the manor, at the foot of the hill-fort, was the dam of a millpond. A morphological analysis of the lowest sediment of the current millpond would test the premise that the dam on the Eket rivulet also existed in prehistoric times.

Aerial photography is widely used nowadays in many European countries in the determination of cultural heritage sites, and their protection and monitoring, and when collecting information for monument protection about known features, and when searching for new archaeological sites. The application of remote sensing research in the survey of archaeological sites and their surroundings is taking its first steps in Lithuanian archaeology. Regarding hill-fort archaeology, it is clear that there is a problem. It is doubtful that traditional research methods only, that is, extensive archaeological excavations (as was mentioned in the articles introduction, 184 hill-forts have been investigated in


The application of aerial archaeology non-destructive methods, by which aerial photographic images were used in the interpretation of the archaeological material in an integrated analysis of the Eket hill-fort and settlement material, allows us to draw the following conclusions:


research with the aerial photographic data suggests that when the hill-forts settlement thrived, earth and timber fortifications, and unprotected sides, were surrounded by a rampart and a ditch.

Lithuania to date, and only about 15 per cent of the research material has been published), will allow us to find out any more about the actual hill-forts or about the people who constructed them.

Eket Iron Age and Early Medieval Hill-Fort Settlement Complex. Aerial Archaeolgy and Remote Sensing

Archologische Prospektion. 1996. Archologische Prospektion. Luftbildarchlogie un geophysik. In: M. PETZET, ed. Arbeitshefte des Bayerishen Landesamtes fr Denkmalpflege, Band 59. BARDAUSKAS, J., KARIAUSKAS, v., 1997. Kultros paveldo apsauga: reglamentuojani dokument rinkinys. vilnius: Kultros paveldo centras. BLOMKvIST, N., 1998. Preface. Culture clash or compromise? The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea area 11001400 AD. In: N. BLOMKvIST, ed. Acta Visbyensia XI, visby, 7-8. DAUgUDIS, v., 1978. gyvenviets ir pastatai. Lietuvi materialin kultra IX-XIII a. vilnius, 14-47. gIMBUTAS, M., 1963. Ancient peoples and places. The Balts. London: Thames and Hudson. JAROCKIS, R., 1998. iaurs ir vakar Lietuvos piliakalni ir j papdi gyvenviei archeologiniai valgomieji tyrinjimai 1996 ir 1997 metais. Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1996 ir 1997 metais. vilnius, 66-70. JAROCKIS, R., 2007. Lithuanian heritage from the air. Through recording and recording to education. C. MUSSON, P. HORNE, eds. European landscapes: past, present and future. Culture 2000 project. Final report, 50-53. KULIKAUSKAS, P., ZABIELA, g., 1999. Lietuvos archeologijos istorija (iki 1945 m.). vilnius: Diemedio leidykla. LAA. 1975. Lietuvos archeologijos atlasas, t. II. vilnius: Mokslas. MIKINIS, A., EELgIS, K., 1965. Miesto gyvenviei tinklo vystymasis Lietuvoje iki xx a. vidurio (1940 m.). Lietuvos TSR auktj mokykl mokslo darbai. Statyba ir architektra, IV, 2, 1965, 215-240. MERKEvIIUS, A., 1972. Ekets piliakalnio ir jo gyvenviets, Sendvario apyl., Klaipdos raj., 1972 m. kasinjim ataskaita (unpublished report stored in the archive of the Lithuanian Institute of History in vilnius, archive No. 329). MERKEvIIUS, A., 1974. Ekets (Klaipdos raj.) piliakalnio tyrinjimai. Archeologiniai ir etnografiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1972 ir 1974 metais. vilnius, 15-19. MUSSON, C., BEWLEy, R., 2007. Culture 2000 project European landscapes: past, present and future. R. JAROCKIS, C. MUSSON, R. KRAUJALIS, eds. Past from the air. Aerial archaeology and landscape studies in Northern Europe. vilnius, 9-26. RENFEW, C., 1998. Archaeology. Theories, Methods, and Practice. London. vOLKAIT-KULIKAUSKIEN, R., 1958. Lietuvos archeologiniai paminklai ir j tyrinjimai. vilnius. ZABIELA, g., BAUBONIS, Z., 2005. Lietuvos piliakalniai. Atlasas, t. I. vilnius: Krato apsaugos ministerija. ZABIELA, g., 1995. Lietuvos medins pilys. vilnius: Diemedio leidykla. ULKUS, v., 2004. Kuriai Baltijos jros erdvje. vilnius: versus Aureus. Received: 15 February; Revised: 15 May 2008 Dr Romas Jarockis Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Klaipda University, Tils g. 13 LT-91251 Klaipda LITHUANIA


Romas JaRockis

iuolaikinio mokslo laimjimai leidia valgyti ir tirti archeologinius paminklus j neardant. iame straipsnyje pateikiami kompleksini tyrim Ekets vietovje rezultatai. Tyrim objektas Ekets geleies amiaus / ankstyvj vidurami piliakalnio ir senovs gyvenviets kompleksas. Tyrimo tikslas rekonstruoti piliakalnio ir gyvenviets formavimosi raid naudojant kratovaizdio archeologijoje plaiai taikomus neardaniuosius nuotolini tyrim metodus aerofotovaizd analizs ir geofizikini tyrim duomenis. Atliktas tyrimas leidia teigti, kad piliakalnio gyvenviet i neapsaugotos puss taip buvo tvirtinta ems pylimu ir grioviu. gyvenviets magnetinio lauko matavimo duomenys leidia teigti, kad piliakalnio gyvenviet buvo planins struktros. alia piliakalnio xvIII a. raytiniuose altiniuose minimas dvaras sugriautas II PK metu. Jo tiksli buvimo viet pavyko lokalizuoti archyvinje aerofotonuotraukoje. Nedidels apimties valgomieji tyrimai dvarvietje padt nustatyti laik, kada dvaras piliakalnio papdje buvo kurtas.


new data from archaeological, zooarchaeological and palynological studies of the archaeological sites around Lake Kretuonas (in eastern Lithuania) show that environmental conditions had a great influence on the formation of the economy, settlement and cultural life of its inhabitants. This paper analyses the causes of the changes in environmental conditions and their influence on the population in the Lake Kretuonas area in the Stone Age and Bronze Age. Key words: East Lithuania, Lake Kretuonas, Stone Age, Bronze Age, economy, environment, cultural landscape.

Lithuania has few works so far regarding the cultural landscape and its evolution. Some of them are dedicated to elucidating the evolution of the cultural landscape of the Lake Birulis area (The Evolution of the Samogitian Highlands Cultural Landscape, 2004) and the areas around lakes Duba, Glkas, Varnis and Veisiejis in southern Lithuania (Baltrnas et al. 2001). When speaking of the cultural landscape in this article, we emphasise the diversity of the landscape that formed due to societys economic activities, and when speaking of the natural landscape, its environmental diversity. A varied type of cultural landscape forms in a corresponding area based on the environment, its peculiarities, and socioeconomic activities. This could be agrarian, urbanised or industrial. In this article, we touch more broadly on the formation of the agrarian landscape in a small part of the Lake Kretuonas basin in the Stone Age and Bronze Age. In investigating the Lake Kretuonas area as one microregion, from archaeological (Girininkas 1990, 1996, 2002, p.187-196), geological, palaeogeographical (Garunktis, Stanaitis, Pociukonien 1974, p.5-39), palynological (Kabailien 2006, p.366-370; AntanaitisJacobs, Stanikait 2004 p.251-266), macrobotanical (Antanaitis-Jacobs, Stanikait, Kisielien 2002, p.521), zooarchaeological (Daugnora, Girininkas 1996; 2004a) and economic (Girininkas 2005, p.149-196, 269-275; Daugnora, Girininkas 2004b, p.233-250) points of view, it is notable that people inhabited the area throughout the entire prehistoric period. Such inhabited microregions are very rare in Lithuania. Interdisciplinary investigations help in answering the main

questions raised in this article: How did the people living in the Lake Kretuonas area change their environmental surroundings, and how did changes in the environment affect peoples way of life? Detailed research shows that the environmental conditions in the Stone Age and Bronze Age were good enough to live there: people could subsist on the natural resources around them, on the fish in Lake Kretuonas and other water bodies in its basin, the many varieties of flora and fauna living in the mixed forests, and, starting with the Neolithic, from the fields and pastures around the settlements. The problems examined in this article deal with the consequences of peoples economic activity on the flora and fauna, as well as the influence of the natural resources on the people in the formation of their economy, social structure and intercultural relations with other communities living in similar microregions in the Eastern Baltic (those of ventoji in Lithuania, and Lubans in Latvia). The research mentioned above shapes our understanding of the formation and evolution of the cultural (agrarian) landscape around Lake Kretuonas.

Physical-geographical conditions and the geomorphology of the Lake Kretuonas area

The Lake Kretuonas basin is on the boundary between eastern Lithuanias venionys and Ignalina districts, between the venionys-Naroius highland and the eimena lowland. Its length is 15.5 kilometres and its width is 10.4 kilometres, and it belongs to the basin of the River eimena (Plate III:1). From a geologi-





cal point of view, the approximately 50-metre-thick glacier of the Wrm glaciation formed the morainic clayey and sandy loams, clays, sands and gravels that were left behind. The bottom layer that formed in this period is more clayey, while the top layer is washed and sandy. These layers are thickest on the hills, and thinnest in the depressions. In the western part of the Lake Kretuonas basin, where the ground surface is 170 metres above sea level, they are covered with sand and gravel, most of which is of limnoglacial origin, and a small part of which is fluvioglacial. The lowest part of the basin is Lake Kretuonas deepest ravine, at 135 metres above sea level. The water level of Lake Kretuonas is stable, at 145 metres above sea level. A terraced plain encircles the lake. The relief of the Kretuonas basin rises in an easterly direction, where there are both hills and 22 small lakes that lie between the hills. Flowing between the small lakes are rivulets, which are highest in the spring. Four rivulets flow into Lake Kretuonas, while one rivulet, the Kretuonl, flows into Lake eimena (Fig. 1). The relief by the eastern edge of Lake Kretuonas reaches a height of 220 metres. Lake Kretuonas and the other bigger lakes of Vajuonis and Kretuonyktis, as well as currently silted-up lakes, comprise one microregion, in which separate communities lived from the Late Palaeolithic to historic times. Approximately 60 archaeological sites, belonging to all the prehistoric periods, have been found in this microregion (Fig. 2). Very few microregions like this exist in Lithuania: one is at Lake Birulis (western Lithuania, in the Teliai district), and another at Lake Duba (in southern Lithuania, in the Varna district). usually, sites from only one prehistoric period are found in any one environmental microregion. What influenced the fact that the communities living around Lake Kretuonas could settle and live well enough throughout all of prehistory? First of all, it was the very favourable environmental surroundings that formed and were formed by the people living there. Lithological and surface geomorphological research into the Kretuonas basin are important in discerning the peoples economic activity and way of life. Organic sediment, peat, has extended over the very lowest of the lake shores on Lake Kretuonas southern, southwest and northeast sides. Peat is also found on the shores of Lake Kretuonyktis. Limnoglacial sediments are widespread in the northern and western part of the Kretuonas basin, in the outwash plain. In the southwest part, they slowly transform into clayey loams. Sandy sediments also dominate the lakes southeast coast, despite the separate hills there being formed from clayey loams. The largest clayey loam plots cover the Kretuo-

nas basins eastern part, especially near lakes Vajuonis and Kretuonyktis. many bogs surround lakes Kretuonas and Kretuonyktis (Fig. 4). The various postglacial sediments that formed later conditioned the heterogeneous formation of the soil. In the larger part of the basin where morainic clayey loam hills dominate, turfy, ashen grey, weakly podsolized soils also dominate. In the southwest part of the lake and basin, where sandy parent material dominates, ashen-grey soils dominate. The depressions contain marshy, ashen-grey soils. Different vegetation grows in the different soils. Dry pine forests are widespread in the basins western part, which transform into deciduous trees, hazel, birch and alder, covering the low-lying marshland around Lake Kretuonas in the southwest. Juniper groves grow in the basins eastern part, especially on the morainic hills, while pine forests grow between them in the sandy tracts. Five zones of vegetation can be distinguished in the lakes, especially in Lake Kretuonas: shallow water, reed-rush, water lily (spatterdocks, floating pondweed), broad-leaved pondweed, and limnetic.

The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

The evolution of the Kretuonas bas i n s d e p r e s s i o n . S t o n e A g e a n d Bronze Age settlement topography

Late Palaeolithic Lake Kretuonas lies in the depression that was formed by the last glaciation and its melting waters, on the west side of the old venionys highland, which was a huge obstacle in the last glaciation, breaking up the edge of the glacier into separate tongues (Kabailien 2006, p.367). Several significant places remain around Lake Kretuonas (Verelis hill, the plains near the village of Akmenikiai) where, when the edge of the glacier was in eastern Lithuania around 16,000 years ago, a near-glacial 170-metre hypsometric level lagoon stretched to the southeast of the ice sheet (Fig. 4a). Signs of ancient water activity, bands of sand bars formed by surf, can be clearly observed there. When the water level fell to 160 metres above sea level, the Kretuonas-Vajuonis depression began to break off from the eimenis valley further to the west, along which the glaciers melting waters would flow heavily to the south. channels formed between the Kretuonas-Vajuonis and eimenis highland that emerged. When the water level fell to 154 metres above sea level, one unified large lake stretched between Kretuonas-Vajuonis and Kretuonyktis (Fig. 4b). The pedogenesis processes intensified, and the washing out of carbonates from the top layers started only in the Allerd (11,900 BP), when the water level reached 152 metres above


Lake Kretuonas. The site is currently on the second terrace, presently three to four metres above the lakes water level. Three stages of human occupation can be discerned in the latter sites cultural layer: Ahrensburgian and Swiderian, which belong to the Late Palaeolithic, and the Preboreal stage of Kunda Culture. Arrowheads with narrow tangs made from blades that were flaked from cores with two platforms are attributed to the Ahrensburgian cultural layers artefacts. Scrapers and burins, whose cutting edges were formed in the corners of broken blades, were found. Points with a clearly distinguished tang belong to the Swiderian complex. These features indicate this cultures affiliation with the early period. The Pulli-type points found here are attributed to the mesolithic layer. According to investigations at this settlement, the Late Palaeolithic inhabitants established themselves in a favourable location from an environmental point of view: on a former hills southern slope, near a channel where it was also possible to fish. The reindeer antlers found along the eastern shore of Lake Kretuonas belong to this period (Daugnora, Girininkas 2005, p.121). This would suggest that reindeer herds roamed near the lake during the Dryas III period, and that hunters, who used to live in the oval contoured dwelling with a hearth found at the Rkuiai 1 camp site, would have stayed here (ataviius 1996, p.3031).

Fig. 1. Lake Kretuonas: inflowing and outflowing rivers.

sea level. The tundra and forest-tundra were replaced by sparse birch-pine forests. In the Dryas III period (10,900 to 10,000BP), when the climate cooled once again, the water level of the Kretuonas basin fell to 150 metres above sea level (Fig. 5c). In this period, Kretuonas separated from Lake Vajuonis, and only the small Vajuonl rivulet formed between them. Extrazonal features can be observed in the Lake Kretuonas area in this period. The pine forests that spread in the Allerd flourished only on the hills southern slopes. Vegetation characteristic of foresttundra grew in plots with a more level relief: fir trees, birch and dwarf birch (for a broader description of the vegetation, see the next section). The first inhabitants appeared in the Lake Kretuonas area during the Dryas III period. They established their habitation sites on the hills southern slopes. These are the people who left behind the Ahrensburgian and Swiderian technocomplexes (ataviius 1996, p.3031). Traces of their habitation include the Rkuiai 1 site, located near the former Lake Vajuonis and Lake Kretuonas channel (Fig. 2), on the northern shore of

Palynological and diatom research data suggests that the water level of Lake Kretuonas in the Preboreal and Early Boreal periods was low: scanty precipitation meant little accumulation in the Kretuonas basin. At this time, the sandy soils became calcified, thus very favourable conditions formed for forests to become firmly established. Birch dominated around the lake in the Preboreal, while pine forests spread in the Early Boreal. During this period, the inhabitants established themselves on the second and third terraces of the lake.



habitation site, Pakretuon 4, is located on the northwest side of Lake Kretuonas, near to where the Kretuonl rivulet flows out from Lake Kretuonas. here, just as at the Rkuiai 1 site, over 1,000 Kunda (Pulli) type artefacts were found: points made from blades, cores with one platform, wide scrapers, burins whose cutting edges were formed in the corners of broken blades, knives and vertically retouched microblades (Fig. 5). This periods palynological data shows that the still rare hunter-fisher-gatherer communities that had established themselves in the postglacial forest plots barely changed the environment, even though wood was used both in the economy and for fuel. Conditions for broadleaved trees to grow improved markedly during the second, warmer half of the Boreal. Once the climate became warmer and wetter in the Late Boreal, hazelnut, alder and elm began to spread, but little grass pollen has been found. Some of the deeper ravines between the hills began Fig. 2. Archaeological sites in the Lake Kretuonas basin: 1 Late Palaeolithic: to get waterlogged, bogs started to 32 Rkuiai 1st, 12Bieleniks; 2 mesolithic: 10 Rkutnai hill-forts, 12 Bieleform near the lake, and peat began niks, 18 Kretuonys 2nd, 20 Pakretuon 5th, 27 Pakretuon 4th, 28 Pakretuon to form. This process continued 6th, 30 Lake eimenis 3rd, 31 Rkuiai 2nd; 3. Early Neolithic: 1 Kretuonas 1st, even more rapidly in the Early At4 emaitik 3rd, 23 Pakretuon 7th; 27 Pakretuon 4th; 4 middle Neolithic: 1 lantic period. Because of the wetKretuonas 1st, 2 emaitik 1st, 7 emaitik 6th, 13 Kretuonyktis 1st, 14 Kretuonyktis 2nd, 19 Kretuonys 1st, 22 Pakretuon 1st, 23 Pakretuon 7th, ter climate, the water level of Lake 26 Pakretuon 3rd, 24 Lake eimenis 1st. 5 Late Neolithic: 1 Kretuonas 1st, Kretuonas rose between one and 2 emaitik 1st, 3 emaitik 2nd, 4 emaitik 3rd, 5 emaitik 5th, 1.5 metres. This is why the vegeta6 emaitik 6th, 8 Rkutnai 3rd, 13 Kretuonyktis 1st, 14 Kretuonyktis 2nd, tion that had begun to expand near 15 murmos 1st, 16 murmos 2nd, 21 Pakretuon 2nd, 22 Pakretuon 1st, 25 Lake the lake in the second half of the eimenis 2nd, 29 Rkuiai 3rd, 31 Rkuiiai 2nd, 33 Lake Vajuonis 1st, 34 Lake Vajuonis 2nd. 6 Bronze Age: 1 Kretuonas 1st, 9 Rkutnai 1st, 11 Rkutnai Boreal was flooded, and the silting2nd, 17 Big Island 1st, 22 Pakretuon 1st. up process began. Pollen diagrams show the domination of alder, elm, One of this periods habitation sites, Kretuonas 1, is oak and pine, and an increased amount of grass pollen found along the southwest shore of Lake Kretuonas (Fig. 6). The inhabitants in this period moved higher not far from the Kampup rivulet tributary. Discovered up the hill. middle and Late mesolithic sites are found in the sites flint inventory were a point characteristic on the higher, third terrace along Kretuonas western of Kunda culture and an Early mesolithic Neumunas and eastern shores. one of these is Pakretuon 4, where culture inventory: microblade inserts (microliths), over 3,000 mesolithic Nemunas culture artefacts were scrapers and retouched burins. microlithisation is found in its middle cultural layer: lanceolate points, characteristic of the entire sites flint inventory. It is in- scrapers, burins, knives, a large amount of microblades teresting that the inhabitants of this period established or microliths which have survived from bone and antthemselves near lake tributaries or sources: apparently ler spearheads, and harpoons and knives. The remains fishing was important in their migration paths. Another of an oval, semi-subterranean dwelling with a hearth



The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

Features of a foraging economy, hunting, fishing and gathering, can be observed in places inhabited by people in the mesolithic. The food resources that existed in Lake Kretuonas basin in the mesolithic could have fed a large number of inhabitants. However, the clear human effect on the environment was felt already in the mesolithic. In addition to sedge (Cyperaceae) pollen, a large amount of heather (Calluna) and bracken fern (Pteridium) pollen is also observed in the pollen diagrams of Lake Kretuonas Early and Late Atlantic periods chronozones. The spores of these latter two spread via forest fires. Thus, the Atlantic periods pollen diagrams reflect the facts of forest burning and the formation of open, treeless localities around Lake Kretuonas. mugwort (Artemisia), which spreads near camp site dwellings and Fig. 3. Geomorphology of the environs of Lake Kretuonas; lakes, marshes, rivupaths, is also found in pollen dialets and locations of stratigraphical profiles where palynological analyses were grams corresponding to the Late performed (by R. Guobyt, 1992): 1 lakes, 2 swamps, 3 rivulets, 4 areas of recent morainic topography, 5 plateaus of old topography, 6 outwash plain, 7 limnoglacial mesolithic. The large amount of plain, 8 abrasion topography, 9 erosion slopes, 10 signs of ice-dammed lake shores, grasses shows the appearance of 11 lake hollow at the beginning of the Holocene, 12 directions of glacial meltwater forestless plots, which can be asflow, 13 absolute height of the surface, 14 surface incline directions, 15 -locations sociated with human economic of the stratigraphical sequences with pollen data, 16 stratigraphical sequences stuactivity (Fig. 7). The latter palydied by authors (Guobyt and Girininkas), 17 Rkutnai settlement. nological data suggests the existence of a rather large amount of were found at the site. Another site from the same pe- inhabitants, paths and burnt forest clearings around the riod, Pakretuon 5, was discovered more to the south lake in the first half of the Atlantic, all of which signify of the outflowing Kretuonl rivulet, also on the third busy human activity. terrace. In the nearly 16-square-metre excavated plot of the site, a cultural layer was found in which there T h e n e o l i t h i c were over 250 flint artefacts: lanceolates, scrapers, miThe beginning of the neolithic near Lake Kretuonas is croblades, one-platformed cores, and the remains of a associated with the second half of the Atlantic period. former hearth. The remains of yet another mesolithic The mean annual temperature at that time could have site of the time were found along the eastern side of the been 3c higher than now, with precipitation about 100 lake, below the bottom cultural layer of the Rekutnai millimetres higher than today. It turns out that, accordhill-fort. Thirty-four Late mesolithic flint artefacts ing to these environmental features, Lake Kretuonas were found here: lanceolates, vertically retouched water level should have been very high. This was not



microliths, and fragments of single-platformed cores (Girininkas 2001, p.155). According to the amount of artefacts, former dwellings and hearths, all the camp sites could be considered stable and long-term.


The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

Fig. 4. Water level of Lake Kretuonas: A 170 metres above sea level; B 154 metres above sea level; c 150 metres above sea level. 1 water; 2 glacier; 3 land; 4 Lake Kretuonas.

the case, however. The stronger circulation of the water increased the abundance of inflowing and outflowing river water, and consequently the Kretuonl rivulet deepened its bed, which did not allow the water level of Lake Kretuonas to rise higher. At that time, phytoplankton flourished, and various species of aquatic and land creatures multiplied in the lake, while a band of rushes, reeds and cattails continued to widen along the edges of the lake, where a great number of birds propagated. Islands emerged in the lake. The first half of the Subboreal period was marked by a continental climate. The temperature did not differ much from the moist Atlantic, although the precipitation declined. This decreased the flow of the Kretuonas basins accumulated amount of water through Lake Kretuonas. Because of this, the formation of peat that had begun at the end of the Atlantic intensified even more. This is very well reflected in sediment profiles from the northern and western lakeshore area. Early neolithic inhabitants still established themselves on the second or third terrace. Only the inhabitants of the Early-middle Neolithic boundary lived in the area of

the current lakes backwater and on the first terrace, which is currently one to 1.5 metres higher than the water level. In analysing palynological data from the former Lake emaitiks Neolithic sites emaitik1, emaitik 2 and emaitik 3 zones, it was established that in the northeast part of the Lake Kretuonas basin, above the freshwater lime that accumulated in the Preboreal to the beginning of the Atlantic, sandy peat formed, transitioning to peat without sand towards the top (Fig. 9). Sandy peat began to accumulate in the Atlantic because the maximum amount of elm (Ulmus), lime (Tilia) and oak (Quercus) pollen, as well as much alder (Alnus) and hazel (Corylus) pollen, is found in it. Sedge (Cyperaceae), meadow grass (Poaceae) and spruce (Picea) pollen increased in the Early Subboreal. Spruce (Picea) decreased in the middle of the Subboreal, but pine (Pinus) and birch (Betula) pollen increased at the same time. Palynological research data from the sediment profiles shows that peat started to form more intensively around Lake Kretuonas in the second half of the Atlantic period. Far more indicators


Fig. 5. Flint artefacts from Pakretuon 4: 1 Pulli-type arrowhead; 2, 3 microliths; 4-10 backed microliths; 11, 12 scrapers; 13 core; 14, 15 burins.

associated with human economic activity are found in the sediment profiles from the end of the Late Atlantic and Early Subboreal. The pollen of plants typically found near paths and dwellings was already abundant. Wet meadows and pastures spread around the lake, although indicators of dry pastures and a small amount of arable land have also been observed. meadow grass (Poaceae), sedge (Cyperaceae), sorrel (Rumex), plantain (Plantago) and clover (Trifolium) habitats indicate the spread of pasture, while cereal (Cerealia) pollen testifies to the existence of cultivated land. zooarchaeological research also corroborates this data. The ratio of wild game and domestic animals used for food by the inhabitants of the Lake Kretuonas area started to change at the transition from the Early to the middle Neolithic. Domestic animal bones of cattle (Bos bovis), sheep/goats (Ovis aries et Capra hircus), pigs (Sus suis) and horses (Equus caballus) increased: they comprise up to 4% of the osteological material (according to the minimum number of individuals or mNI, the percentage would be smaller) (Daugnora, Girininkas 1996, p.27; 2004, p.105). In the Late Neolithic, the amount of domestic animal bones by mNI had already reached approximately 15% (Daugnora, Girininkas 2004, p.137). This suggests that pasturable livestock breeding spread slowly in the neolithic, al-

though it still did not comprise the main branch of the economy. According to current archaeological data, the number of habitation sites increased markedly in the neolithic. Early neolithic inhabitants still established themselves on the higher terraces. An Early neolithic cultural layer can still be found at Pakretuon 4. however, at the boundary of the Atlantic and Subboreal periods, the Kretuonas 1, Pakretuon 1, Pakretuon 3, Lake eimenis 1, Kretuonai 1 and Pakretuon 6 sites were already located much closer to the shores of the present lake. Pile dwelling sites, whose remains were found in abundance in the area of the former Lake emaitik and eastern Lake Kretuonas, and which date from the very Early neolithic through to the Early Bronze Age, have been found around Lake Kretuonas. Four sites with pile dwelling remains have been found there (Fig. 10): emaitik 1, emaitik 2, emaitik 3 and Kretuonas 1c. The most significant example of a pile dwelling construction is emaitik 2 (Girininkas 2004, p.26-32), in which an installation was found beside and in addition to the pile dwellings: an enclosure for catching fish near the rivulet flowing out of Lake Kretuonas. The enclosure existed during the Early Bronze Age, Neolithic and Late mesolithic.




The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

Fig. 6. Pollen diagram from Pakretuon 4 (analysed by A. Grigien).

Fig. 7. Pollen diagram from the area of Kretuonas 1 (analysed by A. Grigien).

Fig. 8. Pollen diagram from emaitik 3 (analysed by m. Kabailien and P. Pkys).


The Bronze Age is associated with the Late Subboreal. Birch and pine forests spread around Lake Kretuonas, and peat formation continued in the bog zone, although it became drier, while alder dominated and spruce groves increased in the depressions of the lake basin. Linden and elm groves yielded in the drier soils to birch and pine groves, while oak groves changed little. The largest amount of grass pollen in the entire prehistoric period in the Kretuonas basin is observed in the sediments from this period. This fact is undoubtedly associated with the increased plots of cultivated land and pasture. Zooarchaeological data also confirms this. At Kretuonas 1C, which is the most distinct Bronze Age site in the area, the amount of domesticated animal bones increased up to 18% (mNI) (Daugnora, Girininkas 2004, p.155, 165) and the amount of pollen of cultivated cereals increased. The inhabitants still populated the lake shores where neolithic habitation sites are also found. This is very clear from the topography of Kretuonas 1c and Pakretuon 1. A large amount of artefacts characteristic of the Early Bronze Age have been found at Kretuonas 1C: Late narva Culture ceramics, flint, bone and antler, stone tools, and metalcasting tools (Fig. 10). Inhabitants of the middle Bronze Age lived on the first terrace, just as they had done in the Early Bronze Age. meanwhile, during the transition from the middle to the Late Bronze Age, the inhabitants resettled further from the places mentioned to higher locations (Fig. 3). An example of this is the Rekutnai 1 settlement along the eastern side of Lake Kretuonas, where pots of an intermediate Narva and Streaked Pottery culture form were found, along with flint and stone artefacts (Fig. 11). Apparently, this was already related not to environmental conditions, but more to the subtleties of a food producing economy.

The Palaeolithic settlement perspective From the very time they moved into a rigorous climate zone, the people around Lake Kretuonas were forced to adapt to the environmental conditions and to function in that environment. The main source of food for Late Palaeolithic inhabitants was reindeer, to whose lifestyle the people who came to Lithuania were already adapted. Living near the migration routes of the reindeer, hunters used their technical and natural provisions to ensure their existence in the rigorous climatic conditions. The eimena-Vok-Neris-Nemunas lateral old valley formed from the melting of the glaciers and the powerful water currents during the recession phase of the iogeliai glaciation in east-southeast Lithuania. This valley was part of the venionys-Vilnius-Berlinhamburg urstromtal ice-marginal streamway, and the powerful water torrents of the melting glacier flowed down from it in the direction of the North Sea (vedas, Baltrnas, Pukelyt 2004, p.6-15). The movement of the fauna and the people of the time occurred at the edges of this depression. This is why the very earliest flint technocomplexes are found only along this former valley, in eastern and southern Lithuania. The Kretuonas basin is right alongside this old lateral valley. The Kretuonas basin could have been the place where reindeer kills took place seasonally in the spring and autumn near former fords, as the reindeer were moving across the water basin, possibly via the River eimena or narrow passages between lakes, as in the case, for example, of the Kretuonas-Vajuonis lakes. It is thus no surprise that Ahrensburgian, Swiderian, and other technocomplexes characteristic of the Late Palaeolithic, as well as reindeer skeletal parts, can be found in these places where reindeer herds migrated. Two reindeer bones were found while investigating the Kretuonas 1 site (Daugnora, Girininkas 1996, p.27). The change in the environment is illustrated by the change in artefact technocomplexes. more massive work tools were used in the Late Palaeolithic Rkuiai 1 site, although comparatively light points of up to six grams show the existence of adaptation and specialisation. Artefact types necessary for hunting reindeer and working hide, fur, bone, and antler are typical finds of Late Palaeolithic Ahrensburgian and Swiderian technocomplexes. Later, as the glacier receded in a north-northwest direction, the lifestyle of the Late Palaeolithic inhabitants changed. During the Blling, and especially during the

The evolution of the cultural landscape in the Kretuonas basin. The formation of an agrarian landscape
The 10,000-year-old material from the Stone Age has reached researchers into prehistory unequally preserved. new data obtained from research into the Lake Kretuonas area and from different periods of the Stone Age, as well as exhaustive evaluations of already accumulated palynological, zooarchaeological and archaeological material, enables us to present the conclusions of the latest research regarding human lifestyles in a natural environment.



Bronze Age

man and the environment in the Lake Kretuonas area


The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

Fig. 9. Remains of pile dwellings: a while excavating emaitik 2; b east-west cross-section of emaitiks 2 pile dwelling site.

Fig. 10. Archaeological find inventory from Kretuonas 1c: 1-4 Late Narva style pottery; 5 stone mould; 6 bronze wire; 7-8 stone axes; 9-11 flint arrowheads; 12 flint axe; 13 flint spearhead; 14-15 bone harpoons; 16 bone chisel; 17 drawing pin; 1823 pendants; 24 bone arrowhead; 25 bone harpoon; 26 bone axe; 27 bone awl; 28 bone needle for nets.


Fig. 11. Rkutnai 1 artefact inventory: 1 end-scraper; 2, 3 retouched blades; 4 part of a stone shaft-hole axe; 6-12 pottery shards with lined surfaces.

Allerd period, not all the inhabitants could migrate any more, following the reindeer herds. There, in the open woodlands that were already forming in places, other species of fauna could be hunted as well: elk, brown bear, beaver, large-horned red deer, and small mammals and birds. In this way, the inhabitants, especially those who had left the Swiderian technocomplexes, did not all migrate after the reindeer, but rather lived alongside their migration routes from season to season. Inhabitants with Swiderian technocomplexes were the last who spread widely throughout a large part of the Eastern Baltic and northeast Europe and who remained to live in the forest landscape that was then forming. This period, which marked the beginning of microlithisation, is the very one that reflects the enviromental changes to which the inhabitants of the end of the Late Palaeolithic and beginning of the Early mesolithic had to adapt and change their technology, both in the manufacture of hunting tools and in lifestyles. What did the Late Palaeolithic Swiderian culture habitation site and its surroundings look like around Lake Kretuonas? The habitation site, which was comprised of one larger structure, was established on the northern shore of Lake Kretuonas, on the hills southern slope, on a band of alluvial sand that extended below a gravel-covered hill. The building was slightly submerged in the sand, oval-shaped, with a lower corridor-type entrance in its southern part. The structures framework consisted of slim flexible birch timbers whose tops were tied and whose entire surface was covered with reindeer hides. There was a hearth inside, encircled by stones. un-

worked flint, exchanged for dried meat and worked hide by reindeer hunters who had recently returned from the north, lay buried in the sand near the entrance. A small pine grove, several junipers, and white blossomed dryad octopetals (Dryas octopetala) grew near the structures on the hills southern slope. Sparse groves of spruce mixed with birch grew further from the hill, to the east and west. Dwarf birch, common sea buckthorn and pale willow grew on the gently sloping northern side of the hill, while tundra covered with mugwort, goosefoot, lesser club moss (Selaginella selaginoides), sedge and meadow grass extended on the plateau beyond Lake Vajounis. Pygmy willows grew near the river that flowed from Lake Vajuonis into Lake Kretuonas and whose current eroded the banks. mesolithic settlement The people that took up residence in the forests, lakes and rivers that surrounded Lake Kretuonas in the mesolithic adapted to a new lifestyle. They became more settled, they used rivers as their paths of communication, and they adapted their technological capabilities, and thus strengthened their subsistence economy. The quarry and their methods of hunting changed in the mesolithic. hunting became more specialised, as did its tools. The people adapted to the changed environment, which was heterogeneous in the Kretuonas basin. The diverse flora and fauna that favoured it formed under the influence of the different soils there. The pine and birch groves that grew in the sandy western and northern part of the basin, later with broadleaved vegetation, created very good conditions for hunting red deer and fishing in the lakes and rivers that formed. As



mentioned, the foraging economy became specialised during this period. The inhabitants who had left behind both the Kunda (Pulli) and Nemunas technocomplexes did everything they could so that their communities could survive from foraging in the huge forested areas. This forced them to be inventive and to produce efficient and effective tools and weapons. The forests were burned, and from the investigated microscopic charcoal within the sediments we find evidence of pioneer trees that appeared in the resulting clearings: hazel, ash, birch and mountain ash. Goosefoot, mugwort and nettles appeared near the sites of habitation. This is very clear from research into the Pakretuon 4 environment. The specialisation of artefacts changed in the mesolithic. A larger and more varied amount of technocomplexes appeared, due to life in the forest zone. This feature is also associated with changes in the environment. Encircled by forests and engaging in intensive fishing, the people became more sedentary. While united through one main trait of microlithisation, associated with specialisation in a foraging economy and obtaining as much as possible from the existing natural resources, peoples technocomplexes varied, depending on the environmental conditions of different forest zone microregions. The mesolithic technocomplexes around Lake Kretuonas can be compared with the work and hunting tools left behind by the inhabitants of the Lake Duba area in southern Lithuania, for example. We can see clearly that the technocomplexes around Lake Kretuonas are finer, that the usage of raw materials and tools was very expedient, that many microliths were allocated for fishing tools, and a large amount of tools have indications of secondary usage. This is not noticeable in the flint tools found around Lake Duba, because this area was plentiful in raw flint material, and thus the people there did not have to conserve it as much as the communities that lived around Lake Kretuonas did. This shows that environmental peculiarities (like the abundance of lakes and rivers) and the possession or non-possession of raw material in the mentioned regions of Lithuania presupposed a technological variety that was different in the communities of the Lake Kretuonas fishermen-hunters and the Lake Duba hunter-fishermen. Both of these groups were linked by the foraging economy. The mesolithic and Neolithic communities of Kretuonas used seasonal habitation sites, to which they would return regularly, depending on the local fish, animal migration and collectable food resources, as well as the time of their availability. They also had stable habitation sites, however, whose cultural layers are more impressive for the amount of their artefacts: even rubbish heaps with pottery, bone and antler scraps have been found. meanwhile, a larger

The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

amount of ceramic or flint artefacts that date from the same period are rarely found in contemporary communities of southern Lithuania. This suggests that inhabitants of southern Lithuania were more mobile, and that the main form of their economy could be considered to be hunting, while that of the communities around Lake Kretuonas was fishing. What did the Late mesolithic Pakretuon 4 habitation site and its surroundings look like? The habitation site was established on the third terrace, on the flat, sandy ground of a peninsula jutting out into the lake, on the right bank of the Kretuonl rivulet, near the rivers source of Lake Kretuonas. The two structures of the site were semi-subterranean, shaped like irregular ovals, with hearths inside and other hearths outside and near the structures. Thin timbers were used to build the structures, they were dug vertically into the soil and could have held the roof. Stones which might have fortified the base of the buildings were found near the structures. many flint flakes were found scattered both in the surroundings of the site and within the structures themselves, while flint cores, scrapers, knives, microblades, burins, arrowpoints and the remains of accumulated bones and antlers left after the gutting and cleaning of game were found in the sites production loci. The habitation site was surrounded by pine forests. The slope of the terrace was covered with hazel, the river bank with elm and alder, and the southern part of the slope with lime and oak. The undergrowth of the surrounding pine grove comprised hornbeam and young oak, while the lower areas of the woods duff included peat moss and ferns. In addition to hazel and alder, birch grew in places along the northern shores of the former Kretuonas bay. Individual fir trees flourished only on the northern slope of the peninsula. South of the river, the pine groves previously burnt clearing was thick with hazel and mountain ash, and the forests edges with ash and elm, while the open ground had a meadow in places with mugwort, bracken, sorrel and heather. The lake shores were waterlogged, and a strip of bulrushes and reeds extended along the waters edge. Various wild animals lived in the forests, but red deer and boar comprised the majority. Near the bay, not far from the site, were boats, and a hammered together weir with creels in its gaps near the outflowing Kretuonl rivulet. neolithic settlement The amount of food products in the Kretuonas basin at the end of the mesolithic and beginning of the Neolithic was apparently quite large, since there was no sudden leap in the transition to a farming economy. This proc-



ess must have started even before the appearance of the first biologically domesticated animals and plants in Lithuania. Palynological and archaeological data from that time indicates the clearing and burning of woodland, by which the landscape was changed. This enabled a change in the composition of the vegetation, a more fertile soil (eg the productivity of hazel was spurred by a more fertile soil), and the proliferation of certain species of young animals. There is no doubt that communities were not isolated during the transition from the mesolithic to the Neolithic. Thus, the concept of a transition to a farming economy and individual data that relates to a food producing economy that are traced to the Late mesolithic and Early Neolithic are the result of ties between communities. The concept of animal breeding and its advantages influenced the change in habitation sites and their surroundings. It is noteworthy that the effects of a farming economy on the environment around Lake Kretuonas can be significantly more clearly observed in the Forest Neolithic (Narva, Nemunas cultures) habitation site environment than in the environment of the so-called Agrarian neolithic communities (corded Ware, Globular Amphora cultures). Agrarian neolithic inhabitants would come to the Lake Kretuonas area by means of water transit, and would usually stay in the surroundings of the landscape created by the Forest Neolithic communities where there were already fields designated for pasture. This is clear from research into the Kretuonas 1A and Pakretuon 1 sites, in which traces of corded Ware and Globular Amphora culture inhabitants are found. unlike Agrarian neolithic inhabitants, who appeared in the forest zone in the Late Neolithic, Forest Neolithic communities were already developing stable stock breeding and increasing the fields necessary for breeding grazing livestock, thereby changing and beginning to expand the agrarian landscape. The appearance of Agrarian neolithic communities could only have stimulated the development of an agrarian economy; it was not the agrarian economys main driving force. From the end of the Late neolithic and especially at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, in the original areas covered with forests in the Kretuonas basin, centres of an Agrarian neolithic landscape appeared. On the basis of palynological and zooarchaeological research data, these agrarian centres can be linked with the spread of a food producing economy and demographic changes in the communities. This is why the communities that appeared that are associated with Agrarian neolithic did not have a great influence on Lithuanias cultural landscape. The landscape was formed by Forest Neolithic inhabitants, who slowly developed the specific features of an agrarian economy.

Throughout the entire Stone Age in Lithuania, the surroundings formed by man and the surroundings formed by nature itself were different. This is reflected in summaries of zooarchaeological and palynological research data, by which the main and most widespread hunted animal species in separate regions have been determined. By comparing zooarchaeological data and fauna depicted in the art of neolithic communities, we notice that in the areas where species of fauna represented in art are widespread, they correspond to the zooarchaeological data: the red deer is the most represented in eastern Lithuania (in the Lake Kretuonas area) (Girininkas 1990, p.93; 1994, p.240), while the elk is the most represented in western Lithuania (the River ventoji delta) (Rimantien 1996, p.195). This confirms that the natural environment had a major influence not only on the development of art, but also on the main features of spiritual life. The animal species most valued economically were shown in art. The neolithic in Lithuania was not marked by a sudden change in material culture. Communities that lived in a heterogeneous environment still rather profitably took advantage of the foraging economy during the Atlantic period. This was a period when they could get the necessary amount of food via a foraging economy, but at the same time favourable environmental conditions existed (in the Atlantic period) to begin to experiment and assimilate the merits of Agrarian neolithic. This is why the material culture also did not change suddenly. Sickles with flint microliths, hoes, milling or grinding stones, and spindle whorls necessary for a food producing economy slowly made their way into the tools used in hunting and fishing (Girininkas 1997, p.16-35) (Fig. 12). The first cereal (Cerealia) pollen appeared around Lake Kretuonas at the end of the second half of the Atlantic (Fig. 8). Constructions changed in this period. Quadrangular overground buildings appeared in the middle Neolithic. Till then, buildings in the area had been oval-shaped and semi-subterranean (Fig. 13).


Palynological research into sediments around Lake Kretuonas shows that fields designated for grazing animals stretched alongside the habitation sites; the infertile soils, consisting of light sand, sandy loam or light clayey loam, still did not enable the spread of agriculture. Narrow-leaved plantain (Plantago lanceolata) and common heather (Calluna vulgaris) were found in the fields. The composition of the soil which predetermined the variety of vegetation was the main factor contributing to peoples economic activity, which developed in the direction of livestock breeding and agriculture in the Lake Kretuonas area.


When the climate worsened and natural resources lessened in the Subboreal, the need for a farming economy grew, although it still did not become a causal factor in the economy of the Forest Neolithic communities. Distinctive cultural landscape areas with different material cultures used by communities began to form in the environmental regions. Fishing, amber gathering and seal hunting occupations, with their characteristic tools, stand out in the region of the Lithuanian sea shore. An inventory characteristic of a hunter-fisher economy as well as of agriculture and livestock breeding is found in the Samogitian highlands, and hunter-fisher and livestock breeders work and household tools in southern Lithuania. Fisher-hunter and animal breeder inventories are found in southwest Lithuania, as they are in the Kaliningrad area and the wooded, lake-filled Suwalki territory of Poland, while a very clear fisher-hunter and livestock breeder inventory is found in eastern Lithuania (around Lake Kretuonas). What was the environment of the middle Neolithic according to research data from the Kretuonas 1B habitation site? The habitation site was established on the eastern shore of Lake Kretuonas, on the first terrace, on a small sandy hill which appeared as a consequence of spring ice drift near the right shore of the mouth of the augda rivulet. Everything else around the settlements former terrace was silted up. Elm, lime and oak grew in the surroundings of the settlement, pine on the sandy rises, alder on the banks of the lake and rivulet. A small meadow

plot, designated for animals and possibly with a fence, was near the settlement. Parts of three quadrangular pole-construction dwellings and 12 hearths were found in the settlement, and approximately 9,000 items of Narva culture ceramics, bone, horn, flint and stone artefacts, along with comb-and-Pit culture artefacts, were found both near the dwellings and hearths as well as in the vicinity of the site. A small cemetery in which six people were buried was also found in the area of the settlement. There were boats near the site, and a weir for catching fish near Lake emaitik, from which the augda rivulet flowed. Some of the weirs poles have been dated to the middle Neolithic. The area of the settlement took up half a hectare, while its production loci were either beside the site or a kilometre from it. The inhabitants not only hunted and fished, but also raised animals (sheep/goats, pigs and horses) and maintained trading ties both with related communities and with those of the Funnel Beaker and comb-and-Pit Pottery cultures. Palynological research data shows that there were wet meadows, pastures and paths around the settlement, as well as plants characteristic of settlement dwelling surroundings: Poaceae, Cyperaceae, Rumex, Plantago, Trifolium. A small field of cereal was grown in hoed earth near the site. Hazel grew in burnt plots in the woods, and water chestnuts were collected in the lake, while the marshy and peaty lake shores had many boar, and the sparser woods had red deer and elk. The


The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age


Fig. 12. Farming tools: 1-2 sickle microliths; 3-4 spindle whorls; 5 grinding-milling stone; 7-8 hoes.

Fig. 13. Profile of structure found at Pakretuon 3.

inhabitants hunted aurochs and bear, as well as smaller fur-bearing animals. Bronze Age settlement The communities of the Kretuonas 1c, emaitik 2, Kretuonas 1D, Kretuonas 1I, Rekutnai 1 and Pakretuons 1 settlements that, according to radiocarbon-dated material, lived from 2000 to 1200 BC, should have been larger in population than they were in the communities of the Late neolithic, traces of whose habitation have been found right alongside the Bronze Age settlements. Although the communities of the Early and middle Bronze Age settlements still subsisted mainly through fishing and hunting, they were already paying more attention to livestock breeding, cultivating domesticated plants, and recasting metal. Apparently, not enough food was acquired from foraging by the communities that lived near Lake Kretuonas, who were forced to subsist by breeding livestock. moreover, these communities maintained strong ties with others, acquiring flint material and manufactured items from the tribes that lived to the south of them, and items manufactured from shale from the tribes who lived to the north of them. Evidently, they still obtained very rare items manufactured from amber from the communities who lived in the Lubans lowland, while they had become familiar with metallurgy from the inhabitants of the upper and middle Dnieper regions.

In contrast to the seaside lowland and Samogitian highland, the economy of the Early Bronze Age in eastern Lithuania (in this case the communities of the Lake Kretuonas area) gained momentum. We can observe the same processes as around Lake Kretuonas in northern Byelorussia and the south Pskov area (, 1985 p.55; i 1997 pp.320-321). It is probable that these latter differences were closely connected with the economic changes in the upper Dnieper and with the trade occurring among the communities living in the Dysna-Daugava-Berezina-Dnieper basins. What was the environment of the Early Bronze Age according to research data into the Kretuonas 1C settlement? The settlement was established on the east shore of Lake Kretuonas, right next to the mouth of the augda rivulet. It was a pile dwelling site, on a sand bar of the flooded rivulet and lake. Birch groves grew around the settlement, pine groves in the higher places, and alder, hazel and much oak alongside the lake, with the addition of fir trees on the slopes of the morainic hills. Abundant ash groves (Fraxinus excelsior L.) grew on the first terrace; they flourished in hewed-out, burntout and abandoned plots. meadows with fences could be found east of the settlement, with a hoed-up field nearby. An agrarian type of landscape extended around the settlement. This is confirmed by zooarchaeological and palynological data. Domesticated animals already comprised up to 18% (by mNI) of all known osteological material, that is, approximately one-fifth of meat products were obtained from animals raised by the settlers. Cultured cereal plant pollen is found in the sediments of the settlements cultural layer. In addition to growing cereals and rearing animals, the people hunted and fished intensively. A creel was found right next to the settlement in the channel of a rivulet, while most hunted game comprised of elk and red deer. The people also hunted many fur-bearing animals, which they needed for trading in order to get items manufactured from metal.


With the lack of natural resources, and especially in trying to conserve them, as well as by slashing bushes and chopping down trees in the forest to make meadows, the plots of land obtained were very valuable and protected. The tribal community, its territory, and especially accumulated wealth, had to be protected. Apparently, one of the reasons why the settlements had to have pile dwellings was that the animals raised were safer there from the spring and autumn floods and from hostile communities: natural obstacles, the lake and river channels that flowed alongside it, protected the settlement.


In living here approximately 300 years, the people of the Early Bronze Age Kretuonas 1C settlement left a rather impressive cultural layer, already very similar to the agrarian type of settlements of Central Europe. It was from five to 120 centimetres thick, with many and various artefacts (Daugnora, Girininkas 2004:233250). Large rubbish heaps were found near the settlement, in which were found many broken shards of pottery, along with items made from bone, horn, stone, wood and flint. According to archaeological research data from Kretuonas 1C, it can be said that this was a settlement base near which there were animal enclosures and winter dwellings for the animals, which protected them from wild beasts and hostile tribes. With its surrounding fields, enclosures, metal recasting and fishing loci, we can call this settlement a large and unified economic unit. Research conducted in the surrounding areas makes possible the assertion that an entire line of economic products existed not in the settlement itself, but in this tribal communitys controlled territory. Thus, the Kretuonas 1C community can be considered a local territorial community, with a strictly defined and owned territory for the acquisition of raw material and land suitable for farming, in which existed a clear division of labour and social differentiation. An entirely different situation came about at the end of the middle Bronze Age. Settlements that existed from the Early Neolithic to the end of the middle Neolithic changed their location. Late narva and Trzciniec culture people still lived on the first terrace, but at the end of the middle Bronze Age and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, settlements like Rekutnai 1 changed their topographical location. Settlements are encountered on the second terrace, they were established in turfy ashen grey or slightly podsolised soil zones. Clear environmental or aquatic oscillations are not observed around Lake Kretuonas in the second half of the Subboreal. Thus, this process of changing settlement locations can be associated only with the development of farming and the acquisition of new lands and territories necessary for the growth of more progressive livestock breeding and agriculture.

The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

quences of their exploitation of the environment were minimal. 2. The natural environment of the Lake Kretuonas area experienced its first changes under the influence of people in the middle and Late Neolithic. The first clearings appeared in the area around Lake Kretuonas as a consequence of human activity. The vegetation was deliberately altered, as was the fauna necessary for mans food (the expansion of hazel and edible grass habitats, the population increase, and the beginnings of the domestication of boar). heather (Calluna) and bracken fern (Pteridium) appeared in the clearings and burnt plots, while vegetation characteristic of prolonged human activity appeared around the habitation sites and paths: goosefoot (Chenopodiaceae), mugwort (Artemisia vulgaris) and nettles (Urtica). 3. A landscape of an agrarian nature began to form during the Early to middle Neolithic. The first Cerealia pollen appeared at this time, and meadows suitable for livestock breeding began to develop. meadows and plants characteristic of meadows spread along the moister places along the lake sides up to the middle Bronze Age. Shrubs and trees that appear in the aftermath of chopping and burning down forests grew around the settlements, while flint microliths for sickles and stone hoes appeared in the tool assemblages. 4. Production loci spread from the Early Neolithic: jetties, structures for catching fish, and a number of places related to flint knapping, pottery production and processing wild and domesticated animal meat. These also had an effect on the surroundings. Accumulations of waste-rubbish heaps formed around the habitation sites (at Kretuonas 1B, emaitik 2, Kretuonas 1c). 5. Starting from the end of the middle Bronze Age, the settlements along Lake Kretuonas moved to areas of turfy ashen grey and slightly podsolised soils. This indicates that the technique of livestock breeding and agriculture changed. The agrarian landscape finally formed at this time. Forest plots decreased around the settlements. The forest plots were changed by mixed forests, and shrubbery developed. Translated by Indr Antanaitis-Jacobs
Received: 28 may 2008; Revised: 6 September 2008


1. The Late Palaeolithic inhabitants around Lake Kretuonas had a minimal impact on their natural surroundings. The Early mesolithic communities of the Lake Kretuonas area, who lived surrounded by Preboreal and Early Boreal forests, made maximal use of the environments resources (flora and fauna), and the conse-

ANTANAITIS-JAcoBS, I., STANIKAIT m., 2004. Akmens ir bronzos amiaus gyventoj poveikis aplinkai ir j kin veikla Ryt Baltijos regione archeobotanini tyrim duomenimis. Lietuvos archeologija, 25, 251-266. ANTANAITIS-JAcoBS, I., KISIELIEN, D., STANIKAIT, D., 2002. macrobotanical and palyno-


logical research at two archaeological sites in Lithuania. Archaeology and Environment, 15, 5-21. BALTRNAS, V., BARZDIuVIEN, V., BLAAuSKAS, m., DVAREcKAS, V., GAIGALAS, A., GRIGIEN, A., JuoDAGALVIS, V., KABAILIEN, m., KARmAZA, B., KISIELIEN, D., mELEYT, m., oSTRAuSKAS, T., PuKELYT, V., RImANTIEN, R., STANIKAIT, m., EIRIEN, V., INKNAS, P., SAITYT, D., 2001. Akmens amius Piet Lietuvoje. Vilnius: geologijos institutas. chARNIAVSKI, m. m., 1997. Pavnochnabelaruskaia kultra. In: m. m. chARNIAVSKI, et al. eds. Arkhealogia Belarusi. minsk, I, 320-321. DAuGNoRA, L., GIRININKAS, A., 1996. Osteoarcheologija Lietuvoje. Vidurinysis ir vlyvasis holocenas. Vilnius: Savastis. DAuGNoRA, L., GIRININKAS, A., 2004. Ryt Pabaltijo bendruomeni gyvensena XI-II tkst. pr. Kr. Kaunas: Lietuvos veterinarijos akademija. DAuGNoRA, L., GIRININKAS, A., 2004a. Kretuono 1c gyvenviets bendruomens gyvensena. Lietuvos archeologija, 25, 233-250. DAuGNoRA, L., GIRININKAS, A., 2005. iaurs elni keliai ir j paplitimas Lietuvoje vlyvajame paleolite. Lietuvos archeologija, 29, 119-132. DoLuKhANoV, P. m., mIKLIAEV, A. m., 1985. Khoziaistvo i rasselenie drevnego poselenia Iuga pskovskoi oblasti. In: B. A. KOLCHIn et al. eds. Chelovek i okruzhaiushchaia sreda v drevnosti i srednevekove., moskva, 51-58. GARuNKTIS, A., STANAITIS, A., PocIuKoNIEN, T., 1974. Fizins-geografins slygos. In: V. LoGmINAS, ed. Kretuonas. Vilnius, 5-41. GIRInInKAS, A., 1990. Lietuvos archeologija, 7. Vilnius: mokslas. GIRInInKAS, A., 1994. Balt kultros itakos. Vilnius: Savastis. GIRININKAS, A., 1997. eimenio eero 1-oji gyvenviet. Kultros paminklai. 4, 16-36. GIRININKAS, A., 2001. Rkutn piliakalnis. Lietuvos archeologija, 21, 147-158. GIRININKAS, A., 2002. Pakretuons 1-oji gyvenviet. Lietuvos archeologija, 23, 187-196. GIRININKAS, A., 2005. mik neolitas. In: A. GIRInInKAS, ed. Lietuvos istorija. I, Vilnius, 117-177. GIRININKAS, A., 2005a. mik neolito tradicijas tsiani bendruomeni gyvenimas. In: A. GIRInInKAS, ed. Lietuvos istorija. I, Vilnius, 269-275. KABAILIEN, m., Gamtins aplinkos raida Lietuvoje per 14000 met. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla. KAVoLIuT, F., 2004. Kultrinio kratovaizdio formavimasis emaii auktumoje. In: E.ALEKSANDRAVIIuS et al. eds. Kultrinio landafto raida emaii auktumoje. Vilnius, 23-31. RImANTIEN, R., 1996. Akmens amius Lietuvoje. Vilnius: iburio leidykla. STANIKAIT, m., BALTRNAS, V., KISIELIEN, D., GuoBYT, R., oSTRAuSKAS, T., 2004. Gamtin aplinka ir gyventoj kin veikla Birulio eero apylinkse holoceno laikotarpiu. In: E. ALEKSANDRAVIIuS et al. eds. Kultrinio landafto raida emaii auktumoje. Vilnius, 45-66. VEDAS, K., BALTRNAS, V., PuKELYT, V., 2004. Piet Lietuvos paleogeografija vlyvojo pleistoceno Nemuno (Weichselian) apledjimo metu. Geologija. 45, 6-15.

Algirdas Girininkas
Ryt Lietuvoje esaniame Kretuono eero baseine inomi 34 akmens ir bronzos laikotarpio archeologiniai paminklai (2 pav.). i paminkl archeologiniai, palinologiniai ir zooarcheologiniai tyrimai galino nustatyti gamtos poveikio ia gyvenusioms bendruomenms ir mogaus poveikio gamtinei aplinkai lygmen ir i proces laik. iems procesams nustatyti svarbi reikm turi vlyvajame pleistocene ir ankstyvajame bei viduriniame holocene vyk geologiniai procesai, sudar palankias gamtines slygas moni gyvensenos pltotei. Kretuono apyeeryje vlyvojo paleolito laikotarpiu gyventojai gamtinei aplinkai turjo minimali tak, savo poreikiams pasinaudodavo gamtins aplinkos teikiamomis grybmis rinkdavo maist, versdavosi iaurs elni mediokle ir vejyba. Net ankstyvojo mezolito laikotarpiu Kretuono apyeerio bendruomens, jau gyvendamos preborealiniu ir ankstyvojo borealio laikotarpiu mik apsuptyje, maksimaliai naudodavo esani augmenij ir gyvnij, kuri eksploatacijos pasekms gamtai buvo minimalios. Nuo vidurinio ir vlyvojo mezolito laikotarpio dl moni poveikio gamtin aplinka Kretuono apyeeryje patiria pirmuosius pokyius. Kretuono apyeerio teritorijoje pasirodo pirmosios dl mogaus veiklos atsiradusios laukyms, kuriose smoningai buvo keiiama augmenija, o kartu ir gyvnija, reikalinga mogaus mitybai (lazdyn, olini valgomj augimviei pltimas, ern populiacijos didinimas ir jaukinimo pradia). Kirtimuose ir idegintuose plotuose pasirodo viris (Calluma), akys (Pteridium), aplink gyvenvietes, keliukus augmenija dl ilgos mogaus veiklos poveikio taip pat pasikeit: augo balandiniai (Chenopodiaceae), paprastieji kieiai (Artemisia) ir dilgls (Urtica). Agrarinio pobdio gamtovaizdis prie Kretuono eero pradeda formuotis ankstyvojo vidurinio neolito ribo-


G A m T I N TA K A K R E T u o N o A P Y E E RY J E G Y V E N u S I E m S moNmS AKmENS IR BRoNZoS AmIAIS


Habil. Dr Algirdas Girininkas Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Klaipda university, Tils g. 13 LT-91251, Klaipda LIThuANIA

je. iuo laiku pasirodo pirmosios Cerealia iedadulks (8 pav.), aplink gyvenvietes elia pievos, tinkamos aptvarinei-riamajai gyvulininkystei pltoti. Pievos ir joms bdingi augalai augo drgnesnse paeeri vietose iki vidurinio bronzos amiaus (6, 8 pav.). Aplink gyvenvietes augo mik kirtimams bdingi ir po j deginimo iaug krmai, mediai, o tarp darbo ranki pasirodo titnaginiai amenliai pjautuvai, akmeniniai kapliai, trintuvai, moliniai verpstukai (12 pav.). Nuo ankstyvojo neolito pleiasi ir skaiius gamybos objekt: prieplauk, uv gaudymo rengini, titnago skaldymo, keramikos gamybos ir idegimo, gyvuli ir vri msinjimo viet. Tai taip pat dar poveik aplinkai. Aplink Kretuono 1B, emaitiks 2, Kretuono 1c gyvenvietes formuojasi atliek-iuklyn sankaupos. Nuo vidurinio bronzos amiaus pabaigos Kretuono paeeri gyvenviets persikelia velnini-jaurini ir silpnai sujaurjusi dirvoemi plotus. Tai rodo, kad pakito gyvulininkysts ir emdirbysts technologija. Tuo metu galutinai susiformavo agrarinis kratovaizdis. Aplink gyvenvietes majo mik plotai, kuriuos keit krmynai.



The Influence of the Environment on the Human Population around Lake Kretuonas during the Stone Age and the Bronze Age

Giedr Motuzait-Matuzeviit
Lake dwellings are a well-known phenomenon in European prehistory. Two submerged sites in Lake Luokesai (Luokesai I and Luokesai II) are the only known lake dwellings from the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age in Lithuania. Soil analysis methods aimed to answer some crucial questions connected with Lake Luokesais inhabitants during the period of the occupation of Luokesai I. Key words: Lake Luokesai, Lithuania, lake dwellings, soil analysis, magnetic susceptibility, loss-on-ignition, particle size analysis, micromorphology.

soil analysis methods aimed to answer some crucial questions connected with Lake Luokesais inhabitants, Two submerged sites in Lake Luokesai are the only in particular: known lake dwellings from the Bronze Age and Early What was the water level during the period of lake Iron Age in Lithuania. While excavating terrestrial dwelling occupation, and how much did it fluctuarchaeological sites from the Bronze and Early Iron ate? ages, archaeologists are rarely lucky enough to find preserved organic material. However, the remarkable Did the ancient inhabitants of Lake Luokesai build their dwellings over the water or on temporarily exstate of preservation of organic material at the Lake posed dry land? Luokesai sites has opened up the possibility of reconstructing the prehistoric human diet, building types, How can knowledge of varying water levels inform working techniques, human interaction with the sura discussion of possible building construction methrounding landscape, and many other aspects of past ods used by the dwellers, such as whether the dwelllife in a wetland community in the northeast European ings were built on platforms supported by stilts or at forest zone. ground level? In prehistoric lake villages of Switzerland, Austria, Italy and Germany, the extensive application of sub-bottom profiling to study inundated archaeological sites has been carried out, including GIS and micromorphological applications, together with the geochemical analysis of sediments. This research has led to the precise reconstruction of water level changes in Alpine lakes during various periods of lake dwelling occupation (Herz et al. 1998; Menotti 2002, 2003; Magn 2004; Wallace 1999). However, in Lithuania, due to the small scale of archaeological excavations and the lack of palaeoenvironmental investigations to date, many questions concerning former Lake Luokesai inhabitants and their environment still remain unanswered. What were the reasons for the occupation of Lake Luokesai, and why were the Luokesai dwellings abandoned?


Background information

Lake dwellings are a well-known phenomenon in European prehistory. Lake villages, or so-called pile/lake dwellings, are a type of settlement that has been used by humans in many parts of the world during different periods of history, with the most famous lake dwellings being those from European prehistory (Darvill 2003). These settlements were built above shallow water or on dry land, usually on the edges of lakes, rivers or isIn 2004 and 2005, a set of core samples from the Luoke- lands. Their timber structures were subsequently inunsai I settlement site were taken, and various scientific dated by rising water levels, and have been preserved soil analysis methods were applied to the samples. The in waterlogged conditions (Balaam et al. 1977). These




L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a

European lake dwelling sites are mainly distributed in three zones: 1 lakes around the Alps region; 2 in the lochs of Scotland and Ireland (where lake settlements are referred to as crannogs); 3 in the inland lake chain east and southeast of the Baltic Sea, distributed along the geological remains of what was the retreating front of the European glacial sheet from the last ice age (Motuzait Matuzeviit 2002, 2005). The first person to write about lake dwellings was Herodotus, who in the fifth century BC described the people of Lake Prasias as living in houses constructed on platforms supported on piles in the middle of the lake (Shbel 2002). Yet, the archaeological investigation of lake dwellings was begun only in the late 19th century by F. Keller, who was the president of the Antiquity Society of Switzerland at the time. He was also the first person to propose that the piles sticking out of the bottom of Lake Zrich were the remnants of prehistoric lake dwellings (Ruoff 1987). The interest in the uniqueness of Kellers discovery travelled around Europe, and new lake dwelling locations were found not only in the Alps, but also in Scotland (Morrison 1985) and East Prussia (Heydeck 1909). The search for lake villages in Lithuania started at the beginning of the 20th century (Jurknas 1914); however, it took almost 100 years for the first Lithuanian lake dwelling to be discovered. The first lake village (Luokesai I) is dated to the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, and was discovered in Lake Luokesai, eastern Lithuania, in the year 2000 by a few students from Vilnius University (see Plate III:2) (Baubonis et al. 2001, 2001b). In the year 2002, the ethnologist T. idikis happened to read a legend, recorded in the 1930s, which talked about witches living in the hills around Lake Luokesai, and communicating with each other via a bridge stretching across the lake (idikis 1997). While looking for this witches bridge, the author and his colleague, Elena Prancknait, found another lake dwelling site (Luokesai II) (Baubonis 2002; Menotti et al. 2005). The second site is situated on the opposite side of the lake from the previously discovered Luokesai I settlement (see Plate IV:1). These two sites are the only known lake dwelling sites in Lithuania from the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age, with most dates falling into cal 800400 cal BC period (Menotti et al. 2005; Baubonis et al. 2004, 2005). Interestingly, the period when the lake dwellings were occupied in Lithuania coincides with the period when such settlements were abandoned in the Alps region (Menotti et al. 2005).

shore. This site contains almost no cultural layers, and most of the archaeological information available lies in wooden construction remains resting in calcareous lake marl at a depth of five to 20 centimetres below the lake bed. About 120 square metres have been excavated to date at the Luokesai II site (Baubonis et al. 2005). In contrast, the Luokesai I settlement is very abundant in archaeological artefacts, and possesses a 30 to 50-centimetre-thick cultural layer. The Luokesai I site has required very slow and precise archaeological research, and therefore only four square metres have been excavated at this settlement to date. The well-preserved stratigraphy of the Luokesai I site has allowed for palaeoenvironmental research to be conducted, and therefore the core samples analysed in this work were taken from this site. The specific geomorphological situation, as well as geographical and environmental details of the Lake Luokesai I settlement, will be discussed. It has to be noted that, unfortunately, the radiocarbon dates in the settlement were obtained by dating timber randomly, without accurately detecting the depth of the wooden structures and their correlation with the absolute chronology (Motuzait Matuzeviit 2007). Therefore, it is difficult to attach the analysed archaeobotanical remains with a particular dated layer. The radiocarbon dating of the peat/humus at one or twocentimetre intervals through the cores would have been very useful in order to connect archaeological material with the processes of peat formation. However, the detection of charcoal throughout the entire stratigraphy leads to the notion that humans occupied the Luokesai I site during the formation of the peaty layer.

T h e g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n t e x t


Lake Luokesai is situated in the eastern part of Lithuania in the Moltai district, 45 kilometres north of the capital Vilnius (see Plate III:2). The landscape morphology surrounding it consists of undulating hills, with highlands (160 to 170m above sea level) gouged by the last glacier, and it is now covered in forest, while the lowlands around the lake are mainly swamps. The lake also has two forest-covered islands (Menotti et al. 2005; Baubonis 2001a). On its eastern and southern sides, Lake Luokesai is connected with other lakes, which are joined by small creeks. A very characteristic feature of the lake is its set of distinct, widely extended morainic shoals, where the two lake dwelling sites were discovered (Baubonis 2002). The water of the lake is fairly clear, with visibility underwater extending up to Since the year 2000, archaeological excavations have five metres. Such good visibility is common in deep been carried out every summer at the Luokesai sites. and cold rinic lakes, which typically lack plants and The research has mostly focused on the Luokesai II phytoplankton, and are deficient in oxygen. settlement, due to its easier accessibility from the

The soil in the surroundings of Lake Luokesai consists mostly of argillic brown earth in the uplands, and peat in the lowlands. All soil types were formed under the calcareous sandy/gravely parent material bulldozed by the last glacier. The swampy territory around Lake Luokesai delineates the highest water level reached in Lake Luokesai during the Atlantic Period (60003000BC), which existed before the time when the first settlers established their lake villages (Motuzait Matuzeviit 2004, 2005). The Luokesai I settlement was occupied during the transition period from the Subboreal Period (3000/3500500BC) to the Subatlantic (500BC to present). The Subboreal Period in Lithuania is known to have been the driest of all the postglacial periods (Stanikait 2000; Seibutis 1998). During this period, the water level of Lake Luokesai was much lower, and the swamps around the lake were much drier than they are now. The lowland territory around the lake was probably exploited as pastoral or agricultural land (Motuzait Matuzeviit 2007).

Applied research methods

The three core samples from the Lake Luokesai dwelling site were taken randomly, choosing places for sampling. Sample retrieval involved embedding seven-centimetre-diameter/50-centimetre-long drainage pipe tubes into the sediments. The samples were sent to Cambridge University and kept in the McBurney Laboratorys cold room for a couple of months prior to processing. The methods applied to the investigation of the Lake Luokesai dwelling cores are: magnetic susceptibility, loss-on-ignition, particle size analysis, and micromorphology.

Three core samples were analysed in total: LI(B), LI(2) The Luokesai I settlement is situated on a morain- and LI(H). The proceedings of the scientific analysis ic shoal in the northern part of the lake (see Fig. 3) are as follows. (Baubonis 2001). This shoal, a narrow ribbon in shape, stretches from the shore to one of the islands in the Magnetic susceptibility lake. The depth here is between 110 and 190 centimetres, with a steep drop-off down to a depth of ten Magnetic measurement is familiar to archaeologists as to 15 metres along both sides of the shoal (Menotti et a method for prospecting, using a variety of instruments al. 2005). The settlement itself is situated about 45 to to record variations in the magnetic field of surface ef55 metres from the shore, in the part where the shoal fects, buried features, and to interpret the palaeoenviforms an outward bulge into the deeper portion of the ronment (Allen et al. 1987). Magnetic susceptibility lake (see Plate IV:2). reflects the concentration of ferromagnetic minerals A top layer of light lake sediments up to 15 centimetres thick and abundant with freshwater molluscs covers the shoal. In parts of the area of the submerged settlement, the water circulation is more intense and the cultural layer is not covered by lacustrian sedimentation, meaning that the top part of the cultural layer may have been eroded away. In the area occupied by the lake dwellers various sizes of stone were found, some of which are up to 20 centimetres in diameter. The stones rest within or on the top of stratigraphy, indicating their postglacial appearance and possible anthropogenic origin (see Discussion and conclusions below). Below the lake sediment layer, the lake stratigraphy changes into a dark peaty cultural layer (Baubonis 2002a). It starts at different depths, depending on the thickness of the overlying layer of lake sediment. Usually, the cultural layer starts at a depth of five centimetres, and is about 20 to 40 centimetres thick. It consists of acidic organic material incorporated into a basic (>7

T h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n t e x t of the settlement

within the samples. Susceptible soils and sediments tend to have a larger proportion of ferromagnetic minerals in their matrix. There are three main factors that could influence low and high magnetic susceptibility values in the soil, which are: parent material, pedogenic processes, and human activity (Allen et al. 1987). The enhancement of the magnetic susceptibility signal may reflect sediment parent material. For example, igneous rocks, rich in ferromagnesian minerals, including olivine, biotite, maghaemite and iron carbonate, have a higher magnetic susceptibility signal, whereas sand, mostly composed of quartz and calcitic shells, feldspar and calcite have a low magnetic susceptibility signal (OConnor et al. 2005). Magnetic susceptibility can vary with the sample type, amount and particle size (Thompson et al. 1986). Magnetic susceptibility values correlate well with human occupation; for example, areas used as fireplaces typically have enhanced magnetic susceptibility values. This occurs because soil surface sediments adjacent to hearths and bonfires



pH) calcareous lake marl layer, which starts at a depth of about 30 to 50 centimetres. In such an anoxic environment, all kinds of organic materials have been very well preserved. Well-preserved wooden stilts from the settlement structures are vertically embedded up to 4.5 metres into the soft lake marl overlying the morainic shoal (Baubonis 2005; Menotti et al. 2005).

L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a

are likely to undergo sufficient heating to convert the representing the changes in the stratigraphical genesis weakly magnetic hydroxides and oxides of iron that of the core is provided in Tables 4 and 5. they normally contain to more strongly magnetic forms (Elwood et al. 1995). Before splitting the cores into halves for invasive research, a magnetic susceptibility analysis was applied to the Luokesai I settlement cores coded LI(B) and LI(2). The Luokesai I settlement cores were passed through a scanning loop using the Bartington Magnetic Susceptibility Meter, with readings taken every two centimetres. The core samples LI(B) (see Graph 2) and LI(2) (see Graph 3) were measured with a magnetic field of weak amplitude.

Loss in weight on ignition

Micromorphological investigation
Micromorphology is the study of undisturbed material in thin section. It allows features of soil/sediment horizons, their structures and boundaries, as well as the context and formation of archaeological deposits, to be examined under the microscope (Matthews 2005; Goldberg et al. 2003). Since the bulk of soil/sediment samples are observed in situ throughout the analysis of thin section slides, it provides archaeologists with a lot of unique and reliable data to answer key archaeological questions about environmental changes, occupation sequences, uses of space, archaeological preservation, and maybe other important aspects. Soil micromorphology techniques were used in detecting Lake Luokesai palaeoenvironmental changes before, during and after the lake dwelling occupation, and to recognise human impact and adaptation to the surrounding environment. Two cores from samples LI(B) and LI(2) were used for micromorphological investigation (see Tables 4, 5). Three blocks were taken from each core embracing the boundaries of the changes in stratigraphy, with each block being five by eight centimetres in size. The blocks were impregnated with crystal-clear resin and prepared as thin section slides following Stoops (2003) and Bullock et al. (1985). As mentioned above, the analysed Lake Luokesai samples are very rich in organic material. In order to categorise, quantify and interpret an abundant amount of organic material in the Lake Luokesai dwelling profile, a system of description partly following the methods of Babel (1985) and Wallace (1999) was introduced. While analysing organic material in thin section slides, particular attention was paid to the presence of iron oxides and the rate of organic replacement, plant decomposition, and the amount of bioturbated material in the sediments. These features served as indicators for fluctuating wet-dry conditions (Wallace 1999). Condensed information for each unit

The loss in weight on ignition technique was used in order to measure the percentage of water, organics, calcium carbonate and silicate residue, as well as bulk density, in the Luokesai I sediment cores. One-cubiccentimetre samples were taken each centimetre along the stratigraphy of the cores LI(B), LI(2) and LI(H). A muffle furnace was employed, and the samples were treated for six hours at temperatures of 105C, 500C and 950C. After each temperature treatment the samples were weighed. The weight loss when the samples were dried at 105C represented the amount of pore-water held within the sample. The weight loss between the 105C and 550C temperature treatments represents the percentage of the total organic material in the sample. The weight loss of samples between the 550C and 950C temperature treatments represented the amount of carbon (CO2) released from the sample and the amount of calcium carbonate (CaCO3) present in the sample. Loss-on-ignition data is especially useful in conjunction with mineral magnetic values and particle size data in helping to understand other readings and possible correlations among data (Evans et al. 2005). The amount of water, organic material, carbon (charcoals), calcium carbonate and silicates in the Lake Luokesai core samples, determined by loss in weight on ignition, have provided very interesting and important results concerning the history of the lakes development. The results of these measurements are presented in Graphs 2, 3 and 4 as percentage matter plotted against depth.

Particle size analysis

Particle size analysis can provide valuable data about the sedentary sequence of the core, changes in sediment structure, density, and the impact of low/high energy flow (Orton 2000). For example, one of the ways to determine if flowing water conditions existed at the settlement is to look at the particle size of the clastic material. Sediments that are finer-grained silty clay indicate a deeper water level, whereas the sediments from the shallow side (littoral zone) are coarser (Wallace 1999). The investigations of Lake Luokesai I cores LI(B) and LI(H) provided some information about variations in sediment structure in stratigraphy (see Graphs 2, 4). Particle size analysis was applied to the two cores LI(B) and LI(H). For the particle size analysis one-cubic-centimetre samples were taken at every centimetre along the sample. A Malvern Master-


Molluscan analysis

Molluscan analysis was used to detect the ecology of the Luokesai I settlement shoal. This research was conducted together with the wet sieving of plant remains for macrobotanical investigation (Motuzait Matuzeviit 2007). They were selected from the LI(B) core from depths of seven to 12 centimetres, 12 to 16 centimetres, 16 to 22 centimetres, and 22 to 28 centimetres, and analysed by the author (see Plate IV:4). The second stage of the genesis of Lake Luokesai is indicated by the drastic transition of the lake from a All the molluscs identified in the core samples conhigh to a low water level, and the subsequent expostitute freshwater shell species. Most of the molluscs sure of the shoal to the surface. This exposure can be were found at the top and bottom layers of the core. seen clearly in micromorphological slides from the The molluscs discovered in the upper core together polymorphic iron nodules indicating the lake marls with chara remains indicate lacustrine depositions contact with oxygen in the atmosphere. This led to that formed underwater. The molluscs at the bottom the first organic deposition and accumulation, mixed zone of the core (22 to 29.5cm) probably came from with some silicate sand residue. As can be seen from the lake marl, which starts at a depth of 29.5 centimethe loss-on-ignition and micromorphological data, the tres, indicating a dramatic water level change in Lake existence of charcoal and carbon in the first organic Luokesai. Very few molluscs were found in the middle residue that formed on the lake marl shows that people layers of the core, which might indicate periodical wainhabited the Luokesai shoal soon after the transition ter level fluctuation and periodically wetter conditions. of the lake shoal to dry land had occurred. The extenReed roots perforating into the stratigraphy also might sive decomposition of organic material in this zone and have brought molluscs from above into the middle laythe existence of soil mite excrement represent a relaers (see Graph 1). The occurrence of snail species and tively dry layer that was exposed as a surface for quite their ecology coincides very much with data received a long time, allowing organic material to decompose from other analyses (see Discussion and concluin an oxygen-rich environment. However, the absence sions) (Ross 1984). of cracks and moderate impregnation organic material with iron oxide indicates that the conditions were still D i s c u s s i o n o f o v e r a l l r e s u l t s relatively moist, not allowing peaty organic materials and conclusions to totally dry out. After conducting the various scientific analyses, valuable results were obtained concerning the palaeoenvironmental conditions and some stages of water level change before, during, and after the occupation of the Luokesai I settlement. In order to generalise the results obtained from three cores and to understand the processes of shoal formation, the development stages of the Lake Luokesai sediments within the settlement territory can be distributed into five different phases. Temporally, the phases start from the earliest (oldest) at the bottom of the core to the latest (youngest) at the top (see Graphs 2, 3, 4 and Tables 4, 5).

The first and the earliest stage of the development The fourth stage of lake formation is indicated by a of Lake Luokesai starts from the bottom parts of the rather equal distribution of organic and mineral matericores LI(B), LI(2) and LI(H). It is indicated by the al in the core. The abundance of amorphous and bioturlayer of fine lake marl which formed due to the abun-

The third layer has a very high percentage of silicate residues, that varies from gravel to silt sizes. The silicate residue had very few organic components and almost no CaCO3. The high impregnation of organic material with amorphous iron oxide and its good preservation, and the discovery of some limnic organisms in this zone, such as molluscs, indicates water table fluctuation throughout the stratigraphy and wetter conditions than in the previous layer. Within the flooding horizon, deposits of anthropogenic origin were found, such as charcoal, plant remains and pottery fragments, showing that humans still occupied the site during the wetter periods of the development of the lake.



sizer X laser particle sizer (in the Department of Geography, University of Cambridge) was used to measure the particle size distribution, ranging from 2mm to 0.1m in size.

dance of limestone and calcareous glacial drifts in the Lake Luokesai drainage basin (Dean 1981). The lake marl was detected in thin section slides and confirmed with loss-on-ignition and particle size data registering a very low magnetic susceptibility signal. It consists mostly of very fine silt particles and freshwater molluscan shells, but is bereft of chara which usually form in shallow sub-littoral zones where there is a lot of light (Wallace 1999). These features all show that the shoal consisting of lake marl formed in a deep, low energy environment, probably during the Atlantic Period (60003000BC) when the water level in Lake Luokesai reached a maximum (Motuzait 2004; Stanikait 2000).

L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a

bated organic material and its moderate impregnation with amorphous iron oxide indicate a more stable water table and drier conditions than in the core section below. As can be seen from the micromorphological and loss-on-ignition data, there is an abundance of charcoal within the sediments in this zone, suggesting human occupation. These humans lived probably in a relatively dry but still moist environment, with maybe seasonally fluctuating water levels. The fifth stage is indicated by a big water level transgression. The change of organic and mineral deposition into calcareous lake marl or coarse minerals shows a rapid increase in the water level of the lake to perhaps greater water action. Micromorphological investigation and particle size analysis of the upper part of the core have shown relatively coarse particles. The coarse fractions in the upper part of the stratigraphy indicate that this layer was exposed to a high-energy zone, and sediment was deposited by waves in the shallow litoral area (Digerfeldt 1986). Such investigations have also led to the conclusion that the lake dwellings were abandoned due to the rise in the water level and the inundation of the island.

and other Neolithic wetland settlements in the Alpine region (Wallace 2003; Dieckman et al. 1997; Schlichtherle 1997).

The possible origin of mineral sand

It is interesting to pay attention to the possible origin of the ten to 20-centimetre-thick silicate sand layers that are found in the middle parts of the cores (see Tables 1, 2, 3, 4, 5). An explanation might be that the mineral sand is of anthropogenic origin, and was transported to the site by people (Bocquet et al. 1987). From the particle size distribution analysis, non-homogeneity of particles can be seen in the varying size classes, from very gravel to very coarse to silt-size mineral sand. It should be expected that if mineral sand was inwashed from the shore, the particle size of the minerals would be similar. As was described in the section about the geographical setting of the Luokesai I settlements, the site is situated on the unusual ribbon-shaped shoal that stretches from the shore to the island. The site is about 55 metres from the shoreline. This long distance, as well as the deep water which surrounds the settlement on three sides, makes it pretty unlikely that the sand and gravel-size minerals found in Luokesai were inwashed into the settlement. It is also important to note that in the areas with an increase in silicate residue, there is only a very small amount of CaCO3. If the sand was inwashed, we would assume that it would also come with calcium carbonate material from the lake, which is absent in these layers (see Graphs 1, 2, 3). As mentioned earlier, there are also a lot of big stones on the site, which were most likely brought by people because they were integrated into a cultural layer that obviously formed after the glacial activity. The arguments listed above tend to indicate that people brought the mineral sand, and such a layer was artificially created to strengthen the peaty layer of the occupied island.

Magnetic susceptibility readings

The story of water level changes presented above raises some important questions regarding human activities on the site. Firstly, what gave the high magnetic susceptibility signal to the Lake Luokesai cores, and does it represent any aspects of human activity on the site? As has been discussed above, the high signal can be affected by parent material that contains ferromagnetic elements as well as pedogenic and oxidation processes, and human activities introducing fire in the settlement during which the heating of minerals converts iron oxide from weakly ferromagnetic iron oxides to strongly magnetic forms (Allen 1987; Courty et al. 1982). When compared to micromorphological and loss-on-ignition data, the highest magnetic susceptibility signals in the cores occur at the layers with 45% organic material, 55% mineral matter (mostly silicates) and charcoal (see Graphs 2, 3). From this data, it can be concluded that humans who were burning organic material together with minerals caused the enhancement of the magnetic susceptibility signal in the Luokesai core samples. It might be suggested that this particular mineral matter came from a fireplace and could be used to form a fire-resistant base on which the hearth could safely rest. Sometimes just a layer of sand was placed on a wooden platform, and the fireplace built directly on top of this. Such fireplaces were found at Lac de Chalain

Fine charcoal and ash layer

It is interesting to look at the layer of very fine burnt organic material and ash found in the core LI(B) at a 22 to 22.5-centimetre depth, which indicates fire episodes at the site (see Plate IV:3 and Tables 1, 4). It is also important to note that, from its consistency, this layer is very similar to the rich organic layer lying just below it. This layers discrete location in the profile, the density and the absence of big charcoals shows that this layer was not inwashed from the other layer above, nor did it fall from the fireplace at the settlement. The most likely explanation is that this fine organic and burned charcoal layer indicates the in situ burning of a peaty organic material that previously constituted the


Graph 1. Summary of all applied data of the core LI(B).

dry land surface. This layer provides three very important facts about the site. Firstly, it confirms the interpretation that the submerged shoal really constituted the exposed surface. Secondly, it also shows that the conditions on the site were dry enough to allow a fire to burn the accumulated organic material. Thirdly, the burning layers existence at a depth of 22 to 22.5 centimetres confirms its occupation by humans very soon after the water level on the site had decreased.

P r o b a b l e b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n t y p e
After the reconstruction of the past environment, it is possible to make some suggestions about the building type that was used on the exposed Lake Luokesai shoal. Firstly, it is important to note that charcoal appears in the first layers of peat formation above the lake marl, showing that people occupied the site very soon after it became an exposed surface. As this thin peat could not hold the constructions built directly on it, it is almost certain that dwellings were not built at ground level but were elevated above the ground.

As is discussed above, the conditions on the Luokesai shoal even during the driest periods of lake formation were still damp. This is indicated by the absence of fine cracks in the sediment groundmass that would have appeared if the conditions on the site were very dry. The suggested water level changes and the distribution of charcoal throughout the stratigraphy have shown that people were living on the site in both wetter and drier environments, and that the buildings had to be constructed in a way to protect people from the recurring wet conditions. During the archaeological excavations and the reconnaissance of the lake dwelling area, it was discovered that the vertical pilings of the buildings are embedded up to 4.5 metres into lake marl (Menotti et al. 2005). Horizontal beams and planks with poles were discovered lying on the bottom of the lake, some of which were jointed with each other (Baubonis et al. 2002). It might be suggested that instead of building dwellings on the island on piles, as was previously suggested (Baubonis, 2001a), the buildings at Luokesai I still had some kind of structure elevating the buildings, but that these were much closer to ground level. The slightly elevated construction of buildings, on the socalled grade basement, on partly reclaimed islands,



L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a

Graph 2. Summary of all applied data of the core LI(2).

was very widespread during the Early Iron Age, for instance among Prehistoric lake dwellings in northeast Poland, in the Mozurian lake district. These lake dwellings were usually erected in shallow water bays. The construction of the lake dwellings involved placing alternate layers of wood piles and beams to create a kind of grillwork extending above the waters surface. This construction was reinforced with vertical piles driven into the lake bottom inside and outside the grill, and the surface of the island was topped with stones (Gackowski 1993). One example of such a dwelling in Poland is the Pieczarki settlement, which is dated to the beginning of the Early Iron Age (450250BC) (Polcyn 2000). It can be suggested that the Luokesai I settlement structures were similar to the ones found in the adjacent regions of the Mozurian lakes in presentday Poland.

ment facing the lakeshore (Baubonis 2001a). A common type of settlement during this period in Lithuania was the fortified hill-fort, showing the demand for people to protect themselves (Grigalaviien 1992). The other reason to live in an environment surrounded by water could have been the fire hazard resulting from living in an area surrounded by forest where slash-andburn agriculture took place (Motuzait 2005).

During the Prehistoric period, eastern Lithuania was thickly covered by forest, and open spaces suitable for pasture and agriculture were rare. Therefore, by living on the exposed shoal, the Lake Luokesai dwellers saved space, leaving the adjacent open territories around the lake to be advantageously exploited for agriculture and cattle grazing. An important discovery, connected with human diet and activities, was the recovery of the remains of emmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum) (cereal grains, glume bases) as well as domesticated cereal pollen grain, in the analysed LI(B) P o s s i b l e r e a s o n s f o r o c c u p y i n g l a k e core samples (Motuzait Matuzeviit 2007). This dwellings discovery strongly supports the interpretation that the There are many possible reasons why people chose to lake dwellers were farmers, who had their fields very live by a lake. The first and main reason that drove peo- close to Lake Luokesai, and that possibly some cereal ple to live in an environment surrounded by water was processing activities might have taken place at the site safety. This can also be seen clearly by the need for the (reference as above). double palisade wall protecting the part of the settle-


Graph 3. Summary of all applied data of the core LI(H).

fertility research, and searching for past agricultural fields, would provide information about human activiAny future research of the Lake Luokesai I settlement ties around the lake, and the size of the area possibly should include research into understanding more about exploited by the former population. the formation of the Lake Luokesai shoals, and the life All these further research possibilities would lead not of the wetland population. only to the construction of a broader picture about the In the future, more archaeological excavations should lives of this Prehistoric wetland community, but would be conducted (at the moment only four square metres also open up possibilities to reconstruct the lake village have been excavated). The continuity of archaeological as a museum site, and in this way help to introduce excavations would lead us to understand more about modern society to the lives of these former lake vilthe building strategies, dwelling size and number, as lagers. well as the construction type of the settlement. The conjunction of archaeological excavations with microR e f e r e n c e s morphological analysis would help to understand the use of space on the site, such as recognising the ar- BABEL, U., 1985. Basic organic components. In: P. BULeas within and outside buildings, and to reconstruct a LOCK, et al. (ed.), Handbook for Soil Thin Section Description. 74-94. Albrighton: Waine Research Publicaplan of the village. By knowing the distribution of the tions. buildings, micromorphological analysis would help us BALAAM, N., 1977. Illustrated Dictionary of Archaeology. to answer questions concerning cattle rearing, human London: Triune Books. hygiene, what activities took place inside and outside BAUBONIS, Z., 2001a. Luokes eero (Molt raj.) kultros the houses, and many other questions. paveldo objekt povandenini archeologini tyrim 2001 Some investigation on the adjacent terrestrial land, by test-pit digging and charcoal dating from test-pits, soil
m. mokslin ataskaita. Unpublished archaeology report, History Institute of Lithuania.

Future research



BAUBONIS, Z., 2003. Luokes eero (Molt raj.) II-sios polins gyvenviets 2003 m. povandenini archeologini tyrim ataskaita. Unpublished archaeological report, History Institute of Lithuania. BAUBONIS, Z., 2004. Luokes eero (Molt raj.) II-sios polins gyvenviets 2004 m. povandenini archeologini tyrim ataskaita. Unpublished archaeological report, History Institute of Lithuania. BAUBONIS, Z., KRANIAUSKAS, R., KVEDARAVIIUS, M., 2001b. Luokes eero senovins gyvenviets povandeniniai archeologiniai tyrinjimai, Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 2000 metais, 229-231. BAUBONIS, Z., KVEDARAVIIUS, M., MOTUZAIT, G., PRANCKNAIT, E., 2005. Luokes eero polin gyvenviet II, Archaeologiniai tyrinjimai 2003 metais, 285. BAUBONIS, Z., MOTUZAIT MATUZEVIIT, G., PRANCKNAIT, E., 2002: Luokes eero (Molt r.) senovs gyvenviei 2 ir 3 povandeniniai archeologiniai valgymai, Archeologiniai tyrimjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais, 269-270. BULLOCK, P., FEDEROFF, N., JONGERIUS, A., STOOPS, G., TURSINA, T., 1985. Handbook for Soil Thin Section Description. Wolverhampton: Waine Research. DARVILL, T., 2003. Oxford Concise Dictionary of Archaeology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. DEAN, W., 1981. Carbonate minerals and organic material in sediments of modern north temperate hard-water lakes. The society of economic palaeonthologists and minerologists, 213-231. DIECKMANN, B., MAIER, U., VOGT, R., 1997. HornstaadHornle, eine der Altesten Junsteinzeitlichen Ufersiedlungen am Bodensee. In: H. SCHLICHTHERLE, ed. Pfahlbauten rund um die Alpen. Stuttgart, Theiss. DIGERFELDT, G., 1986. Studies on past lake-level fluctuations. In: B.E. BERGLUND, ed. Handbook of Holocene Palaeoecology and Palaeohydrology, 127-144. New York: John Wiley & Sons. ELLWOOD, B.B., PETER, D.E., BALSAM, W., SCHIEBER, J., 1995. Magnetic and Geochemical Variations as Indicators of Palaeoclimate and Archaeological Site Evolution: Examples from 41TR68, Fort Worth, Texas, Journal of Archaeological Science 22, 409-415. EVANS, J.G., OCONNOR, T., 2005. Environmental Archaeology. Principles and Methods. London: Sutton Publishing. GACKOWSKI, J., 2000. On the dating and cultural aspects of the West Baltic Burial Culture. In: J. GACKOWSKI (ed.), Studies in the Lake Dwellings of the West Baltic Barrow Culture, 9-35. Toru: Wydawnictwo Universitetu Mikoaja Kopernika. GOLDBERG, P., MACPHAIL, R., 2003. Short Contribution: Strategies and Techniques in Collecting Micromorphological Samples, Geoarchaeology: An International Journal 18, 5: 571-578. GRIGALAVIIEN, E., 1995. alvario ir Ankstyvasis geleies amius Lietuvoje. Vilnius: Mokslas. HERZ, N., GARRISON, E.G., 1998. Geological Methods for Archaeology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. HEYDECK, J., 1909. Pfahlbauten im Ostpreussen. Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellschaft Prussia 22: 194-202. JURKNAS, I., 1914. Trobos ant svaj Lietuvoje, Lietuvos inios 3: 23. Kaunas. KRAUSKOPF, K.B., 1967. Introduction to Geochemistry. New York: McGraw-Hill.

MAGNY, M., 2004. The contribution of palaeoclimatology to the lake-dwellings. In: F. MENOTTI, ed. Living on the Lake in Prehistoric Europe, 237-250. London: Routledge. MATTHEWS, W., 2005. Micromorphological and microstratygraphic traces of uses and concepts of space. In: I. HODDER, ed. Inhabiting Catalhuyk: Reports from the 1995-1999 Seasons, 355-398. Cambridge: MacDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. MENOTTI, F., 2002. Climatic change, flooding and occupational hiatus in the lake-dwelling central European Bronze Age. In: R. TORRENCE and J. GRATTAN eds., Natural disasters and cultural change, 235-249. London: Routledge. MENOTTI, F., BAUBONIS, Z., BRAZAITIS, D., HIGHAM, M., KVEDARAVIIUS, M., LEWIS, H., MOTUZAIT MATUZEVIIT, G., PRANCKNAIT, E., 2005. The First Lake-Dwellers of Lithuania: Late Bronze Age Pile Settlements on Lake Luokesas, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 24, 4: 381-403(23). MORISSON, I., 1985. Landscape with Lake-dwellings. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. MOTUZAIT MATUZEVIIT, G., 2002. Eer polins gyvenviets pasaulyje ir Lietuvoje, Mokslas ir Gyvenimas 10: 20-21, 31. MOTUZAIT MATUZEVIIT, G., 2007. Living on the lake and farming the land. Archaeobotanical investigation on Luokesai I lake dwelling site, Lietuvos Archeologija 31 (forthcoming). MOTUZAIT, G., 2004. valgomj archeologini tyrim Luokes apyeeryje (Luokes I/II polini gyvenviei aplinkoje) Molt raj. 2004 m ataskaita. Unpublished archaeological report, History Institute of Lithuania. MOTUZAIT, G., 2005. Moderni metod panaudojimas Luokes polini gyvenviei tyrimams, Lietuvos Archeologija 26: 105-110. MURPHY, C.P., 1986. Thin Section Preparation of Soils and Sediments. Berkhamsted: Academic A B Publishers. ORTON, C., 2000. Sampling in Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. POLCYN, I., 2000. Cladoceran Remains from the Sedimentary Record of Lake Dga Wielki (Great Masurian Lakeland). In: J. GACKOVSKI, ed. Studies in the Lake Dwellings of the West Baltic Barrow Culture, 101-130. Toru: Wydawnictwo Universitetu Mikoaja Kopernika. ROSS, H.C.G., 1984. Catalogue of the land and freshwater molluscs of the British Isles, 19: 65-93. RUOFF, U., 1987: Archaeological Investigations beside Lake Zurich and Lake Greifen, Switzerland. In: J.M. COLES and A.J. LAWSON, eds. European Wetlands in Prehistory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. SCHLICHTHERLE, H., 1997. Der Federsee, das fundreichste Moor der Pfahlbauforschung. In: H. SCHLICHTHERLE, ed. Pfahlbauten rund um die Alpen. Stuttgart: Theiss. SCHOBEL, G., 2002. Lake-Dwelling Museum of Unteruhldingen. Markdorf. SEIBUTIS, A., SAVUKYNIEN, N., 1998. A Review of Major Turning Point in the Agricultural History of the Area Inhabited by the Baltic Peoples, Based on Palynological, Historical and Linguistic Data, Environmental History and Quaternary Stratigraphy of Lithuania. PACT 54: 231-238. IDIKIS, T., 1997. Molt rajono alkviets, alkakalniai. Unpublished manuscript 5, Cultural Centre Heritage Lithuania.

L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a




I am very grateful to my dear colleagues in Lithuania, Z. Baubonis, E. Prancknait and M. Kvedaraviius. I 24.5-25+ White lake marl with shells and reeds owe particular thanks to the archaeologist Dr Francesco Menotti, as well as to my colleagues at Cambridge University, Dr C. French, J. Miller, Dr S. Boreham and Ta b l e 3 . L a k e L u o k e s a i L I ( H ) c o r e Dr. H. Lewis. s a m p l e s ( F r o m H . L e w i s i n M e n o t t i e t
Received: 1 May 2007; Revised 16 March 2008 Giedr Motuzait-Matuzeviit University of Cambridge, Department of Archaeology Downing street, Cambridge CB2 3DZ UNITED KINGDOM

Greyish brown peaty layer with some charcoal, pieces of burned wood, fine silt and medium to fine sand Dark brown peat with frequent charcoal, wood remains, reed stems and roots

al. 2005)
depth (cm) from lake bed/water interface 0-1.5 1.6-9 9.1-10 10.1-19 19.1-20 21-24 25-27 28-32 32-52+

LI (H) description

Ta b l e 1 . L a k e L u o k e s a i I ( B ) core samples
depth (cm) description from lake bed/water interface 0-0.2 Dark organic sediments covering the top part of the core 0.2 7/8 Lake marl abundant with freshwater shells. In a 3.5cm zone there is a 0.5cm thick layer of leaf and herb litter 7/8-14 Very dark brown to black, possibly peat layer with charcoal and some medium to fine size quartz sand 14-21 Brown-greyish peat with some coarse to very fine sand granules 21-22 Layer of very dark peat 22-22.5 Layer of ash and charcoal 22.5-27 Brown peat layer with reed stem remains 27-28 Dark brown peat with decomposed and compressed reed/carr remains 29+ Layer of lake marl with pieces of charcoal, some shells and reed stems

Coarse sand and rounded gravel Peat with woody fragments Greyish yellow sandy clay Very dark brown peat with reddish brown patches (<2cm in size) Reddish brown lens Very dark brown to black possible peat with charcoal Very dark grey gritty peaty layer Layer of burnt wood and possible peat Yellowish brown lake marl, molluscs (<0.3cm)

Ta b l e 4 a . A b b r e v i a t i o n s
Plant tissue with cells Plant tissue without cells Plant tissue <60m Amorphous matter Bioturbated organic material Minimal iron replacement Moderate iron replacement High iron replacement Organic material Minerals Silicate residue Cross polarised light Coarse and fine sand size (fine starts >60m ) PC PNC P<60 AM BOM FeMin FeMod FeH Org Min Sil. XPL C/f


STANIKAIT, M., 2000. Natural and human initiated environmental changes throughout the Late Glacial and Holocene in Lithuanian territory. Unpublished PhD thesis, Physical sciences, geology (05 P), Vilnius University. STOOPS, G., 2003. Guidelines for Analysis and Description of Soil and Regolith Thin Sections. Madison: Soil Science Society of America. THOMPSON, R., OLDFIELD, F., 1986. Environmental Magnetism. London: Allen & Unwin. WALLACE, G.E., 2003. Using narrative to contextualise micromorphological data from Neolithic Houses, Journal of Wetland Archaeology 3: 73-90. WALLACE, G.E., 1999. A Microscopic View of Neolithic Lakeside Villages on the Northern Rim of the European Alps. Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge.

depth description (cm) from lake bed/ water interface 0-1 Gravel (>2mm) and coarse sand 1-1.5/2 Dark brown to black layer with remains of wood/bark and hazel nuts 1.5/2-8/9 Greyish-brown silty sand layer with peat, some patches of darker peaty layer, charcoal and a few stones (>3-5mm) 8/9-9/10 Dark brown to black layer of wood remains


Ta b l e 2 . L a k e L u o k e s a i I ( 2 ) core sample

L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a

Ta b l e 4 . L u o k e s a i I s e t t l e m e n t L I ( B ) c o r e l a y e r s ( s e e Ta b l e 4 a )
c/f 60m ratio % organic: org mineral: min

Mineral components

organic material

iron replacement/ oxidation

Main fabric and interpretations

depth (cm)


0-8/7 1/LI(B)1

20%: 65%: Shells, PNC, Micrite(CaCO3)70% and PNC: 80% Sil. Coarse and AM: 20% medium size sand 30% 60%: PC-15% PNC-15% P<60-25% AM-30% BOM-15% 30%: Medium and fine sand sil.: 50%, silt size sil.: 30% Micrite: 20%

Org.: 80:20 Min. 30:70 Org. 30:70 Min. 50:50

15%: FeMin Compound packing voids and vughs 10%: Complex packing voids FeMod

Lake marl layer formed underwater (no charcoal)



Highly compacted XPLx100 dry organic layer exposed to the air (with charcoal)


3/LI(B)1- 20%: 2 PC-30% PNC-30% P<60-10% AM-15% BOM-15% 10%: PC-10% PNC-10% P<60-40% AM-30% BOM-10%

65%: Medium and fine sand sil.: 70%, silt size sil.: 20% Micrite:10%

Org. 60:40. Min. 70:30

15%: FeH Vughs and channels

15.5- 4/LI(B)2 17

80%: Sil. sand: coarse-60% medium-20% fine-10% silt size-10% 25%: Minerals coarse to fine sand size sil. 80% Silt size sil. 20% 15%: Mineral: Coarse to fine sil. 30% Silt size sil. 20% CaCO3- 50%30%: Minerals: Sil. sand of coarse and fine sand: 70% Sil. Silt size: 10% Silt size CaCO320% 70% Micrite (CaCO3) - 70% Sil. medium to fine sand size 30%

Org. 20:80 Min. 90:10

10%: Single grain bridge structure

Semi wet surface with periodically XPLx40 fluctuating water table, abundant with charcoal (a few freshwater molluscs were found) Mineral infillings XPLx100 in between organic layers

17-21 5/LI(B)2- 50%: 3 PC-15% PNC-10% P<60-15% AM-50% BOM-10% 226/LI(B)3 65%: 22.5 PC-10% PNC-40% P<60-40% AM-5% BOM-5% 22.5- 7/LI(B)3 60%: 27 PC-10% PNC-10% P<60-15% AM-50% BOM-15% 278/LI(B)3 25%: 29+ PC-30% PNC-40% P<60-30%

Org. 25:75 Min. 80:20 Org. 50:50 Min. 30:70 Org. 20:80 Min. 70:30 Org: 70:30 Min. 30:70

FeMod 25%: Vughs and channels

Moderately XPLx100 compacted semi-dry peaty/ humus layer (with charcoal) Ash and charcoal XPLx100 layer indicating fire episode in the settlement Highly decomposed semi-dry peaty layer (with charcoal) XPLx100

20%: Complex packing voids 10%: Complex packing



5%: Vesicles


Lake marl formed underwater XPLx100 (some charcoal mixed from above)


illustration XPLx100


c/f 60m ratio % organic: org mineral: min

Mineral components

organic material

iron replacement/ oxidation

Main fabric and interpretations

depth (cm)





1/LI(2)1 50%: PC-15% PNC-15% P<60-25% AM-35% BOM-10% 2/LI(2)1 10%: PC-15% PNC-15% P<60-25% AM-35% BOM-10% 3/ 25%: LI(B)1-2 PC-20% PNC-10% P<60-30% AM-30% BOM-10%

30%: Sil. Coarse and medium size sand-70% Micrite(CaCO3)-30%

Org. 30:70 20%: FeMod Min: Complex to FeH 70:30 vughs and channels 20%: Single grain structure 15%: Complex vughs -

Very disturbed, damp peaty surface with charcoal and molluscs Mixed mineral sand layer (probably anthropogenic origin) Damp mineral mixed with organic and charcoal layer


70%: Org. 95:5 Medium and fine Min. sand sil.-70%, silt 70:30 size sil.- 20% Micrite- 10% 60%: Medium and fine sand sil.- 40%, silt size sil.- 50% Micrite-10% 20%: Sil. sand coarse/ medium- 15% Silt size- 60% Micrite-5% 60%: Sil. sand: coarse-20% medium-30% fine-20% silt size-20% micrite-10% 25%: coarse to fine sand size sil.- 60% Silt size sil. - 20% Micrite CaCO3-20% 75%: Coarse to fine sil. 30% Silt size sil. -20% MicriteCaCO3- 50% Org. 30:70Min. 40:60




14-20 4/LI(2)2- 65%: 3 PC-20% PNC-20% P<60-35% AM-20% BOM-5% 20-21 5/LI(2)3 20%: PC-40% PNC-20% P<60-20% AM-15% BOM-5% 21-24 6/LI(2)3 60%: PC-15% PNC-10% P<60-15% AM-50% BOM-10% 247/LI(2)3 15%: 25+ PC-35% PNC-35% P<60-30%

Org. 40:60Min. 45:65 Org. 60:40Min. 70:30

15%: Complex packing voids


XPLx40 Wet surface with fluctuating water table (with charcoal) Charcoal and fine organics disturbed peaty layer XPLx40

Org. 35:65 Min. 60:40 Org. 70:30 Min. 30:70

20%: FeMod Vughs, to high single grain and complex packing voids 15%: FeMod Vughs and single grain structure 10%: Single grain bridge and vesicles structure FeH on the top of the layer

Well decomposed semi-dry peaty/ humus layer with charcoal


Lake marl with XPLx100 freshwater molluscs formed underwater





Ta b l e 5 . L u o k e s a i I s e t t l e m e n t L I ( 2 ) c o r e l a y e r s ( s e e Ta b l e 4 a f o r a b b r e v i a t i o n s )

L i v i n g A b o v e t h e Wa t e r o r o n D r y L a n d ? T h e A p p l i c a t i o n o f S o i l A n a l y s i s M e t h o d s t o I n v e s t i g a t e a S u b m e r g e d B r o n z e A g e t o Giedr E a r l y I r o n A g e L a k e MotuzaitD w e l l i n g S i t e i n E a s t e r n Matuzeviit L i t h u a n i a


20052006 metais trys kernai buvo paimti i bronzos amiaus pabaigos geleies amiaus pradios Luokes I eerins gyvenviets, kuri iuo metu yra 1,52 m gylyje. iuose gyvenviets stratigrafij rodaniuose kernuose buvo nustatytas magnetinis imlumas, kaitinimo nuostoliai, daleli dydis ir mikromorfologija. i tyrim pagrindinis tikslas buvo atsakyti klausimus: koks buvo vandens lygis Luokes I gyvenviets egzistavimo metu? Ar i gyvenviet buvo pastatyta vir vandens? Koki tak Luokes I gyvenviets pastat tipo nustatymui gali daryti inios apie tuometin vandens lyg. Atlikti tyrimai parod, kad Luokes I gyvenviet buvo statyta ant nedidels salels, susidariusios nusekus eerui. Tai, kad gyvenviets teritorijoje buvo sausuma, parod mikromorfologiniuose lifuose aptikti dirvoemio faunos (sliek, dirvoemio erki) veiklos pdsakai ir ryki organikos oksidacija, aikiai matoma per vis Luokes I gyvenviets stratigrafin pjv, bei organikos in situ degimo yms. ie poymiai nuosdose galjo susidaryti tik sausumoje, deguonies aplinkoje. Periodikai saloje buvo gan drgna, todl Luokes gyventojai j tvirtino smliu, atsinetais rieduliais ir medinmis konstrukcijomis. Pastatai gyvenvietje galjo stovti ant grotelins konstrukcijos pagrindo, iek tiek pakelto vir ems paviriaus.


Factors which suppress or interfere with the deciphering of aerial photography whilst searchig for traces of ancient habitations are called noises. The main kinds of noises currently identified in Lithuania are land improvement or land reclamation, woods, urbanisation and reservoirs. Altogether, they make a fair level of noise, thus the search for traces of habitations based soley on aerial photography in Lithuania is not possible. Key words: aerial photography, archaeological feature, noise, land improvement, woods, urbanisation, reservoirs.

Aerial photography is a universally acknowledged and widely utilised method in modern archaeology. It helps us to find and interpret the most varied features, dating from the Stone Age to our times. With archaeologys entrance into the modern era, the investigation of other areas of human activity is also being aided by aerial photography, such as the legacy of 20th-century wars, something that had been totally beyond archaeologys bounds until very recently. However, the growing interest in things that are not old does not belittle the traditional use of aerial photogrpaphy in archaeology first and foremost when researching prehistoric objects. The utilisation of aerial photography in Lithuania does not have established traditions (Zabiela 1998, pp.145147). Due to the secretiveness and closed character of Soviet society, aerial photography started to expand only in the 1990s, after the restoration of independence. However, even today, specific environmental features used in recording the archaeological heritage in an aerial photograph remain undefined, making its gains modest, and more evident simply in respect of recording the landscape. Aerial image catalogues of sites of the archaeological heritage have not been published in Lithuania, nor have the influences of environmentalgeological conditions on sites been summarised, as they have been in many West European countries, such as England (Aston 2002). The aim of this article is not to explore the essence of aerial photography, nor to investigate specific questions in prehistoric research. The articles aim is to explain issues of the utilisation of aerial photography in Lithuania concerning one specific aspect: the influence of human activity on the identification of the legacy of earlier times. This legacy affects essentially the earlier archaeological legacy in a negative way, with

certain exceptions of course (eg the abovementioned war relics); thus, in current technical vocabulary, we can consider it a peculiar noise, ie a factor that inhibits the acquisition and interpretation of positive information. Concomitant with this is Lithuanian aerial photographys specific character, in which the noise level is high. The unavoidable stipulation must be made that this noise is a relative thing. While it is not wanted when analysing remote times, in the detection of certain 20th-century problems it is a source that helps us to understand these times, and this sources representativeness will only grow larger as time goes on. Thus, it will be a noise until 20th-century archaeology becomes more important. The material for this article was accumulated slowly from many incidental observations when compiling an atlas of Lithuanian hill-forts (Lietuvos 2005) and an atlas of Lithuanian fortifications from the 13th to the 18th centuries (Lietuvos 2008). The photographs of hill-forts and fortifications taken from the air between 2004 and 2007 cover all of Lithuania, thus the material is sufficiently representative. The photograph collections of other scientists engaged in aerial photography (Zenonas Baubonis, Romas Jarockis, Rimantas Kraujalis), especially those that are easily accessible, were used as supplementary material. Finally, photographs published in various photography books were also looked at in this regard (Polis 1989; Jovaia 2007), although, because of the specific nature of such publications, they were of only little use in this article. As has already been mentioned, noise in aerial photographs means phenomena or processes which make difficult or even interfere altogether in the investigation of sites of the archaeological heritage from remote times.


Gintautas Zabiela


AnciEnT LAnDScAPES in AERiAL P H o T o g R A P H y: T H E L i T H u A n i A n E x A m P L E oF noiSE LEvELS

Gintautas Zabiela

Ancient landscapeS in aerial photography: the Lithuanian example of noise levels

Fig. 1. nemunaitis hill-fort, overgrown by forest: the view from the northeast (17 April 2007) (photograph by g. Zabiela).

in the case of Lithuania, instances of noise are land improvement, woods, urbanisation and reservoirs. Land improvement, or land reclamation, is the main type of such noise, and has an irreversible effect on the archaeological legacy of ancient epochs. The scale of it in Soviet times in Lithuania was rather large. if during the times of the first Republic of Lithuania, land reclamation was not widespread (457,700 ha were drained, but only 12,000 with the aide of drainage), during Soviet times it quickly transformed the landscape. one million hectares had been reclaimed by 1970, two million by 1978 (adius 1986, p.77), while 2.4 million hectares were reclaimed altogether. By comparison, we can say that there were 3.6 million hectares of arable land in Lithuania in 1986 (vaitauskas 1988, p.664), so that land improvement affected 67% of all the arable land. The irreversible effect of land improvement expressed itself on prehistoric cultural resources in that the levelling (flattening) of land was practised in reclamation, at which time the hills of hill-forts or ancient cemeteries were levelled over, fortified hills were razed and levelled, and a large portion of (usually unregistered) archaeological stones were destroyed (blown up, buried, or removed from their earlier locations). in eliminating farmsteads and especially villages (some were former old villages whose farmyards

had been around since the time of the mid-16th century reforms), the remains of farmyards were buried over by bulldozers in specially dug pits. Estate buildings suffered especially in this regard; due to their specific evolution (they had lost their economic value after the 1922 land reform), they quickly fell into decline in Soviet times; thus they were easily destroyed, since they were not protected as culturally valuable. The brick manors that were among them met the same fate. Also destroyed were a large number of other single-purpose buildings: mills, taverns, farm buildings and others. Land improvement also destroyed the environment in which earlier generations had lived: it straightened the channels of rivers and streams, destroyed meadows, marshes, small woodlands and old roads, cut off the edges of larger forests, and even lowered lake levels. Finally, reclaimed areas were ploughed over with deep ploughs which dug into deeper layers of earth than when ploughing with normal ploughs. All of this work, associated with turning over the soil, had an irreversible effect on archaeological valuables, and is reflected in one way or another in aerial photographs. While it is true that natural environmental restoration (the formation of meadows and marshes, the growth of forests) has occurred in some of the abandoned reclaimed plots in the last two decades, these factors still do not affect


Fig. 2. The obstructed Karmlava ancient cemetery: the view from the west (25 April 2007) (photograph by g. Zabiela).

the irreversible effect on cultural resources in a very significant way. Two main noises dominate in aerial photographs of land-improved areas: land reclamation ditches and humus-rich territories connected with arable fields. The majority of the improvement ditches have a clear branch-like structure (Plate v:1), which cannot be confused with any other features. Problems arise with the other, atypical, sometimes poorly interpreted ditches, whose visible configurations are reminiscent of places with destroyed fortifications (usually filled-in ramparts). Since we know of very few places with military fortifications in Lithuania, it is clear that many of them currently have no more visible traces on the outside, and remain unidentified. Land improvement ditches obviously interfere here. in aerial photographs, the connection of humus-rich places (former meadows, marshes, even former water bodies) with arable fields often creates the impression that they belong to ancient (usually iron Age) settlements (Plate v:2). An almost inevitable mistake is made when, for various reasons, the latter features take on regular shapes. of course, an in situ survey immediately allows for the discernment of fertile dark soil from a cultural layer; however, ordinary surveys by aerial photographic data are still very much behind in Lithuania.

The relatively large forest coverage (Lithuania is currently one-third covered by woodlands, and the percentage of woodlands is growing) is a serious noise in aerial photographs. Although a portion of the forests are relics of virgin forests, and there has never been any human activity within them, large areas of overgrown woods were inhabited by people at some point, while woods grew there later, sometimes relatively recently, only in the 19th and 20th centuries. East Lithuanias barrow cemeteries are an eloquent example of this, as the absolute majority have survived in forests (those that were in fields were rapidly destroyed). Some hillforts are also in forests. Both types of archaeological sites can be easily deciphered from aerial photographs, but trees usually make these efforts futile (Fig. 1). if it is still possible to distinguish better-defined mounds or fortifications in deciduous forests in the autumn or early spring (and especially in the winter, when there is a thin covering of snow), then single parts of such features can be observed only in the winter in coniferous forests (which make up 57% of Lithuanias forests). The significance of woods as noise is diminished by its limited influence in time. When a forest is cut down, that place is uncovered and the systematic aerial photography of the area can be undertaken for a few years, in the search for traces of ancient habitation, until the brush and trees grow back.



Gintautas Zabiela

Ancient landscapeS in aerial photography: the Lithuanian example of noise levels

Fig. 3. circles north of the nolnai hill-fort: the view from the southwest (21 April 2004) (photograph by g. Zabiela).


Fig. 4. The feature at mikyiai from the southeast (7 march 2007) (photograph by g. Zabiela).

Another high noise is constituted by the various current urban activities of people, by which the most varied of structures are formed that are easily interpreted from the air, or all of the lands possible information is entirely covered up by modern formations. This is a noise with an irreversible effect, since 20th-century formations are starting to dominate in aerial photography, even though archaeologically valuable things in urbanised areas can also survive (at least in part). The effect of this noise is suppressed by the fact that Lithuania is thinly urbanised, and the noise expresses itself mostly near district centres and larger cities (vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipda). True, Lithuania has one kind of urban formation that is encountered in non-urban surroundings. This is the allotment garden plots: in Soviet times (in the 1960s to 1980s) plots of mostly six ares of land of usually poor soil were allocated for horticultural and gardening activities. Due to various factors, mostly due to the lack of habitable dwellings, construction was soon begun in these plots, and now some of the gardens, especially those closest to the cities, have become rather densely built-up areas. Parts of known archaeological sites (usually settlements and cemeteries) have also come within the plots of these gardens, and using aerial photography on them is no longer possible. The archaeological information that lurks underground in such features is always smothered by constructions or the texture of the changed surface (Fig. 2). Water reservoirs also constitute a very strong noise; they, too, practically drown out all the archaeological features that fall within the newly formed reservoirs. Due to the not-so-clear nature of the reservoirs, some results are possible only from their shores, usually parts not deeper than one metre. The true effect of reservoirs in the search for archaeological features via aerial photography is difficult to evaluate, because of two tendencies that mutually influence each other negatively. on one hand, there are not many reservoirs in Lithuania (the largest is the Kaunas Sea [6,350 ha], then the Elektrnai Sea [1,264 ha] and the Antaliepts Sea [1,119 ha]), thus the effect would appear to be minimal. on the other hand, the most densely populated areas have always been precisely by water (especially the larger rivers), and no archaeological surveys have been conducted of flooded territory after damming waters in recent years (one exception is the Kaunas Sea, which was researched by archaeologists from 1953 to 1958). This type of noise has a certain recurrent effect (small reservoirs are sometimes drawn off), but because of the brevity and the temporary nonexistence of reservoirs, it is very difficult to record their locations by aerial photography. All the above-mentioned noises interfere directly in one way or another with the investigation of archaeo-

logical features by aerial photography. According to the extant data, there are, however, features that cannot be considered noises (at least on the same level as discussed earlier); although, for the time being, we cannot consider them archaeological sites, either. The first of these are crop circles. These are more or less regular, five to 11 metres in diameter, circles of vegetation, observed either near early hill-forts or in places where there could be settlements from the same time (Fig. 5). This phenomenon can be observed only for a short time in early spring, since later, when the vegetation gets taller, the circles can no longer be distinguished. The circles are associated with the remains of early buildings (Zabiela 2005, p.101); although there could be a non-archaeological explanation for them (eg discharges of water-bearing layers, or the concentrated spread of certain plants). unfortunately, not one such circle has yet been investigated by traditional archaeological means, so there is currently a lack of information concerning their interpretation. Even less clear are regular-shaped structures that can be observed from the air at certain times, that, when surveyed on the ground, are imposible to identify with any known archaeological feature. Today we know of two such places. While photographing hill-forts in the Lazdijai district in 2006, Z. Baubonis recorded an oval feature (Plate v:3) in the village of mikyiai, which was later (7 march 2007) surveyed by customary methods. it became clear that this was a 36 by 26-metre-large oval of a plot orientated lengthwise northwest-southeast, encircled by a ditch up to 0.3 metres deep and 2.5 metres wide, at the foot of a hill on low level ground. Since old times, the place has been called mergakelis, rising out of the surrounding wet meadows by barely 0.5 metres (Fig. 4). Another altogether unclear oval-shaped feature was recorded from the air in a field prepared for sowing when flying over the village of Eglynai in the Klaipda district on 26 April 2007, photographing defensive fortifications (Plate vi:1). The feature was localised and surveyed the same day. This is an almost totally flat low field, in which it was impossible to discern any outer visible attributes during the survey. nor were any artefacts found on the ground level. The oval shape is conferred by a slightly lighter soil, which appears to be slightly higher. The place itself is reclaimed, its soil moist. The latter two cases show that some kind of different, regular-shaped or human-activity-affected, structures exist in Lithuania which cannot currently be explained, and which are not necessarily the legacy of peoples activities in ancient times (Plate vi:2). They show that



Ancient landscapeS in aerial photography: the Lithuanian example of noise levels

today the search for traces of ancient habitation solely by aerial photography is not possible. The examined noises, and phenomena similar to them, in the interpretation of aerial photographs, obviously do not constitute an exhaustive list. Put simply, the known types of noises in Lithuania today undoubtedly diminish the possibility of interpreting the remains of ancient habitation by aerial photography. By what degree and how much these noises affect the end result is still unclear, because no generalisations have been made regarding the possibilities afforded by systematic aerial photography; nor are we familiar with the research of the effects of noise in neighbouring countries. Still, this initial research allows us to draw some conclusions: 1. Factors which suppress or interfere with the deciphering of aerial photographs whilst searching for traces of ancient habitation are called noises. The general noise level in Lithuania is high.

ADiuS, H., 1986. istorija. Socializmo tvirtinimo laikotarpis. Taryb Lietuvos enciklopedija, 2, vilnius: vyriausioji enciklopedij redakcija, 75-77. vAiTAuSKAS, J., 1988. ems kis. Taryb Lietuvos enciklopedija, 4. vilnius: vyriausioji enciklopedij redakcija, 664-666. ZABiELA, g., 1998. Application of alternative methods in Lithuania field archaeology (up to 1996). Archaeologia Baltica, 3. 143-158. ZABiELA, g., 2005. Piliakalni papdi gyvenviets: tyrinjim problematika Lietuvoje. Lietuvos archeologija, 27. 85-104. Received: 20 January 2008; Revised: 2 may 2008 Dr gintautas Zabiela institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Klaipda university, Tils g. 13 LT-91251, Klaipda LiTHuAniA

Gintautas Zabiela

S E n A S i S K R A T o vA i Z D i S AERoFoTogRAFiJoSE: 2. The main kinds of noises currently identified in T R i u K m Ly g i S Lithuania are land improvement or land reclamation, L i E T u v o S PAv y Z D i u
woods, urbanisation and reservoirs. All of their effects in discerning traces of ancient habitation are different, and are due to many factors. of them, land improvement and urbanisation have an irreversible effect on research into the heritage.

Gintautas Zabiela

3. crop circles, which can be distinguished by their vegetation for a short time in the spring, as well as single, regular-shaped structures reminiscent of human activity, which so far have no explanation, are attributed to noises today, due to the lack of more thorough research in these areas. 4. Having evaluated the general level of noise in the interpretation of aerial photography, we can conclude that, regarding the current level of development in aerial photography in Lithuania, the search for signs of ancient habitation solely by aerial photography and without the verification of results via customary archaeological research methods is not possible. References
ASTon, m., 2002. Interpreting the landscape from the air. gloucestershire: Tempus publishing. JovAiA, m., 2007. Neregta Lietuva. vilnius: uAB miA. Lietuvos XIII-XVIII a. tvirtinimai. Atlasas, 2008. vilnius: LR Krato apsaugos ministerija. Lietuvos piliakalniai. Atlasas, i-iii, 2005. vilnius: Krato apsaugos ministerija. PoLiS, J., 1989. Atgimstanti Lietuva. vilnius: Lietuvos kultros fondas.

Lietuvoje aerofotografij naudoti archeologijos objekt paiekai realiai pradta tik xx a. paskutiniame deimtmetyje, atkrus nepriklausomyb. xx a. mogaus veikla, daranti neigiam tak aerofotografijos naudojimui archeologijoje, vadinama triukmu. nemaas triukmo lygis yra tam tikra Lietuvos aerofotografijos specifika. Pagrindins tokio triukmo rys yra melioracija (Plate v: 1, Plate v: 2), mikingumas (1 pav.), urbanizacija (2 pav.) ir patvankos. melioracija yra pagrindin tokio triukmo ris, turinti negrtam poveik senj epoch archeologijos paveldui. negrtam poveik archeologijos paveldui turi ir vairi dabartini moni urbanistin veikla. Archeologijos objekt paiek pagal aerofotografijas sunkina ir neaiki objekt (ols rat, taisyklingos formos struktr (34 pav.; Plate v:3, Plate vi:1, 2)) buvimas. Pastarj kilm nra iaikinta. iandieniniame aerofotografijos isivystymo Lietuvoje lygyje senojo apgyvendinimo pdsak paieka vien tik pagal aerofotografijas, j rezultat neverifikuojant prastiniais archeologini tyrim metodais, yra negalima.



In this article, a Neolithic anthropomorphic clay figurine from the ipka dune settlement in the littoral of Northern Kurzeme is examined as a versatile source of knowledge, forming an idea of the activities of the ancient individual in the field of ideology. This original figurine is analyzed by discovering the many-sidedness of its informative content, which lies not only within the originality of this find, but also in its significance in the examination of so far unsolved questions in the archaeological literature of the Eastern Baltic. These are questions concerning the role of the rite in the everyday life of the Neolithic individual. The scientific significance of the examined figurine is emphasised by the conditions of its finding at the fortified dune settlement, which was visited only during a particular season due to the yearly performance of an undertaking of a ritual character. The special conditions of the finding of this anthropomorphic clay figurine are dealt with in this article (the placement in the pit dug under the palisade), its gender affiliation and time of manufacture have been determined, as well as the possible cultural source, the character of the modelling of the figurine, the manufacture technique, the design and style, decoration, its symbolism, the fragmentation (breakage) of the figurine, and the aim of its usage within the common procedure of the performance of the ritual action. The originality of the find is also stressed among other Neolithic anthropomorphic figurines that have been found so far in Northern Kurzeme and among Neolithic anthropomorphic finds of a similar style in the land Islands (Finland) found at the beginning of the 20th century. Attention is paid to the fact that for the first time in the field of Neolithic research of the Eastern Baltic there is a situation when the spatial context of religious (mythological) or cult practice can be perceived. It is characterised by five interrelating zones or elements: place, where the cult (rite) was practised, imagery that is connected to the cult practice, devices, participants in the cult and the actual action of the cult. The examined figurine from the ipka A site is only one of 20 found here in the dune settlements of Northern Kurzeme. These settlements are places for the performance of rites, where specially manufactured anthropomorphic figurines can personify the spirits of ancestors of different generations, for the cult of ancestors was among the most evident cults practised by aborigine communities. The shadows of the ancestors were those that could give descendants different benefits, or take them away. Here at the ipka dune settlements, and in no other place, these figurines were broken and placed in specially dug pits, where big and small fireplaces were also burnt. This was carried out by particular persons, the elder or the soothsayer of the community, and these procedures were regulated strictly during the performance of the rite, when a contingent of other interested persons took part. Key words: Neolithic anthropomorphic clay figurine, symbolism, rite.



N E w R E s E A R C H I N T H E E A s T B A LT I C R E G I O N

In the practice of archaeological excavations, we sometimes have to face special categories of findings in Neolithic settlements or sacrifices, anthropomorphic or zoomorphic figurines, the interpretation of which is a part of the so-called cognitive archaeology. This object, in this case an anthropomorphic, fragmented clay figurine from Northern Kurzeme, that can be seen here, gives an insight that is greater and more detailed than any other average artefact obtained in archaeological excavations (Fig. 1). This fragmented figurine contains information about the conditions of its finding, the peculiarities of its modelling, the manufacturing technology, decoration, design and style, as well as the time of its manufacture and fragmentation (breaking). Moreover, this figurine allows us to analyse the need for its manufacture and the true causes of its breakage (fragmentation). Taking into account the conditions of its finding in situ, it is possible to explain its functional use by trying to reconstruct its significance within the social life and rites of the corresponding Neolithic community, thus creating the chance to see it in the broader context of research into anthropomorphic clay miniature art.

The Neolithic Anthropomorphic Clay Figurine From the Northern Kurzeme Littoral

The ipka A settlement is considered to be a place for the performance of cycles of rites, where, during the respective season of the year, the arrivals dwelt for a short time, performing these functions, as well as others connected with them, in order to return later to their bases, settlements inhabited all year long. The anthropomorphic clay figurine examined here, its broken-off head, and a diagonally split fragment of the middle part of the body, were found in a small pit (0.3m) under the outer palisade, where it was put after finishing a ritual action. It is possible that, along with the ritual breakage (fragmentation) of the figurine, there were sacrifices put into the pit, in the form of meat or other food. This is indicated by the colour marks in shades of grey on the sand of the pit, caused by the rotting of materials of organic origin (Loze 2006, Fig. 63, p.120). This pit was dug especially with the purpose of placing the remains of an anthropomorphic figurine in the selected place after breakage. It occurred due to the attempts of the inhabitants to establish the protection of the settlement territory from unwanted visitors or evil spirits. The latter could bring powerful storms as well as other misfortunes, bad luck in seal hunting, illness, disease, disagreements within the community, and other kinds of disasters. It is a significant fact that in breaking the figurine, its head was first broken off, moreover by damaging its right side. This is indicated by the position of the broken-off head at the bottom of the pit. At the same time, a part of the torso of the figurine that was split diagonally was found in the upper part of the pit. It gives evidence about the gradualness of the breaking of the anthropomorphic figurine during the practicable rite, which was prescribed to observe the particular functions of the gradual breakage of this figurine (Fig. 2:2) Possibly, the other body parts of this anthropomorphic figurine were divided after filling up this pit, and could be searched for in other pits that were dug while erecting this very palisade. It has been stated that a couple of metres in a northwest direction from this pit, under the same palisade, another pit was dug, in which a fragment of a foot of the anthropomorphic figurine was found.


1. The find conditions

The anthropomorphic clay figurine that can be seen here was found in the archaeological excavations in 1998 at the ipka A settlement, excavation site B. This settlement was discovered in 1993 by inspecting a blownover dune area of the Northern Kurzeme litoral in the ipka lagoons, in the immediate vicinity of a posterior paleolake. It took shape during the time of the Litorina Sea transgression period, when these dunes were attended during the short-term residence of Neolithic inhabitants. The archaeological excavations were carried out over four working seasons (1993, 1997, 1998 and 2001), by uncovering a 70.5-square-metre area. The ipka A site is the first fortified dune settlement in Latvia discovered so far, whose central part is girdled by fence-like enclosures. Fence-like enclosures of this kind, palisades, are characteristic of periods from the end of the Middle Neolithic and Late Neolithic in other places in the lands of the Baltic Sea basin. Four remnants of this kind of palisades have been found at the ipka A site, which can be traced down by little pits made in the dune sand. They are all facing the same direction, which indicates that the same dwellers visited this settlement several times during the autumn or winter seasons, renovating the fence torn by the sea, winds and storms.

2. The age and cultural affiliation of the find

This fragmented clay figurine, that was manufactured especially for a visit to the Northern Kurzeme dunes, is only one among 20 others found in this and other dune settlements, which differs due to the special rep-


Fig. 1. The fragmented small clay anthropomorphic figurine from the ipka A Neolithic site (drawings by Aiga Ivbule).



The Neolithic Anthropomorphic Clay Figurine From the Northern Kurzeme Littoral

resentation of a headdress, reminiscent of a scarf. It is possibly the first finding of this kind, but not the last or the only one. However, it belongs to a common style of miniature art in clay, because, while creating it, both the established form of body representation and the decoration regularities of Northern Kurzeme dune settlements were taken into account. The age of the ipka A ritual or sacral settlement sites in Northern Kurzeme can be detected due to findings of extraordinary anthropomorphic clay miniature samples. They were obtained at ipka Neolithic settlements, the cultural layers of which contain pit ceramics, which are inherent to settlements of Scandinavian shoreline and Litorina Sea islands. In Northern Kurzeme, it is represented by fragments of imported dishes, that indicate close contacts between the producers of this anthropomorphic miniature clay sample and the then inhabited Finno-Scandinavian shoreline and Litorina Sea islands. These pit ceramics represent a culture that has spread from the shoreline of Jutland to the west coast of Finland, and the age of which in calibrated numbers can be referred to the time period 28002500BC (Nielsen 2004, p.20, Table 1). This means that the Northern Kurzeme Neolithic dune settlements were also seasonally inhabited during exactly this period of time.

A, as well as Prciems C settlements (Loze 2006, Figs. 81:4, 89:6).

4. The technique of manufacture

This anthropomorphic figurine is prepared from wellpoached clay with a sufficiently high temperature of annealing that guaranteed its durability. Judging by the committed damages and later splitting places, its head was made from two strips, one representing the face and the chin with the neck part fitting to it, but the other forming the back of the head with a scarf-like headdress.


5. The decoration technique, design and style

The decoration of the face and body of the anthropomorphic figurine of the ipka A site, which could also be a representation of a tattoo, was created by incisions. The following elements were used in its creation: a vertical line with tiny opposed incisions at each end (on the face and chest); a horizontally incised broken line with short incisions directed downwards at both ends (on the back); a double contour-rhomb motif (on the chin); an unfinished hexagonal motif without a bottom part (on the chin); a walking-stick motif (on the forehead and chin). The layout of the decorative elements is in vertical lines on the face, and horizontal ones on the back. This is emphasised also by the decoration of other anthropomorphic figurines found in the ipka A settlement (Loze 2006, Fig.81:4). It has been ascertained that the decorative elements that have been chosen for the decoration of the respective anthropomorphic representation are connected with the social or ideological function of these figurines. The duality of the decoration of this anthropomorphic figurine should be remarked: its straight and broken linearity (rectilinear and curvilinear). This display of the decoration style on the anthropomorphic clay figurine is not a characteristic quality of Eastern Baltic ceramics. It is attributed to the linear pottery decoration style (line and ribbon ceramics), in this case on the surface of the anthropomorphic clay figurine, which has a rather archaic origination. This style is a characteristic quality of early farmers linear pottery culture (Pavl 2000, Fig.5.03a.). This is the earliest farming culture of Central Europe, that spread from western Ukraine

3. The character of the modelling of the anthropomorphic figurine

The examined fragmented anthropomorphic clay figurine from the ipka A Neolithic dune settlement belongs to the type of Northern Kurzeme anthropomorphic miniature art in clay with a headdress reminiscent of a scarf (Fig. 2:1). This is the first finding of this type of figurine, which differs from all previous figurines obtained at the same sites of the ipka A, B and Prciems C settlements (Loze 2006, pp.150-172). The type of head modelling of this kind indicates the usage of headdresses characteristic of the Neolithic. This significant figurine is distinguished by a particularly careful modelling of the face, scrupulously representing its features. The lower part of the body of this anthropomorphic figurine, that has been split diagonally (its left side was found in the pit under the palisade), allows us to characterise its modelling as possessing common qualities of Neolithic miniature sculptural art, the projection of inclined, slightly rounded shoulders, and a sharply narrowing of the waistline (Fig. 2:2). An insight about the base of this anthropomorphic figurine can be given by fragments of foot parts of this or other figurines found in other places at the same ipka


Fig. 2. The head of the small fragmented anthropomorphic clay figurine from the ipka A Neolithic site (photograph by Ilgvars Gradovskis).

to eastern France, and refers to a time period of circa 45003000BC. It is useful to mention that the layout of the two decorative elements, vertical and horizontal lines on the surface of the anthropomorphic figurines, is a characteristic feature of the decoration of anthropomorphic figurines of linear pottery culture. It can be illustrated by the torso of the anthropomorphic figurine found at Przybranowo, Wroclaw district Kuyavia, where indeed there is decoration combined in this way on its surface (Czerniak 1989, Fig.5, p.61). Concerning the combination of the walking-stick kind of lines with horizontal and vertical lines, this style of ceramics ornamentation is characteristic of the later phase of linear pottery culture (Czerniak 1989, Fig. 4: i, j, p.60). It has been ascertained not only in Kuyavia on the left bank basin of the Wisla, but also in the Chelmo area on the right bank basin of the Wisla, also close to the Drweca affluent (Kirkowski 1994, Fig.5:46, p.78). This linear pottery culture (Kultura ceramiki Wstegowej Rytej) in Poland is dated to the time period circa 45003900BC, assigning to the newer phase the period 42003900BC. Besides, settlements of this culture have been researched also in Pomerania, part of

the lower Wisla basin with its left-side influents (Czerniak 1986, p.159).

6. The gender affiliation of the represented figurine

The fragmented anthropomorphic clay figurine made in the ipka A settlement is a reproduction of a woman. It is indicated by the chest part of a broken female figurine found right there in situ in this settlement with unmistakably elaborated womans breasts (Loze 2006, Fig. 85, p.157). Just like the figurine that can be seen here, it has an arrangement of horizontally broken lines and bands on the back, but the front is decorated with two rows of hexagons. This figure of a baseless hexagon can also be found on the front of our examined figurine under the chin, where it has been enclosed within a complex combination of ornamental elements. It possibly indicates that this figurine also, just like the above-mentioned figurine, was covered with these rows of incised hexagons in its chest (Fig. 2).



The Neolithic Anthropomorphic Clay Figurine From the Northern Kurzeme Littoral

7. The symbolism of the decoration

The special significance of the anthropomorphic clay figurine found in the ipka A settlement is emphasised by the decoration, the reproduction of face and body tattoos. It should not be perceived merely as an embellishment of the figurine: it carries a much deeper meaning that cannot be worked out so easily. It must be mentioned that the decoration of the fragmented anthropomorphic figurine of the ipka A site contains information which would have remained unknown if we had not looked for close and far parallels to this walking-stick motif elsewhere. All the decorative elements of this figurine, apart from the walking-stick motif, are geometric, which is characteristic of the decoration complexes of linear pottery. However, this walking-stick motif, this fascinating sign, in our case in the form of a double line, is a characteristic feature of anthropomorphic figurine decorations of the southeast Europe Late Neolithic-Eneolithic ceramics cultures. It derives from the fact that the figurine examined by us also belongs to a significantly later culture group in comparison to linear pottery culture. Attention must be paid to the fact that systematic research of recent years in the field of anthropomorphic miniature forms has given good results. We can refer to the Gradenitsa-Krivodole cultural complex, where, among the decoration of the 381 female figurines found in 33 sites, the walking-stick motif can be found on the chests and hips (Biehl 1996, Fig. 3:4, 19, p.157). This cultural complex is characteristic of the Late Neolithic and Eneolithic territory of northwest Bulgaria, where it synchronises with Karnova 6 and Vincha D Neolithic layers, and is dated to the time period circa 38002800BC. It is generally stated that this walking-stick motif, along with other motifs of early farmers, could be a symbol that shapes a far-reaching communications system. However, here in northern Kurzeme it does not form a separate sign, but is enclosed in a complex, quite accurately performed composition of decoration, with the involvement of other motifs. The motif of the unfinished hexagon that has been enclosed in the decoration of the examined figurine under the neck is also worth attention. In southeast European Neolithic, especially Vincha Culture, it is considered to be one of the most widespread signs of sacral symbols. In the data bank composed of these signs, it occupies 41st place (Lazarovici 2003, Fig. 4:41, p.61). Symbol studies are the subject of symbolic (gnostic) and structural archaeology, and are based on the ethno-archaeological research of material culture. In this

case, the archaeological culture is seen as a complex collection of symbols which determines how individuals have acted in the respective society. Symbols do not reflect, but play an active part in shaping the norms of social behaviour. They are active in social strategies (Hodder 1982, pp.74-86).

8. The fragmentation (breakage) of the anthropomorphic figurine

The anthropomorphic clay figurine that can be seen here was not broken by accident. It was broken on purpose during the performance of some rite. In this case, when a figurine that we are interested in has been found fragmented in situ in a settlement inhabited seasonally or in the short term, there is reason to affirm that this process of breakage indicates the practice of a rite in connection with the protection of the settlement. It is indicated by the digging of a special pit under the fence-like enclosure, a palisade, in which during the performance of the rite, the two parts of the figurine, the broken-off head and the fragment of the torso, were placed (Loze 2006, Fig. 63, p.120). It might be added that the breakage of anthropomorphic figurines in ipka dune settlements was performed in a gradual way. Probably first the head of each figurine was damaged. This can be seen well with the figurine found at the Prciems C site, which has a small breakage on the back of the head (Loze 2006, Fig. 79, p.151). Probably the next step was taken in order to break the heads off the figurines. Indeed in the ipka A settlement there are fragments of the heads of five figurines. Later, the body was divided into two parts in the middle, which is indicated by the chest of the female figurine found in the ipka A site (Loze 2006, Fig. 85, p.157). Thus, the broken figure was broken in half, and in half once again diagonally, as was done with the figurine described by us here. The flat base, which served as a support instead of legs, was also separated. Fragments of flat bases also belong to the three figurines found at ipka A and one in Prciems F (Loze 2006, Fig. 81:4, Fig. 89:6).


9. The anthropomorphic figurine in the context of the research of ritual settlements

The ipka A site, being one of the ten most attended coastal rite performance places in Northern Kurzeme, was also girdled with fence-like enclosures, palisades, which were renovated during the visit each season, thus providing security for arrivals not only from forest


These are: 1) sacral settlements of special location (Alvastra pile building); 2) megaliths-dolmens or passage tombs (Jordhej); 3) temples (Tustrup); 4) swamp findings (Salpetermosen); 5) fortified settlements (Sarup); 6) findings in water (Segea); and 7) ritual deposits (Rabelov). A special choice of location is considered to be one of the most typical features of ritual sites in Scandinavian archaeological literature, the presence of many fireplaces, an untraditional disproportionality of tools used in everyday life, a small amount of flint tools and a lack of flint processing (Malmer 1986, p.98). However, direct parallels with Scandinavian ritual sites and performance places cannot be drawn, because the ipka dune settlements are of a shoreline type. Besides, it is not only one site, but a whole system of seasonally attended settlements. It is a new, and up to this day little investigated, situation within the Litorina Sea basin. Yet the manufacturing style of the anthropomorphic clay figurines found in the dune settlements of Northern Kurzeme allows us to compare them with 100 fragments of anthropomorphic clay figurines that represent more than 60 of these figurines found at the beginning of the 20th century at the Jetbele site on the island of Yumala, which belongs to the land Islands (Cederhvarf 1912, pp.307-323). The manufacturing style of these figurines is similar to that of ones made in Northern Kurzeme, which can be seen in the modelling of the posture of the figurines: they have a raised head and a face turned towards the roof of heaven, as well as a flat base instead of legs, and shoulders formed by a rounding-off. However, direct parallels with the example of the anthropomorphic miniature sculptural art found at the ipka A site, as well as with others found at the same site or ipka B or Prciems C site, do not exist. Despite the territorially small area of excavations, the ipka A site investigated in Northern Kurzeme is distinguished by particularly characteristic, very typical features of ritual performance. All five zones of ritual action identified by specialists in cults and early religions are represented here. They are connected with the place where the cult has been practised, imagery that is connected with the cult practice, devices, participants in the cult, and the actual practices/actions of the cult (Betremes, Biehl 2001, p.17-20). This is the first case

The cult practice, which in this case manifests itself as a performance of a ritual cycle, with broken figurines and their placement in specially dug pits under palisades, as well as other sacrifices, indicates the wish of the Neolithic individual to subdue supernatural forces and beings to his own benefit. Thus, the examined anthropomorphic clay figurine is an object that features in the performance of a particular rite as a symbol belonging to it. Not only this or any other figurine at the ipka A site, or elsewhere on the Northern Kurzeme shore, but also its decorative elements on the face, or other parts of the body, could be a symbol. The symbol is the most important part during the performance of a rite, it does not change or lose its specific functions until the end of the rite. The symbol is considered to be the tiniest unit of a rite, it is an elementary unit of a specific structure in the context of the rite. It preserves the specific character of the ritual action during the entire time of the ritual performance process. In summarising the anthropomorphic Neolithic clay figurine examined in this article as the source of research, and seeing it in the common context of research of the Northern Kurzeme dune Neolithic settlements, by bonding it also to the findings from Yumala island at the Jetbele site, a general insight is shaped about the activities in the ideological field of the people of the Litorina Sea basin at the end of the Neolithic period. They become apparent with the mobile seafaring Neolithic inhabitants leaving behind not only seasonally inhabited ritual sites on the littoral, but also leaving anthropomorphic clay figurines, as the most certain indicators of the performances of these ritual cycles. References
BERTEMES, F., BIEHL, P.F., 2001. The archaeology of cult and religion: an introduction. In: P.F. BIEHL, F. BERTREMES, H. MILLER, eds. The archaeology of Cult and Religion. Budapest, 11-20. BIEHL, P.F., 1996. Symbolic communication systems on anthropomorphic figurines of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic from South-Eastern Europe. Journal of European Archaeology, 4, 153-175. CEDERHVARF, B., 1912. Neolitiska lergigurer frn land (Ett frelpande medellande). In: Finska fornminnesfreningens (SMYA), 26, 307-323.


The ipka type dune settlements are called Neolithic ritual sites. Litorina Sea basin ritual sites in Scandinavia are classified in seven groups (Malmer 1986, pp.91-110).


animals, but also from hostile individuals. These could possibly be only those belonging to another Neolithic culture, whose language and physical type were different.

in the praxis of Eastern Baltic Neolithic research when it is possible to perceive the spatial context of the religious or cult practice. It can all be found at the ipka A site, which shows itself as a site for the performance of rites, with the burning of fireplaces, anthropomorphic figurines, Neolithic people, and the manufacturers and breakers of anthropomorphic figurines among them.

CZERNIAK, L., 1986. Band pottery. Danubian culture in Pomerania. In: T. MALINOWSKI, ed. Problems of the Stone Age in Pomerania (Archaeologca Interregionalis). Warszawa, 153-162. CZERNIAK, L., 1989. External factors in Cultural Development of Kujavian communities during the Early and Middle Neolithic. In: A. COFTA-BRONIEWSKA, ed. Prehistoric contacts of Kujavian Communities with other European peoples (Archaeologia Interregionalis). Warszawa, 51-75. HODDER, J., 1982. Symbols in Action. Cambridge University Press. KIRKOWSKI, R., 1994. Kultura ceramici Wstgivej Rutej na ziemi Chemiskiej. Zarys systematyki ChronologicznoGenetycznej. In: L. CZERNIAK, ed. Neolit i Pocztki Epoki Brzy na ziemi Chhemiskiej. Grudzidz, 58-99. LAZAROVICI, G., 2003. Sacred symbols on Neolithic cult objects from the Balkans. In: L. NIKOLOVA (ed.) Early symbolic systems for communication in Southeast Europe Vol. 1. (BAR INTERNATIONALIS SERIES 1139). Oxford, 57-64. LOZE, I., 2005. Small anthropomorphic figurines in clay at ipka Neolithic settlements. In: M. BUDJA, ed. Documenta Praehistorica. Vol. 32. (Neolithic studies 12). Ljubljana, 155-165. LOZE, I., 2006. Neolta apmetnes Ziemekurzemes kps. Latvijas vstures institta Apgds. Guntis Eberhards, Irna Jakubovska, Aija Ceria. Rga, 223. MALMER, M.P., 1986. Aspects of Neolithic ritual Sites. In: G. STEINSLAND, ed. Words and Objects. Towards a dialogue between Archaeology and History of Religion. The Institute for Research and Human Culture. Norwegian University Press, 91-110. NIELSEN, P.O., 1993. The Neolithic. In: S. HVASS, B. STORGAARD, eds. Digging into the Past: 25 Years of Archaeology in Denmark. Arhus, 84-87. PAVL, I., 2000. Life on a Neolithic site (ivot na Neolitickm sidliti). BylaniSituational Analysis of Artefacts. Praha, 340 Received: 1 February 2008; Revised: 2 May 2008 Dr Habil. Ilze Loze Institute of the History of Latvia University of Latvia 1 Akadmijas Square LV-1050 Rga LATVIA

The Neolithic Anthropomorphic Clay Figurine From the Northern Kurzeme Littoral

iaurinje Kuremje, buvo tiriamos visais prieinamais vairiapusikais tyrim metodais, siekiant nustatyti individualumo lygmen prieistors ideologins veiklos lygmeniu. i originali figrl vairiapusikai analizuojama ne tik jos atradimo poiriu, bet stengiamasi itirti neaikumus, pasirodiusius Ryt Pabaltijo archeologinje literatroje jos tyrinjimo klausimais. Btent ie klausimai yra susij su neolito gyventojo, kaip individo, svarba kasdieniame apeig cikle. Tyrinjant figrl didelis dmesys atkreipiamas tai, kad ji aptikta tvirtintoje kopose esanioje gyvenvietje, kuri buvo lankoma tik tam tikru met laikotarpiu, kai buvo atliekamos tam tikros apeigos. Ypatinga ios antropomorfins molins figrls radimo aplinkyb iame straipsnyje paymta atskirai (ji aptikta duobje, ikastoje po tvora). Figrls modeliavimo, gaminimo technologija, dizainas ir stilius, dekoravimas, simbolika, atsivelgiant figrls fragmentikum, panaudojimo tiksl, suteikia galimyb paaikinti ia vykusi ritualini apeig procedr. io radinio originalumas yra tas, kad figrli buvo rasta iki iol tik iaurs Kuremje. i figrl isiskyr i kit aptikt neolito antropomorfini figrli savo stiliumi, kuris yra panaus Aland sal (Suomija) figrli, inom jau XX a. pradioje. Atkreiptinas dmesys tai, kad pirm kart Ryt Pabaltijo neolito tyrinjimuose fiksuojama situacija, kai suvokiamas religijos (mitologinio) kulto kontekstas. Gipkos A gyvenvietje aptikta figrl yra tik viena i dvideimties, aptikt iaurs Kuremje. T fakt charakterizuoja penki sryio elementai: vieta, kur buvo atliekamos kulto apeigos, vaizdinys, susijs su kultu, priemons, kulto apeig dalyviai ir reali kulto akcija. ios Gipkos gyvenviets yra apeig atlikimo vietos, kuriose specialiai buvo lipdomos antropomorfins figrls, jas asmeninant kaip protvi dvasias skirtingose moni generacijose ir skiriant akivaizdiam protvi kultui, kur praktikavo vietins bendruomens. Kaip tik taip protvi eliai buvo perduodami palikuonims kaip privilegija arba atimami. Tik Gipkos kop gyvenvietse kaip niekur kitur ios figrls buvo sudauomos ir dedamos specialiai ikastas duobes, kur buvo deginami maesni ar didesni ugniakurai. i ceremonij atlikdavo ypatingas asmuo bendruomens senolis ar iniuonis, o atliekamos procedros buvo tiksliai sureisuotos ceremonialui, kuriame dalyvaudavo ir kiti suinteresuoti asmenys.



iame straipsnyje neolitins antropomorfins molins figrls, aptiktos Gipkos smlio kop gyvenvietse


Iron metallurgy in Lithuania has been a little-researched theme so far. More attention has been paid to smithery (Stankus) and iron smelting technologies (Navasaitis), but not much is known about the archaeological finds of iron smelting equipment, their functions, and interconnectedness. Archaeological research of the last few decades in the Kereliai hill-fort (Kupikis district), Lieporiai (iauliai), Kernav (irvintai), Bakiai (Alytus), ard (Klaipda) and Virbalinai (Kaunas) settlements, as well as the Lazdininkai (Kretinga) cemetery, has afforded much new data to investigate the iron smelting occupation, and has provided the opportunity to examine more broadly and deeply the problem of iron metallurgy in Lithuania. Iron metallurgys research objective includes iron smelting equipment, tools, and the products of manufacture. The sources of research are the iron smelting archaeological finds stored in museums, archaeological research documentation, and reference as well as scientific publications. Part 1 of this article is devoted to an analysis of the archaeological finds related to the preparatory stage of iron smelting and the making of charcoal. Iron ore has been found in Baitai (Klaipda district), Lieporiai, Norknai (Prienai), Lavoriks (Vilnius) and Krminiai (Varna). Roasted ore was additionally found in Varnupiai (Marijampol) and Lieporiai. Ore washing equipment, roasting pits and crushing tools were found only in Lieporiai. It was established that the hydrated ore in Lieporiai was mined in an open fashion, washed with well water on a wooden flooring, and roasted in open fires in shallow pits. Flat rocks and ground stone were used for crushing and grinding it (comminution). Charcoal for the iron smelting was made in round pits or stacks (Lieporiai, ygmantiks). Key words: iron metallurgy, mining iron ore, washing ore, roasting ore, crushing ore, making charcoal.

People began extracting and processing iron 4,000 years ago. This is a material from which the manufactured weapons and tools far exceeded, in their quality and duration, the stone, bone and bronze artefacts made until then. Iron production had a huge impact on all areas of human life and activity, on the household, the economy and the social structure; thus its procurement, treatment and use is one of the most important issues for Iron Age material culture researchers. Lithuanian archaeological science so far has not given enough attention to it. The first data about iron metallurgical artefacts in Lithuania is known from the first half of the 20th century (Tarasenka 1927, 1928; Nageviius 1935; Puzinas 1938); however, only after the Second World War were works devoted to this problem developed and published (Kulikauskas 1958; Stankus 1978, 2001). Having surveyed the research history of iron metallurgy (Salatkien 2006b), certain incongruities are evident in previous iron metallurgy research. Until recent years, the use of iron (artefacts and their types, smithery, technologies, development) has been the best researched (Stankus 1978, 2001; Navasaitis 2003). Considerably less known is the stage of irons procurement and initial treatment, since the equipment and

tools for iron smelting are preserved somewhat more poorly than other artefacts. Lithuanian archaeological research and discoveries of the last few decades have provided much new and valuable material to research the iron metallurgy trade, as well as giving the opportunity to examine more widely and deeply the problem of iron metallurgy in Lithuania. Currently, more than 200 iron metallurgy find sites are known in Lithuania, but only 40 of them have provided more valuable information (Salatkien 2007), while mostly just slag has been found in the others. Especially valuable are the finds from the Kereliai hill-fort (Kupikis district), Lieporiai (iauliai), Kernav (irvintai), Bakiai (Alytus), ard (Klaipda) and Virbalinai (Kaunas) settlements, and the Lazdininkai (Kretinga) cemetery. The aim of this article is to define and substantiate iron metallurgys research and its structure, to discuss sources of information for the research and, most importantly, to analyse the accumulated archaeological finds and other metallurgy data in Lithuania to date, to systematise and typologise them, and to connect them into a unified system according to the technological processing stages of iron metallurgy. The chronological boundaries of the research include the last few centuries BC, from the crafts beginnings to the formation of the state in the 13th century. The article analyses




I R O N M E TA L L U R G Y I N L I T H U A N I A . A N A N A LY S I S O F A R C H A E O L O G I C A L F I N D S ( PA RT 1 )


Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

Fig. 1. The most important iron smelting findings in Lithuania.

the archaeological find complex characteristic of iron extraction and the initial treatment process, artefact types, functions, and their interconnectedness, beginning with iron ore, its acquisition and preparation, and ending with a discussion of the main technological products: bloom and slag artefacts. Part 1 presents an analysis of the finds from the preparatory stage of iron smelting, finds of ore, its procurement, the remains from washing and roasting it, and from making charcoal. Iron smelting, its equipment, products, and waste will be elucidated in later parts of this article.

Iron metallurgy research consists of several parts: 1. Archaeological sites with iron metallurgical finds. Archaeological site types, chronology, diffusion, and the specific character of the finds discovered therein provide data about the mastery of iron smelting and the tendencies and directions of its expansion. 2. This works main research question consists of all types of archaeological finds encountered at Lithuanian archaeological sites up to the 13th century that are related to iron metallurgy and that include all of the occupations stages. These can be divided into several main types: features, artefacts and manufactured products. It is necessary to create such a structural model of iron metallurgy research because until now Lithuanian archaeologists have recorded only separate iron smelting artefacts, smelting furnaces, fragments of their walls, slag, etc, while the smelting process would be illuminated in publications only from a technological viewpoint, not connecting its separate stages with the archaeological finds. Every iron smelting stage has its characteristic specific raw material, equipment and tools; in addition, each stage leaves behind different manufactured products and waste. All archaeological finds related to the iron smelting process are important and must be researched together.

The research question

The Lithuanian archaeological heritage consists of three main parts: archaeological sites; artefact collections and exhibitions housed in museums; and published and archival scientific archaeological research material. The research into iron metallurgy, just like other questions of prehistory, includes all strata of this heritage; however, research documentation and artefact interpretation are especially important in the disclosure of iron metallurgy.


Ore mining loci ore deposits ore mining pits means of preparing ore for smelting ore washing loci and their respective equipment wells buckets for scooping water ore roasting loci and their respective equipment charcoal making loci pits hearths iron smelting loci smelteries smelting furnaces, their loci, remains, fragments bloomeries (smithies, forges) bloomery constructions bloomery equipment (bloomery furnace) Artefacts: ore mining tools means and tools for ore preparation ore crushing stones grinding stones means for processing blooms anvils hammers smiths tools anvils hammers tongs polishers whetstones Products of manufacture: blooms unprocessed processed preforms slag and its accumulation charcoal 3. Aside from the enumerated finds, the research includes materials that are used for the equipment, technological processes, and tools. 4. The research consists not only of the separate finds, but also of the entire system of iron metallurgy features and artefacts, their interconnectedness and distribution in the site, and the choice of location for the iron smelting or for its separate stages. This information is found in archaeological research reports and scientific publications.

A fundamental principal was adhered to while researching iron metallurgy in Lithuania in the first to the 13th centuries: to examine iron metallurgy as an integral process. Several methods were used in the work, all of which correspond to the works aims: to collect and systematise all the known data to date concerning iron metallurgical finds in Lithuania up to the 13th century. One of the main methods in this work is typological. An effort was made to divide all the iron metallurgical finds found in Lithuania into the most important types according to technological stages, naming the artefacts, tools, and features of equipment characteristic of each stage. In instances in which more than one stages finds are known (eg smelting furnace), either the commonly widespread typology is maintained or the typology of several stages is adapted. Typological artefact tables are presented in which an effort is made to show as much, and as precise, data as possible that substantiates the typological basis and motives. The application of the typological method not only allows the creation of a unified archaeological find system of iron metallurgy, but also eases its analysis, interpretation, and the determination of a chronology. A comparative research method is also used in the work. Iron metallurgy finds are analysed by comparing them with each other, examining their similarities and differences, and establishing their possible types, as well as the types diffusion areas and chronology. Moreover, Lithuanias archaeological finds are compared with finds and data from other European countries. An analytical method is used in the discussion of the form, structure and determination of function of separate finds. The entire iron metallurgys archaeological find system and typology is based on it. The synthetic method, as the main method, is used not only in summarising the results of the analysis and compiling a unified system and precise typology, but also in interpreting the development of iron metallurgy and reconstructing its surroundings.

Characterisation of iron metallurgy research information sources

Iron metallurgy sources of information are comprised of three groups: material finds, documentation and publications. All of these information sources are equally important. The first group consists of archaeological finds related to all stages of iron smelting in Lithuanias museum collections. Blooms, slag, smelting furnace wall fragments, fragments of bellows, iron ore pieces, stone anvils, grinding stones, and charcoal




Research methodology

pieces find their way into museums. The second information source group would be archaeological site documentation or scientific research reports on finds of extracting iron ore, washing, roasting or smelting it, processing blooms, and making charcoal (these would be located in the Lithuanian History Institutes Archaeology Department archives). The volume, precision and comprehensiveness of the data presented vary. Stratigraphic data is especially important in iron metallurgy research, as it makes the interpretation of the finds (of both artefacts and features) and the determination of their interconnectedness more reliable. Iron metallurgy equipment is rarely well preserved, while the largest part of these archaeological finds is made up of processing waste (slag) or features that were destroyed or annihilated during the very process of production (smelting furnaces, ore roasting hearths). In many cases, only the archaeologist excavating iron metallurgy features can accurately name and link features and artefacts and interpret them, while a researcher utilising a scientific report in which the features and artefacts are only named, but not connected into a system, has much difficulty in doing so. It is likely that some of the features encountered in archaeological sites (hearths, pits, tools) that are associated with iron metallurgy, but not ascribed to it by the researcher, were not included in the research domain of iron metallurgy. The third group is that of published material, starting with a list of find sites. The first such list and map was compiled by A. Endzinas (1968), although as an information source it is not entirely reliable. Endzinas compiled both a list and a map of 144 find sites, based on such sources as Lithuanian museum funds. The research reports of archaeological expeditions of various years (Endzinas 1968, p.162). This list includes the entire period in which iron was used, from the Early Iron Age up to the 20th century. The most serious flaw in this list is the inaccuracy of the references, and in many instances the lack of references altogether. Often the author limits himself to the reference Lietuvos archeologijos bruoai (An Outline of Lithuanian Archaeology) (without the referred page number) or to the note VIEM, ie the current collection in the Lithuanian National Museum. Thirty references are included in this list, without any indication from where the information about the iron metallurgy artefacts was obtained. We can guess that some of the localities were surveyed by the author himself; however, he does not describe or present inventories of such surveys, the places where collected artefacts are curated, or any other data. Endzinas writes: Small pieces of fine, worn iron slag were found in Neringa, between arkuva and Rasyt. Iron smelting must have occurred here before our era, and in the first half of the first millennium of

our era (Endzinas 1968, p.157). Endzinas does not indicate who found the slags and when, or under what circumstances, nor does he associate them with any site; yet he draws a categorical, irrefutable conclusion about the artefacts chronology. Later archaeological publications do not confirm 75 of the lists references, and it is impossible to verify them due to the inaccuracy or nonexistence of the authors references. There are 14 references in the list that are not archaeological sites; the only thing indicated is that slag was found in the village fields. In the mentioned instances it is impossible to determine whether the reference is to slag from iron smelting or from a bloomery furnace, nor is there any mention of their chronology. The second collection of iron metallurgy find sites was compiled in the Lietuvos TSR archeologijos atlasas (Lithuania SSR Archaeological Atlas) (LAA, 1977, pp.202-203). Three find site lists were published here according to find types: iron smelting furnaces, slag finds, and isolated finds (in burial sites). One hundred and one hill-forts and four open settlements are in these lists, and the fact that smelting furnaces were found in six archaeological sites is indicated. This is the first list of archaeological sites with iron metallurgy finds in which the data is accurate and the references are comprehensive. The most important merits of this collection are the provision of information about each site type, a presentation of the sites survey and research, a discussion of the most important finds, information about where the artefacts are curated, and a comprehensive list of references. A diffusion map of smelting furnaces and slag is also presented in the publication. The Kultros paminkl enciklopedija (Cultural Site Encyclopedia) (KPE, Vols I, II) is also ascribed to the discussed source of information. In addition to the earlier published information, it also contains iron metallurgy find sites not previously published. Of these, the hillforts of Berzgainiai (Ukmerg district) (Vaitkunskien 1996, p.98) and Maniulikiai (Zarasai) are noteworthy (Grigalaviien 1996, p.370). Thus, Lithuanian iron metallurgy research information sources are rather varied and their investigation requires different methods. Only by their sum total, however, can we examine, interpret and typologise the archaeological finds associated with iron smelting in sufficient detail.


Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

Iron ore and its preparation (mineral dressing)

Iron ore finds. Till now archaeologists have very little direct information about ore deposits and their exploitation. The literature is usually limited to the general


comment that bog ore is often found and is widespread throughout Lithuania (Stankus 2001, p.171), and that to find bog iron was no more difficult than to find suitable clay for the production of pots (Kulikauskas 1959, p.11). Not everyone is of this opinion, however. Endzinas, basing himself on Kaveckis, asserts that the mineralisation of subterranean waters in Samogitias highlands is lower, so there are fewer bog ore deposits there than in east or south Lithuania (Endzinas 1969, p.93). He was the first to try to describe iron ore mines. The researcher describes the Galeliai settlement (Utena district) where much slag has been found, and believes that iron there was smelted from sedimentary ore taken out from the bottom of Lake Lukna (Endzinas 1969, pp.93-94). The author links the slag finds from the Berzgainiai hill-fort with the Siesartis rivulets shores ferriferous tufa layer that contains 30% iron oxide, and the Jomantai hill-forts slag finds with the ferriferous soil of the Veivira-Ava valley (Endzinas 1969, p.97). Endzinas affirms that the ore in Lavoriks was mined in the same place it was smelted, right there on the shores of the River Vilnia, near the existing Margiai peat bog and surrounding bogs (Endzinas 1967, p.39). He justifies his statement in that remnants of iron ore material that correspond to the composition of the ore from the Vilnias shores were found underneath the iron smelting waste pile. Other ore deposits, such as Papil, Mocikiai, Kazl Rda, and many others mentioned in the works of Endzinas, Malinauskas and Linius (Malinauskas et al. 1999) and Stankus (2001), are not associated with specific archaeological sites. These authors describe ore deposits mentioned in historical references and linked with metallurgy in the Middle Ages. Moreover, in their article about limonite, Malinauskas and Linius present not geological maps that indicate the diffusion of this mineral, but rather the toponymic maps compiled by Endzinas with the roots Gel-, Rd-, Hut- and Bd-, as well as this same authors slag find site maps (Malinauskas et al. 1999, pp.111-112, Figs. 1, 2). While it cannot strictly be denied that slag find sites were unknown in prehistoric times, we have no archaeological data that confirms this. Iron ore was found underneath the tillage in the Kivyliai village during an archaeological survey of the Bting-Maeikiai terrace in 1996, but Stankus, its discoverer, does not associate it with any archaeological site (Stankus 2001, p.171). There is no data about ore deposits that could be characterised as archaeological sites, ie, places of production. Archaeological finds of iron ore known till now are associated only with settlements or burial sites. Ore has been found in Baitai, Lieporiai, Norknai, Lavoriks and Krminiai (Fig. 1). Endzinas mentions bog ore discovered in Kaunas Castle in 1960 which, in the authors

opinion, must have been brought in from the areas ore deposits (Endzinas 1964, p.195); however, there is no data about those ore deposits. One researcher recorded a 20 to 30-centimetre-thick layer of very ferriferous sand in a cemetery in Baitai (Klaipda district), at a depth of 60 to 70 centimetres (Banyt 2002, p.107); this layer was orally recounted to this works author as one of iron ore. The same type of information was also received by this works author from the investigator of the fifth to sixth-century Kalnikiai cemetery (Raseiniai district), V. Kazakeviius. A very ferriferous layer of sand was also observed in this cemeterys territory. E. Strikien, who excavated the Krmini (Varna district) hill-fort settlement, notes in her research report that in plots XI and XII of the northwestern portion of the settlement, upon removing the 25 to 35-centimetre cultivated soil layer, the undisturbed bed limonite (marsh ore) showed (Strikien LII 3229, p.17, Photograph 19), although she does not append any laboratory analyses or geological summary data. Nowhere does she mention that the thickness or boundaries of that layer would be confirmed; however, the assertion of the layer being one of limonite is very important to us. Both in the research report and in the publication (Strikien 2000), the author also mentions slag found in the cultural layer of the Krminiai hill-fort foot settlement. Thus, we can affirm that the metallurgists of the Krminiai community could have used the local ore deposits raw material. While making the ramparts profile of the Norknai 1 hill-fort (Prienai district), ferrous minerals, pieces of marsh ore, were found in stone pavement I. The hillforts researcher, V. Daugudis, collected and submitted the larger ones (some were up to 7x10x7cm large) to the museum. It is most likely that these minerals got into the rampart together with other rocks that were brought in for the ramparts reinforcement. What is clear is that they should not have been very far from the hill-fort, although other iron ore finds that survived in their original place were not recorded during the excavation. Not only slag, but also smelting furnace remains were found in the Norknai 1 hill-fort settlement, so the discovery of iron ore pieces in the hillforts rampart is very important information about the use of ore deposits in the hill-forts environs. While excavating a pile of iron dross (slag) in the ancient settlement of Lavoriks (Vilnius district), Daugudis also found raw iron ore material. He writes: at a depth of 30 to 35 centimetres, near the centre of the dross pile, approximately between the sixth and 13th metres, a thin, two to five-centimetre layer of light brown soil composed of what resembled small, fine grains of gravel was observed. In the opinion of Doc. V. Babilius, this is the remains of raw iron ore



material which, apparently, before smelting, would first be dried. It did not become clear during the excavation, however, why the dross and other waste material was heaped onto the place in which the iron ore was dried earlier (Daugudis LII 201, p.5). Raw iron ore was found in Lavoriks in 1978 during archaeological investigations. Stankus writes that he found a massive piece of ore there that weighed four kilograms (Stankus 2001, p.171). Approximately 100 small pieces of roasted iron ore were found in the settlement on the top of the Varnupiai hill-fort (Marijampol district) during the excavation there in 1970. The hill-forts researcher, P. Kulikauskas, calls the pieces dross both in his research report (Kulikauskas LII 91, p.47) and in his publications (Kulikauskas 1972a, p.18; Kulikauskas 1982, p.57), although he notes that they are unusual. About 100 small pieces of metal were found in an approximately 30-centimetre-wide area and at a depth of 40 to 50 centimetres in Plot 2, Quadrant G9. Some of them resembled metal shivers, others dross. The author writes: Since they were not analysed, a determination of their function cannot be made. Somehow they are fresh and sharp, different from the dross to which we are accustomed (Kulikauskas LII 91, p.47). Having examined this find, which is stored in the National Museums collections, the author of this article dares to assert that Kulikauskas find is one of iron ore, since she has collected many similar pieces of ore in Lieporiai. We have no more data about the ore mine in the surroundings of the Varnupiai hill-fort from which the mentioned iron ore concretions were brought in. No other kinds of iron metallurgy finds were found during the excavation of the Varnupiai hill-fort, although Endzinas notes that pieces of iron dross were found together with iron bloom in the crops along the hill-forts eastern slope during the 1954 KDM (mistakenly cited as the Kaunas Art Museum) archaeological survey (Endzinas 1958, p.153). Recent efforts to find data about this expedition and its archaeological finds in the Vytautas Magnus War Museums Archaeology Department were unsuccessful. The head of the department, K. Rickeviit, maintained that in the 1970s Endzinas had taken iron metallurgy finds for laboratory analyses, as well as expedition reports from many museum collections, for research concerning iron smelting in Lithuania, but did not return any of these to anyone. After his death, museologists were also unsuccessful in retrieving the materials from his relatives, so much iron metallurgy data and sources are gone. The only reliable archaeological data we have about an iron ore deposit and its exploitation at this time is from the Lieporiai 1 settlement. The iron metallurgy finds discovered there have been analysed and pub-

lished (Salatkien 2003). We shall remind the reader in this work that, in the authors opinion, a small ore deposit was initially found and began to be exploited in Lieporiai, with the iron being smelted right there. Two iron smelting stages were recorded in this location, separated by a certain amount of time when the work was abandoned there. Only when all the ore was definitively exhausted did the people build houses and settle in the place where iron had been smelted. This small ore deposit was in the bottom of a shallow basin or depression, in a distinctly yellow sandy loam. In geological terms it is called a clayey yellow sand accumulation in the depressions of the moraines relief (Stanikait AM). Hydrated iron ore was found in the small ore deposit (Fig. 2). It was comprised of grey, ferrous nodules as large as hazelnuts, spread throughout the entire layer, concentrated in larger or smaller clusters in places. Roasted ore that had been extracted from this location was also found there. A large amount of it had fallen around the shaft of Furnace 14. As was shown by laboratory analyses (Table 1), the roasted ore differed in colour (light brown, rusty) and amount of iron from the nodules collected during the excavation.


Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

Ta b l e 1 . C h e m i c a l c o m p o s i t i o n o f unroasted and roasted ore found in the Lieporiai 1 settlement

Composition Hydrated iron oxides (unroasted ore) Fe (general) Fe2O3 SiO2 AL2O3 CaO P 2O 5 MnO MgO TiO2 BaO K 2O 8.66-17.03 12.39-24.34 63.63-66.43 6.97-8.60 1.14-1.33 0.29-1.05 0.23-6.26 1.14-1.15 0.37-0.44 0.10-0.85 2.89 Roasted ore near Furnace 14 S a m p l e Sample 2 1 50.84 57.80 72.70 82.65 18.30 12.85 1.74 1.91 3.35 1.16 2.48 0.71 0.32 0.15 0.45 0.74 0.09 0.09 0.11 0.02 0.52

Analyses performed by Dr A. Sveikauskait


One can see from the geological-geomorphological diagram of the Lieporiai environs compiled in 1997 (Stanikait AM) that the Lieporiai 1 and Lieporiai 2 settlements were established in precisely those places where the mentioned yellow sandy loam with hydrated iron ore accumulations are found. Slag was also found in the location of the Lieporiai 2 settlement; thus, it is likely that the iron could have been smelted here as well. It could be assumed that the people of Lieporiai 1, and maybe even of Lieporiai 2, also settled there because they found hydrated iron ore there. The ores

Fig. 2. Hydrated iron ore from Lieporiai.

attributes, as well as in which places and what kind of soil it could be found, should have been well known to the people. Hydrated ore (bean-shaped) was used for smelting in Belarus ( 1982, p.24). Iron ore near or in the vicinity of smelting furnaces is found in Latvia. A piece of limonite weighing 95 grams was found in the ente hill-fort settlement (Stubavs 1976, p.90). The Lieporiai, and in part Krminiai, examples show that iron was smelted near an ore deposit; however, there are apparently more instances in which iron ore was mined from an ore deposit that was elsewhere, brought back to the settlement, and smelted there. So far there are no excavated sites where iron smelting is not associated with one or another type of settlement. Mining ore. We have very little archaeological data concerning methods of mining ore. The literature is limited to the observation that ore was mined in the summer, while smelting occurred in the fall and winter (Kulikauskas 1959, p.12; Endzinas 1969, p.96; Stankus 2001, pp.171-172), but ore mining finds in archaeological sites or their surroundings are not indicated. When pieces of ore are collected from the ground surface, only the winter is not convenient for the task (Endzinas 1969, p.94). Sometimes the extraction of ore from the bottoms of lakes in the winter, after chopping ice holes, is mentioned (Endzinas 1969, pp.93-94). In Lithuania, iron ore is found on the ground surface, in the soil, in layers under the turf, in swamps and streams, and on lakeshores (Malinauskas et al. 1999,

p.111-114); thus, everywhere it had to be dug out, collected, or otherwise extracted via open means. It had to be mined from in or under the ground, but only in Lieporiai were such mining pits found. It was observed during the first years of archaeological excavations that some pits were dug and abandoned right away. They were irregularly shaped, with very uneven bottoms, and with small, thrown-out hillocks alongside them. Such pits were found not throughout the entire investigated plot, but rather only at the very bottom of the depression or small valley, in a distinctly yellow sandy loam. Only in this sandy loam is hydrated iron ore found as well. Its pieces are abundant throughout the sandy loam, although larger or smaller conglomerations or clusters of it are also found. Approximately a couple kilograms of small pieces of ore were collected from one such cluster during archaeological excavations (Plate VII:2). It is therefore believed that these pits were dug in different loci of hydrated ore clusters (Salatkien 2003, pp.5-6). Having performed a chemical composition analysis of this ore, it became clear that it was of very poor quality (Table 1); however, ore that has little pure iron within it is also found in other European countries (Trk 1999, pp.168-169). Eighteen ore mining pits were found and researched in Lieporiai from 1992 to 2000. Their distribution on the ground surface, size, depth and shape were determined by the distribution, size and shape of the iron ore clusters. The shapes of all the pits were irregular, their sizes varied between 60 by 80 centimetres and 2.5 by two metres, and their depths reached between ten and 60 centimetres. So far this is the only iron ore mining method in Lithuania that has been confirmed by archaeological data. Currently there is no information confirmed by archaeological finds about the tools, equipment and transport of ore. We can only guess about what was used to dig ditches or to dig the soil for hill-fort ramparts or for wells during the researched period. Nor has a single metal tool for digging been found in Lieporiai. They might have been dug with hoes or other tools (shovels?), while the ore pieces might have been collected by hand. Washing ore. Irrespective of from where the iron ore was mined or collected, it had to be washed in order to remove the silt, sand and other organic and mineral



impurities. Washing as one of the stages of preparing ore for smelting is emphasised by all iron metallurgy researchers (Kulikauskas 1959, p.12; Endzinas 1969, p.96; Stankus 2001, p.172; Navasaitis 2003, p.28). Endzinas maintains that washing ore compelled iron smelting to be concentrated near rivers and lakes, citing the Nemenin, Auktadvaris, Punia, Bakininkliai and Paplienija hill-forts as examples (Endzinas 1969, p.96); but he does not mention any find that could prove this assertion. Navasaitis cites the recollections of 19th to 20th-century ore miners when lacking more abundant archaeological data. Not one of these researchers examined the methods, equipment or tools for washing ore. The excavation of the Lieporiai settlement showed that yet another, more complex method of washing ore was known in Lithuania: sluicing the ore with well water. This method required a large complex of equipment, that consisted of wells with buckets, flooring, and a pond for gathering the outwash. It is likely that this ore washing method was as follows. The ore collected from the hydrated iron ore clusters would be poured onto the flooring laid out on the slope of a basin or depression, with a gradient to the bottom of the depression. Water would be scooped out from the wells with linden bark buckets, and poured onto the ore spread out on the gently inclined flooring. The running water would wash out the sand and other impurities from the ore. The water that flowed down off the flooring would accumulate at the bottom of the depression, where silt and a layer of very ferriferous sediments were found (Plate VII:3). We will discuss all the elements of this complex. Three wells were found not far from the flooring, two of which had wooden constructions; the third well constructions flooring did not survive. Yet another well was found further away. Four linden bark buckets were submerged in each of two of the wells. A detailed analysis and reconstruction of the wells and buckets has been published elsewhere (Salatkien 2006a), so here we will limit ourselves to a brief review. The simplest well was well 2. It had an almost round 60 to 70-centimetre-diameter pit on its bottom and about a threecentimetre-diameter on the surface of the undisturbed bed. Its depth was two metres from the present ground surface. A layering of sediments characteristic of a water reservoir was observed along the pits edges, while a 15-centimetre-thick layer of silt had accumulated at its bottom. This belonged to a well lacking a sturdier wooden construction. It is possible that the wells walls were fortified with woven branches, which retained the round wells shape. When the branches decayed, the edges of the wells pit collapsed, and its outer perimeter significantly widened. The author has observed the

walls of a well that were from about the same period and had been woven from branches in Poland, in the Prushkov Iron Smelting Museum. The Lieporiai well 2 might also have had a similar reinforcement; this is suggested by the silt at its bottom, which was not mixed with the undisturbed bed of the walls, but rather was easily separated from it. A very similar feature was found in 2006 in the ard settlement near Klaipda (Masiulien 2007, p.79). This was a round pit with steep walls and a silt accumulation at its bottom, as well as small, preserved vertical stakes along its edges that probably survived from the weaving of branches used for reinforcing the walls (Masiulien 2007, p.79, Plate VII:3, Plate VII:1). Although the researcher does not associate feature 5, which might have been a well with iron smelting, the resemblance of the construction with the Lieporiai well and its existence in an environment of iron smelting finds (slag, charcoal making and ore roasting pits) allows us to make this supposition. Well 1, found in 1992, was much better installed. A pit two by three metres large and 4.65 centimetres deep from the present ground surface was dug for it, and a 1.3-metre-long and 60 to 70-centimetre-wide construction of wood slabs as well as cleaved and squared boards was installed within it, reinforced with stakes and crossbeams from both the inside and outside (Plate VII:1). The side walls consisted of horizontal slabs, their ends of upright slabs. A 2.5-metre-high bottom part of the construction has survived. The space between the construction and the walls of the wells pit was filled up with soil and burnt material, ash and coals. This well was dug out in a water vein. The western wall of the well was washed out by the water vein, collapsed and fixed, but then destroyed again. Well 3, excavated in 1997, was built along the same principles, only its construction was somewhat simpler. Apparently, a 3.4-metre-deep pit was first dug out and water was scooped from that. Only when the walls began to cave in were the walls of the wells pit reinforced with squared boards about 60 centimetres above the bottom of the wells pit. The reinforcement was not hermetic, since lots of sand had fallen into the corners of the well. Only an 80-centimetre-high wooden construction fragment survived (Plate VII:3). Well 4, excavated in 1998, was installed in the same way as wells 1 and 3, only its side walls consisted of round poles with bark, while squared boards were used only for the ends. The size of the wooden construction was 165 by 55 to 65 centimetres, at a depth of 2.4 metres below the present ground surface. A 70-centimetre-tall bottom part of the construction has survived (Plate VII:3). The wells would quickly silt up, their walls would cave in and be repaired (well 1). Apparently, that is why four



Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

of them were dug instead of only one. On the other hand, a silted-up well would not simply be left alone. All of them were filled up with logs, sticks and rocks, and covered with ash and soil. A rich, black silt with many admixtures, sand, organic material, ash, sinters, coals, firebrands, rocks, sticks, and tree bark that had poured out from the walls, was at the bottoms of all the wells. Axe-sharpened poles and squared ends of beams, stumps, ends of boards, and many wood chips were thrown into all the wells, especially wells 3 and 4. Artefacts were also found in the soil used to fill up the abandoned wells: clay pots and their shards, grinding stones, slag, clay plaster pieces, as well as animal bones and teeth. Buildings were later constructed where the wells once stood, and household finds such as pottery shards, bones, clay plaster and others were found only in the soil that had filled in the silted-up wells, thus they are all allotted to the Lieporiai settlements iron smelting period. Wells 2, 3 and 4 were both dated by radiocarbon and dendrochronological methods. It was determined that well 1 was installed approximately AD 31838 (Kairaitis et al. 1997). Wells 3 and 4 were dated AD 37450 and AD 52350, respectively (Maeika et al. 1999). These were not wells that were dug for everyday life, for drinking water, but were dug because there was no water reservoir close by and their water was used for washing iron ore before smelting. This articles author has seen a wooden well analogy in the Prushkov (Poland) Iron Smelting Museum, where the first to fourth-century iron smelting of Biskupice has been reconstructed (Muzeum Staroytnego Hutnictva w Pruszkowie. Wystawa Czas elaza. Panorama mazowieckiej wsi hutniczej z pierwszych wiekw n.e.). Eight buckets used for scooping water were submerged in wells 1 and 3, four in each well, all made from linden bark. All of them were very similar, 25 to 27 centimetres in diameter, of the same height, and with an eight or nine-litre capacity. They were sewn together with a linden bast ropelet and had handles made from a thicker twisted linden bast rope (Plate VII:1). Having made a reconstruction of the buckets, it became clear that they were sufficiently hermetic, suitable for scooping water, light and comfortable; however, apparently they wore out quickly. The author has found no analogues of linden bark buckets from the first half of the first millennium. The second feature of this complex was flooring installed in the northern slope of the shallow depression. This was a light brown-greyish, approximately fivemetre-long area of decomposed organic material, with a narrower more slanting end (about one metre) and a wider higher end (about two metres). One of its edges

was entirely straight, while its thickness ranged from five to ten centimetres. The cross-section showed that the floorings bottom half was uneven or wavy in places. The floorings boards were laid out on top of the undisturbed bed and the flooring must have been made from split boards, most likely squared on one end. The side boards must have been laid out on the edge so as to make the edge higher. The better-preserved eastern side of the flooring was totally straight. The flooring was laid out very tightly, without any gaps. It looks as if it could have been made of split boards, in between which were also boards with a semi-circular cross-section, from the trunks edge (Plate VII:1). The wooden construction of the three Lieporiai settlements wells, in which such boards were used, made it possible to determine the appearance of the floorings boards. The boards were of various sizes, ranging from 1.8 by 0.5 metres to 0.23 by 0.30 metres. Their thickness ranged from five to ten centimetres. Some of them were only split, while others were very evenly squared. It is precisely this type of installation and reconstruction of a well that was built in a very similar fashion that is demonstrated in Prushkov. The only difference is that the Biskupice flooring is raised from the ground, with its boards laid out on a construction of stakes and crosspieces, while at Lieporiai it was laid out straight on the ground. The third element of the ore washing installation was the pond found two metres south of the surviving part of the flooring, at the very bottom of the depression. Part of it was demolished by a new pit, while the size of the excavated portion of the pond was seven by 3.4 metres. The pond was oblong, irregularly shaped, 55 centimetres deep in its centre, and progressively more shallower along its edges. It had filled up with a dark greenish, rich silt, in which there were many rust impurities, especially on the bottom. The rust had accumulated in the silt due to the fine ore particles that had flowed down with the water. The consistency of the ponds silt was exactly the same as that accumulated in the wells, differing only in its colour and impurities. The silt was full of split rocks, many of which were scorched or burnt through, many very decayed animal bones, and even some large pieces of slag. Both the edges and the bottom line of the pond were very clear; thus, it appears that this was not a natural indentation of the ground surface, but rather a shallow pit specially dug to gather the sewage from the washing of the ore (Plate VII:1). The flooring should have reached the northern edge of the pond, but, as mentioned, this part of the flooring did not survive. It might have been that the ore at Lieporiai was washed twice, as soon as it was dug out and after roasting. Dur-




Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

Fig. 3. Iron ore roasting at Kernav archaeology festival.

ing an experiment at Kernav in 2000, it was observed that the ore that had been collected from the fire and immediately poured into the furnace was very contaminated with sand and other mineral particles. The complex installation for washing ore at Lieporiai, and especially the fact that it was not a natural water reservoir that was used, but rather wells that were dug for that purpose, testify that metallurgy was not so primitive in the first half of the first millennium, nor were iron smelters as inexperienced as is often emphasised in Lithuanian archaeological literature. Endzinas writes extensively about the drying and storing of ore not in the open air, but rather under a roof (Endzinas 1969, p.96; Endzinas 1964, pp.193, 196). He maintains that special buildings were used for that purpose, dug-out cubicles (Endzinas 1964, pp.193, 195196). There is no archaeological data that confirms that such a storage method was used in our researched period. A larger, prepared quantity of ore that could have been kept as an ore reserve was not found in any of the known iron metallurgy find sites. Roasting ore. The roasting of ore is the next stage in preparing it for smelting (Fig. 3). Roasting the ore removed any organic impurities that had not been removed by washing it. Lithuanian iron metallurgy researchers emphasise the importance of roasting in their work. We do not have much data on the roasting of ore. Stankus observes that it was roasted in open fires (Stankus 1978, p.77; Stankus 2001, p.172), but he does

not point out a single archaeological find. So far, it is unknown where ore used to be roasted most, in the mine or in the place where it was washed or smelted. It must be emphasised that in all the excavated archaeological sites where smelting furnaces have been found, researchers indicate the presence of hearths in their surroundings, in some of which slag has also been found (Brazaitis LII 2788, p.9); however, not one of the researchers associates the hearths either with the furnaces or with iron smelting in general. Using only those sites research reports and publications, and not having seen the actual hearths, there is no point in trying to connect the furnaces and some of the hearths with the complex of iron metallurgy finds, only the excavator can do this. We have reliable data about ore roasting in open hearths from Lieporiai (Salatkien 2003, pp.7-8). Besides the already-described ore mining pits filled in with mixed cultural layer soil, several shallow pits were found in the iron smelting area, whose contents stood out by their abundance of fire-stained soil and coals, as well as, most importantly, rust admixtures and sparse pieces of roasted ore. Apparently, the ore was saved and carefully picked out of the pits (Fig. 6). The ores roasting pits were usually irregularly shaped, approximately 0.8 by 1.5 metres large, and seven to ten centimetres deep. It appears that a portion of the ore mining pits were later used for ore roasting as well, which is suggested by their contents of fire-stained soil and rust. These pits were deeper and their bottoms were not flat, but rather very uneven. New information about iron ore roasting in pits was provided by the excavations at the ard


Fig. 4. Ore crushing tolls: a flat rock; b grinding stone.

complex of settlement sites. Masiulien surmises that feature 25 was allotted for roasting iron ore. This was a 2.4 by 1.8-metre-large and 15 to 20-centimetre-deep pit, filled in with dark, burnt sand and rocks. Thirtysix pieces of roasted iron ore were found in the pit, thus the pits function was associated with ore roasting (Masiulien 2007, p.80). Ore roasting pits have also been found in Latvia, at the Salapils settlement of Spietini (Daiga 1964, p.32), and in Hungary (Gmri 1999, pp.149-152). It is likely that ore was also roasted in overground fires. A three to five-centimetre layer of fire-stained soil with rust is left behind in such a place. The most shallow, flat and even-bottomed hearths are ascribed to the overground ore roasting hearths. Such features were also found in the Lieporiai smeltery (Fig. 3). This method of roasting ore was tried out during experiments at the Kernav living archaeology festival and was justified (Fig. 3). Crushing and grinding ore (comminution). Some types of ore are found deposited in layers or in rather large pieces, thus they need to be crushed before being roasted. Roasted ore also often hardens into pieces, thus even after roasting it may need to be crushed. The roasted pieces are friable, and much force and complex equipment are not needed to crush them. Most researchers only mention the comminution of roasted ore by crushing or grinding (Endzinas 1964, p.192; Stankus 1978, p.77; Malonaitis 2003, p.251), but they do not indicate the means or tools used for this. Only Kulikauskas conjectures that a portion of the many grinding stones found at the Moknai hill-fort might have been used for crushing and grinding ore (Kulikauskas 1958, p.13). Such grinding stones can be found in the descriptions of previous iron smelting spots of some settlements, at Bakiai (Steponaitis 2000, p.115-116), or in descriptions of settlements with iron smelting that have ground stone, at asliai (Girininkas 1996, p.293), ereitlaukis (Balinas et al. 1994, p.282), atrija (Valatkien 1986, pp.38-39) and Imbar (Daugudis LII 652, p.33; 1980, pp.24-25). The stones in these settle-

ments were found in the furnace surroundings or together with pieces of slag. Not one of these authors directly associated the finds specifically with ore comminution or generally with iron smelting, thus we can only presume that the grinding stones might also have been used for crushing and grinding ore. Several artefacts were found in the Lieporiai iron smeltery that might have been used as tools for crushing ore. These are several flat, polished stones and several grinding stones (Salatkien 2003, p.8). The flat ore crushing rocks were quadrangular, with rounded edges and corners, 23 by 18 centimetres large and about eight centimetres thick, one of whose large surfaces was somewhat sunken and uneven, as if it was knocked out (Fig. 4). Grinding stones found in the Lieporiai smeltery differed from ordinary ground stone in that their worked surfaces were not convex and ground, but rather the opposite, sunken, uneven, crumbled, similar to the flat rocks just described (Fig. 4). It would seem that the surfaces of the rocks could be affected in this way by rather hard and coarse iron ore. The fired ore strewn around furnace 14 was not roasted, but rather chopped up into bean-sized pieces. This shows that the stone tools used to make it fine were used in preparing the iron for smelting in the furnace. Such a method of crushing ore, by the way, was also known in Hungary (Gmri 1999a, pp.170-192). Although some Lithuanian iron metallurgy researchers reason quite broadly about the storage and preservation of iron ore prepared for smelting (Endzinas 1964, p.195), till now not a single archaeological site is known with such a large amount of iron ore that it could be called a reserve. A small amount of roasted iron ore has been found in only two places, and these cannot be considered reserves. One of these is the alreadymentioned iron smeltery of Lieporiai, where roasted ore was strewn around the furnace. According to its arrangement in a circle, even the outer diameter of the furnace was ascertained. This find casts no doubts: this truly was ore prepared for smelting, which was also




Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

Fig. 5. Charcoal making pit at Lieporiai.

confirmed by laboratory analysis (Table 1). The other instance is the approximately one kilogram of roasted ore pieces that filled a small pit and were collected at the Varnupiai hill-fort. While this latter find has not yet been analysed in the laboratory, its appearance is analogous to the roasted ore of Lieporiai.

designated for storing charcoal (Grigalaviien 1992, p.96). Thus, we have no data about the making of charcoal from Kereliai. There are finds that were called one thing at the time they were excavated, and interpreted in another way after special analyses. One example is the seven hearths found in the Auktadvaris hill-fort foot settlement. They were situated in one line, at a distance of 0.5 to one metre from each other, somewhat irregularly round, ranging from 0.7 by 0.8 metres to one by 1.2 metres large, and 40 to 50 centimetres deep. Their pits profile was semi-circular, somewhat narrowing toward the bottom, while thin layers of partially baked clay were found on the top. The hill-forts researcher Daugudis did not establish the precise function of these hearths, but he thought that they were associated with metal smelting, even though he did not indicate what kind of metal it could be (Daugudis 1962, pp.55-56). Navasaitis disagrees with the opinion of this researcher, and believes that these hearths could have been charcoal making pits (Navasaitis 2003, p.37). Three features were found in the Lieporiai settlement that were related to charcoal making (Salatkien 2003, pp.8-9). One of them was a charcoal making pit that was 50 metres from the iron smeltery, on a small hill. There was no settlement cultural layer there, but a thin forest topsoil layer was observed underneath the tillage; it had formed on top of the hard, brown undisturbed clay bed. A somewhat oblong, approximately one-metre-diameter and one-metre-deep cylindrical pit with vertical walls was dug out for making the coal. It was entirely filled up with black, fire-stained soil, with occasional larger pieces of charcoal and rocks (Fig. 5). The pit consisted of two layers: the fire-stained soil that had accumulated at the bottom of the pit was cov-

The making of charcoal

Charcoal is the only fuel that could have been used in Lithuania for smelting iron in a furnace. Its pieces and impressions are found in the pieces of dross found at the bottom of furnaces. Several ways for making the charcoal needed to smelt iron are mentioned in archaeological literature. These include making it in a closed pit (Stankus 1978, p.78; Gmri 1999, p.149; Navasaitis 2003, p.33, Fig. 3.1), in a pile on the grounds surface underneath the turf or a layer of soil ( 1982, p.24), or making it in the very same furnace (Espelund 1999, p.54). In describing the making of charcoal, Stankus does not present any references to archaeological finds, nor literature, nor ethnographic material (Stankus 1978, p.78). While excavating the centre of the Kereliai hill-forts levelled summit, Grigalaviien found a place with a circular structure, two rings of postholes, at the level of the hill-forts earliest cultural layer (from the first millennium BC to the first centuries AD). The researcher stated that this was a structure with an economic function since there had been an iron smelting furnace and two pits for making coal near the entrance (Grigalaviien 1986a, p.25). In a later publication, the author ascribed the iron smelting finds to the middle cultural level (second to fifth centuries AD), interpreting them somewhat differently. In her article about the Kereliai hill-fort, Grigalaviien described two furnaces and a pit found in between them,


ered with a five to ten-centimetre-thick layer of light mixed soil, while a second, approximately 80-centimetre-thick layer of fire-stained soil lay above it. About 0.8 cubic metres of charcoal could have been burnt down in such a pit at one time. In its size, shape and large amount of accumulated fire-stained soil, this pit is very reminiscent of charcoal roasting pits described in ethnographic literature (Laiknas 1934, p.29-30). A similar, only somewhat larger charcoal roasting pit was found in Latvia, at the third to fifth-century Jaunlve settlement. It was installed 40 metres from the furnace. The pits diameter was three to 3.9 metres, and its depth was 2.5 metres from the current ground surface (Atgzis 1994, pp.87-90). The other two Lieporiai features are associated with the ground surface method of making charcoal. Two almost identical hearths were discovered in the western part of the iron smeltery, alongside each other, and separated by a distance of two metres. Both hearths were oblong and elliptical; one was 2.4 by 1.8 metres and the other 2.3 by 1.55 metres large. They both had flat and level bottoms and were five to ten centimetres deep (Fig.). Both had a very uniform layer of black, fire-stained soil and coal, and no other admixtures. The conclusion was drawn that poles and other wood were stacked in a pile in the hearth, the pile was covered with turf (that perhaps was stripped off from the place of the hearth, thus deepening the wood somewhat into the clay), and perhaps also dug over with soil, so that the wood could char. New data about charcoal making in an iron smeltery was found in the Virbalinai (Kaunas district) settlement (alnierius et al. 2006). Nine furnaces, two charcoal making pits, and other finds were discovered in the Virbalinai iron smeltery. Both pits were found in the first furnace group. They were 80 by 98 centimetres and 125 by 120 centimetres large, with depths of 30 centimetres and 50 centimetres respectively. The pits were filled with fire-stained soil, and pieces of slag were found within them. Since the pits were only 2.25 metres from the furnace and full of fire-stained soil, the researchers drew the conclusion that their function was making charcoal (alnierius et al. 2006, pp.66, 69, 70-71). One more charcoal roasting pit was found at the ard settlements iron smeltery (Masiulien 2007, pp.77-79). It was round with steep walls, two metres in diameter, 80 centimetres deep, and filled with dark, fire-stained soil that had accumulated mostly at the bottom. The researcher assumed that the pit was intended for making the charcoal necessary for iron smelting. Such a method of making charcoal was used in ancient metallurgy in Belarus ( 1982, p.24). Charcoal

It is worth reminding the reader of the recently excavated charcoal roasting furnace of ygmantikiai, even though it is later (15th to 16th centuries) than the investigated archaeological sites in this work (Vlius 2000). Charcoal was roasted on the grounds surface, in stacks, in ygmantikiai. The investigator states that it is known from historical sources that in these places charcoal was already made in the 15th-16th centuries; it was used to extract iron from bog ore (Vlius 2000, p.391). Although in its area and work extent this roasting furnace is somewhat larger than prehistoric finds, apparently the occupations earlier traditions and techniques were continued within it. In summary, it must be noted that at this time in Lithuania, two methods for making charcoal are known from archaeological sources, in pits and in stacks. Only the investigations at the ancient settlement of Lieporiai have yielded reliable data regarding this research problem. The investigations at the ygmantikiai roasting furnace and ethnographic sources show that the mentioned methods for making charcoal also survived in historical times, although roasting pits survived longer.

1. Iron metallurgy research includes iron smelting equipment, tools and manufactured products. 2. Iron metallurgy information sources consist of archaeological finds stored in museum collections and research documentation, as well as reference and scientific publications. 3. More than 200 iron metallurgy find sites are known at this time in Lithuania, 40 of which have provided valuable new data about iron metallurgy and its equipment. 4. All of the iron metallurgy find sites are associated with places that have been inhabited; not one has been found which could solely be considered a place of production. 5. Iron ore has been found in Baitai, Lieporiai, Norknai, Lavoriks, Krminiai and Varnupiai, while hydrated ore mining pits survived at Lieporiai, and it


making pits very close to furnaces have been found in Germany, at the Late Roman Period smeltery in Wolkenberg (Spazier 2003, p.40). While this smeltery is incomparably larger (approximately 1,000 furnaces have been found and investigated here) and the charcoal pits are quadrangular and somewhat larger, what is important for us is that the charcoal made for smelting and the iron smelted were in the same place.


Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

was established that an open mining method was used to extract ore there. 6. Iron ore was washed with well water on wooden flooring and the water was poured using linden bark buckets (Lieporiai). 7. The ore was roasted in open fires, in shallow pits (Lieporiai, ard). 8. Flat rocks and ground stone were used for crushing and grinding the ore. 9. Charcoal was made in pits (Lieporiai, Virbalinai, ard) and stacks (Lieporiai, ygmantikiai). Translated by Indr Antanaitis-Jacobs References Manuscripts
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SALATKIEN, B., 2006. The Reconstruction of Wells and Lime Bark Buckets from Lieporiai 1 Settlement. In: Archaeologia Baltica, 6, 174-189. SALATKIEN, B., 2006a. Lietuvos geleies metalurgijos tyrim istoriografin apvalga. In: Acta humanitarica universitatis Saulensis. Mokslo darbai. iauliai, 383-409. SALATKIEN, B., 2007. Iron metallurgy in the territory of Lithuania until the 13th century. Archaeological data: summary of doctoral dissertation: humanities, history (05 H). Klaipda University. SPAZIER, I., 2003. The Germanic Iron-Smelting Complex at Wolkenberg in Lower Lausacia, Southern Brandenburg. In: Prehistoric and Medieval Direct Iron Smelting in Scandinavia and Europe. Aspect of Technology and Science. Aarhus, 37-42. STANKUS, J., 1978. Juodoji metalurgija. In: Lietuvi materialin kultra IX-XIII a., 1. Vilnius: Mokslas, 73 88. STANKUS, J., 2001. Geleies gamybos Lietuvoje apvalga. In: Lietuvos archeologija, 21, 171-182. STEPONAITIS, V., 2000. Baki senovs gyvenviets tyrinjimai 1998 metais. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais. Vilnius: Diemedis, 115-116. STRIKIEN, E., 2000. Krmini piliakalnio senovs gyvenviets tyrinjimai 1998 m. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais. Vilnius: Diemedis, 120-122. STUBAVS, A., 1976. entes pilskalns un apmetne. Rga: zintne. TARASENKA, P., 1927. Prieistorin Lietuva. Vadovas krato praeities tyrimo darbams. Kaunas. TARASENKA, P., 1928. Lietuvos archeologijos mediaga. Kaunas: vietimo ministerijos Knyg Leidimo Komisijos leidinys. TRK, B., 1999. About the Technical Investigations of Ore, Slag and Wall-Fragment Samples found next to the Sites of Nemesker-type Furnaces. In: Traditions and Innovations in the early Medieval iron production. SopronSomogyfajsz, 160-170. VAITKUNSKIEN, L., 1998. Berzgaini piliakalnis. In: Kultros paminkl enciklopedija. Ryt Lietuva, 2. Vilnius, 98. VALATKIEN, L., 1986. atrijos kalno pietins palaits tyrinjimai. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1984 ir 1985 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos TSR Moksl Akademijos Istorijos institutas, 38-40. VLIUS, G., 2000. ygmantiki medio angli degykl tyrinjimai. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1998 ir 1999 metais. Vilnius: Diemedis, 390-391. ALNIERIUS, A., BALINAS, D., 2006. Virbalin netvirtinta gyvenviet. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 2006 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, 63-81. , .., 1982. . . Received: 1 December 2007; Revised: 12 April 2008 Birut Salatkien Faculty of Humanities History Department iauliai University P. Viinskio g. 38 LT-76285 iauliai LITHUANIA

Pirmieji duomenys apie geleies metalurgijos radinius Lietuvoje inomi i XX a. pirmosios puss, o pokario metais tyrimai buvo ipltoti. Geriausiai ityrintas geleies panaudojimas dirbiniai ir j tipai, kalvyst, jos technologijos bei raida, o geleies igavimo ir pirminio apdorojimo etapas pastamas menkiau. Pastarj deimtmei archeologiniai tyrimai Kereli (Kupikio raj.) piliakalnyje, Liepori (iauliai), Kernavs (irvint raj.), Baki (Alytaus raj.), ards (Klaipda), Virbalin (Kauno raj.) gyvenvietse, Lazdinink (Kretingos raj.) kapinyne suteik daug nauj duomen geleies lydymo verslui tirti ir sudar galimyb plaiau ir giliau inagrinti geleies metalurgijos Lietuvos teritorijoje problem. io straipsnio tikslas yra apibrti bei pagrsti geleies metalurgijos tyrim objekt, jo struktr, aptarti tyrim altinius ir ianalizuoti iki iol Lietuvoje sukauptus geleies metalurgijos archeologinius radinius bei kitus duomenis, juos sisteminti ir tipologizuoti, sujungti vien sistem pagal geleies metalurgijos technologins eigos etapus. Tyrim objektas archeologins vietos su geleies metalurgijos radiniais, vis tip archeologiniai radiniai, susij su geleies metalurgija ir apimantys visus io verslo etapus (objektai, dirbiniai, gamybos produktai ir atliekos, mediagos), taip pat geleies metalurgijos objekt bei radini sistema. Analizuojant archeologinius radinius laikomasi tos paios tvarkos kaip ir lydant gele aptariama aliava, jos paiekos ir paruoimas, kuras ir jo paruoimas, geleies lydymo ranga ir rankiai, krit ir jos apdorojimas. Analizuojami parengiamojo geleies lydymo etapo rdos, jos igavimo, plovimo bei degimo ir medio anglies degimo radiniai, apvelgiamas geleies lydymas, jo ranga, produktai ir gamybos atliekos. Iki iol archeologai turi labai maai tiesiogini ini apie rdynus ir j eksploatavim Lietuvoje. Archeologiniai geleies rdos radiniai siejami tik su gyvenvietmis ar laidojimo paminklais. Rdos rasta Baituose, Lieporiuose, Norknuose, Lavorikse, Krminiuose, Varnupi piliakalnio aiktelje. iuo metu patikim archeologini duomen apie geleies rdos telkin ir jo eksploatavim turime tik i Liepori 1-osios gy-


Birut Salatkien



venviets. Ms krate geleies rda randama ems paviriuje, dirvoemyje, sluoksniais po velna, pelkse, upeli ir eer pakrantse, todl visur ji turjo bti kasama, renkama ar kitaip igaunama atviru bdu, taiau tik Lieporiuose buvo atrasta rdos kasimo duobi. iuo metu visai nra archeologiniais radiniais patvirtint ini apie rdos kasimo rankius, kit rang ir transportavim. Liepori gyvenviets tyrinjimai parod, kad Lietuvoje buvo inomas rdos plovimas ne tik gamtiniuose vandens telkiniuose, bet ir ulini vandeniu. is bdas reikalavo didelio rengini komplekso, kur sudar uliniai su kibirliais, klojinys ir kdra nuoplovoms subgti. Rdos degimas yra tolesnis jos paruoimo lydymui etapas. Archeologini duomen apie rdos degim nra daug. Iki iol neinoma, kur daugiausia rda bdavo degama rdyne, plovimo ar lydymo vietoje. Tyrintojai nurodo rudneli aplinkoje buvus idinius, kai kuriuose randama lako. Patikim duomen apie rdos degim atviruose lauuose turime i Liepori, kur aptikta keletas sekli duobi, kuri turinys isiskyr degsi bei angliuk gausa ir rdi priemaiomis bei negausiais apdegusios rdos gabaliukais. Naujos informacijos apie geleies rdos degim duobje suteik ards gyvenviei komplekso tyrimai, kur aptikta duob, usipildiusi tamsiu, perdegusiu smliu bei akmenimis ir degtos geleies rdos gabalais. Panai rasta Latvijoje, Salaspilio Spietini gyvenvietje, ir Vengrijoje. Degama rda sukempa didesnius ar maesnius gabalus, todl ir po degimo ji dar gali bti smulkinama. Geleies lydymo viet apraymuose (Bakiai, asliai, ereitlaukis, atrija, Imbar) paminti akmeniniai trintuvai, gludinti akmenys, kurie rasti rudneli aplinkoje ar kartu su lako gabalais, todl galima padaryti prielaid, jog jie naudoti ir rdai smulkinti. Liepori geleies lydykloje rasta keletas dirbini, kurie gali bti vardyti kaip rdos smulkinimo rankiai apgludinti plokti akmenys ir akmeniniai trintuvai. Panaus rdos smulkinimo bdas buvo inomas ir Vengrijoje. Medio anglis yra vienintelis kuras, kuris ms krate galjo bti naudojamas geleies lydymui rudnelje. Jos gabaliuk ir atspaud randama rudnels dugno gargas gabaluose. inoma keletas medio anglies, reikalingos geleiai lydyti, degimo bd. Tai degimas udaroje duobje, krvoje ant ems paviriaus po velnos ar emi sluoksniu ir degimas toje paioje rudnelje. E. Grigalaviien Kereli piliakalnyje aptiko dvi rudneles ir tarp j duob, skirt medio anglims kaupti. Liepori gyvenvietje buvo aptikti trys objektai, sietini su medio anglies degimu tai anglies degimo



duob ir du elipss formos idiniai. Nauj duomen apie anglies degim geleies lydykloje aptikta Virbalin gyvenvietje, kur rastos 9 rudnels, dvi angli degimo duobs ir kit radini. Duobs buvo upildytos degsiais, juose aptikta lako gabal. Dar viena anglies degimo duob rasta ards gyvenviets geleies lydykloje. Medio anglies degimo duobje radini buvo aptikta Latvijoje, Jaunlyvs IIIV a. gyvenvietje. Anglies degimas idiniuose senovs metalurg naudotas Baltarusijoje, Vokietijoje, Volkenberg vlyvojo romnikojo laikotarpio lydykloje.

Iron Metallurgy in Lithuania. An Analysis of Archaeological Finds (Part 1)

The glikiai-Anduliai cemetery is the largest Curonian burial site ever researched. However, during the Second World War this cemeterys artefacts and archival material were scattered throughout museums, archives and various institutions in several countries. In this article, the authors present an intricate reconstruction of this burial monument based only on the surviving archival material of the research by German archaeologists, and only on a small collection of artefacts, as well as the research by Lithuanian archaeologists in recent years. Key words: glikiai-Anduliai cemetery, Curonians, west Lithuania, archives.

Lithuania has archaeological sites whose fate, for many different reasons, oscillates between grandeur and merciless loss. One such site is the glikiaiAnduliai (Kretinga district) cemetery1, better known in Lithuanian and other countries historiographies as the Anduliai, Anduln, Andullen or Zeipen Grge cemetery. This burial site is also known as the Stanz-Schlaudern (currently Toliai) or Eglin Niclau, Eglischken (currently gliks) cemetery. The exceptional nature of the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery is determined by the significance of its material both to the Lithuanian coast and to the entire east Baltic region. In the opinion of some researchers of the first half of the 20th century, the so-called Memel Kultur is impossible to fully comprehend due to the fragmentary publication of its sites and the unpublished material of the Anduliai cemetery (Spicyn 1925: p.142). Even today, this burial site is the largest ever researched West Lithuanian Stone Circle Grave Culture area and Curonian burial monument, which was used continuously for burials for more than 1,000 years. The earliest

known graves in the cemetery are dated to the end of the second century, while the very last Curonian cremations reach the first half of the 13th century. Since the end of the 19th century, including also the 2002 excavations, approximately 800 graves in the glikiaiAnduliai cemetery have been excavated. However, we will never find out the exact number of excavated graves, since apparently the unpublished research material of Adalbert Bezzenberger2 and Georg Reinhold Frlich, as well as the isolated finds that made their way to the Memel Landesmusemum (Klaipda Land Museum from 1924, now the Lithuanian Minor History Museum) have been lost forever (Tables 1, 2). It is as if the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery has been marked by fate for a whole series of losses, some of which are irreversible. Evidently, the Prussia Museums material that had been in Knigsberg (now Kaliningrad) is among these permanent losses. About 7,000 items from this burial site were housed in the ethnology museum in Berlin (Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde); all of the material was taken to Moscow in 1945 as a consequence of the war, and is currently preserved in the State Historical Museum, Moscow (Bertram 2007: p.264). While it is a true pity, the political realities of Europe today block the way to researching or at least becoming acquainted with the material from this burial site in Moscow. The fate of the Insterburg (now Cherniakhovsk) Museum material is unclear. The reference points used by earlier researchers have disappeared in the unfamiliar and

The authors of this article are preparing to publish the material from the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery, basing their publication on the remaining archives and several dozen prewar artefacts, as well as on research by Lithuanian archaeologists. The research into the cemeterys material and the publication are a part of the international project The Returning History of the glikiai-Anduliai Cemetery, initiated by the Kommission zur Erforschung von Sammlungen Archologischer Funde und Unterlagen aus dem Nordstlichen Mitteleuropa (KAFU). The surviving glikiai-Anduliai material (63 artefacts), inventory books, and archive are housed in the Museum fr Vor-und Frgeschichte Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (henceforth referred to as MVF; formerly known as Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde).

Only a small portion of Bezzenbergers research material has survived in the Kaliningrad Region History and Art Museum. Unfortunately, the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery material was not found among the artefacts of Kaliningrad Fort III (Quednau). It could be that this material virtually cannot be identified any more.


AnnA Bitner-WrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And Wojciech WrBleWski



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

changed surroundings. Thus, today scientists have a great many problems relating known archival data with the newest investigations. However, we would like to emphasise that successive work and our kind colleagues V. Vaitkeviius and J. ikulinas3 have helped us to eventually connect all archive data, to locate plots excavated by Alfred Gtze and Michel Martin Blyze, the owner of the land (except the plots investigated by A. Bezzenberger), and to lay it out in a totally shifting landscape (Plate VIII:1).

Hill (Perkno kalnas in Lithuanian, Donnersberg in German) (Tautaviius 1963: pp.4-6). As is appropriate for sites established along the Kpupis stream, this archaeological complexs history concludes with the glikiai villages Evangelical Lutheran graveyard that was used up until 1950; the graveyard was called the red one after the red clay that was found while digging graves for the dead. Based on the stories of relatives, Michel Martin Blyze (18621927), a researcher into the Anduliai cemetery, is also buried here. As has been mentioned, the cemetery was on the land of three villages: Anduliai, glikiai and Stanz-Schlaudern (Tahlen, Thaluten-Stanz). This circumstance was the cause not only of the cemeterys abundance of names in archaeological literature, but also of some confusion (Plate VIII:1; Fig. 1). On top of that, an annoying spelling error introduced another point of confusion for the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery, because the part of the cemetery that was in the Stanz-Schlaudern villages fields began to be called the Stranz-Schlaudern cemetery in archaeological literature (Moora 1938 p.100, 187, pp.235-296, 309, 311, 381, 382, 447, Figs. 29. 8, 30. 8, 9, 10, 13). That the Stanz-Schlaudern cemetery is the same as the Anduliai cemetery was mentioned by Joachim Hoffmann in 1941 (Hoffmann 1941 p.149). Thus we have three villages and one cemetery. While implementing administrative-territorial reform around 1896, the villages name of Zeipen Grge (Gerge, Kaulen-Grge, Kiaul-Urban), which was known since at least 1785, was changed to Anduliai (LVIA, Fund 1417, inventory 1, file 51; Gause 1935 p.120; Pteraitis, Purvinas 2000 p.56). The Anduliai village does not exist any more (Noreika, Stravinskas 1976 p.9). Not only did the cemetery border three villages, but its huge territory was also under the domain of three landowners. The main part of the cemetery apparently belonged to Blyze; he researched it extensively for a high fee5 and sent the excavated grave artefacts and so-called excavated plot plans or schemes to Berlins Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde (Fig. 2, Table 1). Blyze clearly did not write research reports, so the only source of his research is the mentioned excavated plot plans, in which the graves numbers are not always indicated. In his plans, Blyze always indicates the pathway in the north of this estate (Fig. 4). The scientific processing of the material Blyze sent (summarised grave inventories, schematic artefact drawings, a file) was done in the museum. When sending the excavated grave material to Berlin, Blyze usually indicated that these were graves found in the village of Anduln. Sometimes he would write that his researched material was from Eglin Niklau, and at other times that the graves were from the

Investigations and losses

The glikiai-Anduliai cemetery was on the border between two states, first between Germany and Russia, and then between Lithuania and Germany. This fact has determined its research materials placement in the mentioned Berlin Museum as well as the Knigsberg Prussia and Insterburg museums (Table 2). The cemetery is on the left bank of the River Akmena, on a scenic hill between the right bank of the Kpupis rivulet and the left bank of the altupis rivulet. The etymology of Kpupis4 is associated with the cult river name of an environment touched by humans (Pteraitis 1992 p.103, 237, Plate VIII:1). It is obvious that the rivers name is related to the words kpas (which means grave) and kpai (graves) and originated from the areas consistent use for cemeteries. To the north, the cemetery is adjacent to Early Iron Age cremation graves in urns, encircled by interconnected stone circles, and, apparently, by barrows that had been on the altupis. To the south, the cemetery comes close to the Anduliai hill-fort, which twists around in a southeast direction. The hill-fort was called Scweden-Shancz or Alte Schanze at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, and is now known as Pilal. The eastern boundary of the cemetery so far remains uncertain (Plate VIII:1). In the west, the glikiai-Anduliai cemeterys boundary ought to coincide with the slope of the terrace of the Akmena (Plate VIII:1; Fig. 1; Plate VIII:2). A natural protuberance known as a sacrificial hill (alkakalnis) is also part of the glikiaiAnduliai site complex. This hill is called Thunder

We would like to express our gratitude to our colleagues V. Vaitkeviius PhD and I. ikulinas for access to archive data and for the map. See Fig. 1. The Kpupis rivulet is fading from maps recently published in Lithuania, because the altupis is indicated as the Kpupis. It is a pity that this hydronym has totally vanished from peoples memory as a result of the change of population. The altupis rivulet disappeared after land reclamation, but its name went to the nearby river, the Kpupis. Unconverted names of both rivulets are indicated in 19th-century maps, in Pteraitis study (Pteraitis 1992, p. 03, 237, Fig. 1), and in the maps prepared by specialists at the Lithuanian Heritage Protection Department.


Blyze received approximately 3,000 marks for his investigations.

village of Eglischken. Now it is no longer possible to say whether this was related to the adjoining villages boundaries or to some other reason. However, Blyze excavated almost the entire land around his farmstead. He also investigated the area between the three buildings comprising the farmstead. Judging from the archive, Blyze excavated 4,597 square metres and found 341 graves. Alfred Gtze mentions the material from 533 graves in the Berlin museum (Gtze 1908 p.489)6. Evidently, in seeing the excavations by German archaeologists, Blyze also dug rather regular plots in which he would mark the number of graves (Fig. 2). In addition, judging from the MVF inventory book, Blyze distinguished the grave complexes well. But in placing Blyzes schematic plot plans next to each other, it is clear that some of the marked plots overlap each other. Although Blyze indicates certain distances between the situational schemes, they do not have linear scales. The most important point, however, is that today his chosen reference points are no longer clear. Not a single one of the former landowners farmsteads or smaller field roads or larger roads that had connected the villages has survived (Plate VIII:1; Plate VIII:2). In 1970, the cemeterys hill was altered, which changed unrecognisably the former surroundings. Due to the sketchiness of the recorded plots, it was not easy to coordinate them with each other or to tie them to the relief of the totally changed landscape. It would appear that in 1906, Blyze finished his investigations of the cemetery. However, isolated artefacts were also found in the 1920s while either ploughing the land or carrying out research, since it is known that a farmer from glikiai called M. Bly (apparently the cemeterys investigators son) sold several ornaments found in this burial site to the Memel Landesmuseum (inventory book No 5583/1411-1414) (Table 2). We know from the investigations by the famous German archaeologist Alfred Gtze (18651948) that the cemeterys western part belonged to the least distinguished person in this burial sites excavations, Janis Esins from the village of glikiai. But in 1895, the farmer Michel Broszeitis, whose land or a part of it was in the fields of Stanz-Schlaudern or the current village of Toliai, began researching the glikiaiAnduliai cemetery. Neither Esins nor Broszeitis drew plans of their research, nor did they write or send to Berlin any information, so the areas they excavated are

totally unclear. They simply excavated and collected artefacts, which they sent to Berlin for a fee. Broszeitis was the first of the landowners to send various artefacts to the Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde from the the village of Stanz-Schlaudern (MVF Acta I a 1295, 1471/95). The artefacts he sent so interested the museums assistant director Alfred Gtze that he decided to go to Anduliai and start researching the cemetery. On 2328 September 1895, Gtze excavated the cemetery that so interested him, as well as one of the burial mounds in the barrow cemetery of glikiai that was closest to the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery (Gtze 1914: pp.85-87). Elena Grigalaviien finished excavating the barrow that Gtze started (Grigalaviien 1979: p.22, Fig. 30), while the last of the glikiai barrows were investigated by Ignas Jablonskis (Jablonskis 1980, 1981). A 180-square-metre plot of glikiai-Anduliai was excavated in 1895, and 19 graves were discovered (MVF, Acta I a 1337/95; Gtze 1908: p.489). Gtze excavated the southeast of the cemetery, where he found seven Roman Period C phase graves (Fig. 5)7. While investigating the northern part of the cemetery, he discovered inhumation and cremation graves of the E-H phases (MVF, Acta I a 1337/95, sheets 48-50). It is clear from Gtzes excavated plots that these were only archaeological survey investigations, by which he wanted to establish the cemeterys boundaries, chronology and cultural affiliation. Evidently, the Prussia Museum and the Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde were engaged in competition, trying to outdo each other in the accumulation of Memellgebiet collections. Such a presumption can be made by several facts related to this burial site. In 1895, as soon as Gtzes investigations were finished, A. Bezzenberger visited Berlin, where he examined the Anduln cemetery finds. In a letter to his assistant, Hugo Scheu, the Lbartai estate owner (now within the city limits of ilut), he wrote that, as he had suspected, the things he had brought from the Zeipen-Grge cemetery were more characteristic of Memel Kultur and more attractive than the ones he had seen in Berlin (MAB RS, Fund 12-1239, sheet 14). Thus it is no surprise that Bezzenberger himself excavated the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery for a few years, although his investigations never lasted long (Tamulynas 1998: 267) (Table 1). Bezzenberger did not publish his investigations of the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery in a more extensive article, which is strange and not characteristic of him. However, the biggest problem is that Bezzenbergers

A well-prepared excavation report by Gtze is preserved in the MVF (excavated plot plans with a layout of the graves and artefacts within them, and drawings of separate graves). However, the general locality map is schematic, without a linear scale. Gtze, as well as Blyze, marks pathways north of the estate, and some other small pathways, which do not exist today, but are marked on the map published in 1912.

Thirty-three Roman coins were found in the cemetery, the earliest of which was of the Emperor Hadrian (117 138), and the latest Philip I (244249). See MVF Acta Ia 1337/90, sheets 5051.



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

Fig. 1. A detail of a map published in 1912: Anduliai and gliks villages, the hill-fort (Alte Schanze) and the estates of Michel Martin Blyze and Michel Broszeitis.


Fig. 2. Plots excavated by the landowner M.M. Blyze in Anduliai cemetery (after the MVF archive).

research material and archive did not survive. Judging by hints in the archaeological literature, Bezzenberger could have found at least 106 graves, or perhaps even close to 200 graves (Hoffmann 1941: pp.149-160, 167170, 175-177, 181-182; Lietuvos 1977: p.21). Based on Joachim Hoffmanns publication, most of the graves excavated by Bezzenberger were Viking Age inhumation or cremation burials. But Hoffmanns own interest was a characterisation of Late Curonian Culture. Thus, it is possible that he simply did not incorporate the graves from other periods that Bezzenberger had found into his monograph and appendices. E.F. Frlich from Insterburg investigated several more graves from the Migration Period, as well as about four cremation graves and several inhumation Curonian

graves (Jahresbericht 1902: pp.8-9; Festschrift 1905, Plates X and XI) (Tables 1, 2). We know very little about the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery up to the sixth and seventh decades of the 20th century. The cemetery was cultivated up until 1959 (Kretinga Museum archives). However, it was Blyze himself who began to plough the burial site, since his farmstead, as his relatives recount, burned down before the Second World War and was never rebuilt. It could also be that he investigated all of the graves that had been on his land. Only in 1963 did a Lithuanian History Institute archaeological expedition visit the glikiaiAnduliai cemetery, at which time several artefacts were found on the surface and the site boundaries were established. But artefacts were found even further in



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

Fig. 3. Plots excavated by in 1895 by A. Gtze. graves surrounded by stone circles (after the MVF archive).

and around the cemeterys area. Some of the artefacts made their way to the Kretinga Museum, while several single finds ended up in the Lithuanian Art Museum and the Lithuanian National Museum (Table 2). The prominent local ethnographer and archaeologist Ignas Jablonskis submitted the grave goods from a Roman Period grave that was discovered in unclear circumstances. Among the artefacts that he submitted in 1987 is a unique womans breast ornament from the Roman Period, made out of bronze pendants, a portion of which are decorated with red enamel (Bitner-Wrblewska, Bliujien 2003: pp.121-132). In 1972 a gas pipeline cut through the northern part of the cemetery, at which time approximately 20 mid-tenth to 12thcentury cremation graves and one inhumation grave were destroyed (Jablonskis 1974: pp.82-86). After the catastrophic destruction, the Kretinga ethnographer Ignas Jablonskis managed to record only the preserved graves or their remains. In 1988, Jablonskis, together with Donatas Butkus and Julius Kanarskas, returned once again to the investigation of the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery. At that time they excavated the northeast part of the cemetery. In a small, only 16.7-square-metre excavated plot, a late 11th-century inhumation grave was found covered in four layers by 22 11th to 13th-century cremation graves (Kanarskas 1988). The dead that were buried there in several layers not only justify the origin of the name of the River Kpupis on whose bank the cemetery was

founded, but also show that the communities of the Anduliai environs buried their fellow countrymen at this burial site. While researching and preparing the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery material for publication, it became clear to this articles authors that information concerning the Roman Periods graves with stone circles is lacking among the known material. Thus, an effort was made to find the location of Gtzes excavated Roman Period plots based on the known archival material (Fig. 3). On his map, Gtze also marked excavated plots, the boundaries of former landowners lands, field roads, and a hill-fort. Great success accompanied the excavations of 2002, since graves with stone circles dated to the turn of the third century were found further to the east of Gtzes excavated plots (Bliujien 2005, pp.9396, Fig. 36) (Plate VIII:3).

The old research results and possibilities for new interpretations

Since a sizeable portion of the glikiai-Anduliai cemeterys artefacts was given over to the Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde in Berlin, it became accessible to many researchers. The large number of investigated graves, based upon which generalisations can be made characterising the entire culture, as well as the materials interregionality, attracted researchers to the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery material. That is why in


Fig. 4. The glikiai-Anduliai cemetery: grave goods of graves CCLXXII, CCLXXIVCCLXXVI (after the MVF archive).



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

the first half of the 20th century, this Curonian burial site material, and Curonian Culture itself, till now, was mostly known through the burial site material (Gtze 1908, pp.481-500; Oxenstierna 1940, pp.249-252; berg 1919, pp.147-149, Figs. 201, 203; Khn 1974, pp.878-889; Arwidsson 1977, pp.70-71; Bitner-Wrblewska, Wrblewski 2001, pp.19-33; Bitner-Wrblewska, Bliujien, Wrblewski 2003, pp.185-210). The Baltic archaeologists Harri Moora, Marta Schmiedehelm, Feliks Jkobson and Jonas Puzinas were also interested in the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery (Table 3). Material on this significant site is in Nils bergs and Herbert Jankuhns archival legacy (Table 3). Although only 20 Roman Period graves have been found, the periods graves could be one of the cornerstone reasons to return once again to the more than once analysed West Lithuanian Stone Circle Grave Culture areas source (Michelbertas 1986, pp.29-30; ulkus 1995, pp.80-88). One of the main origin theories in Lithuania of the West Lithuanian Stone Circle Grave Culture area is the cultures appearance from the Early Iron Ages flattened barrows (Michelbertas 1986, p.30). Still, despite the stone circles linking both chronological phases, and even the survival of single flattened barrows (Kauiai and Padvariai) or the usage of Early Iron Age barrows to bury the deceased in the second half of the first century (Padvariai), in the second half of the first century to the end of the second century of the Roman Period, flat burial grounds with interconnected stone circles and inhumation burials of mostly northern orientation graves, and with constantly increasing grave goods, differ greatly from the earlier ones. Indeed, some Roman Period cemeteries were formed alongside previous barrows with cremation graves. But at the end of the second to the beginning of the third century (B2/C1 phase), a large number of cemeteries were formed in altogether new places (Auktkiemiai, Banduiai, Rdaiiai II, Mazkatui in Latvia, and others). The community that formed the glikiai-Anduliai cemeterys Roman Period B2/C1 phase cemetery started burying its dead at the opposite end of the hill, closer to the hill-fort, as if emphasising the non-existence of continuity with the earlier cremation graves. There is no doubt that the new cemeteries show an extensive expansion of coastal settlement. However, the Roman Periods material culture and elements of burial rites have almost no connections with the heritage left in the last centuries BC and first decades AD. The appearance of male graves with riding horses, especially wealthy womens graves of an interregional character, and miniature ceramics, as well as the types of weapons and armament, riding gear, and ornaments, would show the connections of the people who left them with Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture,

Gotland, and other southeast Baltic Sea regions, rather than relations or a continuity with the former Early Iron Age Barrow Culture. On the other hand, the appearance of new cemeteries, changes in burial rites, and the rapid development of material culture could have been determined by the more extensive West Balts cultural ties with Central and northern Europe. Till now the glikiai-Anduliai cemeterys horizontal stratigraphy does not allow for the determination of where the Roman Period graves end, and where the Migration Period graves and Late Curonian burials begin. But the sketchy plans left by researchers give the impression that the cemetery consistently spread from south to north. The smallest number of graves in the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery belonged to the Migration Period (Fig. 4). Judging by the material that was published in several tables, there was material from the Migration Period among the graves excavated by Frlich and Bezzenberger (Zeitschrift 1905, Plate X.37; Herbert Jankuhns archive is kept in the Land Museum of Schleswig-Holstein), but the more precise quantity is unknown. Thus, in this respect, the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery, just like a large portion of southern Curonian burial sites, reflects the periods demographic crisis. However, the number of graves in the cemetery greatly increases in the first half of the seventh century (Fig. 5). At that time, glikiaiAnduliai, just like Lazdininkai (Kalnalaukis), Palanga, Genai and Kauiai, all become a part of the forming Curonians Mguva lands, as well as certain, perhaps not of equal importance, concentrations of power, and trade and commerce centres. The centres had ties with central Scandinavia and Gotland, as well as the people of Olsztyn groups (Bitner-Wrblewska, Wrblewski 2001, pp.26-27, Figs. 3, 4; Bliujien, Butkus 2001, pp.83-95; Bliujien, Butkus 2006, pp.13-17, Figs. 1-7) (Fig. 6). The chronological problems of these days in Lithuanian archaeology remain among the most serious. Although in the last few decades more than one Curonian cemetery has been published, chronological problems are still analysed only in this cultures context, with no effort to synchronize them with the material of their closest or most distant neighbours. The huge extent of the glikiai-Anduliai cemeterys material and the grave complexes with unique material culture elements allow us not only to consider more seriously the chronological problems, but also to try to solve them. Several graves, interesting chronologically and culturally for their sets of grave goods, have been found in the cemetery. One such grave is grave CCLXXIV that connects, in an archaeological sense, female (a cruciform pin of Group III, traditionally dated to the


Fig. 5. The glikiai-Anduliai cemetery: grave goods of graves CCCXV, CCXVII (after the MVF archive).



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

Fig. 6. Lazdininkai (Kalnalaukis) (1), glikiai-Anduliai (2), Palanga (3), Prymaniai (4), Genai (5) and Kauiai (6) sites, their internecine relations and connections with central Scandinavia (after V. ulkus 2004 and A. Bliujien).


ninth and tenth century [Kuncien 1978, p.84, Map 49.3] and male (a square belt buckle with a square belt plate, traditionally dated to the eighth to 12th century [Butnas 1999, p.48; Gintautait-Butnien, Butnas 2002, pp.50-52, Figs. 42-44]) grave goods, and most likely male grave goods (the only Monsheim type brooch known in Curonian lands so far, dated to the second half of the sixth century [Khn 1974, pp.885897, Fig. 37]) (Fig. 7). Today it is difficult to answer why Blyze sent precisely this grave good complex of grave CCLXXIV to Berlin. It could be that artefacts from cremation graves that had been above the earlier inhumation graves got mixed up in this complex. It is exactly multi-layered graves, where cremation graves from several different chronological phases covered an inhumation grave, that were discovered in 1988 in the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery (Kanarskas 1988, p.4, Fig. 47). The investigation of Curonian cremation graves is a difficult nut to crack even for todays archaeologists, because this many-layered and multi-aspect nature of burial rites has not been researched much (ulkus 2004, p.161-179; Bliujien 2005a, pp.147-162). Curonian cremation graves could also have been too difficult to crack for Blyze, an amateur archaeologist. But it could also be that the chronology of the grave good complex of grave CCLXXIV and the dating of the cruciform pin will be adjusted without analysing all the known material of the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery. Based on Jablonskis research, the people who left the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery always lived close by (Jablonskis 1982). The small plot excavated in the hill-fort allows for a date of not earlier than the beginning of the second millennium (velnit 2005, p.51). So what was on the protuberance on the bank of the Kpupis up until the hills use as a habitation or more likely a defensive area associated with the Kretinga castle mentioned in 1253 and burned down by the Livonian Order in 1263 (Livlaendisches 1853, pp.319-320, 416-417; Baubonis, Zabiela 2005, p.438). It could be that the protuberance that had been on the bank of the Kpupis in one way or another was related to burial rituals such as cremation and other pagan rites. The sacrificial hill called Thunderer Hill indirectly bears testimony to such former rites (Tautaviius 1963, p.5; Vaitkeviius 2003, p.50).

the turn of the 20th century, an archive, fragmentary data from recent years, and till now not easy to access artefacts of pre-war research. This articles authors think that, despite the fragmentary descriptions of graves and schematic artefact drawings, the recorded material corresponds to past reality, which can be adjusted when relating it to the artefacts that have survived (Bitner-Wrblewska, Wrblewski 2001, Fig. 4. a, c, f). Since the Second World War, similar coastal sites with long chronologies have been researched in Lithuania; in one way or another these sites supplement the more difficult to understand burial rite features and grave complexes, or even separate artefacts of the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery. With its archives scattered throughout various institutions, the notes of various researchers supplement each other. Thus, the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery material is slowly turning into a whole from being a mosaic. Based on the most varied archival material, step by step, 500 graves with full summaries and sketchy but understandable illustrations have been reconstructed (Figs. 4, 5). This database is further supplemented by material from Lithuanian archaeological investigations at this burial site. This articles authors believe that in the coordination of all known data, including bioanthropological and palaeozoological (Lithuanian archaeological research) with nondestructive research methods, the set goal will be accomplished: to reconstruct the glikiaiAnduliai cemetery material and, based on this data, to examine the community that changed over 1,000 years and that left it behind. Translated by Indr Antanaitis-Jacobs

Ta b l e 1 . R e s e a r c h e r s o f t h e g l i k i a i Anduliai cemetery
Year 1895-1908; until 1945? 1895, 1903? 1897, 1899, 1902 1895, 1901, 1903, 1906-1908 1896-1901, 1903, 1905, 1906 1963 1972 1987 1988 1963-1990 and later 2002 2006 researchers Landowners: Michel Broszeitis, Michel Martin Blyze, Janis Esins Dr Alfred Gtze, Berlin Georg Reinhold Frlich, Insterburg Adalbert Bezzenberger, Knigsberg Landowner Michel Martin Blyze Lithuanian History Institute archaeological surveys Ignas Jablonskis Lithuanian Art Museum surveys Ignas Jablonskis, Donatas Butkus and Julius Kanarskas Isolated artefacts found on the surface Audron Bliujien Geoprospecting of a part of the cemetery by Dr Immo Heske and Martin Prosselt, Germany

The main question that the authors of this article have raised more than once is, is it worth putting so much effort into researching a cemetery when one has only 63 artefacts that survived from pre-Second World War research, inventorial books, a file with a description of the graves and schematic artefact drawings from



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

Ta b l e 2 . g l i k i a i - A n d u l i a i c e m e t e r y artefacts and their survival

Artefacts surviving artefacts and place curated MVF (former About 63 artefacts, inventorial Kniglischen Museum books with illustrations and fr Vlkerkunde), Berlin inventories, file, archive Insterburg (now A portion of the artefacts Cherniahovsk, might have survived at Halle Kaliningrad region) Universitys Prehistory Museum Institute (Germany) Prussia Museum Kaliningrad: no data (did not (Knigsberg) survive?); 1 artefact in Berlin Did not survive Landesmuseum Memel (Klaipda Land Museum from 1924; now Lithuanian Minor History Museum) State Historical Museum Anduln material more than in Moscow 7,000 catalogue entries, except 63 artefacts, from MVF were displaced to the State Historical Museum in Moscow as a consequence of war Kretinga Museum Kr. M GEK 10820/1-57; Kr.M LS 1876/1-295 Lithuanian Art Museum LDM ED 132124; PGM PMAp 4859-4861; 5401 Lithuanian National LNM GRD 25487/1-2 Museum

Abbreviations Jahresbericht Jahresbericht der Altertumsgesellschaft zu Insterburg fr das Vereinsjahr 1902, Insterburg, 1902 Festschrift Festschrift zum 25-jhrigen Jubilum der Altertumsgesellschaft Insterburg, Insterburg, 1905 Livlaendisches Urkundeuch, Reval, I. Reval, 1853 LVIA The Lithuanian State History Archive, Vilnius Lietuvos Lietuvos TSR archeologijos atlasas, Vilnius, 1977 MAB RS Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, Department of Rare Publications, Vilnius MVF Museum fr Vor- und Frgeschichte Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (formerly Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde), Berlin References Manuscripts
MAB RS A. Bezzenbergers letters to H. Scheu and other Lithuanian philological material 1895. In: Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, Department of Rare Publications, MAB RS, Fund 12-1239. JABLONSKIS, I., 1980-1981. gliki-Anduli pilkapi tyrinjimai 1980 ir 1981 m. tyrinjimai. In: Archive of Lithuanian Institute of History, Fund 1, files 786, 815. JABLONSKIS, I., 1982. gliki, Kalno Grikt (Kretingos raj.), velsn (Klaipdos raj.) prieistorins gyvenviets. In: Archive of Lithuanian Institute of History, Fund 1, file 693. Lithuania Minor History Museum, inventorial book, Inv. Nr. 5583/1411-1414. LVIA Dritte Abtheilung Hypotheken und Grundschulden 1808-1944. In: LVIA, Fund 1417, inventory 1, file 51. KANARSKAS, J., 1988. Anduli (Kretingos raj., algirio apyl.) ploktinio kapinyno 1988 met tyrinjimai. In: Archive of Lithuanian Institute of History, Fund 1, file 1736. TAUTAVIIUS, A., 1963. Archaeological survey report of the Kretinga, Klaipda, ilut, and Taurag/Jurbarkas districts, 8-28 May 1963. In: Archive of Lithuanian Institute of History, Fund 1, file 187-187a.

Ta b l e 3 . A r c h i v e s i n t o w h i c h documents and artefact illustrations from the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery were placed
institution Museum fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte archive Prussia Museum archive Feliks Jkobsons archive Herbert Jankuhns archive Nils bergs archive Jonas Puzinas archive Lithuanian museums Lithuanian History Institute Estonian History Institute Place curated MVF Berlin MVF Berlin (1 sheet) National History Museum of Latvia; Riga, Latvia Museum of the Land of Schleswig-Holstein; Schleswig, Germany (1sheet) National Heritage Council, Antiquarian Archive, Stockholm, Sweden Lithuanian National M. Mavydas Library Klaipda, Kretinga, Palanga, Vilnius, Kaunas Vilnius Tallinn

BERG, N., 1919. Ostpreussen in der Vlkerwanderungszeit. Uppsala, Leipzig: A.-B. Akademiska Bokhandeln and Otto Harrassowitz. ARWIDSSON, G., 1977. Valsgrde 7, Die Grberfunde von Valsgrde III. Acta Musei Antiquitatum Septentrionalium Regiae Universitatis Upsaliensis, V. Uppsala. BAUBONIS, Z., ZABIELA, G. (compilers), 2005. Lietuvos piliakalniai. Atlasas, I. Vilnius. BERTRAM, M., 2007. The History of the Merovingian Period and Merovingian collection in the Museum fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte in Berlin. In: The Merovingian Period. Eu-


rope without Borders. Archaeology and history of the 5th to 8th centuries. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 254-270. BITNER-WRBLEWSKA, A., WRBLEWSKI, W., 2001. Unikatowe okucia rogw do picia z okresu Vendel z cmentarzysk w Anduln/Anduliai (zachodnia Litwa) i Valsgrde (srdkowa Szwecja). In: W. NOWAKOWSKI and A. SZELA (eds.), Officina archaelogica optima, Studia ofiarowane Jerzemu Okuliczowi-Kozarynowi w siedemdzit rocznic urodzin, wiatowit. Supplement Series P: Prehistory and Middle Ages, 7. Warsawa, 19-33. BITNER-WRBLEWSKA, A., BLIUJIEN, A., 2003. Efektowny napiernik z emali z cmentarzyska w Anduln, zachodnia Litwa. In: A. BURSCHE and R. CIOEK (eds.), Antyk i Barbarzycy. Ksiga dedykowana profesorowi Jerzemu Kolendo w siedemdziesit rocznic urodzin. Warszawa, 121-132. BITNER-WRBLEWSKA, A., BLIUJIEN, A., WRBLEWSKI, W., 2003. Das verlorene Grberfeld von Anduln, Memelgebiet (heute glikiai-Anduliai, WestLitauen). Ein Wiedergewinnungsversuch. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 35, 185-210. BLIUJIEN, A., 2005. gliki-Anduli kapinynas. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais. Vilnius: Diemedio leidykla, 93-96. BLIUJIEN, A., 2005a. Pottery in Curonian Creamtion Burials. Some Aspects of Interactions across the Baltic Sea in the Late Viking Age and Early Medieval Period. In: V. LANG (ed.), Interarchaeologia, 1. Culture and Material Culture. Papers from the first theoretical seminar of the Baltic archaeologist (BASE) held at the University of Tartu, Estonia, October 17th 19th, 2003. Tartu Riga Vilnius, 147-166.

BLIUJIEN, A., BUTKUS, D., 2001. VII a. pirmosios puss karys i Lazdinink (Kalnalaukio). Archaeologia Lituana, 3, 83-95.
BLIUJIEN, A., BUTKUS, D., 2006. Bronze Drinking Horn Terminals from the Kauiai Cemetery in Western Lithuania as a Part of Lively Connections between Southern Curonia and Central Scandinavia. wiatowit, VI (XLVII), 13-17. BUTNAS, E., 1999. Sagtys i Ryt Lietuvos pilkapi (tipai, paskirtis). Lietuvos archeologija, 18, 37-56. Festschrift zum 25-jhrigen Jubilum der Altertumsgesellschaft Insterburg, Insterburg, 1905. GAUSE, W., 1935. Neu Ortsnamen in Ostpreussen seit 1800. Verzeichnis der nderunngen im Orstnamenbestand der Provinz Ostpreussen (alten Umfanges) seit dem Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts. Knigsberg. GINTAUTAIT-BUTNIEN, E., BUTNAS, E., 2002. Laivi kapinynas, Lietuvos archeologija, 22, 9-198. GTZE, A., 1908. Brettchenweberei im Altertum. Zeitschrift fr Ethnologie, 40, 481-500. GTZE, A., 1914. Hgelbrber bei Eglien Niclau, Kreis Memel. Sitzungsberichte der Altertumsgesellchaff Prussia, 23/1, 85-87. GRIGALAVIIEN, E., 1979. Egliki pilkapiai. Lietuvos archeologija, 1, 5-43. HOFFMANN, J., 1941. Die sptheidnische Kultur des Memellandes (10.-12. Jahrh. n. d. Zw), Knigsberg Berlin. JABLONSKIS, I., 1974. Anduli-Kretingos senkapio radiniai. In: Archeologiniai ir etnografiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 1972 ir 1973 metais. Vilnius, 82-86. Jahresbericht der Altertumsgesellschaft zu Insterburg fr das Vereinsjahr 1902, Insterburg, 1902.

KUNCIEN, O., 1978. VIII-XIII a. kryiniai smeigtukai. Lietuvos TSR archeologijos atlasas, IV. Vilnius, 83-87. KHN, H., 1974. Die germanischen Bgelfibeln der Vlkerwanderungszeit, II Teil: Die germanischen Bgelfibeln der Vlkerwanderungszeit in Sddeutschland, Graz. Lietuvos TSR archeologijos atlasas, III, Vilnius, 1977. NOREIKA, Z., STRAVINSKAS, V. (compilers), 1976. Lietuvos TSR administracinio teritorinio suskirstymo inynas, I. Vilnius: Mintis. MICHELBERTAS, M., 1986. Senasis geleies amius (I-IV amius), Vilnius: Mokslas. MOORA, H., 1938. Die Eisenzeit in Lettland bis etwa 500 n. Chr. II Teil: Analyse. Tartu. OXENSTIERNA, GRAF E.C., 1940. Die Prachtfibel aus Grobin. Mannus, 32/1-2, 219-252. PTERAITIS, V., 1992. Maoji Lietuva ir Tvanksta prabalt, pralietuvi ir lietuvinink laikais. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedij leidykla PTERAITIS, V., PURVINAS, M., 2000. Anduliai, Maosios Lietuvos enciklopedija, I. Vilnius, 56. SPICYN, A.A., 1925. Litovskie drevnosti. Tauta ir odis, 3. Kaunas, 121-171. TAMULYNAS, L., 1998. A. Bezzenbergerio archeologiniai tyrinjimai Klaipdos krate, Lietuvos archeologija, 15, 247-285. VELNIT, R., 2005. Anduli piliakalnio priepilis. In: Archeologiniai tyrinjimai Lietuvoje 2003 metais. Vilnius: Diemedio leidykla, 51-53. VAITKEVIIUS, V., 2003. Alkai. Balt ventviei studija, Vilnius: Diemedio leidykla. ULKUS, V., 1995. Vakar baltai got-gepid migracijoje (IIV a.). In: Lietuvinink kratas. Kaunas: Litterae Universitatis, 65-107. ULKUS, V., 2005. Kuriai Baltijos jros erdvje. Vilnius: Versus aureus. Received: 22 October 2007; Revised: 31 January 2008;

Anna Bitner-Wrblewska State Archaeological Museum Duga 52 Warsw POLAND Audron Bliujien Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology Klaipda University Tils g. 13 LT-91251 Klaipda LITHUANIA Wojciech Wrblewski Institute of Archaeology Warsaw University Krakowskie Przedmiescie 26/28 00-927 Warsw POLAND



AnnA BitnerWrBleWskA, Audron Bliujien And F o l l o w i n g t h e Tr a c e s o f Wojciech the Lost glikiai-Anduliai WrBleWski C u r o n i a n C e m e t e r y

SEKANT PRARASTO KURI GLIKIANDULI KAPINYNO PDSAKAIS Anna Bitner-Wrblewska, Audron Bliujien, Wojciech Wrblewski
gliki-Anduli kapinyno iskirtinumas nulemtas mediagos svarbos tiek Lietuvos pajriui, tiek visam Ryt Baltijos jros regionui. Kai kuri XX a. pirmosios puss tyrintoj nuomone, Klaipdos krato kultros (Memel Kultur) dl fragmentiko jos paminkl paskelbimo ir nepaskelbtos gliki-Anduli kapinyno mediagos nemanoma visavertikai suprasti. is laidojimo paminklas ir iandien yra didiausiais bet kada tyrintas Vakar Lietuvos kap su akmen vainikais kultrins srities ir kuri laidojimo paminklas, kuriame nenutrkstamai laidota daugiau kaip 1000 met. Pirmieji kapinyno kapai datuojami II a. pabaiga, vlyviausieji degintiniai kuri kapai siekia XIII a. pradi ar net pirmj jo pus. gliki-Anduli kapinyne itirta apie 800 kap. Taiau tikslaus tyrint kap skaiiaus nebesuinosime, nes, matyt, amiams prarasta neskelbta Adalberto Bezzenbergerio ir Georgo Reinholdo Frhlicho tyrinjim mediaga bei pavieniai radiniai, patek Klaipdos krato muziej (12 lent.). gliki-Anduli kapinynas yra lyg paenklintas lemties enklu, lemianiu daugel praradim, kuri dalis yra negrtami. Matyt, negrtamai dingo Prussia muziejaus mediaga, buvusi Karaliauiuje. Tautotyros muziejuje (Kniglischen Museum fr Vlkerkunde) Berlyne buvo saugota apie 7000 io laidojimo paminklo dirbini, 1945 m. visa i mediaga buvo iveta Maskv ir iuo metu saugoma Valstybiniame istorijos muziejuje. Neaikus sruio muziejuje buvusios mediagos likimas. Kad ir kaip bt gaila, bet i dien politins Europos realijos kol kas ukerta keli tyrinti ar bent susipainti su io laidojimo paminklo mediaga, esania Maskvoje. Neatpastamai pasikeitusioje aplinkoje pradingo orientyrai, naudoti ankstesni tyrintoj. Todl iandien mokslininkams kyla ypa daug problem turimus archyvinius duomenis, bandant susieti su naujausiais tyrinjimais, kuri vien vis dlto pavyko isprsti: lokalizuoti vis (iskyrus A. Bezzenbergerio) tyrintoj tyrintus plotus ir juos paymti visikai pasikeitusioje aplinkoje (Plate VIII:1; Plate VIII:1). 18951906 metais ems savininkas M. M. Blyze tyrinjo gliki-Anduli kapinyn (1 lent.). Jis ityr apie 4597 m ir, matyt, surado 341 kapus (2; 4; 5 pav.;

1 lent.). Taiau 1908 m. Alfredas Gtze, Berlyno Tautotyros muziejaus direktorius, mini jau 522 kapus. Jis nutar atvykti Andulius ir pradti kapinyno tyrinjimus. 1895 m. rugsjo 2328 d. A. Gtze tyrinjo j sudominus kapinyn ir vien gliki pilkapyno pilkap, buvus ariausiai kapinyno. A. Gtzes pradt tyrinti pilkap baig tirti Elena Grigalaviien, o paskutinius gliki pilkapius ityr Ignas Jablonskis. 1895 m. buvo itirtas 180 m2 gliki-Anduli plotas ir rasta 19 kap. A. Gtze tyrinjo pietrytinje kapinyno dalyje, kur jis akmen vainikuose aptiko 7 romnikojo laikotarpio, C periodo kapus (3 pav.). Tyrindamas iaurinje kapinyno dalyje jis aptiko griautini ir degintini EH period kap. I A. Gtzes tirt plot akivaizdu, kad tai buvo tik valgomieji archeologiniai tyrinjimai, kuriais jis norjo isiaikinti kapinyno ribas, chronologij ir kultrin priklausomyb. kapinyn taip pat tyrinjo Georgas Reinholdas Frhlichas, sruio Altertumsgesellschaft Instenburg draugijos pirmininkas. Jo tyrinjimo mediaga pateko ios draugijos muziej. Jis publikavo 4 degintini ir keleto griautini kuri kap (12 lent.) tyrinjimus. laidojimo paminkl taip pat tyrinjo Adalbertas Bezzenbergeris. Jo tyrinjim mediaga, nuo 106 iki 200 kap, pateko Prussia muziej Karaliauiuje (1 lent.). Taiau A. Bezzenbergerio mediaga, matyt, neiliko, nes jos nra nei Berlyne, nei kituose autoriams inomuose muziejuose ar archyvuose. Jo tyrinjim mediaga nebuvo rasta ir tyrinjant Kaliningrado III (Quednau) fort. Ignas Jablonskis Kretingos muziejui perdav neaikiomis aplinkybmis rasto suardyto romnikojo periodo kapo kapes. Tarp jo 1987 m. muziejui perduot radini yra unikalus romnikojo laikotarpio moters krtins papuoalas, sukomponuotas i alvarini kabui, kuri dalis puota raudonu emaliu. 1972 m. iaurin gliki-Anduli kapinyno dal perkirto dujotiekio trasa, tuomet buvo suardyta apie dvideimt X a. vidurio XII a. sudegint ir vieno nedeginto mirusiojo kapas. Kretingos kratotyrininkui I. Jablonskiui po katastrofiko suardymo pavyko ufiksuoti tik ilikusius kapus ar j liekanas. 1988 metais I. Jablonskis kartu su Donatu Butkumi ir Juliumi Kanarsku dar kart tyr gliki-Anduli kapinyn. Tuomet buvo tyrinjama iaurrytinje kapinyno dalyje. Nedideliame, tik 16,7 m2 dydio, tyrintame plote vlyvj XI a. nedeginto mirusiojo kap keturiais sluoksniais deng dvideimt du XIXIII a. pirmosios puss sudegint mirusij kapai. Keliais sluoksniais palaidoti mirusieji ne tik pateisina vandenvardio, kurio krante buvo kurtas kapinynas, kilm, bet ir rodo, kad iame laidojimo paminkle savo gentainius laidojo Anduli apylinki bendruomens.


io straipsnio autoriai tyrinja gliki-Anduli kapinyno mediag, surinkt iki 1945 met, remdamiesi archyvine mediaga ir nedidele dalimi ilikusi radini (45 pav.).


io straipsnio autoriams tyrinjant ir rengiant publikacijai gliki-Anduli kapinyno mediag tapo akivaizdu, kad tarp turimos mediagos trksta ini apie io laidojimo paminklo romnikojo laikotarpio kapus su akmen vainikais. Todl remiantis turima archyvine mediaga buvo bandyta surasti A. Gtzes tyrintas romnikojo laikotarpio perkas vietas (5 pav.). Nors to padaryti nepavyko, bet 2002 met tyrinjimus lydjo nemenka skm, nes dar toliau rytus nuo A. Gtzes tirt plot buvo rasta kap su akmen vainikais, datuojam II a. pabaiga III a. pradia (Plate VIII:3).


Oscar Montelius visit to Lithania in 1876, Necrolithuanica, and the creation of an international comparative collection at the Museum of National Antiquities in Stockholm Jan Peder Lamm


OScAR MONTeLIuS VISIT TO LITHANIA IN 1876, N e c R O L I T H u A N I c A , A N d T H e c R e AT I O N O f A N I N T e R N AT I O N A L c O M pA R AT I V e c O L L e c T I O N AT T H e M u S e u M O f N AT I O N A L A N T I q u I T I e S I N STOckHOLM

By Jan Peder Lamm

In 2007, Linnus (Carl von Linn) and his disciples are being celebrated all around the world, wherever they were once scientifically active. Another worldfamous Swedish systematist was Oscar Montelius (18431921), who may well, within the field of archaeology, be compared to Linnus. Thus, he also merits being remembered during this jubilee. Montelius travelled widely. He spent several years abroad on archaeological study journeys. He was generally accompanied by his wife Agda (18501920, ne Reuterskild), who acted as a highly qualified assistant and secretary. On their journeys, she kept a careful diary, with innumerable interesting details, most of which are not mentioned in her husbands official travel reports. To the readers of Archeologia Baltica it may come as a surprise that there exists a report on a study journey made in Lithuania by the young Montelius couple in 1876. Their visit took place between 13 and 18 August that year, and is worth some attention, as it contributed substantially to the creation of an international comparative archaeological collection at the Museum of National Antiquities (Statens Historiska Museum) in Stockholm. The reason was that, on this stay, Montelius, quite by chance, took the opportunity to acquire the archaeological collection of the then well-known and recently deceased Lithuanian scholar Carl von Schmith. Among Montelius acquisitions was also a manuscript called Necrolithuanica, with von Schmiths

descriptions and comments on the said collection, and also of the collections in Vilnius. Necrolithuanica has recently been published in an interesting commented facsimile edition (von Schmith 2006; Lamm 2007b). In the following pages I shall present an almost verbatim translation into English of the section of Agda Montelius diary that deals with the visit to Lithuania. But first, I shall discuss the journey and the creation of the comparative collection.

The journey of 1876 and the von Schmith Collection

According to the protocols of the Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities, the museums acquisition of the collection took place at a suggestion made by Montelius on 21 August 1879 in his account to the Academy of his journey. Having described his acquisitions and argued for the foundation of a comparative collection, Montelius offered the Academy his collection for what he paid for it (Lamm 2007a). In his account, all the museums, collections and conferences that Montelius had visited on the journey are mentioned. It is apparent that he had not only devoted himself to archaeological studies, but had also been very active as a collector of antiquities. He wrote: As far as possible, on the spot, I have tried to get a more complete knowledge about the archaeological literature of the different countries than what is generally possible in other ways. I have also tried to acquire


He continued: As a basis for closer studies, I have brought with me notes on some 10,000 archaeological objects kept in the various archaeological collections, as well as about 2,000 drawings executed by myself [in fact, most of them were drawn by his wife] and photographs of these objects. furthermore, I have succeeded in acquiring, partly by purchase but also as gifts, many antiquities, originals or copies, the latter made of plaster or tin foil. Most of these antiquities are found in Lithuania, where in kowno I bought an entire, fairly important collection, the owner of which had recently passed away. Most of the plaster casts were acquired in the museums in copenhagen, Mainz, Munich and Budapest. These casts are often made with great ability, painted, and even at a close distance so closely resembling the originals that they can fully replace them for study. Montelius finished his account thus: When, one day, it is possible to arrange a museum for comparative archaeological research, I offer the Academy, if it so chooses, to acquire for what I paid for them all the originals and copies I have now collected or will then have collected. As has already been mentioned, the Academy accepted Montelius offer, and his collection became the basis of the comparative collection of the Museum of National Antiquities in Stockholm (Statens Historiska Museum). It was inventorised as No 6565. With time, the collection grew considerably, partly by excavations and active collecting abroad, by T.J. Arne, f. Martin and others, in places like Cyprus, the Crimea, Iran, Norway, Siberia and ukraine. There were even suggestions to start an independent museum for the collection, or to turn the Historical Museum into a universal archaeological museum, a Swedish Antiquarium in Arnes words. These plans were, however, abandoned, and instead the comparative collection was split up, becoming parts of new specialised museums, such as the Mediterranean Museum and the Museum of East Asian Antiquities. But that is another story (Arne 1936; Lamm 2005).

In the morning Oscar left to reconnoitre, which kept him very busy. eventually, he got hold of a certain dr de Berg from the observatory in the same building as the museum, and a German vicar named Brinck, who was very favourably disposed towards us.

August 14
In the morning Oscar went to Berg, who accompanied him to dobransky, a member of the museum staff who could show him the exhibitions (the director, Golowatsky, was away). In the meantime, the Reverend Brinck and a finnish colonel called Lundh came to see Oscar, a visit he repaid in the afternoon to Brincks. He accompanied him about the town, hunting for an illustrated folio by Tyszkiewicz, who founded the collection in Vilna, which had simply been taken from him by the Russians, as they felt he had done his collecting for political purposes. This publication was available neither in the museum nor elsewhere. Brinck came up with Oscar for a while in the evening, and invited us to tea at his house on Tuesday.

August 15
We spent the whole morning working together in the museum. In the afternoon, we played bzique. After that, we went to the Brinck family, where we met a lot of people, among others a general with his wife and children, dr Shachmann (an old and jolly medical military officer), and an officer in the engineers, Lutzow, a rather decent chap, according to Oscar. Mrs Brinck was kind and nice, but looked very weak: she is expecting a child soon, she already has five, the oldest eight years old! They talked about a private collection kept in kowno, three hours from here, and wanted Oscar to go there. He felt rather inclined to go when he heard that the collection was for sale and might get destroyed.

Agda Montelius Lithuanian diary

Oscar and Agda arrived in Lithuania by train on 13 August 1876, and left the country on 18 August. Let us now examine the events there as described by Agda in her diary.


At half past one in the morning we arrived in Vilna. After I had had tea and Oscar meanwhile had seen to the luggage, we took a carriage whose driver insisted on taking us to the Hotel London; however, we insisted, and eventually arrived at the Hotel europa. Though it was fairly difficult to make ourselves understood in European languages, we got a rather decent room for one rouble and fifty kopecks and went to bed.

BALTIcA 9 93

quite a few smaller and greater archaeological publications, some with great difficulty, as they were not available in the bookshops.

August 13

Oscar Montelius visit to Lithania in 1876, Necrolithuanica, and the creation of an international comparative collection at the Museum of National Antiquities in Stockholm

August 16
Back working in the museum in the early morning, from whence I left rather soon, not feeling too well because of the time. At two oclock Oscar returned, quickly deciding to leave for kowno on the half past two train and putzweg he was gone. He inspected the collection and decided to buy it for 120 roubles. Then we went to the Reverend kluge, who had arranged a great ball to celebrate his wifes birthday. Oscar had the opportunity to impress upon the young ladies a healthy reverence for the ability of Swedish gentlemen to dance the polka. Spoke much with a Baroness Yxkull, a very educated and intelligent woman.

----Agda Montelius diaries are often entertaining, and offer many otherwise quite forgotten details about the couples journeys, as well as her husbands work and scholarly contacts. Her narrative about their stay in Lithuania is no exception to that rule. Her account is only marred by the comments on 18 August, seemingly expressing both anti-Semitism and xenophobia. Her diary notes and the other documents in the archives of the Academy offer new and valuable knowledge about early archaeological contacts between Sweden and Lithuania.

Jan Peder Lamm

August 17
At half past two in the morning, when new candles were put in the candlesticks and they were having their abendessen, he left for the station. At six he appeared at the hotel and went to bed. At ten, however, he was back in the museum, and I too. After finishing our work at two oclock, we had dinner as usual at the hotel for one rouble a head. After that, Oscar had a nap, and so we played bzique until about five when we climbed the mountain to see the Botanical Garden and admire the view. from there we went to bid the Brincks farewell. Vilna is located in a rather hilly and thus quite beautiful area on the banks of the rivers Vilia and Viteika, the latter dividing in two arms just by the Botanical Garden, then it twists through a high wooded sandy ridge, from the top of which you have the most beautiful view over the town and its surroundings and the broad River Vilia. In general, the whole of the part of Russia that we passed through by rail was extremely ugly, vast deserted plains as far as you could see, only here and there covered with low forest and rarely broken by clumps of higher trees.


Archives of Oscar Montelius and Agda Reuterskild in the Antikvarisk Topografiska Arkivet (ATA), Stockholm. ARNe, T.J., 1925. de komparativa fornsakssamlingarna i Statens Historiska Museum. In: Fornvnnen, 20, 18-34. ARNe, T.J., 1936. de komparativa samlingarna i Statens Historiska Museum 1928-1935. In: Fornvnnen, 31, 99114. LAMM, J.p., 2005. Norge-Sverige tur och retur. Om Artur Hazelius norska fornsakssamling och dess terbrdande till Norge i samband med 100-rsminnet av unionsupplsningen, Viking, 68, 13-24. LAMM, J.p., 2007a. Historiska museets komparativa samling dess tillkomsthistoria och utveckling. Fornvnnen, 102, 41-43. LAMM, J.p., 2007b. Review von Schmith 2006. Fornvnnen, 102, 44-45. ScHMITH, c., 2006. Necrolithuanica. Vilnius: Versus Aureus. facsimile edition with comments in Lithuanian by Reda Grikait, Algimantas katilius, Vytautas kazakeviius and Arturas Mickeviius.

english revised by dr Martin Rundkvist

Received: 20 October 2007; Revised: 3 January 2008

August 18
At half past eight in the morning we left the dirty Jewish town of Vilna and the Russian empire proper. At four we passed the small River Naret and very soon arrived in Lapu, the first polish station, where we saw our own decent letters again. polish is written in a nice way, and though it was placed below the Russian Lapy, we were happy to see it. The journey went quickly, as we read, played games, ate chocolate, etc. So we spent the time until we arrived in Warsaw at half past seven.

docent dr Jan peder Lamm kostervgen Se-181 35 Liding SWedeN


The investigation of funerary customs, of the social status, gender, grave goods and rituals of the deceased, is very important in archaeological research, as it enables us to understand the way people in prehistory thought, believed and understood their world. A lot of modern scientific data, that, as in the case of the tzi, says much about the health, clothing and armaments of the deceased, is often used in burial site research. However, not all burials attract such attention. Moreover, usually only fragmentary sources of information are found, which are not suitable for wider generalisations. Thus, the straightforward comparison of various pieces of scientific data about even contemporary cemeteries can permit only an imagined reconstruction of the conception of the afterlife. Mike Parker Pearsons book The Archaeology of Death and Burial, in which the author presents a wide spectrum of research issues associated with cemeteries that archaeologists investigate, as well as with the archaeological and bioanthropological material found within them, is not like this. This research data is analysed in its social, cultural anthropological and cultural ecological contexts. The book consists of nine chapters and appendices. Each chapter analyses different research issues which relate to the authors main research question: prehistoric mans conception of the afterlife. At the beginning of the work, Parker Pearson presents the account of a Viking funeral that Ibn Fadlan left in the report of his journey known as Risala. Starting from this description, an ethnoarchaeological leitmotif remains throughout the entire work. When analysing any kind of question associated with the deceaseds social status, kinship, gender, choice of cemetery location, and so on, the author presents lots of comparative ethnological material from various continents. This comparative ethnological material is examined in parallel with social anthropological questions associated with death. Very interesting data associated with the course of funerary rites, the breaking off of relations between the dead and the living, and the influence of ancestors and spirits during the funeral, is presented. The author does not avoid discussing L. Binfords ideas about the variability of funerary customs, or the hypotheses presented by A. Saxe dealing with the social

dimensions of funerals. The authors thoughts regarding Saxes proposition in which he speaks of reasons for the appearance of cemeteries are interesting. Parker Pearson explains that cemeteries indicate the appearance of a functional relationship with a locality (the land), but functional relationships with the ancestors through burial places go significantly further. One important theme in the book is cannibalism and the intentional mixing of the bones of the dead. After a discussion about anthropological and archaeological data to demonstrate instances of cannibalism, the author shows how there are methodological (in the case of coprolite analysis) and ideological problems in proving such a phenomenon. The position in which the deceased was buried (curled up, in the foetal position, laid on the side, and so on) is, in the authors opinion, a social expression. Presenting ethnographic examples from Madagascar, the author discusses how the corpse is buried with the head to the west, but while alive the person had slept in the opposite direction, with the head to the east. Here, according to the author, death is like the antithesis of life. The issue of the preservation of the body, mummification, is one significant theme in the chapter devoted to reading the body. Another of this chapters topics is body tattoos, which might, for example, depict chaotic scenes formed by carnivores and herbivores as though they were reflecting the very instance of the passage from this world to the next. Regarding the bog bodies found in northwest Europe, Parker Pearson raises the question: were these bodies sacrifices, or an expression of the social rejection of the community? Were they offerings, or the results of executions? The crippled nature or physical disability of many of them could have been considered as being touched by the gods. According to the author, they could have been abnormal or lame individuals separated from normal people. A large part of Parker Pearsons work is devoted to a discussion of the research questions on the status, rank and political power of the deceased. For this, the author presents social evolutionary theories as well as the changes in funerary customs associated with the respective periods social organisation. One of the main questions the author raises in analysing these problems



M I K E PA R K E R P E A R S O N . T H E A R C H A E O L O G Y O F D E AT H A N D B U R I A L . Sutton Publishing, reprinted in 2005, 250 pp., 64 Figs.

Mike Parker Pearson. The Archaeology of Death And Burial. Sutton Publishing, Reprinted REVIEWS I n 2 0 0 5 , 2 5 0 P p . , 6 4 F i g s .

is whether the grave goods placed inside the burial with the deceased were the possessions of the deceased or of the mourners, or perhaps even heirlooms. The solution to this question would, according to the author, enable a determination of the deceaseds social status, as well as the level of authority he held. The author devotes a chapter of the book to the study of gender and kinship by burial materials. The point of departure for this research is archaeological material from Denmark and England. The author examines the change in settlement and (male and female) cemetery locations, the peculiarities of group burials, kinship and its correlations in respective cemeteries. The author refers to various branches and specialists in archaeological science in his investigation of death and prehistoric mortuary problems. Among them are scholars of ethnoarchaeology, processual archaeology and New Archaeology. In preparing the book, the author uses mostly archaeological research data from Central and Western Europe. In certain instances, when he examines gender and kinship questions, the orientation of the deceaseds burial, and cemetery structure, he could have made use of eastern Baltic archaeological material, as it is currently accessible to researchers worldwide. The issues examined in the book are important and up-to-date; the data that is used from various scientific fields confers a depth and a comprehensiveness to the questions investigated. Parker Pearsons work will be important to all who deal with questions regarding the spiritual culture of people in prehistory.

Dr Habil. Algirdas Girininkas Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Klaipda University, Tils g. 13 LT-91251 Klaipda LITHUANIA


Amber has practically become a national characteristic of Lithuania. Small pieces of it are washed up on the shores of the Baltic Sea, souvenir shops are full of amber, and there are amber museums Today we often no longer even reflect upon the time that amber began to be so strongly established in our lives. Up until very recently, there were no special studies on the use of amber in ancient times; satisfaction was taken simply from works of a general nature or from bibliographies. This situation began to change after academic conferences were held in 2001 in Lithuania and Latvia on the use of amber in prehistory, and the conference papers were published (Baltic 2001; Amber 2003). Audron Bliujiens work appears to end the entire process of getting acquainted with amber in prehistoric periods by organically synthesising all the known data about it from the oldest times to the end of the Iron Age (the 12th century in Lithuania). The synthesis has turned out to be uncommonly impressive. Probably no prehistorically used material in Lithuanian archaeology has merited such a thick monograph, even though neither iron nor flint, for example, can be compared to amber by their widespread use. This thick monograph about amber is a 560-page, medium-format book, of which 429 pages constitute the main text (with 264 illustrations, some of which are in colour, including maps), with the remaining pages comprising 21 appendices, lists of references and sources, people and place name indices, and a thorough (36-page) summary in English. Amber is discussed systematically in the book, with long chapters devoted to a historiography, the most important amber finds from the 19th to the first half of the 20th centuries, amber find sites in Europe, the gathering and mining of amber along the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea (the Sambian Peninsula and the Lithuanian coast), ambers place in the communities of the Balts by epoch (in the Stone Age, especially the Neolithic and Early Metal Age, and separate periods of the Iron Age: the Roman, Migration and Viking periods). It concludes with rather brief conclusions (five pages). The entire text is permeated with a

background in the usage of amber in Europe, which the author has gleaned both from various and widely encompassing sources of literature (the bibliography lists 788 references), as well as from direct contact with scholars researching amber and an acquaintance with amber artefacts stored and preserved in museums, or with textual or graphic material characterising them. Understandably, a more comprehensive discussion of such a huge work in a review is not possible: a separate article or even a booklet would have to be written. But to do so is neither necessary nor conceivable: for those books portions in which the author is a synthesist, in which she summarises others data, one would have to enter into polemics with the actual authors to whose research data the author refers, while for the parts in which the author is also the research questions investigator, very versatile and thorough material is invoked, to which it is also not possible to add anything more essential. We can only repeat the books essential conclusions: amber artefacts became widespread in the eastern Baltic Sea region in the Neolithic, later their quantity significantly decreased, then they started to increase again in the third century and reached their maximum number in the fifth to sixth centuries, while they are later found in great number only among the Western Balts (especially the Curonians). These conclusions are drawn based on scrupulously collected material, of which the abundance also accounts for the size of most of the corresponding chapters. Amber is most broadly (in 88 pages) described for the Neolithic, while other epochs receive slightly less attention: the Early Metal Age 63, the Roman Period 81, the Migration Period 31, and the Viking Period 56 pages. Knowing that the authors scientific theme of interest is the Middle to Late Iron Age, it is noticeable that the author is mostly inclined toward a synthesis in the book, and boldly moves into periods about which she knows less. such audacity is supplemented by at least three official consultants who are all specialists in precisely those periods which the author has researched the least, and who, we must assume, made some things more accu-



Audron BLiujiEn. L i E T u v o s p r i E i s T o r s g i n TA r A s ( L i T h u A n i A s A m B E r i n p r E h i s T o ry ) . Vi l n i u s : Ve r s u s a u r e u s , 2 0 0 7 , 5 6 0 p p .

rate while the book was still in manuscript form. These chapters are so strewn with various types of references that at times they begin to interfere with the text (for example, on p. 227 almost every sentence in the text has a reference to literature, illustrations, appendices, or a footnote at the bottom of the page). There are 168 references in the book that did not fit into the books main text, as well as eight more in the appendices. The very references to literature used often direct the reader away to several other works (on the same p.227, one footnote cites seven references, three two references). Finally, nearly all the references are presented at the end of a sentence, and when this sentence is long and polysemantic, which is often the case (eg pp.421422), it is rather difficult to determine which reference belongs to what. similar examples prompt us to wonder whether such an abundance of references really was necessary, or if it would have been possible to manage with a smaller number. A synthesis does not need to absorb every known fact in the field: that is more a matter for reference books or encyclopedias. nevertheless, the authors erudition in research questions concerning amber is truly encyclopedic. Besides the already mentioned chronological coverage, there is also territorial (from England to Siberia, from Egypt to Finland) and thematic (amber find sites, mining, processing, trade, artefacts) coverage. All of this is not done superficially, but rather by taking up a great number of facts, that are presented in concentrated form in tables. It could be said that the latter constitute an atlas of archaeological find sites of amber, in most of which we find statistical data not only from the various periods of the Iron Age (Appendices 4, 10, 12, 19), but also from the neolithic (Appendix 2) and the Early metal Age (Appendix 6). satisfaction is usually taken from more than just the Lithuanian material in the appendices. Regardless of the fact that they are only auxiliary material to the books text, certain appendices could have been more informative in connecting their actual references with the books respective illustrations, and in explaining some of the abbreviations used. Appendix 9, which contains unexplained abbreviations (m, v, Tm) in its list (p.430), is especially difficult to understand in this respect. The last abbreviation, in combination with copious numbers and plus signs, gives the impression altogether that the information is of a nonhumanitarian profile, even though, all in all, that is how the bead types are indicated in the corresponding work of M. Tempelmann-mczyska. however, a works essence is not made up of its appendices. The most interesting and important from a scientific viewpoint is the works investigative part. In this respect, the periods that the author herself researches are especially important. So what is new that

Audron Bliujien. Lietuvos prieistors gintaras ( L i t h u a n i a s A m b e r i n p r e h i s t o r y ) . Vi l n i u s : Ve r s u s a u r e u s , 2 0 0 7 , 560 pp.

is revealed in the chapters devoted to the Middle to Late Iron Age? Both chapters are among the shortest in their coverage. Their texts are even shorter because they contain abundant illustrations (28 and 44, in 37 and 56 pages respectively) that often take up an entire page or consist of two or even three parts. so the text is markedly more concentrated here. In the Migration Period chapter, most attention is paid to beads, which were found mostly in the lower Nemunas region. These beads are discussed according to their separate groupings, which are named (Basonia type, long cylindrical form with grooves, step-cut, oblong with slanting edges, oblong and slightly truncated biconical, asymmetrical). however, a clear typology is difficult to imagine from them. This is hindered by an absence of their physical parameters (for oblong beads with slanted edges [p.360]), the variety of their features (step-cut beads are flattened spherical, disc-shaped, semicircular, conical with a rounded top, cylindrical [p.353]), and finally by the absence of a unified typological table (there are only references to individual pictures). In this way, by their stylistics, the characterisation of Migration Period beads is also more fitted to earlier chapters and is more of a review. We also have a similar situation regarding the later period. The title used by the author (the Viking Period and the Early Middle Ages) is intentionally not written in this critique, because it is inaccurate. The inaccuracies begin with the end of the Migration Period. Although a special footnote, No 145 (p.337), is designated for its chronology, the seventh century would be the desired ascription for the end of the period, holding the later period as somehow indefinite (the transition from the Late Migration to the Viking Period). Meanwhile, it is clearly known that the Viking Age in European history began only at the very end of the eighth century, and that was not in Lithuania, but in Great Britain, far from Lithuania (Kazakeviius 2006, p.301). This chronological muddle in the chapter on the Late Iron Age allows talk of even the sixth century (pp.371, 376, 378, and others), ie a 300-year movement backward of the Viking Period in Lithuania (if we follow the discussed work), while the chronological coverage of the period in the conclusions is indicated correctly (p.428). Nor is this the only place in which Lithuanias prehistory does not correspond with its periodisation in Europe. The beginning of the Early Middle Ages in Europe is the fifth century, in Lithuania the 13th century (Zabiela 2001, pp.22, 24), while in this book it is apparently somewhere around the second half of the 11th to the 12th century, ie after the Viking Age. While this was avoided in the characterisation of the period, it was done for the earlier periods.



Looking at this book as a whole, a certain inconsistency is clearly noticeable. If a large part of it up to the Roman Period inclusively is written weighing the available material and considering it well, then the subsequent part of the book is more reminiscent of a work written in a hurry both in its textual part and in its illustrations. The latter, incidentally, are overfilled with material unrelated to amber, and in places create the impression of an artificially inflated book. For example, from the triple Fig. 245 that takes up three pages, the illustrated amber artefacts consist of only two tiny beads (p.396, No 3) which are repeated once again in another illustration (p.395, Fig. 244). There are many mistakes in the maps. Especially unreliable is the map on p. 340 (Fig. 195). In it, No 2 (Baliuliai) is found somewhere deep in Byelorussia, even beyond Lake narutis, while it is, in fact, near eimena, northeast of pabrad. maudiorai (in the Kelm district) is shown near Kaunas (no 31), to where rdaiiai (Kretinga district) (no 60) has also been moved. And mazkatui (Latvia, Liepaja district) (No 32) appears somewhere in the Teliai district. more examples could be pointed out. For example, in Fig. 117 (p.173) of the rather thorough map of Late neolithic find sites, Kretuonas (no 26) and emaitik (no 41) are also represented near Lake narutis, and Lyneeris (no 28) and margiai (no 29) in southwest Lithuania. Some places are marked incorrectly, even on the small Roman import map (p. 264, Fig. 158): Betygala (No 7) is on the left bank of the dubysa and further north. The examples presented show that we should employ the maps in the book carefully, and only to illustrate the general diffusion patterns of the artefacts. Another confused area is the place names, which are abundant in the book (the index alone takes up 12 pages [pp.512523]). Since nearly all (and not only all) of Europes names are used, it would have been expedient to keep to some kind of single system (either to Lithuanianise everything or to leave the original, or to combine one and the other), rather than to present every one of their possible versions. Alongside the Lithuanianised versions we also find the originals

There are also insufficiently elucidated and debatable things in the book. This includes archaeological cultures which are usually presented only by name. This poses no problems to specialist archaeologists, but the book will be widely used, not only by archaeologists. so it will remain rather unclear, for example, precisely what Bogaczewo Culture is, and how it differs, say, from Wielbark Culture. With the great number of references to the corresponding literature in the book, we find not a single reference opposite the archaeological cultures which would characterise the respective culture in at least the most general features. Among the debatable things, worth mentioning is Lamata Land. The land is not universally acknowledged (it is even questioned, for example, in a work summarising the Lithuanian ethnogenesis [Lietuvi 1987, p.133, footnote at the bottom of the page]) and we find nothing about it in the majority of encyclopedias (eg not even in the Maosios Lietuvos enciklopedija [The Encyclopedia of Lithuania Minor]) specially devoted to this region (Vilnius 2003, Vol 2). Of course, a book about amber could not amass absolutely everything, but in this case a few explanatory sentences to the reader about how the author understands Lamata Land would have been very beneficial. After all, room for a significantly clearer characterisation of prehistoric periods


due to this chronological confusion, it is difficult to characterise the tendencies of amber usage in the Viking Age and in the time after it. Because the custom of cremating the dead spread at this time, known data about amber from graves is incomplete. Nevertheless, it appears that amber was used mostly in west Lithuania (especially among the Curonians), where, aside from beads, there were also amulets and even parts of tools (ie spindle whorls, tools for weaving sashes, even an awl handle [p. 410]). upland Lithuanians (Auktaiiai) also liked to decorate their horses with an amber bead, although not universally.

(eg Vstergtland, Bohusln [p.164]) and the halfLithuanianised, with letters from the original spellings (eg lborgo [p.162]). East prussias (especially the Kaliningrad areas) names are written in the old traditional way, and in the Russian postwar style, and in double or even multiple ways (eg a quadruple version on p.263). Administrative districts (including from the past [as in East Prussia]) are shown in some places and not in others. If this medley could not be controlled in the text, then it should at least have been done in the index. For some reason, by the way, the latter does not include the abundant place names mentioned in the appendices. While the Lithuanian reader can somehow make sense of these names, for the foreigner its usage becomes problematic right away. Both in the place names and in the maps, a slipshod job on the part of the publishing house is clearly noticeable, which generally spoils a quite attractive book. Apparently for the same reason, nothing is mentioned in the English summary about the books first two chapters (Amber in Lithuanias historiography and Between opinion and reality), although the second also could be interesting to the foreign reader. meanwhile, the short text that goes beyond the books chronological boundaries about archaeological finds of amber during the state Period (p.424) is not only rather widely presented in the conclusions, but is also submitted almost in its entirety in the English summary (p.559).


Audron Bliujien. Lietuvos prieistors gintaras ( L i t h u a n i a s A m b e r i n p r e h i s t o r y ) . Vi l n i u s : Ve r s u s a u r e u s , 2 0 0 7 , 560 pp. REVIEWS

appeared in the book (eg for the Bronze Age on p.191, footnote 73), which is only an advantage. In conclusion, it must be noted that the mentioned mistakes and inconsistencies still do not overshadow the books scientific and cognitive value, even though they may hinder a proper grasp of it. Bliujien has presented readers with a fundamental synthesis that will clearly not lie very long on the bookshelves in shops and will define our view of amber in Lithuanias prehistory for the next several decades. References
AMBER 2003. Amber in Archaeology. Riga, 2003. Baltic Amber. vilniaus dails akademijos darbai. vilnius, 2001, 22. KAZAKEviius, v., 2006. In: g. ZABiELA, ed. Lietuvos istorija. Vilnius, II, 299-305, 318-400. Lietuvi etnogenez. vilnius, 1987. ZABiELA, g., 2001. vidurami archeologija Lietuvoje. Lituanistica, 3(47), 20-30. dr gintautas Zabiela Institute of Baltic Sea Region History and Archaeology, Klaipda university, Tils g. 13 LT-91251, Klaipda LITHUANIA


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Klaipdos universiteto leidykla ArChAeoloGiA BAltiCA 9 edited by Algirdas Girininkas Klaipda, 2008
SL 1335. 2008 10 09. Apimtis 14 sl. sp. l. Tiraas 350 egz. Klaipdos universiteto leidykla, Herkaus Manto g. 84, 92294 Klaipda tel. (8~46) 398 891, el. patas: Spausdino spaustuv Petro Ofsetas, algirio g. 90, Vilnius

3 Plate I. 1 The Eket locality, marked with a red dot; 2 Vertical photograph of Eket from 1997: 1 settlement; 2 hill-fort; 3 Area of settlement within the red marked rectangle where the geophysical survey was conducted.




2 Plate II. 1 Image of magnetic anomalies obtained from the surveyed area of the settlement; 2 An enlarged detail of the archival vertical photograph of Eket from 1958, with the manors remains.


Plate III. 1 The lake Kretuonas basin; 2 The location of Lake Luokesai on the map of Lithuania.





Plate IV. 1 Lake Luokesai and the two lake-dwelling sites (base map obtained from the ortho-rectified aerial photograph from the Lithuanian geological survey database/archive 1990); 2 The shoal of the Luokesai I settlement. The square on the picture indicates the site (after Giedr Motuzait-Matuzeviit); 3 The layer of ash found in the LI(B) profile at 22 to 22.5 cm depth shows in situ burning of organic material (after Giedr Motuzait Matuzeviit); 4 Molluscan species found in Luokesai I(B) stratigraphy.


3 Plate V. 1 Traces of land improvemnet ditches in fields (2 April 2007) (photograph by G. Zabiela); 2. Former meadow areas in fields in central Lithuania (6 April 2007) (photograph by G. Zabiela); 3 The feature at Mikyiai from the air (viewed from the north) (photograph by Z. Baubonis).





Plate VI. 1 The feature at Eglynai from the air (viewed from the south, 26 April 2007) (photograph by G. Zabiela); 2 The feature at Eglynai from the north (26 April 2007) (photograph by G. Zabiela).

3 Plate VII. 1 The remnants of ore washing flooring at Lieporiai; 2 Ore mining pit at Lieporiai; 3 The scheme of iron ore washing equipment at Lieporiai.





Plate VIII. 2 The glikiai-Anduliai cemetery: location of all excavations and plots, and the area protected by law (after V. Vaitkeviius and I. ikulinas); 2 glikiai-Anduliai cemetery and the sites in its closest vicinity: 1 likiai barrows; 2 laiai barrows; 3, 3a glikiai barrows; 4 settlement (traces); 5 glikiai-Anduliai cemetery; 6 Anduliai hill-fort; 7 Alkakalanis, a sacred hill; 8 the Evangelical Lutheran burial ground of glikiai village; 9, 10 Valnai (Cartai) settlements; 3 Male grave 43 and horse grave 1 found in the glikiai-Anduliai cemetery in 2002 (photograph by A. La).