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IN THE NAME OF GOD

Terrorism and Peace: A Bibliography

Foad Izadi Faculty of World Studies University of Tehran

Islamic World Peace Forum 2011

Terrorism and Peace: A Bibliography

Contents
Introduction Articles
Narratives of Terrorism ............................................................................... 8 Nobel Peace Prize ..................................................................................... 12 Peace Education ........................................................................................ 15 Peace Movements ..................................................................................... 27 Peace Process: Challenges & Opportunities ............................................. 71 Peace Studies ............................................................................................ 96 Political Discourse of Terrorism ............................................................. 126 September Eleventh ................................................................................ 131 Terrorism & Media ................................................................................. 146 Terrorism Studies .................................................................................... 149 The War on Terror ................................................................................... 178 Miscellaneous ......................................................................................... 206

Books
Establishing Peace ................................................................................. 215 Narratives of Terrorism ........................................................................... 217 Peace Education ...................................................................................... 225 Peace Studies .......................................................................................... 227 September Eleventh ................................................................................ 234 Terrorism & Media ................................................................................. 239 Terrorism Studies .................................................................................... 242 The War on Terror ................................................................................... 252 Miscellaneous ......................................................................................... 264

Dissertations
Establishing Peace .................................................................................. 270 Narratives of Terrorism ........................................................................... 278 September Eleventh ................................................................................ 281 Terrorism Studies .................................................................................... 287 The War on Terror ................................................................................... 293

Terrorism and Peace: A Bibliography

In His Name the Most High Terrorism is seen as a major threat to global peace and security. In the postSeptember 11 world, fighting terrorism became an important component of international power relations. The United States, using counterterrorism as a motto, aimed to force a certain conceptualization of the concept, restricting the prescriptions for achieving international peace and security. In the midst of Americas so-called war on terror, Iraq and Afghanistan were set ablaze, and the peace and security of countless innocent civilians in the region were endangered. While the United States promoted itself as the pioneer counterterrorism force in the world, it continued to support Israeli terrorism against the people of Gaza. Many critical social scientists, policy analysts and activists came to criticize United States and its allies self-declared right to a monopoly on the accepted approach to the issues of terrorism and peace. These scholars advocate a counter-terrorism approach with the aim of arriving at global peace and justice. They have contributed to the debate regarding the history, nature, and dimensions of terrorism and counterterrorism and the complexities of a just system of global peace and security. It is the aim of this book to provide a bibliography of the critical scholarship on terrorism and peace that have been published in scholarly journals or have appeared in book format, thesis, or dissertation after 2001. Two accompanying volumes in Farsi and Arabic are also published. The present bibliography gives a listing of those books, scholarly articles, theses and dissertations published after 2001 that have a critical approach to the study of terrorism and peace. The works were identified by referring to the following databases: Academic Search Complete, Alternative Press Index,

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Humanities Abstract, The Left Index, ProQuest, Religion and Philosophy Collection, SocINDEX, Social Sciences Abstracts, WorldCat. The abstracts provided are author supplied and are taken from the databases mentioned. This bibliography is the product of the tireless efforts of a group of researchers at the University of Tehran and is prepared for the International Conference on Global Alliance Against Terrorism for a Just Peace. The conference, held in May of 2011 in Tehran, is organized by the Islamic World Peace Forum with the cooperation of the Faculty of World Studies at the University of Tehran and several Iranian non-governmental organizations. We hereby offer our gratitude to Dr. Davoud Ameri, Dr. Nader Saed, and Fereidoun Baqeri, from the Islamic World Peace Forum, and Dr. Saied Reza Ameli, the dean of the Faculty of World Studies, for their ceaseless help and guidance. This project was accomplished with the assistance of Hakimeh Saghaye-Biria, Mohammad Heidari, Nasim Dashtizadeh, Marzieh Javadi Arjmand, Arezoo Ataollahi, and Samira Saeedian. The present work is a first step to provide a glance at the critical literature on terrorism and peace; it is hoped that future works would augment this humble effort.

Terrorism and Peace: A Bibliography

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Terrorism and Peace: A Bibliography

Narratives of Terrorism Ali, N. (2010). Books vs. Bombs? Humanitarian development and the narrative of terror in Northern Pakistan. Third World Quarterly 31(4): 541559. This article examines the role of humanitarian discourse and development in reconfiguring the contemporary culture of empire and its war on terror. It takes as its point of entry the immensely popular biographical tale, Three Cups of Tea, which details how the American mountaineer Greg Mortenson has struggled to counter terrorism in Northern Pakistan through the creation of schools. Even as this text appears to provide a self-critical and humane perspective on terrorism, the article argues that it constructs a misleading narrative of terror in which the realities of Northern Pakistan and Muslim life-worlds are distorted through simplistic tropes of ignorance, backwardness and extremism, while histories of US geopolitics and violence are erased. The text has further facilitated the emergence of a participatory militarism, whereby humanitarian work helps to reinvent the military as a culturally sensitive and caring institution in order to justify and service the project of empire. Bolles, L. (2004). Terror of Terrorism. Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture & Society 6(2): 64-74. Focuses on the impact of terrorism on womens lives in the Caribbean. Components of terror and violence; Life expectancy in the Caribbean; Employment rates for women; Environmental disasters. Box, M. and G. McCormack (2004). Terror in Japan. Critical Asian Studies

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36(1): 91-112. Observers of early twenty-first-century Japan commonly note economic, political, and social crisis, on the one hand, and pessimism, lethargy, or helplessness about the possibility of reform, on the other. Yet Japans civil society was idealistic and energetic in the early postwar decades. What happened? The reform movement that captured much of the vitality of the early postwar decades was either foreclosed, as many were co-opted in the all-for-growth economism, consumerism, and the corporation, or crushed in successive waves of repression of dissidence as the cold war order took shape. Political parties sacrificed broad vision and ideals to narrow-interest articulation. While the mass base of the reform movement was discouraged, demoralized, and depoliticized, one minority in the late 1960s turned to violent revolution and another in the late 1980s turned inward to seek spiritual satisfaction. Both paths led to violence. This article looks at the course of the student movement between the late 1940s and the late 1970s, with particular reference to the Japan Red Army, and at the new religious movement Aum Supreme Truth in the 1980s and 1990s. Both adopted terrorist tactics, by almost any understanding of that term. However, they were children of their times, reflecting the same deep social, political, and moral problems that Japan as a whole continues to face in the early twenty-first century. Campain, R. (2006). The challenge for us all: terrorism and the threat to social solidarity in Australia. Irish Journal of Sociology 15(1): 53-66. The article discusses social solidarity in a multicultural society in the age of terrorism, particularly in terms of the arrest of 17 Muslim men in Sydney and Melbourne (Australia). The article references Zygmunt Baumans views on how terrorism affects governments and civil society and John Carroll on the importance of self-critical analysis. The author argues that sociology can

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help people understand the human condition in a way the unites and open their eyes to the problems that lead to terrorism. Guittet, E.-P. (2008). Is Consensus a Genuine Democratic Value? The Case of Spains Political Pacts Against Terrorism. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 33(3): 267-291. This article considers the history of the Spanish political pacts against terrorism and the political contexts in which they have been implemented since the beginning of the 1980s. This socio-historical approach is necessary in order to understand the current Spanish unanimous repudiation of terrorism. It suggests that these political pacts helped build a consensus that has frozen the political field in Spain. Such a perspective takes into account some of the arguments of the CASE manifesto Critical Approaches to Security in Europe related to the need to proceed through meticulous examination of the logics of exceptionalism and decisionist politics that neutralize politics. Haynes, J. (2005). Al Qaeda: Ideology and action. Critical Review of International Social & Political Philosophy 8(2): 177-191. Serious threats to global order are said to emanate from Al Qaeda, exemplified by bombings and multiple deaths in, inter alia, Bali, Dar es Salaam, Istanbul, Nairobi, New York and Madrid. These outrages raise the question about the ideological assumptions and goals of Al Qaeda given that the majority of the dead were not Jews or Christians, but Muslims. What were the bombers trying to achieve? What were their ideological assumptions and goals? This article argues that Al Qaeda first emerged in the late 1980s to challenge the incumbency and authority of rulers in various Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia, with the objective of replacing them with more plausibly Islamic leaders. Due to a lack of success in this regard, Al

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Qaedas attention shifted from the domestic to the global: a war against the West utilizing the weapons of terror to achieve ideological goals relating to both specific religious concerns, as well as a wider concern with a global balance of power between the West and the world of Islam. Johnson-Riordan, L. (2006). In the face of white terror/(post) Empire. Critical Psychology: International Journal of Critical Psychology(16): 9-31. The article explores the white terror as it manifested in the battle over Wik, a significant episode in contemporary race wars on Australia, taking (post)Empire as its point of departure. It also highlights the discursive strategies positioned by the state and white working class to strengthen white hegemony. It is stated that discourses which move against time, history and race are positioned to shut down postcolonial movement as state (re)turns to wage a West versus East war against new insider/outsider others, Middle Eastern asylum seekers and terrorists. Kirkland, R. (2003). The Spectacle of Terrorism in Northern Irish Culture. Critical Survey 15(1): 77-90. Explores the issues concerning terrorism in Northern Irish society. Influence of the film Elephant, on terrorism; Ways in which the British government dealt with the problems of terrorism in Northern Ireland; Depiction of terrorism in the film; Social threat posed by terrorism. Rothe, D. and S. L. Muzzatti (2004). Enemies Everywhere: Terrorism, Moral Panic, and US Civil Society. Critical Criminology 12(3): 327-350. Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, terrorism has experienced a prominence in discourse across the U.S. The representations of terrorists and terrorism by the news media and politi have contributed to the edifice

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of terrorism as a moral panic. This treatise examines the social effects that have or may occur due to the social construction of a moral panic of terrorism. The thematic frame is situated within Cohens stages of a moral panic. We offer an analysis of the medias depiction and coverage of acts of terrorism, and legislative, political and legal responses in the form of social and cultural changes occurring from the creation of a moral panic. In addition, we offer an analysis of the states vested interest in the social construction of this panic, leading to increased levels of fear, targeted at the general publics consciousness. This article concludes that the presentation of terrorism and terrorists by the media and politi have contributed to unnecessary levels of panic and fear, misguided public consciousness, and the development of legislation creating negative social ramifications yet be seen. Nobel Peace Prize Abrams, I. (2001). Reflections on the First Century of the Nobel Peace Prize. Peace & Change 26(4): 525-549. This reflection on Nobel Peace Prize history includes recent awards. The correspondence between Alfred Nobel and Bertha von Suttner provides a background for the challenge of assessing what constitutes peace work and the ambiguity of putting workers for peace into categories. Weighing the merits of awards to individuals and organizations respectively, institutional recognition becomes politically understandable, but seems less able to inspire emulation. Prizes for statesmen and political leaders get a very mixed evaluation in the light of historical context. Awards for human rights illustrate the most recently recognized form of peace work, and the role of organized campaigns for the prize pales against the dramatic story of personal achievement in the cause of humanity.

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Libk, I., A. Sveen, et al. (2001). The Nobel Peace Prize, 19011939: The Decision-Making Process. Peace & Change 26(4): 443-487. This analysis of the decision-making process involved in Nobel Peace Prizes prior to the Second World War is illustrated with a dozen case studies. An independent Norwegian Nobel Committee chosen by the Storting, or Norwegian parliament, awards prizes. In this period its decisions reflected the dynamics among its members and advisers, all of whom were prominent political figures, some closely tied to the popular peace movement in Norway and abroad. Representatives of the Liberal party dominated the committee, although it also responded to the contesting views of other elements in the Storting. Nobel awards generally paralleled the orientation of Norwegian foreign policy, with its traditional bias toward peace. Njlstad, O. (2001). The Norwegian Nobel Committee and the Bomb, 1945 1999. Peace & Change 26(4): 488-509. Since 1945 a total of nine persons and organizations have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize partly or wholly in recognition of their work against nuclear weapons. This article explains how these awards came about. The Norwegian Nobel Committees view on nuclear weapons evolved from a state of indifferenceif not outright approvalin the first decade after the Second World War, through a period of growing concerns in the 1950s, sixties and seventies, to an increasingly clear stand in favor of nuclear disarmament in the 1980s and nineties, a process, it is argued, that was driven by both domestic political factors and international developments. Tnnesson, . (2001). Trends in Nobel Peace Prizes in the Twentieth Century. Peace & Change 26(4): 433-442. This article uses quantitative data to point to some overall trends in

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Terrorism and Peace: A Bibliography

the awarding of Nobel Peace Prizes during the twentieth century. Insofar as it is available, data is drawn from four categories of people, corresponding to four stages in choosing Nobel laureates: the nominators, the initial group of candidates, the nominees on the committees short list for thorough consideration, and the laureates themselves. Twentieth-century trends include an increase in the number of nominees and in the consistency of awards made, a growth in the recognition of international institutions, a broadening of awards beyond their initial European and U.S. locus, and an increasing recognition of women peace advocates. Van Den Dungen, P. (2001). What Makes the Nobel Peace Prize Unique? Peace & Change 26(4): 510-524. One measure of the success of the Nobel peace prize is the many other awards it has inspired for efforts promoting peace and nonviolent conflict resolution. However, none of these prizes enjoys the global fame and prestige associated with the Nobel prize. Its long history and regularity, the high cash award, the context of the other Nobel prizes, and the annual media events that the award announcement and ceremony have become all help to explain what is unique about this prize. Moreover, the Nobel peace prize is the most general award for peace available that is not limited to any particular kind of work, actor, or region. The decision-making body is independent, and not linked to any social grouping or ideology. While the only purpose of the Norwegian Nobel Committee is to award its peace prize, for virtually all other bodies that award peace prizes it is an instrument, among others, for the pursuit of the particular objectives of the founders. The pre-eminence of the Nobel peace prize is likely to persist.

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Peace Education Ann Oravec, J. (2004). Incremental understandings: warblogs and peaceblogs in peace education. Journal of Peace Education 1(2): 225-238. Peaceblogs and warblogs are kinds of weblogs, chronological streams of hyperlinks and related diary-like narratives. Many thousands of weblogs emerged in the past several years, providing frequently updated analysis and commentary on various issues along with a personal, humanscale perspective. Weblogs emphasizing peace and war issues have been generated by participants in conflict as well as observers. Through reading and constructing weblogs, students can obtain some critical distance on dayto-day events--which can be of special value during wartime. The article analyzes the emerging forms that weblogs are taking and outlines their use both for instructors and students in peace education settings. For example, those who construct peaceblogs often take responsibility for seeking out useful peace-related sources and providing critiques. Weblogs as a genre provide support for the development of individual voices and can be used in conjunction with various face-to-face and online forums for discussion and interaction. Arnaldi, J. and J. Hudson (2009). Teaching the Applied Ethics of War and Peace. Peace & Change 34(4): 493-503. This article describes a course that critically explored the ethics of war and peace within the historical context of the War in Iraq. Education has a central role in preparing students to deal with the challenges of organized violence and human security. Because academic and policy discourse about the ethics of war is often abstract and impersonal, it can fail to address vital human interests. This course was designed to provide compelling content that included first-person, subjective perspectives on the costs of war in terms of

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human suffering. Undergraduate students enrolled in the course had limited knowledge of history and current events, so content had to provide reasonable historical context to enable meaningful discussion of ethical concepts. Bajaj, M. and B. Chiu (2009). Education for Sustainable Development as Peace Education. Peace & Change 34(4): 441-455. This article examines the intersections among peace education and environmental education to understand how these commonalities frame education for sustainable development. The authors trace the intersection of the two disciplines and explore the role of the United Nations in promoting and empowering individuals with the values to advance the twin goals of peace and ecological sustainability. The paper profiles the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development, particularly as formal education, nonformal learning channels, and popular culture have embraced the holistic notion of ecological responsibility, peace, and social justice. Brantmeier, E. J. (2007). Everyday understandings of peace and non-peace: peacekeeping and peacebuilding at a US Midwestern high school. Journal of Peace Education 4(2): 127-148. This article reports findings from a critical ethnographic action research project at a US Midwestern high school in the 2004-2005 academic year. The project engaged seven teacher inquirers in an intercultural peace curricula development process. Data collected from participant observation, from personal interviews and from focus group meetings are examined within the conceptual framework of micro-peacekeeping, micro-peacebuilding and intercultural peace. Implications for action research that is responsive to local conceptions of peace and non-peace are discussed. The author calls for more vigorous and nuanced peace theory for guiding peace education efforts in

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multicultural contexts. Chantrill, P. and R. Spence (2002). Developing Curricular and Appropriate Learning Strategies for Community Development and Peace Studies. Peace & Change 27(1): 106-117. This article reflects on the motives, process, and outcomes of efforts to develop a dynamic course structure in which to teach current community development practice and peacemaking. We recognize the need for more applied learning to better support a student profile that is increasingly made up of community development practitioners and peace workers. The learning environment we seek to provide at the University of New England, a regional university in New South Wales, Australia, offers students the opportunity to: (1) consolidate and monitor their own practice in the field; (2) evaluate their own workplace environment and learning experiences in the field with reference to other students comparative experience; and (3) interact with teaching staff who act as providers of resources, networking contacts, and people with whom to engage in critical reflection. The paper concludes that a dynamic, flexible, and cooperative approach to learning is highly appropriate to contemporary adult and professional workplace education. Cristini, H. (2007). A Different Model for Solving Political Conflicts: A Comparative Study of Religions. Peace & Change 32(4): 574-589. The Machiavellian paradigm in International Relation Theory seems more and more absolete. By examing key concepts in six religion (Jainism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam). Certain common features appear and could well be some of the components of a new paradigm. DeBenedetti, C. L. (2009). Educators and Armaments in Cold War America.

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Peace & Change 34(4): 425-440. This essay was written prior to the end of the Cold War. It may very well be the last scholarly essay that peace movement historian Charles DeBenedetti wrote prior to his death. Charles sent it to me in 1984, and for many years it was kept in one of my files. It is a historical commentary about the nuclear arms race based upon a thorough reading of education journals. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that in the very early years of the Cold War educators paid particular attention to the militarization of society and the construction of weapons of mass destruction. What is most telling is that from 1945 to the early 1950s concerned teachers voiced their worries regarding a race between catastrophe and education. However, by 1953, educators had dropped out of the race, falling victim to McCarthyism and the national governments concern for civil defense. This scholarly article points out that educators had a responsibility to teach the public about the horrors of nuclear armaments as an overwhelming threat and danger to humankind, but failed to do so as prosperity and government pressure silenced their voices. By the time of Sputnik in 1957, DeBenedetti tells us, they considered nuclear weaponry as the very symbol of the uncharted ocean that separated advancing scientific and technological revolutions from the hoary human politics that made for an intractable Cold War. How can educators today rekindle that awareness and replace complacency with determination? What historical lessons can peace educators today learn from DeBenedettis research on peace educators of the Cold War period? Franklin, C. (2009). The Promise of Hope: Creating a Classroom Peace Summit. Peace & Change 34(4): 533-547. This article examines an innovative way to engage young adolescents in developing deep understandings of peace. Using an approach called

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curriculum drama, the class works together to construct a World Peace Summit within the classroom. This extended project creates a pedagogical bridge that links student interests and energies to curricular content and academic skills. It emboldens students to use the power of imagination and inquiry in their learning and creates situations for student leadership and peer collaboration. Challenged by the task of portraying a notable figure of peace and interacting with others within this context, students take ownership in researching a particular biography of an individual who participated in a social reform movement. Through this process, students get involved in conversations within the topic of peace and, through their character portrayal, they begin to walk in the shoes of another. Green, P. (2002). Contact: Training a New Generation of Peacebuilders. Peace & Change 27(1): 97-105. The new field of peace building has emerged in response to identitybased local and regional conflicts. With this emerging field arises the need to train peacebuilders, those who will carry out the work of conflict prevention and resolution in the next generation. CONTACT, an innovative and personcentered education and training program, is one such response. This article explains the theory and research behind peacebuilding training and the authors experience with such training, outlining a vision for the future of the field of international conflict resolution. Harris, I. (2009). A Select Bibliography for Peace Education. Peace & Change 34(4): 571-576. Peace education is an umbrella term for education about problems of violence and strategies for peace. This bibliography provides references for books about the following aspects of peace education: nonviolence, peace,

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peace education, historical aspects of peace advocates, peace organizations, peace movements, and war and violence. The bibliography omits, e.g., multicultural education, international education/global studies, and human rights education. Hostetter, D. (2009). Reflections on Peace and Solidarity in the Classroom. Peace & Change 34(4): 504-509. Incorporating a peace perspective into teaching history requires handson activities that expose students to the craft of the historian. Research into the legacy of the Nobel Peace Prize, debates on issues of war and peace, and oral history interviews have proven to be productive methods for engaging students. Remaining open to the experiences of students themselves is essential to creating a classroom where students and teachers can learn about making peace. Joseph, P. B. and L. S. Duss (2009). Teaching a Pedagogy of Peace: A Study of Peace Educators in United States Schools in the Aftermath of September 11. Journal of Peace Education 6(2): 189-207. This qualitative study, based on in-depth semi-structured interviews, depicts practices of seven peace educators in public elementary and secondary classrooms in the United States during the time of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 through the US engagement in war in Afghanistan and Iraq. Focusing on individual perceptions of practice and classroom experiences, the participants described how, despite teaching at a time in which terrorism and war had become national preoccupations, they taught a pedagogy of peace that included recognition and rejection of violence, understanding of differences through dialogue, critical awareness of injustice and social justice, and imaginative understanding of peace. The study discloses a

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multitude of examples of both peacemaking and peacebuilding in their teaching and development of classroom cultures but a lack of emphasis on anti-war curriculum. It also reveals the teachers motivations for teaching peace education, theoretical influences on their practice, their identities as activists and examples of their curriculum leadership. Mingol, I. C. (2009). Coeducation: Teaching Peace from a Gender Perspective. Peace & Change 34(4): 456-470. When analyzing peace education through a historical lens we should be sensitive to the gender dimension. Not only should we include critical analysis of the subordination of women and the denial of their rights throughout history, but we should also be sensitive to the way in which the educational system has recognized or denied womens historical legacy as caregivers and peace workers. In this article, the author analyzes care ethics as a key issue to explain the relationship between women and peace. Caring becomes a source of peace by enhancing such values as patience, responsibility, commitment, and tenderness. The historical evolution of the educational system in Spain from segregated schools to mixed schools and coeducative schools is analyzed to propose the inclusion of caring as part of a peace education curriculum. The aim is to generalize caring as a peaceful human value, not just a part of womens roles. Morgan, B. and S. Vandrick (2009). Imagining a Peace Curriculum: What Second-Language Education Brings to the Table. Peace & Change 34(4): 510-532. Just as peace and justice studies contributes much to Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages, the reverse is also true: second-language classes are particularly rich sites to explore diverse notions of the common

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good and implications for peace and war. Because of the intercultural interactions in such classrooms, and because such classes focus on language and communication, these settings offer unique opportunities to develop pedagogies addressing interethnic conflict and the dehumanizing language and images that promote it. English as a Second Language classrooms are productive settings for the telling of stories that counter official ones. Here we focus on critical pedagogies and curricula in two classroom settings. In the first, a class including Muslim students employs a critical media literacy perspective to investigate post-September 11th biases against Muslims. In the second, students read literature related to war and peace, examine its language, and make connections with their own stories and identities. Morton, J. (2007). Fighting war: Essential skills for peace education. Race, Gender & Class 14(1/2): 318-332. In a world rife with conflict, our schools ought to provide students techniques for successful cooperation and problem-solving. To teach peace effectively, educators need to target dialogue, critical thinking, and creative planning skills consistently, so that students can practice productive ways of addressing turmoil and tension. Ndura-Oudraogo, E. (2009). The role of education in peace-building in the African Great Lakes region: educators perspectives. Journal of Peace Education 6(1): 37-49. This article discusses the findings from a qualitative study which examined educators perceptions of their contributions to the quest for sustainable peace in Burundi and the African Great Lakes region. The study looked at how educators representing different ethnic backgrounds, academic preparation, and currently employed at different levels within the Burundi

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educational system characterize their experiences with ethnic conflicts and violence, the role that education must play in the peace-building and societal reconstruction processes, and their roles in the quest for sustainable peaceful interethnic coexistence. The findings from semi-structured interviews and researchers field notes showed that most participants were deeply marked by their experiences with ethnic conflicts, and that they recognized the critical roles that they and the educational system must play to achieve lasting peace. The participants stressed that numerous logistical and economic challenges hinder their work. The author concludes with recommendations for educational policy makers and practitioners to build on the findings to help educators become active agents of peaceful coexistence in their communities. Niens, U. and M.-H. Chastenay (2008). Educating for Peace? Citizenship Education in Quebec and Northern Ireland. Comparative Education Review 52(4): 519-540. This article explores the theoretical underpinnings of citizenship education as well as issues relating to educational practice to identify and discuss challenges that divided societies, which are characterized by conflicting national or cultural identities, may face in the development and implementation of such programs. Formal education curricula from Northern Ireland and Quebec are compared to identify how they promote citizenship in their divided societies. Both societies are characterized by high levels of segregation in education as well as other aspects of social and political life, but they differ in the extent to which conflict and violence are features of these societal divisions. In the authors examination of citizenship education in Northern Ireland and Quebec, they outline a brief theoretical framework underpinning citizenship education and discuss issues affecting citizenship as a tool for promoting community relations and peace in modern societies

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in general and divided societies in particular. Building on this theoretical framework, they describe the sociopolitical context for each society and provide an outline of the educational systems and previous curricular initiatives (explicitly or implicitly) aimed at promoting citizenship and community relations. They then offer a critical examination of the formal citizenship education curricula in the post-primary school sector of each society. They conclude with a consideration of the implications of citizenship education for long-term peace in divided societies. Nkomo, M., E. Weber, et al. (2007). Sustaining peace through school and civil society: mortar, bricks and human agency. Journal of Peace Education 4(1): 95-108. South Africa has been a high-conflict society for nearly 350 years. The first 300 years were characterised by colonial rule with all the attendant conflicts inherent in such polities where dominance over the subjects was achieved by coercive means. This was followed by a more virulent form of racial domination, called apartheid, which characterised the 50 years before the achievement of democracy in 1994. Thus, a legacy of racial inequality is deeply embedded in the institutional structures and psyche of South African society. The principal underlying assumption of this article is that schools are an indispensable part of a consortium of societal agencies that can help bridge the divisions created by apartheid in a systematic and systemic way. The argument is that the critical elements in South Africa that are responsible, thus far, for maintaining relative stability and offer the potential for sustaining human rights, democracy, social cohesion, and therefore, peace are: a progressive constitution; Chapter 9 institutions; derivative educational legislative and policy instruments; an active civil society and human agency informed by a democratic tradition that was bred and nurtured during the

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anti-apartheid struggle. These vital ingredients constitute the organic mosaic that can further advance peace and stability in the post-conflict South African society. Page, J. S. (2004). Peace Education: Exploring Some Philosophical Foundations. International Review of Education / Internationale Zeitschrift fr Erziehungswissenschaft 50(1): 3-15. Peace education has been recognized as an important aspect of social education for the past three decades. The critical literature as well as official documents, however, have given little attention to its philosophical foundations. This essay explores these foundations in the ethics of (1) virtue, (2) consequentialism, (3) aesthetics, (4) conservative politics and (5) care. Each of these alone composes a significant element of peace education, although ultimately its solid basis can only be established through an integrative approach encouraging a culture of peace. The more complete development and articulation of the philosophical rationale of peace education is yet to be accomplished and remains a task for the future. Roberts, J. (2009). Teaching about Killing and Restraint in a Historical Context. Peace & Change 34(4): 471-492. Many kinds of killing have been considered permissible by some people in some times and places, ranging from human sacrifice to child exposure to stoning for adultery. Prominent among these has been the killing of both combatants and noncombatants in war. This article discusses the treatment of war and its avoidance in a comparative history course that I gave at the City College of New York in the spring of 2008 entitled Ancient and Modern Killing. We studied two ancient and two modern wars as case studies. Though we gave consideration to a variety of perspectives from the

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fields of anthropology and sociology, the bulk of our energy was devoted to the underlying psychology of warfare as we examined why people so often make the seemingly peculiar decision to sacrifice their lives and/or those of their children. Scibilia, D. P., P. Giamario, et al. (2009). Learned Piety: Education for Justice and the Common Good in Jesuit Secondary Education. Peace & Change 34(1): 49-61. One of the five essential outcomes of Jesuit secondary education focuses on the development of a students social consciousness for the purpose of preparing an individual who contributes to the common good. An educational meritocracy, such as the academic structure at St. Peters Preparatory School in New Jersey, tends to center learning on how to recognize what a teacher wants a student to see, know, and judge for the sake of academic self-interest rather than directing efforts toward the Jesuit pedagogical vision of learned piety. We assert that education for justice must move beyond education as seeing and reporting to involve students in a critical social analysis that encourages participation in making justice and realizing the common good. Wenden, A. L. (2007). Educating for a Critically Literate Civil Society: Incorporating the Linguistic Perspective into Peace Education. Journal of Peace Education 4(2): 163-180. Despite the multifaceted role language plays in promoting direct and indirect violence, activities that would develop the linguistic knowledge and critical language skills for understanding how discourse shapes individual and group beliefs and prompts social action are conspicuously absent from peace education. This article aims to address this absence. It will present a framework for promoting critical language awareness, discuss its relevance to

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the preparation of critically literate citizens and suggest ways of incorporating it into programmes and curricula that educate for peace. Wozniak, J. F. (2008). Teaching to shift peoples thinking toward peace: the relevance of Colman McCarthys work for peacemaking criminology. Contemporary Justice Review 11(3): 229-244. Peacemaking criminology is often conceived as a theoretical perspective built upon linkages between religious, feminist, and critical traditions. Equally important in peacemaking criminology is its teaching tradition, which promotes educating people about the values of peace, integration, cooperation, and caring over the values of control, repression, power, and domination. Teaching from a peacemaking perspective has generally involved efforts to design crime-related courses that feature core concepts, readings, and policies within peacemaking criminology writings. However, such peacemaking teaching and writings have not commonly provided a central focus upon what needs to be taught to shift peoples thinking. This article thereby illustrates the work of peace educator Colman McCarthy, whose teaching experiences in high schools and universities are predicated upon influencing teenagers and young adults to embrace the idea that nothing can matter more than the struggle for and embracing of peace. This article also explores the ways in which Colman McCarthys books, Id Rather Teach Peace and All of One Peace: Essays on Nonviolence, offer a foundation to help people shift their thinking toward a culture of nonviolence and peace. Peace Movements Abello, A. (2005). The Construction of a State Peace Policy and the Process

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of Conflict Resolution. Desafos 12: 240-266. The academic literature specialized on processes of conflict resolution has focused on how third party intervention and mediation can contribute to end violent conflict, however it has also ignored the potential role of the state in countries affected by internal war. This article calls for a better understanding of the state, not only as a source of contemporary conflict but as a potential advocate of conflict resolution processes. It suggests that it is necessary and possible to involve the state in more effective processes of conflict resolution through the implementation of a State Peace Policy. The central argument is that some of the critical elements that should guide the state action when confronting the destructive logic of war and violence can be effectively undertaken through a public policy focused on building peace. After suggesting a general definition of State Peace Policy and highlighting some of its main attributes, the article recognizes that this sort of policy can also orientate the unfinished process of state consolidation in Colombia and other countries affected by internal conflict. The role of the state in the process of conflict resolution is crucial; however there are some issues normally ignored within the policy-making process, they must be seriously taken into account in order to eliminate the underlying structures that perpetuate conflict and delay the consolidation of sustainable peace. (English) Abiew, F. K. (2003). NGO-Military Relations in Peace Operations. International Peacekeeping 10(1): 24-39. The article focuses on the nongovernmental organization (NGO)military relations in peace operations. The last decade of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century have brought about notable changes in dealing with new security challenges. The demand for multifunctional/multidimensional peacekeeping, which encompasses both

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traditional peacekeeping and new tasks, has increased dramatically in the postCold War era as the number of latent and internal tensions spilled over into violent conflicts and their attendant complex emergencies. By the mid-1990s, the International Committee of the Red Cross intimated that the human costs of conflicts and complex emergencies were overwhelming the international communitys ability to respond. International response in the form of multitask, multi-component United Nations peace operations of recent years thus assumes critical importance. Designing these operations to create space in which peace processes can take root, however, has not been easy and has engendered mixed results. Abreu Hernandez, V. M. (2002). The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo: A Peace Movement. Peace & Change 27(3): 385-411. On April 30, 1977, at 3:30 in the afternoon a historical transformation began in Argentina. This transformation was carried out by Argentinean women acting in the social and political spheres against a military regime that directly affected them and their futures. The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo have reshaped the concepts of motherhood, feminism, activism, resistance, and social action in Argentina and the rest of the world. This study looks at the Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo as a peace movement instead of a human rights movement, resistance movement, or feminist movement, as it has been previously analyzed. Looking at the literature analyzing peace movements and nonviolent direct action, I propose that the Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo should be seen as a peace movement. Addison, B. E. (2004). Pragmatic Pacifist: Devere Allen and the Interwar Peace Movement, 19181940. Peace & Change 29(1): 81-105. Devere Allen (18911955), a prominent pacifist and socialist, was a

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journalist, author, editor, and historian of peace movements. He championed the cause of nonviolent resistance to war and militarism, especially as an influential member of the Socialist Party of America in the 1930s. He was the founder of the No-Frontier News Service, a clearinghouse for the exchange of news and information about the international peace movement, which also communicated the peace philosophy to the wider community. Allens articulate expression of his pacifist beliefs and his extensive organizational involvement made him a central figure in the peace movement in the years between the world wars. Addison, B. E. (2007). Cold War Pacifist: Devere Allen and the Postwar Peace Movement, 19461955. Peace & Change 32(3): 391-414. Devere Allen (18911955), a prominent American pacifist and socialist, was a journalist, author, editor, and historian of peace movements. In 1933, he created Worldover Press, a peace-oriented, independent news agency of information on world affairs. Its most popular feature was Allens column of analysis and opinion, This Is Your World. Written between 1946 and 1955, it provides a fascinating window into the postwar era as seen by a socialist pacifist American internationalist who became a forceful antiCommunist after World War II. In a conflict that was repeated throughout the Left after the war, he broke with some of his pacifist colleagues and friends, especially A. J. Muste, over the issue of moral equivalence between the United States and the Soviet Union. Although he retained his fundamental pacifist and socialist beliefs, Allen moved toward a more politically centrist position by the time of his sudden death in 1955.1 Aksu, E. (2008). Perpetual Peace: A Project by Europeans for Europeans? Peace & Change 33(3): 368-387.

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Immanuel Kants classic essay Perpetual Peace has famously informed much of the neoliberal democratic peace scholarship in International Relations over the past few decades. It has also influenced contemporary notions of cosmopolitanism and global governance. We need to realize, however, that Kants essay is only one representative of the eighteenthcentury European thought on perpetual peace. Several other writers have produced their own versions of the perpetual peace ideal. This article surveys some notable eighteenth-century perpetual peace proposals from a specific perspective: it seeks to find out the attitude of these various proposals toward non-European peoples. It asks, in other words, whether and to what extent non-Europeans were included in the eighteenth-century European visions of a perpetual peace. Anderson, S. (2007). Metternich, Bismarck, and the Myth of the Long Peace, 18151914. Peace & Change 32(3): 301-328. Many Western scholars and foreign-policy makers have lauded the Congress of Vienna, Metternichs Concert of Europe, and Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarcks alliance system for keeping a long peace from 1815 to 1914. The superiority of nineteenth-century statecraft is a myth. Europe was busy at war between 1815 and 1914, if not in conflicts on the scale of the Napoleonic Wars and World War I. Furthermore, the chancelleries of nineteenth-century Europe not only quelled national uprisings, but suppressed peoples political rights and waged imperial wars throughout Africa and Asia. From the perspective of a Pole, a disenfranchised European, or an Indian, the century was not a long peace but a long war. Angel-Ajani, A. (2004). Out of Chaos. Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture & Society 6(2): 10-18.

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Focuses on the realities of war and the African Colombian peace communities. Race and political violence in Colombia; Description of peace communities. Arviola Jr, S. A. (2008). Community-Based Peace Building Program: The Case of Bual Zone of Peace, Philippines. Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 8(2): 51-59. This study examines a community-based peace-building program viewed from the perspective of promotion of a broader democratic participation, fair and equitable distribution of material and non-material resources, utilization of local resources, critical empowerment as manifested in the peoples capacity to understand the root causes of conflict, resolution of conflict using non-violent approaches, concern for the environment, and awareness of interdependence and solidarity, and the reduction of prejudice, mislabeling and stereotypes among different social groupings in the community. The results appear to support Gaston Z. Ortigas - Peace Institute Model of Conflict Transformation that healing past wounds in deeply divided societies can be achieved if the root causes of the conflict are addressed, especially those related to justice and equitable distribution of resources with particular bias for the marginalized sectors. Atack, I. (2001). From Pacifism to War Resistance. Peace & Change 26(2): 177-186. Pacifism is often interpreted as an absolute moral position that claims it is always wrong to go to war. As such, it is often rejected on the grounds that it excludes or overlooks other moral considerations, such as an obligation to resist aggression or defend fundamental human rights. Vocational pacifism, restricted to those who choose nonviolence as a way of life, is one version

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of pacifism that might overcome some of the objections connected to its moral absolutism. Contingent pacifism, on the other hand, acknowledges the complexities of moral reasoning connected to decisions concerning the use of armed force while retaining pacifist objections to war and preparations for war. Even contingent pacifism is limited by its individualism or voluntarism as a moral position, however. War resistance contributes its analysis of the political or structural factors responsible for war or preparations for war while retaining pacifisms moral impetus for action. Bariagaber, A. (2008). United Nations Peace Missions in Africa: Transformations and Determinants. Journal of Black Studies 38(6): 830-849. The author examines the trajectory that United Nations (UN) peace operations in Africa have taken over the past 10 years and provides an answer to the following interrelated questions: Why have UN peace missions in Africa dramatically grown in frequency and scope in the past 10 years, when Africa has become increasingly peaceful, and which variables have been critical to this dramatic growth? The author (a) empirically demonstrates the quantitative and qualitative growth of UN peace missions in Africa and (b) identifies systemic-, continental-, and individual-level variables that contributed to this growth. The author argues that the convergence of these variables at different levels has provided the conditions necessary and sufficient for changes in the frequency, nature, and scope of UN peace missions in Africa over the past 10 years. Barnett, M., H. Kim, et al. (2007). Peacebuilding: What Is in a Name? Global Governance 13(1): 35-58. This article surveys and analyzes twenty-four governmental and inter- governmental bodies that are currently active in peacebuilding in

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order to, first, identify critical differences in how they conceptualize and operationalize their mandate, and, second, map areas of potential concern. We begin by briefly outlining the various terms used by different actors to describe their peacebuilding activities and correlate these terms with differing core mandates, networks of interaction, and interests. We then identify the divisions regarding the specific approaches and areas of priority. Thus far most programs have focused on the immediate or underlying causes of conflict to the relative neglect of state institutions. We conclude by raising concerns about how peacebuilding is institutionalized in various settings, including at the UNs Peacebuilding Commission. Baxter, V. (2005). Civil Society Promotion of Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Chile: Villa Grimaldi. Peace & Change 30(1): 120-136. The purpose of this article is to explore a civil society initiative that seeks to promote truth, justice, and reconciliation in the post-transitional society of Chile. The article will describe the role of civil society in promoting a site of memory on Villa Grimaldi, a former torture center in Santiago, Chile. The site of memory demonstrates the role that a nongovernmental organization (NGO) actor can play in complementing and in extending the work of a formal transitional justice process (i.e., a truth and reconciliation commission) in promoting truth about a past period of human rights abuses and promoting a sense of justice and reconciliation, particularly for survivors of the abuses. The case also outlines many of the relative advantages and disadvantages of civil society involvement in such initiatives. Beggan, D. and R. Indurthy (2002). Explaining Why the Good Friday Accord Is Likely to Bring a Lasting Peace in Northern Ireland. Peace & Change 27(3): 331-356.

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The thirty-year conflict between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland that cost more than 3,600 lives finally gave way to a new era of peace following the establishment of a power-sharing government on December 3, 1999. This article first discusses the conflict and the peace process leading to the formation of a power-sharing Executive Council, and its precipitous abeyance and reinstatement; secondly presents institutional, ideological, political (both internal and external), social, and economic explanations as to why peace is likely to become a reality in the province; and finally suggests some imperatives needed to speed up the process. An interview with Gerry Adams is appended. Bennett, S. H. (2001). Radical Pacifism and the General Strike against War: Jessie Wallace Hughan, the Founding of the War Resisters League, and the Socialist Origins of Secular Radical Pacifism in America. Peace & Change 26(3): 352-373. Founded by Jessie Wallace Hughan, a socialist pacifist, the War Resisters League (WRL) has remained the major secular, mixed-gender, radical pacifist organization in America. This article, which explores the neglected story of the WRLs socialist roots, examines Hughans socialism, the founding of the WRL, and the transatlantic socialist and pacifist origins of Hughans theory of war resistance. In this context, I examine the Socialist Internationals preWorld War I proposal to wage a general strike against war, British No-Conscription Fellowship, Independent Labour party, No More War Movement, and War Resisters International. This article argues that the international socialist movement and European socialist pacifism shaped Hughans war resistance; that Hughan and the WRL advocated a general strike to prevent war and advance socialand socialistreform/revolution, a nonviolent technique borrowed from the socialist and labor movements;

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and that the WRL represents a socialist pacifist ideology and organization. Boothe, I. and L. A. Smithey (2007). Privilege, Empowerment, and Nonviolent Intervention. Peace & Change 32(1): 39-61. When the important work of third-party nonviolent intervention is undertaken by people with relative privilege, it runs the risk of hindering the empowerment of the local movements they aim to assist by replicating racist or classist dynamics in the struggle itself. By relying on the status attached to the economic, cultural, and military dominance of the Global North, nonviolent intervention organizations can facilitate a relationship of dependency that offers short-term strategic advantages but that in itself is less likely to promote the nonviolent empowerment of local movements. Sensitivity training within intervention organizations may help activists strategize in ways that avoid some of the pitfalls of operating from positions of privilege. Brooks, J. (2011). A Tranquilizing Influence? British Proto-peacekeeping in Ottoman Macedonia 19041905. Peace & Change 36(2): 172-190. Peacekeeping is challenging. The United Nations era is most well known for its multilateral peacekeeping initiatives, but these were preceded by interventions by the Great Powers of Europe in parts of the Ottoman Empire such as Lebanon and Macedonia. The Mrzsteg Reform Program of 19031908 was one such multilateral operation by the Great Powers, which has largely been dismissed for its failure to bring peace and stability to Ottoman Macedonia. However, an apparent exception to the rule was the British patrolled sector, where the British peacekeepers managed to swiftly establish themselves in a position of authority and implement reforms. Even their physical presence was credited for providing a pacifying effect on the local population. The British success was in stark juxtaposition to the French,

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Italian, and Austrian sectors, where political and ethnic violence continued and peacekeepers faced physical obstruction and bureaucratic recalcitrance from the Ottoman authorities. The intent of this study is to examine British official reports and diplomatic correspondence to address the question of whether the British proto-peacekeeping operation in Ottoman Macedonia was a truly a success and, if so, what factors can account for it. Brown, M. J. (2003). Advocates in the Age of Jazz: Women and the Campaign for the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill. Peace & Change 28(3): 378-419. More than three thousand people, predominantly African American males, were lynched in the United States between 1892 and 1940. Occurring mostly in the South, lynching was a means that white southerners used to enforce white supremacy and prevent African Americans from achieving political, social, and economic gains after the Civil War ended slavery. White southerners declared that the threat of black men raping white women necessitated lynching. They further argued that inaction by the courts and the black communitys shielding of criminals justified mob action, theories that gained wide acceptance in the South and that were commonly accepted in the North as well. In the 1890s, black women, led by anti-lynching advocate Ida B. Wells-Barnett, began a protest against lynching that swelled into a sizable movement. Under Wells-Barnetts leadership, anti-lynching activists dismantled the theory of white womens protection and formulated a strategy of investigation and exposure that became the template for future antilynching drives. When the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was founded in 1909, it made anti-lynching a priority and drew black and white women to its anti-lynching battle. By the 1920s, women s anti-lynching activity had become essential to the NAACPs drive for federal anti-lynching legislation and its campaign for passage of the Dyer bill.

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NAACP secretary Walter Whites reliance on women increased throughout the 1920s, and women, courted both as voters and moral authorities, achieved a new level of importance in social movements and drives for legislation. This marked the beginning of the NAACPs twenty-year struggle for federal antilynching legislation, a campaign in which black and white women worked cooperatively and were essential to the campaign for the Dyer bill. Bush, P. (2002). The Political Education of Vietnam Christian Service, 19541975. Peace & Change 27(2): 198-224. From Reinhold Niebuhr in the 1930s to Guenter Lewy in the 1980s, a number of ethicists and scholars have called pacifists to engage only in apolitical service ventures divorced from any attempt to address systemic causes of injustice. Attempts to address political questions from a pacifist position, Niebuhr charged, amounted to heresy. This analysis of the Protestant relief effort called Vietnam Christian Service from 1954 to 1975 reveals the inadequacy of Niebuhrs formulation. Even as they tried to remain apolitical, many Christian relief workers in Vietnam gradually discovered that any efforts to serve the poor in a context of guerilla war inexorably drew them into work with an undeniably political nature. In the end the educational process undergone by Vietnam Christian Service rendered it impossible to imagine that anyone could offer up simple acts of service without fully entering the ambiguous and compromised world of politics. Busumtwi-Sam, J. (2002). Sustainable Peace and Development in Africa. Studies in Comparative International Development 37(3): 91. The article seeks to further understanding of the conditions conducive to achieving durable peace in the context of protracted conflict in Africa. It provides a critical look at the existing literature, and uses comparative evidence

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from selected cases to develop an alternative analytical perspective on the issues. Evidence from four cases of protracted African conflicts (Angola, Mozambique, Sudan, and Uganda) point to the centrality of substantive and distributive questions (distribution of political power, membership in the political community, and resources) as the loci around which the sustainability of peacebuilding efforts revolve. The arguments and evidence challenge some widely held views about war and peace in Africa, and some of the policy prescriptions based on those views. Troubling questions are raised about the efficacy of prescriptions in the areas of political and socio-economic reconstruction championed by the major donors and United Nations agencies, and about the role of the global political economy in African conflicts. Calhoun, L. (2002). Legitimate Authority and Just War in the Modern World. Peace & Change 27(1): 37-62. Legitimate authority is a widely touted yet rarely analyzed concept in discourse about war. In this essay, I articulate and analyze the schema of just war theory that has dominated philosophical discourse regarding war since the early medieval period. Although the requirements for a just war appear to exceed the simple proclamation by a legitimate authority, in fact, all of the other requirements are subject to the interpretation of the legitimate authority. In other words, just war theory reduces, in actual practice, to the requirement of legitimate authority. A consideration of the nature of contemporary warfare further suggests that just war theory is the vestigial idiom of a world that no longer exists. What remains today of just war theory is a dangerous rhetorical weapon, deployed by the leaders of both sides in every belligerent conflict. Callahan, K. J. (2004). The International Socialist Peace Movement on the Eve of World War I Revisited: The Campaign of War against War! and the

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Basle International Socialist Congress in 1912. Peace & Change 29(2): 147176. International socialisms campaign of peace on the eve of World War I mobilized up to one million European workers to protest against the insanity of a European bloodletting. Yet the skewed image of all Europeans rallying to their fatherland in a patriotic frenzy is alive and well. The knowledge of this expansive peace movement largely has been marginalized and its nature misunderstood or interpreted ideologically. This article revisits the peace crusade of international socialism on the eve of World War I so that its size, complexity, and accomplishments can be appreciated fully. Instead of emphasizing the divisions and weaknesses of the movementthe conventional approachthe article attempts to describe and to explain how European socialist parties were able to stitch together an expansive international peace movement in spite of ideological, legal, and logistical challenges. The article starts with a brief overview of the peace activism of the Second International from 1889 to 1912 and then focuses on the spectacular antiwar campaign of War against War! and its concomitant International Socialist Congress of Basle in the autumn of 1912 to demonstrate three points: first, to shed new light on the peace movement of international socialism; second, to explain how the 1912 antiwar campaign informed socialist peace strategies on the eve of World War I (and thereby to dispel the myth of war celebration among Europes working classes); and finally, to consider briefly the importance of this history for peace activists of today. Carty, V. and J. Onyett (2006). Protest, Cyberactivism and New Social Movements: The Reemergence of the Peace Movement Post 9/11. Social Movement Studies 5(3): 229-249. This paper examines ways in which the Internet and alternative forms

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of media have enhanced the global, yet grassroots, political mobilization in the anti-war effort in the post 9/11 environment. An examination of the role of cyberactivism in the peace movement enhances our understanding of social movements and contentious politics by analyzing how contemporary social movements are using advanced forms of technology and mass communication as a mobilizing tool and a conduit to alternative forms of media. These serve as both a means and target of protest action and have played a critical role in the organization and success of internal political mobilizing. Chatfield, C. (2004). At the Hands of Historians: The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era. Peace & Change 29(3-4): 483-526. Popular myth today associates the anti-Vietnam War movement with radical New Left politics, counterculture, and student protest, if not also with violence. That those stereotypes originated from media coverage at the time is widely assumed, no doubt, but our images of the antiwar movement also were constructed and were reinforced by the historical literature written during and in the decade or so after the war. Since about 1988, however, writing in the field has broadened our understanding of the movement and has given it fresh nuances. The movement now seems to have had a broader, more diversified, more mainstream base than its stereotype would allow and to have persevered after the New Left disintegrated. There is still an agenda of research and writing in this field, and not least is to challenge the prevailing images of antiwar protest. Chernus, I. (2008). President Eisenhower and Dr. King on Peace and Human Nature. Peace & Change 33(1): 114-140. Fifty years ago Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., began his rise to fame while President Dwight D. Eisenhower was at the height of his prestige. They

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offered two contrasting views of human nature and peace. Eisenhower saw desire inevitably leading to selfishness and conflict. His concept of peace was based on voluntary restraint of desire, which ultimately meant restraint of historical change. In Kings vision of the beloved community, desire coming from the center of each persons being could be fulfilled with no danger to the community, because all people are inherently connected in a single garment of destiny. For King, peace was nonviolence: the process of making the beloved community real in the present historical moment. Thus, King saw no need to restrain change. After fifty years, the U.S. society is still dominated by Eisenhowers view. But Kings view remains a viable realistic alternative. Clinton, M. (2001). Coming to Terms with Pacifism: The French Case, 19011918. Peace & Change 26(1): 1-30. This article addresses the shifting meaning of pacifism in the idiom of French political culture from the time the word was first introduced until the end of the First World War. Le pacifisme was intended as a way to forge a common identity for the different groups that composed the growing international peace movement at the turn of the twentieth century. Particular circumstances in France during that time influenced how its meaning was appreciated by the French authorities and general public, including the French peace movements own indeterminate organizational structure and the manipulative mode of discourse employed by French nationalists during a period of intense political polarization. The turmoil of the First World War ensured that the ambiguity that already characterized the use of the word pacifism emerged as a full-blown transformation in the words meaning within French political discourse. Csapody, T. and T. Weber (2007). Hungarian Nonviolent Resistance against

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Austria and Its Place in the History of Nonviolence. Peace & Change 32(4): 499-519. The Hungarian nonviolent resistance campaign against the Austrian absolutist rule in the 1850s and 1860s has been credited with being the first mass or corporate form of non-violent resistance, yet it has received little scholarly attention in the nonviolence literature. In its usual portrayal, the movement is epitomized as a forerunner of Gandhis later mass satyagraha campaigns, and its leader Ferenc Dek as a prototype Mahatma. In reality, the campaign was far more complex and less organized. However, it did demonstrate that even such campaigns can lead to the achievement of the aimed for goals when outside events and deeper internal economic and social drivers come together to unite the oppressed and weaken the position of the oppressor. As recent major studies of nonviolent struggle have shown, the Hungarian example illustrates what can be achieved when the oppressed withdraw their consent to be ruled and undermine state power by targeting areas of particular vulnerability of their oppressor. Danielson, L. (2004). TheTwo-nessof the Movement: James Farmer, Nonviolence, and Black Nationalism. Peace & Change 29(3-4): 431-452. This essay examines the evolving racial and pacifist politics of civil rights leader James Farmer in order to challenge the tendency within civil rights scholarship to dichotomize the movement between nonviolence and violence, and between interracialism and Black Power. De Rivera, J. (2007). Transforming the Empire with a Department of Peace. Peace & Change 32(1): 4-19. This article argues that transformation of the American Empire requires changing American culture and that this can best be achieved by establishing

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a Department of Peace. It presents details of how such a department could be structured to facilitate cultural change and then addresses the political challenges involved in establishing such a department. A brief history of past attempts to create a Department of Peace reveals three major challenges: the danger of co-option, the necessity of facing bureaucratic conflicts, and the need to overcome nationalistic political opposition. To meet these challenges, those involved in the peace movement must recognize and resolve three specific sources of tension within the movement. The article addresses these tensions. DeMulder, E. K., E. Ndura-Oudraogo, et al. (2009). From Vision to Action: Fostering Peaceful Coexistence and the Common Good in a Pluralistic Society through Teacher Education. Peace & Change 34(1): 27-48. This article examines the role of education and the responsibilities of teachers and teacher educators in working for social justice and peace. It describes a nontraditional professional development masters program designed to empower practicing teachers to become active contributors in the quest for social justice and to speak for the common good in their increasingly diverse schools and society. In the context of continuing intolerance and violence in schools and society, the program offers a model for preparing educators with the knowledge, skills, dispositions, and commitments necessary to engage in transformative social action. The article draws on teachers written feedback responses to examine the impact of particular curricular experiences and cumulative influences on teachers struggles for awareness of human diversity issues and commitments to transformative social action in their own classrooms. Denissen, M. (2010). Reintegrating Ex-Combatants into Civilian Life: The

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Case of the Paramilitaries in Colombia. Peace & Change 35(2): 328-352. Since 2003, more than 30,000 combatants of the paramilitary organization United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia have been disarmed and demobilized, and are currently reintegrating into civilian life. As a result of the process, levels of violence in Colombia have dropped significantly. The entity in Colombia responsible for designing and implementing reintegration policies has made progress in several areas since its creation in September 2006. However, there are a number of developments that pose a serious threat to the overall reintegration process, such as the many reports of ex-combatants taking up arms again. For the long-term prospects for peace and social reconstruction, as well as for the constructive involvement of donors willing to invest in the reintegration of ex-combatants into civilian life, it is important to gain insight into the factors that influence the success of reintegration. The factors distinguished in this study are livelihood security, an individual approach to the reintegration of the demobilized, prevention of rearming and new recruitments, involvement of the community, and decentralization of the implementation of reintegration policies. Dingley, J. (2002). Peace in Our Time? The Stresses and Strains on the Northern Ireland Peace Process. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 25(6): 357382. This article aims to critically evaluate the present state of the peace process in Northern Ireland after nearly two years. Particular attention is placed on the security analysis of the situation, which is a perspective that is rarely heard in public, perhaps because it is often highly critical of the entire process. From this background the article takes a pessimistic view of any hopes for long-term peace or stability in the Province, largely because the Good Friday Agreement, the core of the process, was ill-conceived. In

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fact, the entire process appears to have been built around anything other than addressing the real problems of the Province and has been heavily weighted in favor of appeasing IRA violence. In consequence Unionists are becoming increasingly disillusioned and alienated from the process and now find themselves on the verge of withdrawing their support from it. Dowlin, S. L. and B. Dowlin (2002). Healing Historys Wounds: Reconciliation Communication Efforts to Build Community Between Minnesota Dakota (Sioux) and Non-Dakota Peoples. Peace & Change 27(3): 412-436. This article describes the moral conflict involved when two incompatible social worlds collided on Americas Frontier in Minnesota in 1862. The result was the bloodiest and costliest Indian war and the largest mass execution in our history. The residue of hatred and misunderstanding persist to this day but is being ameliorated by long-term efforts toward reconciliation. These relationship building efforts are illustrated by a model and with examples of dialogue, collaboration, and communally shared experiences between the dominant culture and the Dakota people. It is believed that these efforts are gradually having an impact in healing the deep wounds between these estranged cultures. Early, F. (2009). Re-imaging War: The Voice of Women, the Canadian Aid for Vietnam Civilians, and the Knitting Project for Vietnamese Children, 19661976. Peace & Change 34(2): 148-163. This essay focuses on a humanitarian knitting project to make dark camouflaged clothing for Vietnamese children residing in combat zones that was sponsored by the most significant Canadian peace association of the Vietnam War era, the Voice of Women/La Voix des Femmes (VOW). VOW members were inspired by an influential Canadian humanitarian

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group and aided by other North American womens peace groupsnotably Women Strike for Peace and the Womens International League for Peace and Freedom. I will argue that the members of VOW sought to disrupt and contest the stereotypic Western image of the compliant and uncritical woman war worker by challenging an essentialized image of a girl or woman knitting for her boys during wartime. By placing the implicitly motherly female knitter in the service of the victimized Other (Vietnamese children), VOW women and their like-minded sister peace activists in the United States helped to recast in critical fashion the hegemonic male-privileged discourse of war in a manner unique to their gender and time. Eyffinger, A. (2007). A highly Critical Moment: Role and Record of the 1907 Hague Peace Conference. Netherlands International Law Review 54(2): 197-228. The article provides a general overview of the 1907 Hague Peace Conference in Hague, Netherlands. According to the author, the second peace conference was aimed to expand upon the original Hague Convention, modifying some parts and adding others, with an increased focus on naval warfare. Some preliminary notes about the matter are presented. The substance of the conference and its aftermath are keyed out. Figal, G. Waging Peace on Okinawa. Critical Asian Studies 33(1): 37-69. Examines the peace discourses as enacted in tours of battlefields and war memorials on Okinawa Island, Japan. Links with and divergences from peace practices in mainland Japan; Importance of memories of war on thought and culture; Contrasts between subdued civilian-centered memorials and those that honor military war dead in ornate patriotic language.

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Flipse, S. (2002). The Latest Casualty of War: Catholic Relief Services, Humanitarianism, and the War in Vietnam, 19671968. Peace & Change 27(2): 245-270. The large humanitarian presence of Catholic Relief Services (CRS) in South Vietnam came under attack from antiwar activists after Michael Novak published a series of articles in the National Catholic Reporter. CRS could no longer claim that its work was nonpolitical, argued Novak, because the bulk of its foodstuff went to feed the Popular Forces militia, a village-level civil defense force created by the government of South Vietnam. The implicit morality of charity was the latest casualty of an immoral war, he concluded. CRS defended itself by stating that its mission to the poor and homeless could only be carried out with the cooperation of the U.S. military and the South Vietnamese government. Not to help the needy was immoral, CRS argued. The resulting debate exposed a growing rift among Catholics concerning the Vietnam War, challenged the theological and pragmatic basis on which CRS operated the worlds largest international humanitarian organization, and signaled the end of a close partnership between church and state in the delivery of international humanitarian services. Gray, T. and B. Martin (2008). My Lai: The Struggle over Outrage. Peace & Change 33(1): 90-113. The 1968 My Lai massacre, during the Vietnam War, and its aftermath can be conceptualized as a struggle over outrage. Examination of the events reveals that the perpetrators and their commanders took various actions that inhibited outrage over the unprovoked killing of civilians. These actions can be classified into five methods: covering up evidence; devaluing the victims; reinterpreting the episode as a military victory; setting up superficial investigations that gave the appearance of justice; and intimidating those

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who might speak out. These are the same five methods regularly used by perpetrators to inhibit outrage about other types of injustices. This case gives guidance on the sorts of techniques needed to raise concern about human rights violations during wartime. Grose, A. (2007). Voices of Southern Protest during the Vietnam War Era: The University of South Carolina as a Case Study. Peace & Change 32(2): 153-167. Throughout the decades following Americas involvement in the Vietnam War, historians have documented various aspects of the antiwar and dissident movements across the nation and on college campuses. Over time, the historiography of the antiwar movement, especially as related to campus protest movements, has expanded considerably, particularly in regard to the origins, structure, and internal dynamics of the groups involved. Yet there are shortcomings in the scholarly literature on this subject. Most historians have focused upon dissident movements in the American North and West while all but neglecting protest activities at colleges in the South. In this article, I show that dissent similar to that which shook other colleges around the nation occurred on the campus of the University of South Carolina. Hershberger, M. (2004). Peace Work, War Myths: Jane Fonda and the Antiwar Movement. Peace & Change 29(3-4): 549-579. Jane Fondas innovative activism against the war in Vietnam created new forms of antiwar politics. Fonda was instrumental in setting up the G. I. Office, a national investigative clearing house for complaints of officer harassment by antiwar GIs. She organized the Free the Army troupe, a popular antiwar revue that performed near army bases across the United States and in the Pacific. She traveled to Hanoi, carned family mail to imprisoned

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American pilots, met with some of them and returned with their antiwar message. She funded and organized the Indochina Peace Campaign which continued to mobilize antiwar activists across the nation after the 1973 Paris Peace Agreement when most other antiwar organizations closed down. The White House and the FBI took especial umbrage at her activism and she was monitored, harassed, and even falsely imprisoned by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. During the war in Vietnam, the FBI and the Pentagon spread lies about Jane Fonda that, in the climate of resentment over the lost Vietnam War, have thrived in some right-wing quarters and even crept into popular memory. Hostetter, D. (2009). House Guest of the AEC: Dorothy Hutchinson, the 1958 Fast at the Atomic Energy Commission, and the Domestication of Protest. Peace & Change 34(2): 133-147. Quaker peace activist Dorothy Hutchinson joined a fast against nuclear weapons testing at the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) headquarters during Mothers Day weekend in 1958. Supporting the crew of the Golden Rule, then in jail in Honolulu for sailing into a nuclear testing zone, the fasters demanded a meeting with AEC chairman Lewis Strauss. The protest helped the Golden Rules message resonate with the political culture of the day. Hutchinsons activism combined successfully the pragmatic peace activism of the years between the world wars with the direct action protest born from the existential angst of the nuclear age. Hui, W. (2002). Political failure and the necessity for global democracy. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 3(1): 139-144. Discusses the political failure and the necessity for global democracy in the context of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the United States.

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Prevalence of depression among people in New York City; Critical attitudes of residents towards U.S. reaction to the terrorism; Analysis of the sources of terrorism and the interconnectedness of its chains. Jafari, S. (2007). Local Religious Peacemakers: An Untapped Resource in U.S. Foreign Policy. Journal of International Affairs 61(1): 111-130. The article argues that in an increasingly globalized and religiously diverse world, local religious peacemakers are critical partners in diplomacy. Following a brief description of its methodology, this article presents a concise background on how religion is a challenge for U.S. foreign policy. This will be followed by a discussion on religions contemporary place in world affairs, the changing nature of conflict and its resolution, and how these two factors necessitate a closer look at the role of individual religious peacemakers working at the grassroots level. The article then examines their important roles in and contributions to their countries peace processes. Johns, A. L. (2006). Doves among Hawks: Republican Opposition to the Vietnam War, 19641968. Peace & Change 31(4): 585-628. Most historians of the Vietnam conflict have extrapolated the Republican commitment to anticommunism generally and in Southeast Asia specifically into full-scale support for the war within the party. Yet the evidence demonstrates that a number of influential Republicansincluding John Sherman Cooper and George Aikenvocally opposed the Johnson administrations Vietnam policies and advocated negotiations and deescalation as early as 1964. Unfortunately, their dissent has been almost totally neglected by the same historians who laud the antiwar efforts of prominent Democratic critics of the conflict. This article seeks to redress this oversight, examining Republican opposition to the war and contrasting the views of

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GOP doves with their hawkish counterparts. Johnson, M. C. (2010). International Peacemaking and the Anti-War Movement. Political Theology. 11: 641-645. The author discusses the condition of the peacemaking and anti-war movement in the international community. He argues that the international peace-building movement is alive with the logistical capacity to respond to global issues in disputed environments and across broad cultural ranges. The author is critical on the way the peace movement is responding to the challenges confronting it. Kelleher, A. and J. L. Taulbee (2006). Bridging the Gap: Building Peace Norwegian Style. Peace & Change 31(4): 479-505. Over the past 25 years, Norway has emerged as an important player in peacemaking efforts. As a small power on the periphery of Europe, it does not command the wherewithal to be a primary broker, but has been able to provide both tangible and intangible resources that have produced a value-added component. In this respect, Norwegian initiatives rely upon a judicious blending of the resources of government and the field experience garnered at the grassroots level by their NGOs. The close relationship between Norwegian NGOs and the Norwegian government has produced both detailed knowledge and essential channels at many different levels for trust and consensus building. We have in turn characterized the Norwegian approach to conflict resolution as Track I diplomacy because successive Norwegian governments have consciously sought to draw upon the strengths of their NGOs and build upon activities normally described as Track II. Kerr, R. (2007). Peace through Justice? The International Criminal Tribunal

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for the Former Yugoslavia. Journal of Southeast European & Black Sea Studies 7(3): 373-385. The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 with an explicit mandate to contribute to the restoration and maintenance of international peace and security through the administration of justice. In spite of early difficulties and widespread scepticism, the Tribunal evolved into a fully functioning international criminal court, operating in real-time over Kosovo in 1998-1999. From the point when the first arrests were carried out by international forces, in summer 1997, the ICTY was seen to be a key element of transition from war to peace in the former Yugoslavia. Critical to its success or failure, however, was the attitude of states in the region. This operated on two levels: first, without its own enforcement capability, the ICTY is wholly reliant on state cooperation in order to fulfil its judicial mandate; and second, the effective communication of its work is dependent on the attitude of the government and media in the states concerned. There is a symbiotic relationship between peace and justice, exemplified most clearly in the attitude of the European Union, which has made cooperation with the ICTY a sine qua non in accession negotiations. Dealing with the war crimes legacy is therefore recognised as important pragmatically in the short-term in order to reap the benefits of membership in Euro-Atlantic institutions. Behind this pragmatic approach lies the longerterm and deeper impact that dealing with the war crimes legacy will have on future peace and security in the region. Levin, D. (2002). Making a Good Impression: Peace Movement Press Release Styles and Newspaper Coverage. Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 7(1): 79. While many studies have investigated what social and political

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movement actions are covered by the mass media from a largely event-based media routine perspective and many studies have investigated what activists want to say, few studies have looked into the signaling process by which movements let media know when the movement has information it wishes to express. In particular, there has been little quantitative methodological research on the critical link that press releases provide between movements and media. Are movement press releases more likely to be covered by the news media when the press releases are of good quality? Using Israeli newspaper coverage of two Israeli peace movements and press releases by the two groups, the author tested the relevance of knowing the attributes of a press release independent of event-based information. After controlling for time, place, and manner information that can be derived from an event-based approach, information that can be derived either solely from press releases or most accurately from press releases remained significant predictors of newspaper coverage. Peace movement press releases that (1) emphasize socially resonant themes, (2) emphasize the movements possession of new factual data, (3) have short and informative titles, (4) are part of a group of releases on the same issue or event, and (5) are written or presented by the movements regular spokesperson are more likely to be reflected in newspaper media coverage. Lipscomb, L.-A. (2010). Beyond the Truth: Can Reparations Move Peace and Justice Forward in Timor-Leste? AsiaPacific Issues (93): 1-12. After hundreds of years as a Portuguese colony and then decades of Indonesian occupation, Timor-Leste (East Timor) finally became independent in 2002. Since then, Timor-Leste has been in the process of building itself as a sovereign nation, fighting to shake off its tumultuous past. Timor-Leste must now decide how best to resolve issues stemming from a brief civil war

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and Indonesian invasion and occupation (1975-1999), including grave human rights violations on all sides of the conflict. Human rights trials in both TimorLeste and Indonesia have produced unsatisfying results, but two separate truth commissions recommended reparations-both intrastate and interstate-as a key element of reconciliation and healing. Critical questions remain, however, concerning the value, scope, and implementation of a reparations program within Timor-Leste or between Indonesia and Timor- Leste. Only a sincere, informed, and transparent decision-making process will result in a reparations program that could be a significant and successful part of moving peace and justice forward. Mahrouse, G. (2006). (Re)Producing a Peaceful Canadian Citizenry: A Lesson on the Free Trade of the Americas Quebec City Summit Protests. Canadian Journal of Education 29(2): 436-453. In this article, I argue that despite common assumptions that peace education efforts achieve social change, it is often a normalizing, nationbuilding project that obscures hierarchies of power. Focussing on a lesson from a popular peace education program currently used in Canadian schools, I have analyzed the convergences between peace and citizenship education and consider the implications of pedagogies that encourage peace as a personal choice and responsibility. I call for an approach to peace education that promotes critical thinking on how knowledge is produced. McCarthy, T. M. (2008). The Humaner Instinct of Women: Hannah Bailey and the Womans Christian Temperance Unions Critique of Militarism and Manliness in the Late Nineteenth Century. Peace & Change 33(2): 191-216. From its founding in 1887, the National Peace and Arbitration Department of the Womans Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), led

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by Hannah Johnston Bailey (18391923), provided an important source of womens peace activism. Bailey used the strength and organization of the WCTU to promote the peace movement, reaching beyond male-dominated peace societies to appeal directly to women. Her work, particularly in the area of peace education, laid the foundation for other peace activists in the early twentieth century. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, when many Americans began to express concern over the decline of masculinity, the women of the WCTU challenged the association of patriotism with manliness and militarism. Instead, they advocated a new definition, seeking to replace the martial ideal with one emphasizing public service. McKillen, E. (2008). Pacifist Brawn and Silk-Stocking Militarism: Labor, Gender, and Antiwar Politics, 19141918. Peace & Change 33(3): 388-425. Historians have recently devoted significant attention to exploring the ways in which gendered imagery and assumptions were used to mobilize popular support for U.S. foreign and military policies during World War I. Preparedness and government propagandists routinely conflated manliness with military service and attempted to discredit male opponents of war by casting aspersions on their masculinity. The female Red Cross worker was upheld as the ideal model citizen for American women. But a diverse array of antiwar groups hotly contested the notions of gendered citizenship duties promoted by pro-war activists. This article explores the responses of the Socialist Party, Industrial Workers of the World, and American Federation of Labor to the gendered propaganda of preparedness advocates and the Wilson administration between 1914 and 1918. McLaughlin, S. J. (2011). De Gaulles Peace Program for Vietnam: The Kennedy Years. Peace & Change 36(2): 218-261.

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This article examines the Kennedy administrations rejection of French President Charles de Gaulles critique of American intervention in Vietnam. In discussions with their American counterparts, de Gaulle and his officials consistently touched on four major themes from his first meeting with Kennedy in May 1961 until Kennedys assassination in November 1963: recognition of the principle of Vietnamese self-determination, the withdrawal of American troops from South Vietnam, acceptance of controlled neutrality for Southeast Asia, and the necessity of dealing with mainland China directly. Kennedy rejected all elements of this platform. He was highly skeptical of neutrality, which he viewed as a stalking horse for communism, and believed that the United States needed to show resolve in Southeast Asia or risk jeopardizing its prestige with allies across the globe. The manner in which Kennedys New Frontiersmen framed their rejection of de Gaulles position on Vietnam reflected long-standing American cultural antipathy toward Europe, France, in particular. At no point did the Kennedy administration recognize the Gaullist position on Vietnam as a legitimate expression of relevant French experience nor did it believe that France was capable of acting as an honest broker and negotiating a real truce between North and South. As a result, the Kennedy administration missed out on a perfect opportunity to disengage from a grim and distant conflict late in the summer of 1963, when de Gaulle had the resources and the will to broker peace. Mohl, R. A. (2010). A Merger of Movements: Peace and Civil Rights Activism in Postwar Miami. Peace & Change 35(2): 258-294. This article suggests the importance of studying local peace movements in postwar America, as civil rights historians have been doing for two decades. The article also argues that peace and civil rights often reflected the same progressive impulse for social justicethus the importance of

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exploring the relationships and interconnections between the two movements. This case study of peace and civil rights in postwar Miami documents the role of politically progressive Jews, especially Jewish women, in forging a social justice movement focused on peace, civil liberties, and civil rights. Mostly newcomers from northern cities, a small group of activist Jews played a major organizational role in local branches of such civil rights and peace groups as the Civil Rights Congress, the Congress of Racial Equality, the Womens International League for Peace and Freedom, the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, and Women Strike for Peace. For those who chose the activist path, peace and civil rights became inseparable components of a local social justice crusade challenging racial segregation and national Cold War policies. Nilsson, D. and M. sderberg Kovacs (2005). Breaking the Cycle of Violence? Promises and Pitfalls of the Liberian Peace Process. Civil Wars 7(4): 396-414. This article analyses the prospects for sustainable peace in Liberia. The implementation of the 2003 peace agreement has largely been successful, but there are reasons for concern. Liberias history of repeated cycles of violence and fragile peace provides valuable lessons for the current peace process. The article argues that Liberias future is contingent on three critical aspects. First, the management of the immediate and long-term security challenges in terms of the reconstruction of the security forces, the reintegration of ex-combatants and the management of spoilers. Second, the capacity and willingness of the new government to promote democratic progress and good governance. Third, the political developments in the neighbouring region. Oppenheimer, A. (2004). West German Pacifism and the Ambivalence of

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Human Solidarity, 19451968. Peace & Change 29(3-4): 353-389. During the 1950s and 1960s, West Germans responded to the threat of nuclear war with an outpouring of rage and fear. When an official of the German Peace Society declared that the cause of peace had been transformed from the high humanitarian aim of an clite to a question of naked existence, he echoed a broader desire among West Germans to forge common cause with a global community. This article explores the advent and ethical implications of this trend towards human solidarity among peace advocates, specifically, within the German Peace Society. It examines, first, how the Cold War and the threat of nuclear war destabilized prewar arguments for peace and, second, how these same obstacles to peace simultaneously provided a new supranational language in which peace advocates could formulate their cause. Finally, the article asks whether this politics of human solidarity influenced how peace advocates, and West Germans in general, confronted the Nazi past. Pappe, I. (2009). De-terrorising the Palestinian national struggle: The roadmap to peace. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(2): 127 - 146. This article follows the representation of Palestinian nationalism as a history of terrorism. This representation was produced in the Israeli media and academia, and broadcast by the states political elite in international arenas. In the West, this image was accepted in many circles and affected the chances of the Palestinians having a fair hearing in the peace negotiations which began after the 1967 war. The article follows the construction of the equation of Palestinian nationalism with terrorism, assesses its impact on the peace process, and suggests the deconstruction of this narrative as the best way forward in future negotiations. Pouligny, B. (2005). Civil Society and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding:

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Ambiguities of International Programmes Aimed at Building New Societies. Security Dialogue 36(4): 495-510. This article offers a critical analysis of aid programmes aimed at supporting local civil societies in post-conflict peacebuilding (PCPB). Such programmes are often seen to carry the best hopes for a genuine democratic counterweight to existing power-brokers and to hold the key to the building of a new society. But, in their interventions, outsiders tend to forget the large diversity of local civil societies, creating many counter-effects in the way international programmes purport to support or empower local people. The resulting consequences affect the ways in which international and local actors interact in post-conflict contexts and, accordingly, the ways in which actual civil society may contribute to PCPB. A close analysis of these elements reveals larger political ambiguities present in PCPB strategies and actions. The article ends with a series of recommendations to support a better understanding and acknowledgment of local processes and resources in any aid programme, as well as greater accountability on the part of outsiders. Racioppi, L. and K. OSullivan See (2007). Grassroots Peace-building and Third-party Intervention: The European Unions Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Peace & Change 32(3): 361-390. This article explores the challenges of grassroots peace-building and third-party interventions into protracted conflicts, through an examination of the European Unions (EU) Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Contributing over a1 billion through a unique, decentralized funding mechanism, the EU has complemented the efforts of the British, Irish, and American governments to end the ethnonational conflict by targeting its intervention at civil society. In doing so,

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the EU initiative reflects the approach of conflict resolution theorists such as Lederach and Saunders, who argue that in the long run, peace can be sustained only if the efforts of elite-level politicians and (para)military leaders are reinforced by the participation and integration of ordinary citizens in the reconciliation process. We describe how the decentralized structure of the EU Programme involves civil society in addressing the structural and social psychological sources of the conflict, but it also raises questions about whether the Programme can help disrupt long-standing patterns of ethnic animosity at the grassroots, particularly in the absence of elite-level cooperation and ethnic power-sharing. Rafshoon, E. G. (2001). A Realists Moral Opposition to War: Han J. Morgenthau and Vietnam. Peace & Change 26(1): 55-77. This article examines Hans J. Morgenthaus critique of U.S. policies in Vietnam. Morgenthau, renowned for his advocacy of realism in foreign affairs, was one of the few political commentators to raise questions about nation-building efforts in South Vietnam in the 1950s. After full-scale military intervention in the 1960s, he became the foremost academic critic of the war. Morgenthau demonstrated a dramatic evolution in his views. In the 1950s, he expressed reservations about Indochina policies based on pragmatic concerns. Over time, however, his analysis of Vietnam policies focused on their ethical shortcomings. His examination of the ethics of the Vietnam war led him to revise his notion of how national interests should be determined in making foreign policy, from a calculation based on purely strategic factors to one that also takes moral factors into account. Rodell, P. A. (2002). International Voluntary Services in Vietnam: War and the Birth of Activism, 19581967. Peace & Change 27(2): 225-244.

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This paper explores the evolution of the largest non-governmental organization to serve in Vietnam, International Voluntary Services (IVS), from the perspective of three of its volunteers. All had served for substantial periods and were in positions of responsibility by September 1967, when they resigned in an open letter protesting American policy sent to President Lyndon B. Johnson. The letter was the product of their experiences and discussions, and expressed sentiments shared by an overwhelming number of their fellow volunteers, many of whom signed the letter in sympathy. Upon publication in the New York Times, the letter became a subject of controversy in Saigon and Washington, as the resignations were the first protest from within the American community in Vietnam. Perhaps as important, the resignations were the culmination of a process of reflection and growth that led the signers to a new understanding of social responsibility and activism. Rossinow, D. (2004). The Model of a Model Fellow Traveler: Harry F. Ward, the American League for Peace and Democracy, and the Russian Question in American Politics, 19331956. Peace & Change 29(2): 177220. The American League for Peace and Democracy (ALPD) was the foremost group representing Americans who worked for peace in the 1930s on the basis of antifascism rather than pacifism. It also was the most important organization within the antifascist, pro-Soviet Popular Front of the Great Depression. But its story largely is absent in histories of the American peace movement. Harry F. Ward, a prominent clergyman and activist in leftliberal circles for decades, was the ALPDs chair from 1934 until its dissolution in 1940 following the NaziSoviet nonaggression pact. The story of the ALPD, and of Wards political downfall at the hands of anticommunist colleagues, offers a window into the complexity of progressive politics during this

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tumultuous era and shows how liberals, radicals, and pacifists formed an anticommunist alliance prior to U.S. entry into World War II. Satterwhite, J. (2006). Christian Peacemaker Teamsasan

AlternativetoRedemptive Violence1. Peace & Change 31(2): 222-243. This article examines the theoretical assumptions underlying the creation and activity of the Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT). It compares CPT with other, similar initiatives, then explores the way in which CPT developed out of an evolving Mennonite peace theology to represent a significant new embodiment of that theology. The article further examines the way in which CPT is meant to embody a nonviolent way of intervention in conflict situations that undercuts the assumption that violence is the only approach that works (the myth of redemptive violence). Finally, the question is raised as to what sustains CPT persons engaged in nonviolent intervention when often by its very nature such intervention does not bring about im-mediate, measurable results. Schneidhorst, A. (2001). Little Old Ladies and Dangerous Women: Womens Peace and Social Justice Activism in Chicago, 19601975. Peace & Change 26(3): 374-391. The predominant image of women peace activists in 1960s and 1970s peace and antiVietnam War historiography is maternal, in particular drawing on Amy Swerdlows research on Women Strike for Peace (WSP). This essay analyzes the peace and social justice activism of two single-sex organizations in Chicago: Women for Peace (the Chicago chapter of WSP) and Women Mobilized for Change. These women activists used women as citizen and maternal rationales as well as their gender, age, and class to legitimize their activism. Using oral history and organizational sources, this essay also

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investigates how women activists tactics to recruit members and confront male authorities were shaped by pre-feminist gender norms and violent police resistance in Vietnam-era Chicago. Shank, M. and L. Schirch (2008). Strategic Arts-Based Peacebuilding. Peace & Change 33(2): 217-242. The arts offer peacebuilders unique tools for transforming intractable interpersonal, intercommunal, national, and global conflictstools that are not currently prevalent or available within the peacebuilding field. The task for peacebuilding practitioners is to find strategic ways of incorporating the arts into the work of peacebuilding and to create a space where people in conflict can express themselves, heal themselves, and reconcile themselves through the arts. There is very little solid theory, research, or evaluation of arts-based peacebuilding. This article seeks to move beyond a simplistic approach that asserts the arts are powerful to a richer articulation of how they function in peacebuilding, when to use them, what they can do, and how to evaluate their usage. This article provides examples of and the conceptual frameworks behind strategic arts-based peacebuilding. Snider, C. J. (2007). Planning for Peace: Virginia Gildersleeve at the United Nations Conference on International Organization. Peace & Change 32(2): 168-185. Virginia Gildersleeve, the Dean of Barnard College and the former president of the International Federation of University Women, served as the only U.S. woman delegate to the conference that established the United Nations in 1945. President Franklin Roosevelt selected Gildersleeve to attend the conference to placate those womens groups advocating that their gender participate in postwar peace planning. She was chosen over other women,

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however, primarily due to her interwar leadership of a gender-specific transnational nongovernmental organization. Male delegates to diplomatic conferences typically gained their international experience as politicians, State Department officials, or military officers. Women, who had not made significant inroads into foreign policy decision-making positions after gaining the right to vote, had to attain their diplomatic skills elsewhere. Leadership roles in transnational womens organizations became a springboard for women like Gildersleeve into professional diplomacy. Southern, N. (2006). Reconciliation in Londonderry: The Challenges and Constraints Experienced by Protestant Clergy. Peace & Change 31(4): 506532. Northern Ireland is a place that is more peaceful due principally to the cessation (although imperfect) of republican and loyalist paramilitary violence in 1994. While the violent excesses of ethnic dispute in Northern Ireland no longer saturate media reports, there remains much fear, distrust, and insecurity between Protestant and Catholic communities. This article conducts a microexamination of church-led attempts at cross-community reconciliation by Protestant clergy in the city of Londonderry. These attempts are often hampered because of factors that affect both the clergy and the wider Protestant community within which the clergy discharge their pastoral duties. The constraints in their ecumenical activity and interfaith contacts that Protestant clergy experience highlight other factors that hinder the evolution of a more peaceful society. It also causes one to reflect carefully upon the effectiveness of ecumenism and interfaith dialogue as a model for advancing society towards peace and reconciliation. The findings of this paper are based upon a qualitative methodology that involved eight semistructured interviews with clergy of the Church of Ireland, Presbyterian, and Methodist traditions.

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Tadjbakhsh, S. (2009). Conflicted Outcomes and Values: (Neo) Liberal Peace in Central Asia and Afghanistan. International Peacekeeping (13533312) 16(5): 635-651. The implementation of liberal peace in the context of both transition economies and post-conflict situations often involves policy advice from international financial institutions for rapid opening of the economic and political systems. Experience, however, shows that the immediate outcome is increased poverty and inequality, leading to high social and human costs. Efficiency-based inquiries on externally supported state building and peacebuilding projects often use a problem solving approach which seeks ways to improve performance without questioning the validity of the liberal peace model. Inquiries based on critical theory, however, question the underlying assumptions and the legitimacy of the project itself. Using evidence from Central Asia and Afghanistan, the article argues that legitimacy depends on both how much, in the eyes of local populations, liberal peace actually improves everyday life, and how much it is valued as a goal and adheres to internal norms and values. The main proposition is that values determine how the liberal peace model is understood, while outcomes impact on how the project is accepted. High expectations of protection and welfare during crises also mean that the state can play a key role as legitimizer. Thorn, B. T. (2010). Peace Is the Concern of Every Mother: Communist and Social Democratic Womens Antiwar Activism in British Columbia, 19481960. Peace & Change 35(4): 626-657. This article discusses the antiwar activism of Canadian women within two left-wing political movements: the revolutionary Communist Party of Canada and the social democratic Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation.

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The piece focuses on the period from 1948 to 1960, which is often seen as a time of retreat for the feminist movement in North America. This article engages in a critical dialogue with the concept of maternalism, the notion that women had a special responsibility to speak out against wars and international conflicts that threatened the lives of the worlds children and the husbands, brothers, and sons who would be killed in future wars. Maternalist ideology represented a double-edged sword for these left-wing women and for feminism. On one hand, it offered them a route into radical protest against war and capitalism. On the other hand, in its portrayal of women as natural wives and mothers, maternalism, at least in the short term, failed to advance womens equality. Nonetheless, this article concludes that, given the conservative context of the time, maternalism was a useful strategy for the left as well as for feminism. Tyldesley, M. (2002). Max Plowmans Pacifism. Peace & Change 27(1): 20-36. This article considers the pacifism of Max Plowman, the notable British pacifist. It focuses upon the period between the outbreak of the Second World War and his death in June 1941. It examines the strategy for British pacifism that Plowman advocated at that time, and situates it in the context of ongoing debates in the Peace Pledge Union (PPU), in which Plowman was a leading figure. As a point of contrast to Plowmans viewpoint, consideration is given to the arguments advanced by the Forward Movement grouping within the PPU. The article notes that Plowmans pacifism originated in the First World War and developed in the stormy decade of the 1930s. It considers how well the pacifism Plowman advocated stood up to the challenges of the Second World War, and to what extent it acted as a useful guide for pacifists during that war.

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Weiner, E. J. (2005). Constructions of Innocence in Times of War: Breaking into the Hegemony of Peace. Taboo: The Journal of Culture and Education 9(1): 33-42. The phrase in times of war suggests that there are also times of peace. War and peace are much more complex social and political phenomena than simply armed militaristic conflict between and among nation states or the lack thereof; their complexity lies in the fact that victors of war inevitably determine the substance of peace. As such the absence of armed conflict does not necessarily mean that the war is over. It simply means that one faction has the power to control their enemy to the extent that the enemy no longer has the resources or the will to fight back on a scale recognized by the victors as war. This state of war might be called the hegemony of peace, because it signals the domination of power in the service of social and political order. The hegemony of peace makes invisible asymmetrical relations of power and thus narrates a story of social order, the ruling formation being the benefactor of social integration. When violence does erupt during these periods of apparent calm, it is usually repressed in the name of order or isolated in areas and among people who are repeatedly victimized by the hegemony of peace. Another way to come at this problem is to disentangle the notion of order from the notion of peace. The outward appearance of both might be quite similar. However, underlying order, especially order dictated from above or through force and/or persuasion (i.e., propaganda, schooling, media, etc.) is often a quiet war of resistance. Peace, by contrast, signals in the best sense, a degree of order that has been shaped through agonistic or respectful struggle. In this context, times of peace are animated by a substantive degree of mutual respect among competing parties. In this article, the author refers to both the hegemony of peace, as well as armed militaristic struggles to critically

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reflect upon and pedagogically examine the concept of innocence as it was taken up in one of his most recent graduate seminars. He begins, however, by discussing what he sees as some of the unique challenges and questions for critical teaching during these times of war. Wernicke, G. (2001). The Unity of Peace and Socialism? The World Peace Council on a Cold War Tightrope Between the Peace Struggle and Intrasystemic Communist Conflicts. Peace & Change 26(3): 332-351. The paper explores the theoretical unity between socialism and peace that motivated the communist-dominated World Peace Council (WPC) in the Cold War. Within the broad WPC spectrum, intrasystemic conflicts were tangibly expressed around the Hungarian events of 1956. With growing differentiation in world communism, especially Sino-Soviet conflict, tensions escalated when Warsaw Treaty states marched into Czechoslovakia in 1968. Instrumentalization of peace councils to serve state and party interests provides a second analytical focus on the link between peace and socialism. As Third World states emerged and national liberation movements consolidated political ideologies, the concept of just war acquired new meaning within anti-imperialist discourse. Examples are the Arab-Israeli wars, unconditional advocacy of armed struggle, and Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The World Peace Council danced a tightrope during the Cold War between Soviet security interests, systemic ambitions, and underlying communist postulates. Williams, V. S. (2004). Grassroots Movements and Witnesses for Peace: Challenging U.S. Policies in Latin America in the Post-Cold War Era. Peace & Change 29(3-4): 419-430. This article examines the U.S.-Latin American peace movement from the end of the Cold War until the present, and attempts to explain the

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regeneration of an earlier movement which had peaked in the decade of the 1980s. Most scholars believed that the Central American peace movement ended by the early 1990s, but Virginia Williams argues that new phenomena revived the existing peace organizations of the 1980s and gave life to new ones. This article focuses on a few specific peace organizationsWitness for Peace, School of the Americas Watch, and the Committe for the Rescue and Defense of Vieques, but seeks to explain the larger movement for peace and justice in the Americas. Winn, J. W. (2006). Nicholas Murray Butler, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the Search for Reconciliation in Europe, 19191933. Peace & Change 31(4): 555-584. The mission of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) changed in fundamental ways in the 1920s. In the wake of the Great War, Nicholas Murray Butler, the CEIPs second president, decided that the institutions prewar focus on research and legalism was insufficient to meet the threat posed to civilization by continued war and revolution. Under his leadership, the CEIP became an active proponent of Wilsonianism, a more intrusive form of American internationalism. This article examines Butlers understanding of the purpose of conservative peace institutions in revolutionary times. It also aims to contribute to our understanding of the role of nongovernmental organizations in international relations and the development of cultural relations. Zhidong, H. (2005). Between War and Peace: Ethical Dilemmas of Intellectuals and Nationalist Movements in Taiwan. Pacific Affairs 78(2): 237-256. This paper examines the complex role of intellectuals in the nationalist

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movements in Taiwan and, by implication, their role in making war and peace across the Taiwan Strait. Ideal typical organic intellectuals, while following the ethic of responsibility, are willing to use dubious means, including extremisms like distortions, exaggerations and even war, in advancing their nationalist causes. These means can be politically effective, but they are ethically problematic. Professionals want to remain neutral and objective in their study of nationalism, and critical intellectuals want to focus on fairness and justice to all, especially to the disadvantaged groups, in any national developments or arrangements. The professional and critical intellectual groups follow the ethic of ultimate ends, but both are marginalized in the nationalist movements in Taiwan. They largely stand on the sidelines, watching history happen. They are ethical but seldom effective, unless they become partisan and are willing to use dubious means. Such action, however, would turn them into organic intellectuals. These three roles of intellectuals also represent three aspects of intellectuality. They are ideal typically in the sense that intellectuals may transit among the roles. Nonetheless, how intellectuals balance these roles and handle the dilemmas between ethics and efficacy affects the direction of cross-Strait relations, especially with respect to war and peace in the region. This article is based on a historical-comparative analysis of the role of intellectuals, interviews of intellectuals in Taiwan, and a textual study of their writings. It hopes to shed some light on the nationalist developments across the Taiwan Strait. Peace Process: Challenges & Opportunities Abu-Nimer, M. and S. A. Kadayifci-Orellana (2008). Muslim PeaceBuilding Actors in Africa and the Balkan Context: Challenges and Needs. Peace & Change 33(4): 549-581. Religion and conflict resolution in general, and Islam in particular,

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have become a main area of research since the September 11 attacks. This article argues that, to develop effective conflict resolution models and practices for sustainable peace in the Muslim world, it is not only necessary to understand how religious and cultural traditions can contribute to peace, but also to work together with and incorporate local peace-building actors, as their legitimacy and knowledge can contribute to the effectiveness of peace-building initiatives. Although there is a growing literature exploring Islamic principles of peace and conflict resolution, research analyzing how these principles are put to use by Muslim actors to resolve their conflicts is lagging behind. This gives the impression that there are no actors working toward peace in these communities. The authors argue to the contrary, which is based on an analysis of data collected from the Balkans and the Great Lakes region and includes a combination of interviews and surveys submitted by more than fifty Muslim peace actors that describe their efforts and perception of Islamic peace. This essay analyzes the unique characteristics of Muslim peace-building actors, who are doing critical work under extremely difficult conditions, and evaluates their strengths and weaknesses to inform the development of effective conflict resolution and peace-building models in these regions. Becker, M. (2007). World Social Forum1. Peace & Change 32(2): 203-220. Every year at the end of January, the worlds corporate and government elite gather in the Swiss resort town of Davos for the World Economic Forum to plot the future of corporate-led globalization. In 2001, community organizers, trade unionists, young people, academics, and others began to meet in Porto Alegre, Brazil, to rethink and recreate globalization so that it would benefit people. From these humble beginnings, this alternative annual meeting called the World Social Forum has quickly grown into the

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worlds largest meeting of civil society. Under the slogan Another World Is Possible, the forum provides a dynamic and important political venue for activists to discuss strategies of resistance to neoliberal globalization and to present constructive alternatives. As the same time, it has been an arena for perennial discussions regarding the relationship between civil society and political parties in organizing a social movement. Bellamy, A. J. and P. Williams (2004). Introduction: Thinking Anew about Peace Operations. International Peacekeeping (13533312) 11(1): 1-15. The article deals with the challenge of thinking anew about peace operations. The challenge to think anew about peace operations raises fundamental epistemological and ontological issues. In 1981, Robert Cox argued that knowledge is never politically neutral: it is always for someone and for some purpose. All theories have a perspective. 22 Knowledge can thus serve two distinct purposes: it can act as a guide to help solve problems that arise within a particular perspective, or it can reflect upon the process of theorizing itself and enquire into how it relates to other perspectives. From the first purpose emerges problem solving theory, from the second, critical theory. Problem solving theory takes the world as it finds it and aims to make the relationships and institutions found therein work smoothly by dealing with particular sources of trouble. Critical theory on the other hand aims to reflect upon the characteristics and structures of the prevailing world order and asks how that order came about. Thinking about the ontology of peace operations requires an engagement with three types of interrelated questions: what is the relationship between the intervener and the recipient of intervention? What is the ideational and material context in which peace operations function? And, what counts as an issue in the study and practice of peace operations?

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Bercovitch, J. and L. Simpson (2010). International Mediation and the Question of Failed Peace Agreements: Improving Conflict Management and Implementation. Peace & Change 35(1): 68-103. This study examines the contribution of international mediation to the successful termination of conflicts. In particular, we look at what exactly can mediation do, and what do we mean by success in mediation? We identify a short-term definition of success that relates only to the signing of an agreement, and a long-term definition of success that relates to the duration of peace following an agreement. We discuss the factors that may contribute to the failure of peace agreements, and use a contingency framework to argue that a settlement is only one aspect of a dynamic conflict, rather than a defining termination point. Within this framework we study how mediation can help with achieving peace agreements and ensuring they remain viable and are adhered to. We examine our ideas in the context of three conflicts, Angola, Sri Lanka, and Sierra Leone. Best, S., P. McLaren, et al. (2007). Revolutionary Peacemaking: Using a Critical Pedagogy Approach for Peacemaking with Terrorists. Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies 5(2). In this article, the authors note that peacemaking is based on working and dialoguing with radicals and militants, a point which many academics, government, and law enforcement agencies so easily forget. They aim to show that revolutionaries often have legitimate goals, needs, and demands which, if not addressed and respected, can prompt them to commit extreme or violent acts. Peacemaking, critical pedagogy, and conflict studies provides a salient literature through which to explore this topic. The authors argue that conflict transformation is not something they adventitiously choose to do when engaging in peacemaking, rather it must be broached with everyone in

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conflict situations, especially if they involve or can lead to violent struggles. This article begins with a brief sketch of the current socio-political climate in the U.S., and shows how the Bush administrations policy hinders efforts to negotiate or reduce conflict with individuals and groups that are, on their skewed definitions, radical, violent, or terrorists. The authors, then, explain the deception and hypocrisy of the war on terrorism and examine the complexity of terrorism as a concept. Finally, the authors advocate a position of revolutionary peacemaking as a way to communicate and negotiate with dissidents and radicals; this process, however, is impeded by the dogmatic and politicized use of the terrorist label, such as glibly peddled by the power complex and groups across the political spectrum. Bock, J. G. (2001). The Exercise of Authority to Prevent Communal Conflict. Peace & Change 26(2): 187-203. This article attempts to bridge the gap between research on the role of leaders in conflict prevention, on the one hand, and studies on obedience to authority, on the other. The former has been the focus of political scientists and international relations specialists while the latter has been researched extensively by social psychologists. Studies of obedience provide an explanation of the potential role of authority in conflict prevention. This article discusses investments in peace that focus on building inter-communal harmony, and compares them to investment in a business setting. It argues that peace research could benefit from a focus on obedience studies comparing the role of conflict-promoting authority figures to that of conflict-preventing authority figures. It supports the view that aid agencies that train community leaders in communal conflict preemption techniques are making effective investments in peace.

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Bouillon, M. E. (2004). Gramsci, Political Economy, and the Decline of the Peace Process. Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 13(3): 239-264. Deals with the development of a Gramscian approach to the analysis of international relations and its application to the Middle East peace process. Details of Neo-Marxist accounts of dependency or the world system; Inadequacy of the conventional distinction between the state and civil society; Importance of the respective state of hegemony within the domestic political economies of Israel, Jordan and the Palestine; Business cooperation among Israelis, Jordanians and Palestinians. Bures, O. (2007). Wanted: A Mid-Range Theory of International Peacekeeping. International Studies Review 9(3): 407-436. This essay provides a critical review of the existing scholarly attempts to conceptualize and theorize about peacekeeping operations. It reveals that even though studies of such operations are increasing, most of the available literature is idiosyncratic and atheoretical. Moreover, although a number of authors have recently begun to utilize conflict resolution and international relations concepts in their analyses, these theories are not yet fully integrated into the study of peacekeeping. After inspecting the future research agendas outlined by the leading experts in the field, the author critiques the recent calls for a macrotheory of international peacekeeping and concludes by making the case for the development of a mid-range theory that can more firmly place international relations, conflict resolution, and peace studies scholarship into the study of peacekeeping. Burns, T. J. (2009). Searching for Peace: Exploring Issues of War with Young Children. Language Arts 86(6): 421-430. Using a framework grounded in critical literacy, the author describes

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her 1st-grade students responses to works of literature that portray the impact of war. When given opportunities to read works of literature that address social justice issues, such as the consequences of war, her primary-age students written, drawn, and spoken responses were meaningful and empathetic. Her students responses addressed four areas of emphasis: discovering links between war-related concepts and students lives, expressing empathy for those impacted by war, searching for explanations or justifications for war, and cultivating new visions and possibilities for our world. Cardozo, M. T. A. L. (2008). Sri Lanka: In Peace or in Pieces? A Critical Approach to Peace Education in Sri Lanka. Research in Comparative and International Education 3(1): 19-35. This article seeks to explore the two faces of education through a critical analysis of peace education in Sri Lanka. It aims to contribute to the wider debate on the complex role of education in situations of conflict. The article starts with an overview of what peace education is, or should be. This leads to the conclusion that peace education cannot succeed in isolation, and needs to be incorporated in a multilevel process of peacebuilding. Further analysis draws from Bush & Saltarellis notion of the two faces of education, combined with Lynn Daviess notion of war education. These notions help to explain to what extent (peace) education in Sri Lanka contributes to positive or negative conflict, or, in other words, which one of the two faces is most prominent. The positive side of education is employed through inter-group encounters, the stimulation of self-esteem and a peaceful school environment. Through dialogue and understanding, these initiatives stimulate a desegregation of a very segregated school system and society. However, these positive initiatives remain limited. Other, more structural issues, tend to work towards the negative face of education, by

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fostering segregation, fear and bias rather than counteracting them. These issues form pressing challenges for peace educators and policy makers in Sri Lanka. Critically informed research and evaluation should provide guidelines for well-thought through peace education initiatives, by working towards a combination of critical theory and problem-solving approaches to deliver both critical and hands-on guidelines for further peace education initiatives. Cavin, M. (2006). Elise Bouldings Rhetoric: An Invitation to Peace. Peace & Change 31(3): 390-412. Elise Boulding has been an important voice in the American peace movement. In this paper, I examine Bouldings speeches with the goal of continuing the critique of peace rhetors toward the discovery of a peace rhetoric theory. The implications are clear that when there is a potential for conflict and war, the critique of rhetorical strategies used can lead to a better understanding of how people can learn to live peacefully with one another. Sonja J. Foss and Cindy L. Griffins invitational rhetoric is a useful starting point to highlight some important features of Bouldings rhetoric. Cooper, S. E. (2011). French Feminists and Pacifism, 18891914: The Evolution of New Visions. Peace & Change 36(1): 5-33. This article addresses two main issues. First, in what ways did the development of a pacifist platform among French women working against the patriarchal assumptions of their world shape a different discourse than the dominant male-managed peace societiesthen the largest on the European continent before World War I. Secondly, how did the progressive members of the French feministpacifist community distance themselves from the presumably unchallenged, national enthusiasm for war in 1914, and what impact did that war have on postwar womens movements.

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Davidheiser, M. (2008). Race, Worldviews, and Conflict Mediation: Black and White Styles of Conflict Revisited. Peace & Change 33(1): 60-89. The article offers a wide-ranging, critical reflection on intercultural mediation theory and practice. Rather than following the standard format of literature review and discussion, the author uses his experiences as a mediator and researcher to frame the culture question and analyze intercultural practice models. We begin with the White American authors realization that culture is important, following a mediation session in which the other participants were Black. Reading Kochmans Black and White Styles in Conflict reinforced that realization, and, combined with other works, suggested a relatively straightforward relationship between culture and mediation managed through cultural competency. However, original field research on third-party peacemaking in West Africa complicated the issue by indicating that worldviews and associated conflict styles are highly diverse, varying both within and across social groups. The second half of the paper examines the nature of cultural perspectives or worldviews and considers proposed methods for intercultural mediation. By analyzing prominent responses to the issue of sociocultural variation, the paper explores the challenge of creating a broadly applicable mediation methodology that addresses the complexity of worldviews. Denskus, T. (2007). Peacebuilding does not build peace. Development in Practice 17(4/5): 656-662. The concept of peacebuilding is a buzzword of the development policy and practice mainstream. The recent introduction of managerial tools and the focus on measuring the effectiveness of peacebuilding have marginalised and depoliticised critical questions about the causes of violent conflict, and

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have replaced them with comforting notions for donors that peace can be built and measured without challenging Western understanding of economy, governance, and social aspirations of people. Emmons Allison, J. (2001). Peace among Friends: A Feminist Interpretation of the Democratic Peace. Peace & Change 26(2): 204-222. That democracies, though just as belligerent as non-democracies, are unlikely to fight one another is practically law in the study of international relations. Yet prevailing liberal explanations for this democratic peace, which focus primarily on democratic political institutions and culture, remain incomplete. Most importantly, these explanations emphasize a rights-based ethic, which has significantly limited our comprehension of the link between domestic politics and international relations to empirical generalizations. International relationships, however, are intrinsically interdependent and therefore thoroughly knowable only in the context in which they occur and are experienced. In this article I interpret the democratic peace as a single thread, albeit a highly visible and important one, in the dense fabric of international relations. More specifically, I enlarge the context in which domestic politics is connected to international relations to include the politics of careitself a practice that is usually understood to be private, i.e., particular, often emotional, and contextually moral. The result is a more refined understanding of the conditions for peace among all nationsdemocratic or not. Foley, M. S. (2003). Confronting the Johnson Administration at War: The Trial of Dr. Spock and Use of the Courtroom to Effect Political Change. Peace & Change 28(1): 67-107. The Johnson administrations 1968 decision to indict Dr. Benjamin Spock and four others for conspiracy to aid and abet draft resisters thrilled

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the antiwar movement because it demonstrated that the government could no longer ignore the growing number of Americans opposed to the Vietnam War. In the months leading up to the trial, expectations ran high as the antiwar movement looked forward to a courtroom confrontation in which they hoped to see the governments policies put on trial. This article argues that the trial did not live up to its billing, however, because the defendants and their attorneys pursued both political and civil libertarian trial strategies that were, in practice, mutually exclusive. Although the trial disappointed the peace movement, its shortcomings warrant renewed attention for the lessons it offers those who again will seek a courtroom confrontation with their governments during wartime. Gautney, H. and A. D. Reinhardt (2010). The Imperial Coin. Peace & Change 35(1): 146-163. This essay examines the ideological underpinnings of the Iraq War, especially in the pronouncements of the neo-conservative Project for the New American Century. It analyzes the varied rationales for the war, and the difficulties that it encountered, by reference to the concept of empire as elaborated by theorists Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. While noting the growing unpopularity of the war as a factor in the decline of the Republican Party from 2006 to 2008, the authors also argue that the Democratic Party in many ways holds the same problematic imperial ideals. Gill, J. K. (2002). The Political Price of Prophetic Leadership: The National Council of Churches and the Vietnam War. Peace & Change 27(2): 271-300. The National Council of Churches (NCC) felt called by church bureaucrats to take a prophetic leadership role on the Vietnam War. Therefore it moved beyond the sentiments of its denominations parishioners to

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articulate antiwar positions on this controversial issue. Council leaders met several times with Dean Rusk to persuade him to change the presuppositions undergirding Americas Vietnam policy, while Rusk tried to sway the Council into accepting the necessity of the governments actions. The Councils staff failed to realize that government weighed the NCCs clout not by the quality of its information, staff, or moral vision, but rather by the number of constituents it represented or influenced. When the NCC took what some perceived as elitist stands more representative of liberal church bureaucrats than millions of voting, church-going Americans, the White House shunned it as politically useless. The NCC has yet to recover from its loss of status suffered during this period. Gordon, U. (2010). Against the Wall: Anarchist Mobilization in the Israeli Palestinian Conflict. Peace & Change 35(3): 412-433. Anarchists Against the Wall is an Israeli action group supporting the popular Palestinian struggle against segregation and land confiscation in the West Bank. Incorporating participant observation and recent theories of social movements and anarchism, this article offers a thick cultural account of the groups mobilization dynamics, and assesses the achievements and limitations of the joint struggle. Three dimensionsdirect action, bi-nationalism, and leadershiphighlight the significance of anarchist practices and discourses to an informed assessment of the groups politics of nonviolent resistance. The effectiveness of the campaign is then examined, calling attention to the distinction among immediate, medium-term, and revolutionary goals. Hart, V. (2001). Constitution-making and the Transformation of Conflict. Peace & Change 26(2): 153-176. A constitution has traditionally been seen as the documentary

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record of a settlement of conflict. This traditional constitution is an enactive document, consummating the creation of a polity. Constitution-making has been a widespread practice in the many conflicted and divided societies of the late twentieth century. The issues of recent conflicts are concerned with the recognition of identities as well as with provisions for the legitimate exercise of power. This agenda necessitates a process as important as the product, both open-ended and open to participation. I propose that we reconsider constitution-making as itself a part of the process of conflict transformation. Defining constitution-making as a forum for negotiation or a continuing conversation amid conflict and division draws attention to the distinctive characteristics of modern constitutionalism and to the ways in which this process helps or hinders the transformation of conflict. Examples are drawn from recent constitution-making in Canada, Northern Ireland, and South Africa. Hostetter, D. (2007). An International Alliance of People of All Nations against Racism: Nonviolence and Solidarity in the Antiapartheid Activism of the American Committee on Africa, 19521965. Peace & Change 32(2): 134-152. Martin Luther Kings 1965 call for People of all Nations to impose economic sanctions on South Africa grew from his experience with active nonviolence in the American civil rights movement. King worked with the American Committee on Africa (ACOA) to oppose apartheid. Initially, both ACOA and King looked to the antiapartheid struggle in South Africa as an exemplary use of nonviolence in opposition to racial segregation. The 1960 Sharpeville Massacre, which prompted the South African antiapartheid movements turn from nonviolence to armed struggle, created a quandary for American advocates of nonviolence. King and ACOA responded to this

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dilemma by advocating the transnational application of sanction and boycott. Thus, a new form of solidarity developed in which opponents of apartheid outside South Africa used nonviolence to help create ways for peoples of all nations to express their opposition to racism. Illman, R. (2007). Words of Worth: Talking Religiously about Peace and Dialogue. Peace & Change 32(3): 415-434. In this article, I address the question of what special contribution the engagement of religious communities and individuals can offer to the larger peace movement from the standpoint of comparative religion. I argue that, on the one hand, religions can offer a language in which to speak about peace in a creative wayfor example, by using words as dialogue and otherness, forgiveness and reconciliation, love and responsibility. On the other hand, I further argue, religions can offer motivation for peace engagement on a personal level. My analysis leans on empirical experiences from an ecumenical Peace Appeal signed by Christian officials in Finland in 2004. Joki, A. (2002). What Should American Peace Activists Know about the Balkans? Peace & Change 27(3): 451-460. Peace activists wanting to immerse themselves in helping activities in a remote region often fall victims to ideology and political correctness pushed by powerful states engaged in the pursuit of their own geopolitical goals in the area. The main source of this tragic gullibility is in the language employed to describe a specific conflict. In this respect the language of human rights and democracy can be particularly dangerous. Nowhere is this more evident than in the case of recent Balkan conflicts in the former (and current) Yugoslavia. Exposing several of these word games pertaining to Yugoslavia, as they have unfolded in Western politics, media, and scholarship, illustrates a wider

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problem. The importance of language cannot be understated, given the subtle ways it can be used to affect what peace activists, perhaps mistakenly, may find an appropriate course of action. Knight, M. and A. zerdem (2004). Guns, Camps and Cash: Disarmament, Demobilization and Reinsertion of Former Combatants in Transitions from War to Peace. Journal of Peace Research 41(4): 499-516. The process of disarmament, demobilization, reinsertion and reintegration (DDRR) of former combatants plays a critical role in transitions from war to peace. The success or failure of this endeavour directly affects the long-term peacebuilding prospects for any post-conflict society. The exploration of the closely interwoven relationship between peacebuilding and the DDRR process also provides a theoretical framework for this article, which aims to present an assessment of various disarmament, demobilization and reinsertion (DDR) programmes planned or implemented in a number of countries over the last two decades. The assessment is conducted by focusing on three specific DDR issues: disarmament as a social contract; demobilization without cantonment; and the relevance of financial reinsertion assistance. The majority of these initiatives adopted a guns-camps-cash approach that seems to provide only a limited perspective for dealing with a wide range of complex issues related to the DDR process. Therefore, the article questions whether there is a need for a more comprehensive consideration of disarmament by acknowledging and responding to its social, economic and political implications. In conjunction with the above-mentioned consideration, disarmament in terms of a social contract is proposed as an alternative to the current military-centred approach. Experience also indicates a tendency towards the inclusion of cantonment in the demobilization phase, regardless of whether it actually can have some negative impacts on the DDRR process

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in general. Subsequently, the article questions such implications and possible approaches to demobilization without cantonment. Finally, the article focuses on the effectiveness of cash payments during reinsertion as an easier alternative to the provision of other material assistance, since this tends to be the most controversial aspect of the reinsertion phase. Magnarella, P. J. (2008). Attempts to Reduce and Eliminate Nuclear Weapons through the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Creation of NuclearWeapon-Free Zones. Peace & Change 33(4): 507-521. Nuclear weapons remain the most dangerous weapons of mass destruction threatening our lives and planet. To date, the Nuclear NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) is the most comprehensive international agreement aimed at limiting these weapons. In response to some of NPTs shortcomings, a large number of nonnuclear weapon states have joined together to create nuclear-weapon-free zones (NWFZs). By doing so, they emphatically rejected nuclear weapons on their soil, in their territorial waters, and in their air space. In addition, they ask nuclear weapon states to solemnly promise not to use nuclear weapons against zone members and to do nothing to promote nuclear weapons in their zones. Currently, much of the Southern Hemisphere is covered by NWFZs. An NWFZ has been newly created in Central Asia, and the League of Arab States is considering one in the Middle East. Moon, P. A. (2008). Loyal Sons and Daughters of God? American Catholics Debate Catholic Antiwar Protest. Peace & Change 33(1): 1-30. American Catholics witnessed a wave of radical Catholic action during the Vietnam War. Many Catholics protested the war by burning draft cards and destroying draft files. Radical Catholic action continued into the 1980s with the Plowshares actions, protests in which religious activists

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attempted to damage nuclear weapons and facilities. The response of ordinary Catholics to such protests, gleaned from Catholic editorial letters, was mixed. Some Catholics drew on a tradition in American Catholicism that emphasized patriotism and sought to keep religious and secular matters separate. Others supported the protests on biblical grounds and found justification in church tradition and teaching. Response to Vietnam-era Catholic protests tended to focus on the propriety of Catholic protests and the changes wrought by the Second Vatican Council, rather than the war itself. By the 1980s, however, American Catholics had become more comfortable with Catholic public protest and focused their editorial debate on the morality of nuclear weapons. Niesta, D., I. Fritsche, et al. (2008). Mortality Salience and its Effects on Peace Processes. Social Psychology 39(1): 48-58. The present paper offers a review of the relationship between existential individual threats and peace-hampering as well as peace-facilitating factors. An overwhelming bulk of literature on tenor management theory (TMT) demonstrates negative effects of mortality salience such as derogation of out group members, prejudice, stereotyping, aggression, and racism. These negative reactions may be detrimental in peace-processes and critical in explaining intergroup conflicts, severe hostilities, and war. Complementary empirical insights derived from TMT, however, demonstrate positive effects of mortality salience (MS) that lead to pro-social reactions. The findings that are reviewed throughout this paper aim at reconciling the seemingly contradictory findings of antisocial and pro-social reactions to reminders of death. In concluding, a variety of conceivable interventions are discussed that may override genuinely detrimental consequences of MS and help to foster peace processes.

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Ohanyan, A. and J. E. Lewis (2005). Politics of Peace-building: Critical Evaluation of Interethnic Contact and Peace Education in Georgian-Abkhaz Peace Camp, 1998-2002. Peace & Change 30(1): 57-84. This article presents an evaluation of a second-track diplomacy project sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development and organized between Georgian and Abkhaz youth and teachers. It examines the effects of interethnic contact and peace education components of the program on the participants and evaluates the potential of the entire program for the peace processes between the Georgian and Abkhaz sides. The findings indicate that the program succeeded in cultivating a willingness to engage in joint programs, despite more marginal attitudinal changes among the participants. Equally intriguing and significant was the observed impact of ethnicity. Georgians and Abkhaz experienced the program differently, an outcome that exposed the impact of the larger sociopolitical context of the conflicts on the program outputs. The resulting theoretical and policy implications of the study raise issues of program design and training development, in order to maximize the transfer effects of such programs for larger social and political environments of peace processes. Pfaff, S. (2001). The Politics of Peace in the GDR: The Independent Peace Movement, the Church, and the Origins of the East German Opposition. Peace & Change 26(3): 280-300. Comparative research offers some insights into the genesis of movements under highly repressive conditions in which dissident groups are systematically denied the organizational and political resources necessary to mount a sustained challenge to the state. During the 1970s and 1980s there were circles of dissidents in the German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany), but most grievances were not expressed in an organized form,

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and there were few opportunities to mobilize protest against the Communist regime. State repression and party control of society meant that opposition had to be organized within institutions that were shielded from state control. Religious subcultures offered a rival set of identities and values while generally accommodating the demands of the regime. Within the free social space offered by the church, a peace movement developed during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The effort to build an independent citizens peace movement based in the church played an important role in linking together various groups committed to nonviolent protest, peace, ecology, and human rights into a coherent, if still organizationally weak, opposition during the East German revolution of 1989. Pugh, M. (2004). Peacekeeping and Critical Theory. International Peacekeeping (13533312) 11(1): 39-58. A deconstruction of the role of peace support operations suggests that they sustain a particular order of world politics that privileges the rich and powerful states in their efforts to control or isolate unruly parts of the world. As a management device it has grown in significance as the strategic imperatives of the post-industrialized, capitalist world have neutered the universal pretensions of the United Nations. Drawing on the work of Robert Cox and Mark Duffield, this essay adopts a critical theory perspective to argue that peace support operations serve a narrow, problem-solving purpose -- to doctor the dysfunctions of the global political economy within a framework of liberal imperialism. Two dynamics in world politics might be exploited to mobilize a counter-hegemonic transformation in global governance. First, a radical change in the global trade system and its problematic institutions will create opportunities to emancipate the weak from economic hegemony. Second, future network wars are likely to require increasingly subtle and

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flexible teams, similar to disaster relief experts, to supply preventive action, economic aid and civilian protection. This might only be achieved by releasing peace support operations from the state-centric control system, and making them answerable to more transparent, more democratic and accountable multinational institutions. Rappert, B. (2001). Toward an Understanding of Nonlethality. Peace & Change 26(1): 31-54. In recent times, growing attention has been given to the possible role nonlethal technology might play in helping to resolve contemporary security challenges. The concept of nonlethality offers the possibility of reducing suffering through the application of weapons designed and intended to minimize unnecessary harmful effects. Despite this promise and the accompanying expansion of literature on nonlethal weapons, there are basic disagreements about the nature of nonlethality. This article considers how we should conceive of the effects of nonlethal weapons and the underlying notions of lethality and nonlethality. An approach is proposed for elucidating how their characteristics and effects could be understood. Reid, C. (2004). Peace and LawPeace Activism and International Arbitration, 18951907. Peace & Change 29(3/4): 527-548. This article explores the turn-of-the-century development of an American internationalism geared towards a peaceful global federation rooted in international law and guided by the example of the United States of America. American ideals played a critical role in defining and creating perception of what international law was how it could be developed through the creation of a tribunal or international court of arbitration, and what that development would mean for the peaceful coexistence of nations. Peace

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advocates were united in their commitment to using legal means to settle international disputes before resorting to violence, and to creating behavioral guidelines for the future based on a firm belief in Christian, Anglo-Saxon racial superiority and juris prudence. Rhoton, N. (2011). World War II Resisters: Creating Communities of Resistance in Prison. Peace & Change 36(2): 191-217. World War II war resistersthose men who actively refused to register for the draft because it violated their principles, whether political, moral, religious, or otherwiseaggressively challenged the limits of freedom in American society by rejecting military service because they believed that killing, under any pretense, was always wrong. As a maximum protest against war, resisters refused conscription, thus violating the draft law, which resulted in their imprisonment. Paradoxically, resisters found the prison to be a site of virtue as they rejected mandatory enlistment as a citizens duty. Resisters turned the prison into a forum for the development of political thought and action regarding radical pacifism and nonviolence. Through direct action, prisoners realized the potential of nonviolent resistance, a method and technique they cultivated before the war, mastered in prison, and carried with them after the war to champion civil rights, racial equality, and peace in subsequent conflicts. Richmond, O. P. (2009). A post-liberal peace: Eirenism and the everyday. Review of International Studies 35(3): 557-580. The liberal peace is undergoing a crisis of legitimacy at the level of the everyday in post-conflict environments. In many such environments; different groups often locally constituted perceive it to be ethically bankrupt, subject to double standards, coercive and conditional, acultural, unconcerned

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with social welfare, and unfeeling and insensitive towards its subjects. It is tied to Western and liberal conceptions of the state, to institutions, and not to the local. Its post-Cold War moral capital, based upon its more emancipatory rather than conservative claims, has been squandered as a result, and its basic goal of a liberal social contract undermined. Certainly, since 9/11, attention has been diverted into other areas and many, perhaps promising peace processes have regressed. This has diverted attention away from a search for refinements, alternatives, for hybrid forms of peace, or for empathetic strategies through which the liberal blueprint for peace might coexist with alternatives. Yet from these strategies a post-liberal peace might emerge via critical research agendas for peacebuilding and for policymaking, termed here, eirenist. This opens up a discussion of an everyday post-liberal peace and critical policies for peacebuilding. Schwarz, R. (2005). Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: The Challenges of Security, Welfare and Representation. Security Dialogue 36(4): 429-446. This article introduces a critical approach to the analysis of postconflict peacebuilding (PCPB). It acknowledges the latters complex nature, questions sophisticated social engineering policies, is grounded in a historical understanding and subscribes to local ownership. The complexities, subtleties and ambiguities of historical processes of state formation across Europe and the world point towards the need for a similar sensitization in the approach to PCPB through externally driven state-building. This sensitization can best be captured through three issue-areas: security, welfare and representation. These themes are commonly seen as the core functions of modern states and are thus central to PCPB. The challenge for the international community hence revolves around rethinking several core concepts, such as statebuilding, security, development aid, civil society and sovereignty. Overall,

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such a critical approach to PCPB does not negate the possibility of social engineering, but questions its limits and the usefulness of blueprint solutions. Smith, C. B. (2003). The United Nations as a Vehicle for Dialogue. Peace & Change 28(4): 555-569. The United Nations (UN) proclaimed 2001 as the Year of Dialogue among Civilizations in an effort to examine how confrontation and hostility in world politics could be replaced by discourse and understanding. However, in the midst of this process the world was witness to the tragic events of September 11, 2001. Since terrorism represents the antithesis to dialogue, the UNs discussion of these issues became more urgent and focused. Two major documents were produced, but they do not explore adequately the United Nations potential role in regard to building dialogue. This article begins this undertaking by considering the UN as a forum for debate where different peoples of the world meet and as a catalyst for an ongoing process of interaction and change. In other words, serious thinking about the UNs role as a vehicle for dialogue requires appreciating both its passive and dynamic characteristics and functions. Turner, S. (2003). The Dilemma of Double Standards in U.S. Human Rights Policy. Peace & Change 28(4): 524-554. In May 2000 the United States was voted off of the United Nations Human Rights Commission. This reflected the frustration of much of the international community with the United States increasingly obstructionist approach to international institutionalism. The United States opposition to the proposed International Criminal Court (ICC) reflects its pursuit of double standards in human rights policy. Double standards are manifest in U.S. support for Israel and Turkey with their records of gross human rights

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violations. They likewise are discernable in the strategic motives behind the 1999 Kosovo intervention. The proposed ICC challenges the United States use of human rights rhetoric to pursue unilateral objectives by forging a more neutral means of prosecuting international justice. If the United States is to recover its status as the worlds human rights leader, it must renew its commitment to multilateral institutionalism and must avoid double standards that undermine the legitimacy of human rights discourse. Unruh, J. D. (2003). Land Tenure and Legal Pluralism in the Peace Process. Peace & Change 28(3): 352-377. Land tenure has proven to be one of the most vexing issues in a peace process. The disintegration of land and property rights institutions during armed conflict yet the importance of land and property to the conduct of conflict present particular dilemmas for a peace process attempting to reconfigure aspects of societal relations important to recovery. In this regard understanding what happens to land tenure as a set of social relations during and subsequent to armed conflict is important to the derivation of useful tools for managing tenure issues in a peace process. This article examines the development of multiple, informal normative orders regarding land tenure during armed conflict and how these are brought together in problematic form in a peace process. While there can be significant development of tenurial legal pluralism during armed conflict, it is during a peace process that problems associated with different approaches to land claim, access, use, and disputing become especially acute, because an end to hostilities drives land issues to the fore for large numbers of people over a short time frame. Wiedenhoft Murphy, W. A. (2010). Touring the Troubles in West Belfast: Building Peace or Reproducing Conflict? Peace & Change 35(4): 537-560.

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This article examines the development of tourism in West Belfast, Northern Ireland, and explores the extent to which tourism builds peace or reproduces processes of past conflict. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with tour managers and tour guides that include West Belfast in their itineraries and participant observations of tours conducted in West Belfast in the summer of 2007. The findings from this data suggest that while tourism there is reproducing some processes of past conflict, particularly territoriality, it has the potential to build cross-community relationships. Williams, P. (2004). Peace Operations and the International Financial Institutions: Insights from Rwanda and Sierra Leone. International Peacekeeping (13533312) 11(1): 103-123. This essay reflects critically upon the question of why peace operations become necessary in certain parts of the world. It does so by exploring why the policies of the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) should be understood as part of the explanation for war and genocide in Rwanda (1990-94) and war in Sierra Leone (1991-2002), which, in turn, eventually necessitated the presence of UN peace operations in these two states. The first section summarizes IFI engagement with the issue of violent conflict. This is followed by a critical evaluation of the ways in which in Rwanda and Sierra Leone, IFI policies helped fan the flames of war and genocide which UN (and other) peacekeepers were subsequently asked to put out. The final part reflects upon the relationship between IFI policies and peace operations in Rwanda and Sierra Leone. The essay concludes that the current regulation of the global capitalist economy and the philosophy underpinning IFI policies have fuelled patrimonial and authoritarian systems of governance in Rwanda and Sierra Leone. This has had disastrous consequences for both the citizens of these states and UN peace operations.

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Peace Studies Akcal, E. and M. Antonsich (2009). Nature Knows No Boundaries: A Critical Reading of UNDP Environmental Peacemaking in Cyprus. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 99(5): 940-947. In 2005, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) set up in Cyprus a peace-building project called Action for Cooperation and Trust (ACT). This project has aimed to create opportunities for bicommunal partnerships on environmental protection as a way to promote intercommunal tolerance. This article discusses critically the efficacy of this project to contribute to the debate on the significance of environmental cooperation in transforming ethno-territorial conflicts. We rely on both survey data and the qualified opinions of Cypriot environmental stakeholders to show that, in the case of Cyprus, successful environmental peacemaking strategies are dependent on widespread environmental awareness, trust in the third party (UNDP), and civil societys empowerment, which, however, should complement and not substitute for intervention at a state level. There is also evidence to suggest that the UNDP discourse about nature knows no boundaries is most effective when it generates solutions that are perceived to be beneficial to all parties involved, rather than when it uses the environment to discursively construct a common patriotism beyond ethnic identities. Ardizzone, L. (2003). Generating Peace: A Study of Nonformal Youth Organizations. Peace & Change 28(3): 420-445. Youth today encounter many obstaclesincluding poverty, violence, and marginalizationthat often result in feelings of hopelessness and despair leading to harmful behaviors. This sometimes has led to the scapegoating

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of youth in society. However, many youth have chosen to confront these media-propagated stereotypes by becoming involved positively in their communities. Utilizing a conceptual framework and philosophy of education that incorporates structural violence theory and peace education pedagogy, this article explores the impact involvement has on inner-city youth who have chosen to address issues of direct and structural violence as peacebuilders. The empirical research conducted established that involvement in a prosocial organization had an impact on personal growth, on interest in learning, in a desire to get their word out, and in reinforcing an ethic of social responsibility. This research supports the creation of bottom-up education programs that incorporate the voices of youth in their design and development. Barnidge, R. P. (2008). War and peace: Negotiating meaning in Islam. Critical Studies on Terrorism 1(2): 263 - 278. This paper provides a framework for negotiating meaning in Islam on questions of war and peace. It begins by presenting some representative and contrasting understandings of Islam, particularly with regards to militant Islam, and then suggests some ways in which negotiations of meaning can take place in this context. It argues that the varied experiences of those who act in the name of Islam and justify their actions according to the life of Mohammed and devotion to Allah requires a new and radical interpretive framework, a framework that prioritises diversity and a decentralised ethic of understanding over homogenisation and hegemonisation and avoids post-colonial constructions of inevitable inferiority and weakness. Such a framework has the advantage of being more methodologically satisfying because it can better account for and deal with the diverse perspectives and complexities in the debate and better appreciate the political implications and undertones inherent in the practice of interpretation.

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Bekoe, D. A. (2003). Toward a Theory of Peace Agreement Implementation: The Case of Liberia. Journal of Asian & African Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) 38(2/3): 256-294. The implementation of a peace agreement following a civil war is one of the most critical and uncertain processes of any post-war period. Many argue that promises of extensive power sharing arrangements in future governments and international intervention help advance the implementation of a peace process. While not doubting the importance of these factors, this paper argues that they do not sufficiently account for the incremental process of an implementation. Through an analysis of numerous peace agreements of Liberias first civil war; from 1989-1996. This paper presents the theory that the implementation of a peace agreement will advance if the level of vulnerability during the implementation period is equally balanced among the faction leaders. In other words, given that the concessions offered in a peace agreement will bring some change in million; economic or political vulnerability among the factions. The implementation process advances when the faction leaders feel mutually vulnerable. Liberias nearly decade-long conflict interspersed with periods of fragile peace, provides an opportunity to observe the effects of changes in million and political vulnerability on the implementation process. Bellamy, A. J. (2004). The Next Stage in Peace Operations Theory? International Peacekeeping (13533312) 11(1): 17-38. To date, peace operations have been under-theorized. Where they have been studied conceptually, this essay argues, peace operations have been viewed through the lens of problem-solving theory. Although such approaches are useful and important, particularly because they help to guide

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future action, they provide only partial explanations and limit the scope of creative thinking and practice. This essay calls for a new stage of theoretical thought informed by critical perspectives. It argues that problem-solving and critical approaches to peace operations can be distinguished along three lines: their purpose, their understanding of the social world and their position on the relationship between theory and practice. It argues that only a broadening and deepening of the study of peace operations can move the study and practice of peace operations beyond its current, problematic, state. Bellamy, A. J. and P. Williams (2004). Conclusion: What Future for Peace Operations? Brahimi and Beyond. International Peacekeeping (13533312) 11(1): 183-212. This concluding essay discusses two contrasting agendas for future peace operations: the Brahimi agenda, the main elements of which resemble a problem-solving approach, and a critical agenda. These agendas have different priorities but both contain important insights about how peace operations might be conducted more effectively. The essay begins by reflecting on the Brahimi agenda and suggests that some of its fundamental political insights have been sidelined during the implementation process. It then discusses one of the central challenges confronting peace operations, namely, how to deal with so-called spoilers. We argue that while proposals for more privatized and regionalized peace operations may offer short-term palliatives in extreme circumstances, they suffer from several important limitations. The second section outlines how a critical agenda might contribute to making peace operations more effective in the short-term and making them redundant in the longer-term. Bryzzheva, L. (2009). Understanding Peace Consciousness and Its Language:

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Unfinishedness. Peace & Change 34(1): 62-80. This article will attempt to elucidate the concept of the language of peace as a medium through which people can express their peace consciousness. First, peace consciousness is explored in some depth. It is suggested that unfinishedness, dialogicality, and interdependence are aspects of human nature that should be honored to achieve peace consciousness. This article then reviews unfinishedness and the ways it may translate into corresponding verbal and non-verbal elements of the language of peace such as modal verbs and adjuncts, the future-oriented conditional/suppositional mood, ellipses and question marks, the softening of Extreme Case Formulations, and living silence. Chapnick, A. (2010). Lester Pearson and the Concept of Peace: Enlightened Realism with a Human Touch. Peace & Change 35(1): 104-122. In the overwhelming literature on the life of Lester Bowles Pearson, Canadas only recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, little attention has been paid to the complexities and paradoxes that made up his approach to peace at the practical levelboth how he expressed it, and how others interpreted and responded to his views. Pearsons understanding of peace was grounded in a combination of Methodism, personal experience, and Canadian nationalism. It was both bold and intrinsically appealing: a unique mixture of faith, a belief in justice, and an unflinching acceptance of the realities of the contemporary global environment. It was not cynical, but nor was it profoundly idealistic. Those whose only association with Lester Pearson is United Nations peacekeeping might well be shocked by the military undertones of his conception of collective security and by the unapologetic elitism that contributed to his recipe for peace.

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Confortini, C. C. (2006). Galtung, Violence, and Gender: The Case for a Peace Studies/Feminism Alliance. Peace & Change 31(3): 333-367. My paper argues for an incorporation of feminist theories into peace theories, by analyzing what is missing by not confronting feminist contributions to a theory on violence. I take Johan Galtungs theory of violence as a point of departure, as a theory that is widely uncontested in peace studies. Galtungs articulation of direct, structural, and cultural violence offers a unified framework within which all violence can be seen. On the other hand, feminism can contribute to and enrich Galtungs theory of violence in four possible ways: * 1Galtungs theory needs to incorporate notions of gender as a social construct embodying relations of power. * 2Dichotomous, mutually exclusive categories that shape our understanding of the world are gendered and they are key to the production and reproduction of violence at all levels. * 3Gendered language defines the possibility and impossibility of pursuing different visions of the social world. Violence and peace can be constituted through language. * 4Violence produces and defines gender identities and, in turn, is produced and defined by them. These contributions have important implications for peace studies: only by taking gender seriously as a category of analysis, can prescriptions for a violence-free society be more than temporary solutions to deeply ingrained attitudes to accept violence as natural. Crouthamel, J. (2005). Mobilizing Psychopathsinto Pacifists: Psychological Victimsofthe First World Warin Weimarand Nazi Germany. Peace & Change 30(2): 205-230. Farnham, B. (2003). The Theory of Democratic Peace and Threat Perception. International Studies Quarterly 47(3): 395-415. President Franklin D. Roosevelts assessment of Hitler as a potential

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threat to American security in the aftermath of the Munich crisis highlights the role of liberal-democratic norms in shaping the threat perceptions of democratic leaders. A critical factor in Roosevelts post-Munich expectation of future trouble for the United States was his judgment that Hitlers contempt for democratic processes of accommodation forecasted unlimited aims. Since Roosevelt did not link his perception of threat to regime type, however, this episode also calls into question a central tenet of the theory of democratic peace: the notion that democracies invariably harbor a presumption of enmity toward nondemocracies. Nevertheless, the Munich case allows us to see which democratic norms do matter in threat perception and establishes that they are not simply the epiphenomena of state interests. Moreover, Roosevelts response to the Munich crisis shows that threat can be assessed primarily on the basis of intentions and suggests how democratic predispositions can provide indicators of intent. Finally, in analyzing why some democratic leaders derive diagnostic information about aggressive intentions from such indicators, while others do not, this article explores the connection between different leaders perceptions and the foreign policy processes of democratic states. Fast, L. A. (2002). Frayed Edges: Exploring the Boundaries of Conflict Resolution. Peace & Change 27(4): 528-545. This article examines the boundary areas of the field of conflict resolution. It proposes that to advance as a practice and academic discipline, conflict resolution must define more clearly its theoretical and practice boundaries. Based on the assumption that this field requires its theory, practice, and research to complement one another, the article first outlines two boundary areas, that of theory about structural conflict and that of impartiality and neutrality in conflict resolution practice. The author proposes that developing

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theories about structural conflict will promote better interventions, an area where conflict resolution practice currently is underdeveloped. The debates about impartiality and neutrality in conflict resolution practice lead the author to propose two delimiters for practiceimpartiality and inclusivenessthat will differentiate conflict resolution from other related fields. The article concludes with a recommendation about how integrating theory, practice, and research can advance the field as a whole. Friedman, G. (2008). Identifying the Place of Democratic Norms in Democratic Peace. International Studies Review 10(3): 548-570. This essay contributes two arguments on the place of democratic norms in democratic peace. First, the literature under-appreciates the inter-democracy moral constraint hypothesis: the hypothesis is ignored in the critical test of the most frequently cited article on democratic peace and research finding that joint democracy has consistently contributed to peace since the early twentieth century, particularly among developed states; fits with inter-democracy fights in the ancient world; is attuned to the possibilities that democracy carries less moral weight in joint democracy dyads with non-Western states and imposing regime-change can bring resentment that countervails respect deriving from joint democraticness; and is free of the presumptions of democratic moral superiority abroad and autocratic inclination toward aggression. Second, the absence of a determinate correspondence between domestic and external agency, structure, and action makes inevitable that members of democracies will hold competing views on extending domestic norms abroad; yet, just as this diminishes the extension hypothesis as a general explanation of democratic peace, it makes government-level orientation on the extension of domestic norms an important shaper of democracy war-proneness and the ways in which democracies get involved in wars. Various democratic peace

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research designs are inconclusive if a government foreign policy orientation variable is omitted. The studys two arguments provide insight into specifying foreign policy orientations. Gavriely-Nuri, D. (2010). The idiosyncratic language of Israeli peace: A Cultural Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CCDA). Discourse & Society 21(5): 565-585. Combining peace studies, cultural studies and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this study demonstrates a Cultural approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CCDA) of political peace discourses. Inspired by the UNESCO definition for the culture of peace, the study offers two peace discourse models: a supportive peace discourse versus an oppressive one. From a theoretical perspective, CCDA enables a culturally comparative study of peace, its conceptual boundaries and semantic margins. From a practical perspective, application of such an approach within local discourses may remove unique obstacles and cultural barriers to the realization of peace processes. Application of the CCDA to Israels political peace discourse revealed that use of the term in this discourse served two purposes: first, the construction of the Israeli speakers positive self-image as a peace-seeker together with delegitimation of rivals; and second, the facilitation of public acceptance of strategically problematic actions, primarily use of military violence, by their presentation as part of the peace discourse. Gawerc, M. I. (2006). Peace-building: Theoretical and Concrete Perspectives. Peace & Change 31(4): 435-478. In a world where war is everybodys tragedy and everybodys nightmare, diplomacy is everybodys business. Lord Strang1 This paper presents a comprehensive review of the conflict resolution and peace-

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building literature focused on the issues involved in assessing the impact of peacemaking and peace-building through people-to-people contact. Findings reveal that we are still in the beginning stages of establishing frameworks for the resolution of wars and the building of peace and that there continues to be academic and political contestation over the definition of peace and peacebuilding. At the same time, this review identifies significant research progress in creating useful conceptual distinctions among the various modalities for peace, in establishing definitions that are both explanatory and remedial, and in recognizing the need for multi-faceted approaches to peacemaking and peace-building. Likewise, the literature indicates a growing understanding of the various forms of people-to-people contact, their impact, their possibilities, and their limitations. Attempts are made to reconcile the tensions between structural and social-psychological approaches, and similarly, the contradictions between conflict resolution and social justice. Finally, directions for future research that address the impact, the effectiveness, and the possibilities for creating an infrastructure for a sustainable just peace. Gtz, N. (2010). Matts Mattson Paavola knows Elihu Burritt: A Transnational Perspective on Nineteenth-Century Peace Activism in Northern Europe. Peace & Change 35(2): 191-221. Existing research on Scandinavian peace activism has largely been guided by a traditional nation-state perspective and an institutionalist outlook. This view puts the starting point of Scandinavian peace activism in the 1880s, the time when the first peace associations were established in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. The article at hand demonstrates that a new chapter to the history of Nordic peace activism can be added, covering the period from 1843 to the early 1880s. This is achieved by applying a transnational perspective on nineteenth-century peace activism that redirects the focus from

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national accomplishments and movements to individuals and transnational networks, as well as to the dissemination of ideas on peace. Grob-Fitzgibbon, B. (2005). What is Terrorism? Redefining a Phenomenon in Time of War. Peace & Change 30(2): 231-246. Following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the government of the United States, along with many of its allies, declared war on terrorism. What exactly is meant by terrorism, however, has not been made clear. This article contends that without such a definition, the term will lose all its utility and any war against an undefined terrorism will ultimately become unmanageable and unsuccessful. The article, therefore, seeks a new definition of terrorism, looking at the phenomenon not as a single experience but instead dividing it into four separate categories: national terrorism, revolutionary terrorism, reactionary terrorism, and religious terrorism. The article then concludes that unless a clear definition of terrorism is given and agreed upon, the present war on terrorism will become nothing more than a vague abstraction. Hertling, V. (2007). Countering a Culture of Violence. Can It Be Done? Peace & Change 32(1): 78-88. Taking the United Nations Agenda for Peace and Justice in the 21st Century as a vantage point, this article deals with the attempt to create peace consciousness among college students. With the creation of peace projects, students face the challenge of translating some of the rather abstract concepts of the Agenda into concrete outcomes and grassroots-level community actions. The peace projects should reflect the spirit of the Agenda and at the same time address the importance of working toward consensus and understanding; of avoiding conflicts or resolving conflicts without violence; and of providing an opportunity to make the voices of people heard regarding the issues that

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affect them. By giving voice to their own concerns against the backdrop of the language of the Agenda, students understand and internalize the intent of the document, and as a result of this creative process, they feel empowered and optimistic. Holmes, V. I. (2008). Was Einstein Really a Pacifist? Einsteins ForwardThinking, Pragmatic, Persistent Pacifism. Peace & Change 33(2): 274-307. This article examines Einsteins pacifist convictions, as revealed by public and private statements throughout his life, with particular attention to two periods when his identity as a pacifist might be most challenged: (a) the start of the Nazi regime in Germany in 1933, when he continued to claim a pacifist identity but argued that refusal of military service was no longer appropriate or effective in current circumstances; and (b) the aftermath of the dropping of two atomic bombs on Japan in August 1945, when critics, including some Japanese, pointed to his early groundbreaking work in physics as having made the bomb possible and his efforts in 1939 to urge the United States government to produce such a bomb before Germany. The author argues that Einstein maintained a constant pacifist identity throughout his life, interweaving it with a commitment to social justice, insightful concerns about the relationship between Jews and Arabs in Palestine, and a core belief in supranational world government as the truly effective avenue to ending war. Although his sense of pacifism evolved significantly in response to historical developments, he thoughtfully and clearly articulated his reasoning behind these shifts. Hrynkow, C., S. Byrne, et al. (2010). Ecotheology and Inculturation: Implications for Theory and Practice in Peace and Conflict Studies. Peace & Change 35(2): 295-327.

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This article explores how an application of two concepts from the contextual theology movement can inform practice and theory in the field of peace and conflict studies. We proceed by constructing an ecotheological metaphor and providing an overview of the concept of inculturation. We then use insights from these two reflections to help mold a vital peacebuilding methodology. Moving from abstraction to practice, we conclude by presenting two brief case studies, one from South Africa and the other from Canada, through the lens of this methodology for dynamic peace. Hutchinson, F. and J. Fulton (2002). Studying Peace: Opportunities for Peace Studies at Two NSW Universities. Social Alternatives 21(1): 39. Many challenges exist for building more peaceful futures and for learning to transform conflicts non-violently. Many more opportunities deserve to exist for integrated, cross-disciplinary studies of violence and alternatives to violence at the tertiary and pre-tertiary levels. Over the past decade more than 2 million children have been killed and more than 6 million injured or disabled in armed conflicts. With the proliferation of light, relatively inexpensive small arms, the number of child soldiers is on the rise to fight adult wars. Worldwide at least 30 per cent of children under five suffer from malnutrition. To learn about such crucial matters and possible pathways for non-violent engagement are part of a number of innovative tertiary education programs that have developed over recent times. While there is some family-likeness with other areas of critical interdisciplinary inquiry such as environmental studies, post-colonial studies, indigenous studies, gender studies and futures, the teaching and research interests focus largely on the challenges of building less violent futures. Hyman Alonso, H. (2007). The Transformation of Robert E. Sherwood from

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Pacifist to Interventionist. Peace & Change 32(4): 467-498. The playwright Robert E. Sherwood is most known for his powerful antiwar voice on Broadway during the late 1920s and 1930s. A veteran of World War I, Sherwoods ideas echoed those of many in the U.S. population during the interwar yearsanger at corporate greed and power-hungry world leaders, and disillusionment with Woodrow Wilsons stated war goal of making the world safe for democracy. As fascism spread in Europe, Sherwood evolved from a pacifist into an interventionist. Largely relying on his diary entries and his three Pulitzer Prizewinning plays, Idiots Delight (1936), Abe Lincoln in Illinois (1938), and There Shall Be No Night (1940), this article traces Sherwoods sea change from staunch pacifist to determined interventionist. Jacobs, R. A. (2010). Curing the Atomic Bomb Within: The Relationship of American Social Scientists to Nuclear Weapons in the Early Cold War. Peace & Change 35(3): 434-463. This article looks at the initial response of the social science community to the advent of nuclear weapons and their use on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The idea that human society as a whole was not sophisticated enough to responsibly steward nuclear weapons was widespread among American sociologists and psychologists: if society needed to change, many social scientists felt compelled to engineer that transformation. Fundamental to this effort was an analysis of the roots of human violence. I argue that this was a fundamental misdiagnosis that placed the blame in individuated human violence rather than in the organized social violence of militarism. The final section of the article explores the role of social scientists in planning for nuclear war and in creating and assessing the indoctrination of U.S. troops participating in nuclear weapons testing. This indoctrination would form the

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model for later indoctrinations aimed at easing general public distress over nuclear weapons testing. Keene, J. D. (2001). W.E.B. Du Bois and the Wounded World: Seeking Meaning in the First World War for African-Americans. Peace & Change 26(2): 135-152. In his unpublished and published writings, W.E.B. Du Bois struggled for fifteen years with multiple interpretations of the First World Wars significance for African-Americans. Du Bois argued that the war was a futile exercise brought on by capitalist imperialists, but then glorified the military accomplishments of black soldiers and the chance African-American soldiers had to experience the joys of being treated as equals by the French. The urgency he felt to present his version of the history of the First World War reflected his belief that unstable race relations would likely mean another war in the near future. The possibility of a Pan-African community emerging from the war fascinated Du Bois, and he hoped the war would provide a way for the black world to reunite and become a political force. Du Bois also wanted the white world to take note of the central role Africa and black soldiers played in the war. Du Bois, however, gradually became disillusioned with the notion that war could serve as a vehicle for positive social change as he realized that postwar economic problems had intensified racial hatred throughout the world. He also doubted the ability of World War I to serve as the war to end all wars until the problem of racial prejudice was solved. In the end, Du Bois rejected war as a way to advance the economic or political interests of the black world. Knudson, L. (2009). Cindy Sheehan and the Rhetoric of Motherhood: A Textual Analysis. Peace & Change 34(2): 164-183.

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Through her peace work, Cindy Sheehan helped bolster the U.S. antiwar movement. Relying on her identity as the mother of a soldier who was slain during active duty in Iraq, Sheehan captured the media spotlight through increasingly outspoken and public ways that include the sit-ins she staged outside of President George W. Bushs ranch in Crawford, Texas, and the Open Letter to George Bush she published in November 2004. In this essay, I examine the rhetoric surrounding Sheehans peace activism and attend to the ways in which the rhetoric hinges on conflicting views about war, motherhood, and activism. Maternal activism is certainly not a new phenomenon. However, media coverage of Sheehan provides ample evidence of the constantly shifting nature of definitions of good and bad mothering in early twenty-first-century America. Through an examination of Sheehans own book, Peace Mom, and a book written to counter it, American Mourning by Catherine Moy and Melanie Morgan, I demonstrate the central role that discourses of motherhood play in Sheehans ability to craft a maternal politics of peace. Kutch, L. M. (2009). Like Agamemnon and Clytemnestra: Ilse Langners Gendered Perspective on the Politics of War and the Prospects for Peace. Peace & Change 34(2): 184-207. In her politically influenced plays and essays, German author Ilse Langner (18991987) rigorously analyzes her own gendered theories concerning war, peace, and guilt. This article views Langners drama Klytmnestra (1947) along with the authors subsequent essays on peace theory as a framework for investigating her observations on the evolving relationship between German politics and gender roles. The belligerent atmosphere of Germany in the 1930s and 1940s forced Langner to recalibrate her previously rigid and traditional paradigms of male and female war

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involvement. After allegorically treating a temporary interruption marked by female aggressiveness with Klytmnestra, Langner returns to the notion of the enduring female role of maternal peacemaker in her theoretical writings (19461948). The assertion that women have the inherent ability and responsibility to administer peace in the postwar era directs Langners work into ongoing gendered debates surrounding womens accountability for wartime violence. Lang, J. A. F. (2008). Punishment and Peace: Critical Reflections on Countering Terrorism. Millennium 36(3): 493-511. This article argues that the punishment of terrorists can lead to a more peaceful world order only if we better understand what it means to punish justly. The just war tradition is considered, focusing on Augustine and Grotius, especially for its understanding of war as being occasionally necessary for punitive purposes. The military dimension of the US counter-terrorism campaign is assessed in terms of lust international punishment, with specific reference to US military actions in Afghanistan, Yemen and Iraq, framed partly as punitive responses to the 9/11 attacks. The article concludes that these military actions contain a punitive ethos, one that has come dangerously close to vengeance. It finds these military actions punitive, but not just for two reasons: (1) they are undermining the very international security structures that they supposedly seek to enforce by violating those norms, especially in the case of Iraq; (2) their primary focus on self- defence prevents them from being actions that might contribute to a more just international order. Finally the article considers how a turn to the just war tradition might reinforce the norms of the international security order rather than undermine them. Lektzian, D. and M. Souva (2009). A Comparative Theory Test of Democratic

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Peace Arguments, 1946-2000. Journal of Peace Research 46(1): 17-37. Multiple theories posit the existence of a dyadic democratic peace. The authors extend the logic of three theories of the democratic peace informational, normative, and preferences - and find that they make different predictions with respect to the onset and escalation of disputes across the range of similar regime dyads. First, regarding dispute onset, the preferences argument, but not the normative and informational arguments, expects autocratic dyads of similar type to have less conflict onset than mixed dyads. Second, the normative argument expects democratic, but not non-democratic, dyads to be less likely to escalate their disputes, while the informational argument expects democracy to have little impact, after conflict onset has been taken into account. The preferences argument expects all dyads of similar regime type to be less likely to escalate their disputes. Critical tests of these expectations are conducted by estimating a censored choice model of conflict onset and escalation, using multiple measures of interstate conflict. The authors find little support for a broader regime-similarity peace, and their findings on democratic dispute escalation favor the informational argument over the normative argument. Lynd, S. (2011). Someday Theyll Have a War and Nobody Will Come. Peace & Change 36(2): 156-171. There is a contradiction in U.S. law concerning conscientious objection. The Nuremburg Tribunal was premised on the concept that an individual must refuse to commit war crimes in a particular war. Highranking German and Japanese personnel who were found to have violated this mandate were executed. The Nuremburg concept has been incorporated in the United States Armys manual. Yet, the law of conscientious objection still requires a member of the military to object to service in all wars, that is,

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to be a pacifist, in order to qualify for conscientious objection. This must be changed. McLuskie, E. (2007). The Recognition Turn in Critical Theory as a Communication Theory For Peace. Javnost-The Public 14(4): 19-36. The theory of communicative action is less associated with the idea of peace than with the cultivation of infrastructures for democratic interaction on the model of reasoned reciprocity. The theory is also marked by reflexive and historical attention to its distance from practice, thereby associating the theory with the critical diagnosis of the age. Such associations invite an action perspective on peace as a critical project oriented toward reasoned discourse. The paper explores the contributions of the theory of communicative action by taking one of its fundamental assumptions as a starting point: the recurring theme of mutual recognition. By exploring extensions of this theme into articulations of democratic and rational discourse, the paper offers mutual recognition as a basis for the theory as a communicative idea of peace for the continuation and development of peace studies. Megoran, N. (2010). Towards geography of peace: Pacific geopolitics and evangelical Christian Crusade apologies. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 35(3): 382-398. Geographers have been better at studying war than peace. Critical geopolitics in particular has proved adept at uncovering and explicating the circumstances and techniques whereby geopolitical reasoning constructs and reinforces divisions and thus underwrites exclusion, fear and ultimately violence. However, it has been much weaker at exploring the conditions whereby these processes might be reversed. It is thus important that geographers move beyond oppositional critiques and develop the tools to identify and

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explore transformative possibilities for peace. This is here termed pacific geopolitics, defined as the study of how ways of thinking geographically about world politics can promote peaceful and mutually enriching human coexistence. This is demonstrated with reference to the Reconciliation Walk, a grassroots US evangelical Christian project that retraced the route of the First Crusade in apology for it. It catalyzed a remarkable transformation in its leaders geopolitical understandings of ArabIsraeli disputes. This points to the power of intimate geographical knowledge to challenge abstract geopolitical visions, exemplifying the potential contribution of pacific geopolitics. Mertus, J. and M. Carter Hallward (2005). The Human Rights Dimensions of War in Iraq: Framework for Peace Studies. Peace & Change 30(1): 85119. This article considers the advantage of the adoption of a human rights framework in analysis of issues of pressing concern to peace studies, such as the use of force, the imposition of sanctions, and general neglect of nonviolent alternative responses to state violence. Although the invocation of a human rights framework may not provide definitive answers on the appropriate responses, the framework can provide a vocabulary and space within which possible solutions may be considered. Using a case study of Iraq, this article demonstrates how the human rights framework may be applied to identify abuses and to inform policy options. Had a human rights framework been employed prior to the U.S. bombing of Iraq in 2000, the authors urge, alternatives to violence would have been exposed and the legality and legitimacy of the attacks called into question. Furthermore, the authors conclude, a human rights framework exposes the illegality of the treatment of Iraqi prisoners by U.S. military and intelligence officers.

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Mom, K. (2006). Democratic and Perpetual Peace. Theoria: A Journal of Social & Political Theory (110): 50-73. The article criticizes an empirical reading of the essay On Perpetual Peace, by Immanuel Kant. It is equally critical of the approach by philosophically minded scholars to give preference to Kants philosophical outlook. On the contrary, it tackles the peculiar oscillation between the philosophical and political aspects of the essay. In relation to current concerns to update the conceptual framework of the essay. Moreover, the essay can still be a source of inspiration for peace research. Moseley, A. (2002). Is War A Hayekian Spontaneous Institution? Peace & Change 27(1): 1-19. In his later works, the economist and philosopher, Friedrich Hayek, presented an attractive theory of social evolution that emphasized tacitly accepted expectations and rules of conduct. Hayeks main interest was in exploring the weaknesses of rationalist policies, especially how they affected the market economy, which in his mind presented the greatest potential for both the exploitation of knowledge and the advancement of peace. Yet Hayek did not explicitly apply his theory to the problem of war. This paper provides an outline of his theory and argues that it relates well to understanding wars nature and origins as well as the limitations faced by attempts to control or abolish war. Nguyen, T. and F. Blechman (2002). What Are We Talking About? Peace & Change 27(4): 612-627. This article reviews a study of five leading journals of the field of conflict resolution and peace. It tabulates the importance of five elements in all articles appearing in these journals from 19902000. It finds that most

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articles address theory and practice, less address research, and a very small proportion are concerned with ethics or service. The study shows that this pattern largely is independent of the gender or intellectual base of the authors. Further, the study shows little change over the years. It concludes that the field systematically has neglected the impact of our thinking and work on those in conflict and suggests that we will imperil the further development of our field if we continue in this way. Ozkan, B. (2008). Who Gains from the No War No Peace Situation? A Critical Analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict. Geopolitics 13(3): 572599. Since the outbreak of the conflict in the second half of the 1980s, Nagorno-Karabakh has been represented from two perspectives of ethnic incompatibility, which justifies ethnic cleansing by matching the state borders with ethnic ones, and the Great Game narrative, which examines the conflict as part of the global power struggle in the Eurasian continent by disregarding societies and undemocratic regimes in the region. However, time has revealed that these perspectives neither appreciate the internal conditions of the conflict nor offer a way out of the current impasse. By criticising the commonsense and realness of these representations, this study argues that analysing who gains from the current status quo will offer solutions for a sustainable peace in the region. As long as undemocratic regimes of Azerbaijan and Armenia are satisfied with the status quo and outside powers maximise their interests, the no war no peace situation will not be challenged. A way out is only possible by including the people, who are actually on the losing side, in the decisionmaking and peace-making process. Patomaki, H. (2001). The Challenge of Critical Theories: Peace Research at

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the Start of the New Century. Journal of Peace Research 38(6): 723. Discusses the challenges that critical theories pose for the ontology and epistemology of peace research. Assessment of the contribution of peace research to the end of the Cold War; Development of a methodical framework of peace research; Importance of the transformation from politics to violence and vice versa, to peace research. Peace, R. (2010). Winning Hearts and Minds: The Debate over U.S. Intervention in Nicaragua in the 1980s. Peace & Change 35(1): 1-38. This essay provides a background on the history of U.S.Nicaraguan relations, the Contra War of the 1980s, and the Reagan administrations public diplomacy efforts, then examines in depth seven major themes or arguments advanced by Contra War opponents (a mix of leftist, religious, and peace groups). The more moderate themes were widely endorsed in the mainstream media and among liberal members of Congress, while the more radical themesthose challenging nationalistic and Cold War stereotypes made little headway in the media and Congress, however much they raised consciousness among U.S. citizens. All in all, the author argues, the antiContra War campaign served important functions by buttressing congressional opposition to the war, supporting Latin American diplomatic efforts, and advancing a perspective that was both realistic and empathetic, the building blocks of a progressive peace consciousness. Plastas, M. (2008). A Different Burden: Race and the Social Thought of Emily Greene Balch. Peace & Change 33(4): 469-506. Scientific racism bedeviled U.S. society during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Challenges to scientific racism came from different corners of modern society. Emily Greene Balch, Wellesley economist

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and prominent leader of the Womens International League for Peace and Freedom, served as a persistent critic of early twentieth-century racism. A study of her writing on immigration, U.S. democracy, and U.S. foreign policy on Haiti and Liberia complicates our understanding of the history of U.S. womens peace movements and of the challenges to U.S. racial discourse. Balch believed racism to be inimical to her efforts to move the world beyond nationalism and into an age of mutual humanity. Balchs three decades of work supports Peggy Pascoes observation that the transition from scientific racism to modern ideas about race were not overnight occurrences or without contradictions. Balchs work also indicates that as historians continue to examine the dimensions of race that have so deeply defined the United States, the womens peace movement that developed in response to World War I deserves notice. Pugh, M. (2005). The Political Economy of Peace building: A Critical Theory Perspective. International Journal of Peace Studies 10(2): 23-42. The ideology of the liberal peace has propelled the political economies of war-torn societies into a scheme of global convergence towards market liberalisation. This orthodoxy was an uncontestable assumption underlying external economic assistance. However, the project faltered under its inherent contradictions and because it ignored the socio-economic problems confronting war-torn societies, even aggravating them by increasing the vulnerability of populations to poverty and shadow economic activity. Although revisionists have embarked on a mission to boost the UNs peacebuilding capacity and also rescue the Millennium Development Goals, the basic assumptions of the liberal peace are not challenged and potential alternatives are overlooked. Richmond, O. P. (2007). Critical Research Agendas for Peace: The Missing

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Link in the Study of International Relations. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 32(2): 247-274. An elaborate intellectual and policy framework has been constructed in order to preserve and protect peace. The concept of peace is often used to refer to what Plato would have described as an ideal form, or to depict a minimalist, realist-liberal version in which there is an absence of overt violence particularly between or within states. These common and differing usages illustrate that the concept of peace has generally been overlooked, and is often deployed in an ill-specified manner, while at the same time implying extraordinary levels of legitimacy. This article explores the consequences of not engaging with the concept of peace and outlines the possibilities inherent in opening up multiple conceptualizations of peace as a critical research agenda central to International Relations. Richmond, O. P. (2007). Dadaism and the Peace Differend. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 32(4): 445-472. This experimental essay attempts to show how alternative methods and approaches are valuable in interrogating the ways in which orthodox theories of international relations (IR) approach peace. Drawing on a broad variety of critical traditions, it seeks to encourage the development of creative and experimental interdisciplinary approaches as well as to underline the deficiencies of more instrumentalist theories and methods. It especially tries to show how eclectic and experimental theories and methods produce sophisticated insights that are capable of reorienting analysis so as to respond to dynamics that must be understood if sustainable and multiple variations of peace are to emerge. Shinko, R. E. (2008). Agonistic Peace: A Postmodern Reading. Millennium

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36(3): 473-491. This paper considers the postmodern concept of agonism and its relationship to the concept of peace. Connollys concept of agonistic respect is seminal in this regard because it can be argued that such a formulation gestures towards an iteration of postmodern peace. However, this paper will reread Connollys version of agonism through Foucaults analytic of war and peace to draw attention not only to Connollys own deeply entrenched indebtedness to liberal peace but to indicate why Foucaults more expansive analytic of agonism is better suited to interrogating international relations most intractable sources of conflict. I seek to reposition the discussion of agonism in such a way that it opens up a critical research agenda with the potential to resist the trap wherein peace emerges as just another tactic for reinscribing hegemonic structures of domination, exclusion, and marginalisation. The implications of such an approach are significant because it ultimately requires that we problematise considerations of respect and recognition when we approach the study of conflicts and that we self-reflexively question our own moral analytical frameworks embedded in the structural components of the peace we strive to create. Shore, M. and S. Kline (2006). The Ambiguous Role of Religion in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Peace & Change 31(3): 309332. This article examines the ambiguous role that religion, particularly Christianity, played in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and in South Africas transition from apartheid to democracy. On the one hand, religious-symbolic discourse was an empowered truth-telling discourse used by victims and survivors in recounting their stories of apartheid abuse. Moreover, it was a discourse publicly affirmed and encouraged by TRC leaders

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such as Desmond Tutu. On the other hand, religious discourse was prohibited for perpetrators who came forward seeking amnesty; for amnesty applicants, only a legal-forensic mode of truth-telling was authorized by commissioners. We argue that this tension between religious and legal discourse in the TRC has contributed to the establishment of a democratic political culture in South Africa; yet, at the same time, it has also contributed to delays in social and economic justice for victims and survivors. Siverson, R. M. and M. D. Ward The Long Peace: Reconsideration. International Organization 56(3): 679-691. The authors demonstrate that, when the occurrence of peace is the variable under examination, quite different conclusions emerge from those previously advanced about the uniqueness of the Long Peace; this holds true across several possible populations of states. The authors center their attention on periods of peace as opposed to periods of war. Although periods of peace are usually demarcated by the absence of war, when peace is aggregated, it may look quite different from the aggregation of war, leading to markedly different conclusions. The specific aim is to assess the extent to which the Long Peace is an improbable event. This depends both on the time interval by which the Long Peace is defined and on the categories of states to which it is applied. The authors begin their analysis with a discussion of the several categories of states that have been included in the Long Peace and continue by empirically considering the probability of peace among the major powers. The authors present a critical examination of the notion of exceptionality embodied in the idea of the Long Peace. Smith, D. J. (2008). Global peace, conflict and security: Approaches taken by American community colleges. Journal of Peace Education 5(1): 63-78.

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US community colleges play various roles in American higher education. Because of their wide-ranging diversity and open enrollment policies, they are frequently referred to as democracys colleges. They are vital today in assisting Americans in better understanding the global realities of a post-September 11 world. Programmatic strategies based in international education are being employed by institutions to better prepare students for these new realities. These strategies include peace studies, international studies, global studies, conflict resolution and homeland security. Because community colleges must work within curriculum, resource and mission limitations, finding approaches that can capitalize on the intersection of these strategies is critical to providing content in global peace, conflict and security. Thivet, D. (2008). Thomas Hobbes: a Philosopher of War or Peace? British Journal for the History of Philosophy 16(4): 701-721. The author reflects on the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes and his concept of war. He cites that Hobbes does not specify the nature of the actors and distinguishes war as a state from the acts of war such as battles. He states that Hobbes definition of war both inherits and distances himself from the Just War tradition. The author stresses that Hobbes writings continue to offer relevant and useful theoretical tools to those who would wish to reflect on the moral and political conditions for achieving a lasting peace. Toohey, D. (2007). Material Objects and Aura: Popular Culture Images against and for War. Review of Policy Research 24(6): 609-626. Surrealism, altered to fit the politics of marginalized people, helps to analyze popular cultures response to war and terrorism. Metaphors from surrealist art and sources from popular culture, including Fahrenheit 9/11 and the apocalyptic, violent, dispensationalist, Left Behind novel series, reveal

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many discussions of U.S. policy that are currently occurring. This article asks how political agendas are communicated and framed to society via images and how this influences debate over war. The overall conclusion is that the prowar movement uses images that dissuade U.S. society from critical thought and debate on foreign policy issues. While surrealist imagery provides metaphors for the analytic framework, imagery in support of war uses less thought and more violence, which is appropriately analyzed using German Romantic film as a metaphor. Topmiller, R. (2002). A Missed Opportunity for Peace in Vietnam1966. Peace & Change 27(1): 63-96. Historians often point to the Geneva Conference in 1954 or South Vietnamese domestic turmoil in 1963 and 1964 as occasions when the U.S. might have avoided its eventual involvement in the Vietnam War. This article argues that the 1966 Buddhist crisis in South Vietnam also presented members of the Johnson administration with an opportunity to get out of Vietnam, but fear of the domestic and international repercussions from an American withdrawal rendered them incapable of pulling out. In rejecting withdrawal, Johnson and his advisors missed another chance to depart from Vietnam with far less political damage than some feared; pervasive dissatisfaction in Congress over the conflict, mounting questions among American citizens about the hostilities, and the realization among some officials that the nation had become hopelessly stalemated in a war few wanted to fight all made withdrawal a politically viable option. Torres, S. (2006). Meaningful Acts: Terrorists, Artists, and States. Peace & Change 31(2): 204-221. Terrorism is not a novelty. As Chomsky points out, the term came

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into use at the end of the eighteenth century, and referred to violent acts of governments with the intent to ensure popular submission. One need only remember the reign of terror, whose social cement was force and cruelty, in which the Illu-minist ideals of the French Revolution seemed to have been defeated. In con-temporary Western societies, terrorism has come to be associated mainly with what Chomsky calls retail terrorism, by individuals or groups (as opposed to the wholesale terrorism of governments).1 What are the different forms of conceiving the term, in the last quarter of a century? The following dictionary entries on terror/terrorism, as well as the most recurrent definitions provided by terrorism scholars and state institutions, are worthy of highlighting: Terrorism: System of governing through terror, or by means of violent revolutions.2Terrorism: 1. Means of coercing, threatening, or influencing other people, or of imposing a will upon them through the systematic deployment of terror; 2. form of political action that combats the established power by violent means.3Terrorism: 1. The act of terrorizing; use of force or threat to demoralize, intimidate, and subjugate, esp. such use as a political weapon or policy; 2. the demoralization and intimidation produced in this way. Syn. Disorder; lawlessness; murder; nihilism.4The unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives. (FBI)5Premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetuated against noncombatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience. (U.S. Department of State)6Terrorism is a symbolic act designed to influence political behavior by extranormal means, entailing the use or threat of violence.7Terrorism, in the most widely accepted contemporary usage of the term, is fundamentally and inherently political. It is also ineluctably about power: the pursuit of power, the acquisition of power, and the use of power to

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achieve political change.8 Political Discourse of Terrorism Altheide, D. L. (2006). Terrorism and the Politics of Fear. Cultural Studies/ Critical Methodologies 6(4): 414-439. This article examines how news reports about terrorism in five nationally prominent U.S. newspapers reflect the terms and discourse associated with the politics of fear, or decision makers promotion and use of audience beliefs and assumptions about danger, risk, and fear, to achieve certain goals. Qualitative data analysis of the prevalence and meaning of the words fear, victim, terrorism, and crime 18 months before and after the attacks of September 11, 2001, shows that terrorism and crime are now linked very closely with the expanding use of fear, there was a dramatic increase in linking terrorism to fear, coverage of crime and fear persisted but at a very low rate, and there was a large increase in news reports linking terrorism to victim. The implications for the social constructionist approach to social problems and social control are discussed. Benhabib, S. (2002). Unholy Wars. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory 9(1): 34-45. This article argues that democracies cannot fight holy wars, in connection with the U.S.-led Iraq war in 2003. Reason, compassion, respect for the dignity of human life, the search for justice and the desire for reconciliation are the democratic virtues which are now pitted against acts of apocalyptic hatred and vengeance. It has become clear since September 11, 2001 that people are faced with a new form of struggle that threatens to dissolve the boundaries of the political in liberal democracies. The attacks unleashed by terrorist groups, especially the use of biological weapon anthrax

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to contaminate the civilian population via the mail, indicate a political and military phenomenon which challenges the framework of state-centric politics. One of the most commonly heard contention in the aftermath of September 11 was that even if the terrorists attacks upon the World Trade Center and Washington equaled war in the civilian and property damage they inflicted, the deliberateness and precision with which they were executed and the brazenness with which they violated customary moral, legal and international norms, the U.S. Congress could not actually declare war, not because the enemy was yet unknown, but because a state would declare a war only against another state. Gibbs, J. (2010). Looking at terrorism through left realist lenses. Crime, Law & Social Change 54(2): 171-185. While terrorism has moved into the spotlight of criminological study, including critical criminology, it has yet to be thoroughly explored from a left realist perspective. Left realism addresses four aspects of crime: causes of offending, impact on the victims, and both official and public responses to crime. A left realist approach to terrorism would argue that similar to those who engage in street crimes, many terrorists are socially or economically disenfranchised young men who become involved in terrorism through connections with similarly situated members of the fringe population, and get tough policies on terrorism will backfire. Four propositions of left realist theory organized by DeKeseredy and colleagues are presented and addressed through the extant literature, which offers partial support for a left realist explanation of terrorism. Kellner, D. (2002). The Axis of Evil, Operation Infinite War, and Bushs Attacks on Democracy. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 2(3): 343.

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Discusses the televised State of the Union Address given by U.S. President George W. Bush on January 29, 2002. Details on the budget proposal of the Bush administration; Plans of the U.S. regarding the war on terrorism; Information on the plans of the Bush administration related to pension plans. McLaren, P. and G. Martin (2004). The Legend of the Bush Gang: Imperialism, War, and Propaganda. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 4(3): 281-303. This article explores the dialectical relationship between the Bush administrations domestic policies and its deranged war on terrorism, which is being waged on a number of different fronts, for example, Iraq, Afghanistan, Colombia, and the United States. The authors argue that the Bush gang is using the external international crisis to override the remnants of U.S. bourgeois democracy in order to reestablish conditions of profitability. Perhaps not surprisingly, at least from a Marxist perspective, the supporting repressive (e.g., the Department of Homeland Securitys secret police) and ideological state apparatuses (e.g., schools and the corporate media) have played a profound role in building support for the Bush gangs totalizing ambitions. Record, J. (2004). Threat Confusion and its Penalties. Survival 46(2): 5172. Discusses the reasons postulated by the Bush Administration to propel global threat that conflated non-state terrorist organizations and roque states in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. Failure to identify the critical differences between roque states and terrorist organizations; Strategies that voluntarily exposed the country for unnecessary conflicts; Cost of the diversionary impact of the war in Iraq on the U.S. economy.

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Ruggiero, V. (2003). Terrorism: cloning the enemy. International Journal of the Sociology of Law 31(1): 23-34. This article examines a critical review of criminological analysis of political violence and terrorism. Political criminality and terrorism are said to possess contradictory facets, they are forms of unorthodox crime or forms of unorthodox politics. They may be the manifestation of domestic conflict or international warfare. Acts of terror are assumed to involve a high degree of calculation, a careful weighing of means and ends, and to be inspired by both expressive and instrumental goals. Terrorism, indeed, involves an element of spectacular propaganda making it attractive to potential recruits and menacing to chosen enemies. Whatever the intensity of terrorist acts, those performing such acts assume that their violence is politically consequential, in that it aims to destroy, replace or modify the dominant structure of authority, namely the way in which power and resources are allocated. Explanations of terrorism, and of political violence in general, reflect differing notions around the nature of social order. Variations in political violence in general, and terrorism in particular are also associated with the respective prevalence of functional and interactive relationships a given society. Scheuerman, W. E. (2002). Rethinking Crisis Government. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory 9(4): 492-505. This article focuses on September 11 terrorist attacks. Despite the Bush administrations repeated emphasis of the novel character of the attacks, its response has relied disproportionately on a legal instrument hearkening back to a pre-liberal era in which royal prerogative and reason of state determined the texture of political life: unilateral executive authority. Yet even liberal critics of the stampede to dismantle civil liberties fail to recognize the

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extent to which Washingtons response to September 11 places traditional preconceptions about crisis government in a fresh light. An unquestioned presupposition among both Republican and Democratic lawmakers has been that the terrorist attacks call for dramatically expanding the scope of executive authority, and especially the discretionary leeway available to administrative agencies allegedly best suited to the task of doing battle with terrorism. Simpson, K. (2007). Victims of Political Violence: A Habermasian Model of Truth Recovery. Journal of Human Rights 6(3): 325-343. This article focuses on truth recovery as a core aspect of the transition from political violence to peace and reconciliation. It is crucial within any process of truth recovery in transitional contexts that victims of political violence are provided with the opportunity to articulate their narratives of suffering within the context of a public dialogic process. Using Northern Ireland as an illustrative case study, I outline a unique and original model for truth recovery in transitional contexts. I argue that in post-conflict societies victims of political violence should be enabled to engage in meaningful truth recovery through a Habermasian process of public democratic deliberation and communication that involves direct dialogue with perpetrators of political violence. This process - which I have labeled communicative justice- is framed within the context of the theory of communicative action of Jurgen Habermas. Communicative justice can help to ensure that legitimate truth recovery publicly acknowledges the trauma of victims and subjects perpetrator narratives of political violence to critical scrutiny and rational deconstruction. Smyth, M. B. (2007). A critical research agenda for the study of political terror. European Political Science 6(3): 260-267. This article examines the ethical and methodological challenges for

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the critical investigation of terrorism and political violence. Who is such research for? How might critical research avoid replicating hegemonic accounts while still engaging with dominant discourses? The pressure to find answers to the real (and imagined) threats of terrorist violence and the challenges of establishing a critical perspective while including an emancipatory dimension are addressed, and a suggested code of practice and research agenda for critical studies on terrorism is provided. September Eleventh Ahmad, A. and M. L. Sileno (2005). Pre- and post-9/11 Sociological Response to Terrorism. International Journal of Contemporary Sociology 42(2): 189-206. This investigation raises a critical question in the sociology of knowledge: How does a dramatic event affect the development of a previously neglected social science research topic? A working hypothesis suggested the reactive nature of our discipline: After-the-fact enthusiasm about a publicly dramatized event. The September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington heightened awareness about apparent lack of terrorism theory and research in sociology. A preliminary literature search through a dozen major American sociological journals and an equal number of textbooks dating back to 1995, supported this impression. The search was subsequently expanded to compare pre- and post-9/11 (end of 2003) American sociological output on terrorism with similar output reported in non-American sociological as well as other social science journals. The British output surpassed the American output in the pre-9/11 period. But a reverse trend is visible in the post- 9/11 period. Despite an overall post-9/11 surge in terrorism research, there is little evidence as yet of any emerging social science research centers, or that of a

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systematic body of theory, on this topic. Arato, A. (2002). Minima Politica after September 11. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory 9(1): 46-52. This article argues that a military order by U.S. President George W. Bush brings a war zone in the legal right sense into the U.S. Before September 11, 2001 Bushs presidency was a premature failure. His one success, the big tax cut, negatively affected future budgets in advance and gave away the surplus to those who did not ask for it and certainly do not need it. The U.S.led Iraq war in 2003 is not a war in the name of human rights. The U.S. has been attacked. Under an international law with largely <em>customary</em> enforcement by the aggrieved parties themselves, a state that is attacked has the <em>right</em> to make war on those states or even quasi-states that participate in the attack and its allies have the <em>right</em> to come to its military assistance. Human rights come in only on the level of the conduct of war, along with humanitarian treaties and conventions that should apply to both aggressor and victim. In a high security state, civil libertarians will be on the defensive. Nothing would be better for liberal rights than the immediate and total defeat of enemies. Unity, public safety and public interest will triumph both the civil privatism of the right and the libertarians of the left. Ball, A. (2008). Critical Exchanges in Postcolonial Studies, Post-9/11. Review of Education, Pedagogy & Cultural Studies 30(3-4): 296-315. September 11, 2001 generated diverse responses from around the world, but for many subjects located in the West, an enduring perception surfaced in the aftermath of the attacks: that 9/11 revealed the fragility of the Western Self as a secure identity. In a move towards self-scrutiny post 9/11, it is not only the presence of the Other that has moved into sight, many

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topics of the so-called margin--race, gender, ethnicity, religion--have been pushed center-stage in national and global affairs. In this article, the author attempts to set out some of the ways in which postcolonial studies might prove useful post-9/11, particularly in its emphasis on transcultural and interdisciplinary enquiry. The author also attempts to establish the critical limits of postcolonial analysis, and to identify where alternative discourses are writing from new margins, which must also become sites of enquiry. In doing so, the author hopes to make some tentative suggestions regarding the theoretical and cultural networks that might be forged in research and teaching via postcolonial studies post-9/11, using her own research fields-gender studies, visual studies, and cultural representation of the Middle East-as examples. Bednarz, S. W. (2003). Citizenship in Post-9/11 United States: A Role for Geography Education? International Research in Geographical & Environmental Education 12(1): 72-80. Discusses the role of geography in citizenship education in the United States since the events of 11 September 2001. Lack of conceptualizations of citizenship which diminish and obscure its major contributions; Identification of competing visions of citizenship in the US; Description of educational initiatives of each vision; Contribution of information and communications technology towards the development of active, involved, and critical citizens. Brohi, N. (2008). At the Altar of Subalternity: The Quest for Muslim Women in the War on Terror - Pakistan after 9/11. Cultural Dynamics 20(2): 133147. Examining the politics and discourses around Muslim women as the subalterns of the previous other order that must now speakand must

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speak particular dictions, the article attempts to place the new world order within the old spectrum. Under the clamor of revitalized orientalist and occidentalist narratives, it suggests that the articulation spaces for women are shrinking, and both their suppression and their agency are being coopted as expressions of political binaries, reducing empowerment-talk to kitsch. The discursive value of invoking womens voices goes beyond political endorsement to the very structures of authoritarian order and moral principles of representation: the author argues that women are a critical signifier in the process of interpellation of people as subject to both. Burke, A. (2004). Just War or Ethical Peace? Moral Discourses of Strategic Violence After 9/11. International Affairs 80(2): 329-353. Against the commonly held view that morality implies a critique or restraint of strategic violence, this article analyses a range of moral discourses that have been deployed to support the war on terror, including its extension to Iraq. It analyses the ambiguity between legal and extra-legal responses in Bush administration rhetoric and policy, and critically surveys the humanitarian costsin civilian life, instability and sufferingsustained during the military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. This article places just war theory, in particular, under extended critical scrutiny, and finds its formalized system of moral rules and conceptsparticularly civilian immunity and proportionality deeply flawed in the light of actual US war-fighting strategies. By insisting on the acceptability of unintentional killing (as opposed to an alternative concept such as avoidable harm) just war theory may actually expose civilians to mortal danger and liberate war rather than morally restrain it. In the light of the flaws of current moral discourses on strategy, the article concludes by developing ethical peace as an alternative conceptual framework that seeks to create a genuinely universal moral community in which it is never, in

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principle, legitimate to secure one group of citizens by placing others in moral danger. Coleman, M. (2003). The Naming of Terrorism and Evil Outlaws: Geopolitical Place-Making After 11 September. Geopolitics 8(3): 87-104. In the aftermath of 11 September, techniques of spatial surveillance and processes of rebordering indicate a moment of American (re)territorialization. This said, it seems important to move beyond a simple notion of geographyas-territoriality to focus on place and the politics of identity. In the context of events following from the mid-September 2001 attacks, I suggest that critical geopoliticians focus on the US foreign policy naming of terrorism as an iconographic place-making activity. However, perhaps the more poignant question is one concerning the post-11 September invocation of evil. I suggest here that scrutiny of the place-making naming of evil makes evident the potentially unjust and inhumane constitution of state responses to terrorism, declared as an outlaw to justice and humanity. This is particularly relevant given the US bombing campaign in Afghanistan, the alleged poor treatment of Taliban and Al Qaeda prisoners at Camp X-Ray in Guantnamo Bay, Cuba, and the recent detainment of suspected residents in the US. I conclude with a brief thought concerning the need to contextualize the events of 11 September in a larger frame of US global geopolitical relations and histories. Engels, J. (2007). Floating Bombs Encircling Our Shores: Post-9/11 Rhetorics of Piracy and Terrorism. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 7(3): 326-349. This essay considers the relationship between piracy, terrorism, and post-9/11 U.S. foreign policy as it is outlined in the National Security Strategy of the United States (NSSUS). The NSSUSs discursive formation

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undertakes two noteworthy rhetorical maneuvers: It confuses piracy with terrorism, thereby shifting focus away from piracy as theft toward the threat of terrorism at sea, or floating bombs, and it nationalizes terrorism, thereby making terrorists subject to retaliation by the U.S. military. Because post-9/11 distinctions between terrorists, those who pursue violence for political ends, and pirates, those who pursue violence for profiteering ends, have become increasingly difficult to substantiate in the American social imaginary, the collapse of these two categories signifies a final conflation of state power and economic power into one homogenizing, all-consuming force called empire. At the same time, piracy has become a formidable form of global capitalism sharing many characteristics with the doctrines enumerated by the NSSUS. Espiritu, K. and D. G. Moore (2008). Beyond Ground Zero: The Futures of Critical Thought after 9/11. Review of Education, Pedagogy & Cultural Studies 30(3-4): 198-219. In the wake of the September 11, 2001, attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center, and amid sweeping patriotic declarations that the suicide hijackers had waged a war on America as well as democracy, the energetic response by public intellectuals, academics, philosophers, and theorists has been to ask, what America, what democracy, what war, for and against whom? This essay questions how one can respond to such provocation when informed critiques of foreign and domestic state policies, as well as calls to investigate and cease reported human rights abuses of suspected enemy combatants in military prisons, are aggressively dismissed as unpatriotic or counterproductive measures in the War on Terror? The authors thus pose the question: Is 9/11 unteachable? Their aim in exploring this central question is two-fold. First, to examine what they argue is 9/11s agonistic resistance to teaching, teachability, and education; and, second, to

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consider what an inquiry into 9/11s resistance to education might potentially teach or lead one to (un)learn about the attacks and the ways in which statesanctioned public remembrances of 9/11s heroes and victims serve to justify the killing, displacement, humiliation, and abuse of others. Assuming a definition of unteachable as a subject that is negative, subordinated, denigrated, disposable, discarded, or defective, the authors seek to revisit and revitalize this notion in the following ways: (1) unteachable--as prohibition; (2) unteachable--as amenable to revision; and (3) unteachable--as the constitutive ground from which teaching can only be possible. This essay also serves as an introduction to this special double issue that presents articles that refuse to confine the events of 9/11 to definite dates, specific locations, and particular proper names. Given the diverse (inter)disciplinary backgrounds of each author, the essays comprising this collection vary from one another in many ways, for example in their objects of analyses, methodological approaches, and choice of textual engagements. One commonality they do share, however, is their deep concern regarding the conditions currently shaping and informing the notion of 9/11 as unteachable. What animates this collection of essays is the conviction that critical thinking is an urgently needed mode of intervention in the post-9/11 world, and that the idea that 9/11 is unteachable should invigorate rather than paralyze critical engagements. Fayyaz, S. (2008). Counter-Terrorism as a Theme in Pak-US Relations: Post-9/11 Phase. Pakistan Journal of American Studies 26(1/2): 127-148. Counter-terrorism is essentially teamwork and there is no universal recipe to eradicate the menace of terrorism once and for all. International, regional and bilateral cooperation is critical to any government engaged in the fight against terrorism irrespective of its capabilities and weaknesses. The paper argues that Pak-US interaction against terrorism needs to be pro-active

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and preventative than merely focusing on the physical annihilation of the so-called terrorists. That is, counter-terrorism means more than intelligence sharing and military operations and should not be seen in isolation to the political, economic, social and religious imperatives of a partner state, here Pakistan. Frankenberg, R. (2005). Cracks in the Faade: Whiteness and the Construction of 9/11. Social Identities 11(6): 553-571. This article analyses whiteness and Americanness in relation to the drama and trauma of 9/11/01. It argues that drawing upon the history of whiteness, and its psychological and psychic legacy, provides fresh perspective on US national responses to the events of September 11, 2001. It examines the semiotic frames by means of which that day, and those events, are named, and the impact of a white hegemony upon those articulations. Secondly, it argues that there are circulating at present in the United States, five analytical clusters, all incomplete and to some degree overlapping, intended to explain how and why the air attacks took place. Thirdly it demonstrates that a terrain of unnameability came into being along with the events of 9/11. Yet, it argues, critical work at the boundaries of that terrain has signalled both the instability and tenacity of the hegemonic system itself. Giroux, H. A. (2002). Terrorism and the fate of Democracy after September 11. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 2(1): 9. Discusses the terrorism and the fate of democracy in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S. Information on the political reality that emerged from the September 11 event; Details on the call made by the U.S. government to the public; Debate on freedom within the neoliberal discourse.

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Heller, A. (2002). 911, or Modernity and Terror. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory 9(1): 53-65. This article discusses the common features of various kinds of modern terror. Fundamentalism is a modern phenomenon. It is a reaction to the process of enlightenment, to the deconstruction or destruction of traditional social arrangement, to the idea of progress, to oblige in rationalism, to the loss of natural communities, identities, security and certainty. Fundamentalism is a closed system of beliefs, secular or religious and it disallows any discussion of its compatibility or incompatibility with any other system of beliefs because it is held by definition to be incompatible. Fundamentalism offers fundaments in a world where there are none. It operates with the traditional monotheistic religious concept of truth. Fundamentalism also belongs to the history of the U.S. A closed system of beliefs is a precondition of modern terrorism, yet it is just one among many. The second condition is a totalitarian organization. If totalitarian parties seize state power, they totalize the state. If the state is already totalized, they begin to totalize the whole society. Not all totalitarian organizations, states or societies are terrorist. All totalitarian groups deal with their enemies brutally. They organize assassinations, murder extensively and send even more suspects to concentration camps. Howard, D. B. (2003). Critique in an Age of Rigor Mortis? Negative Dialectics, Symmetrical Logic, and Terrorism after September 11, 2001. Canadian Review of American Studies 33(2): 109-117. Examines Martin Jays insights in connection with the critical culture and theory to the events of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in New York. Accuracy of the criticism of the U.S. administration beyond the right wing of American politics; Creation of a critical space between dialectical

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symmetry and the heterogeneous plurality of critical practices; Analysis of Jays critical maneuverings against the backdrop of militaristic hysteria; Intention of preserving a from of dialectical criticality. Huk, P. (2005). Monological Discourse and the Creation of Villains: A staging of witnesses after 9/11. Third World Quarterly 26(3): 543-550. This paper comprises an attempt at a theory of audience reception as concerns the need to understand recent videotaped stagings of terrorism. An analysis of this latest paradigm of political theatrewhich presents villainous monologues that performatively blur the boundaries between media, culture, and politicsrequires a focus on the spectator, who functions simultaneously, and self-consciously, as observer and performer. I will examine rhetorical and visual features of one particular staging and suggest the applicability of critical theory to this phenomenon. As the fracturing of certainty undermines the spectators sense of truth and reality, the sense of subjectivity and responsibility is reconfigured. Hyde, M. J. (2005). The Rhetoric as Hero and the Pursuit of Truth: The Case of 9/11. Rhetoric & Public Affairs 8(1): 1-30. This essay offers a discussion and critical assessment of how attempted acts of rhetorical heroism presuppose, at least from an ontological perspective, a genuine concern for disclosing the truth of matters of importance. The terrorist attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, serves as the case study for exploring the relationship between rhetoric, heroism, and truth. The ontological basis of this relationship is associated with what is described as the heroic structure of human existence that presents itself as a primordial form of epideictic speech and that speaks a moral directive heard as a call of conscience. The events of 9/11 worked to

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disclose the evocative nature of this structure. Kellner, D. (2002). September 11, Social Theory and Democratic Politics. Theory, Culture & Society 19(4): 147. In an analysis of the September 11 terror attacks on the U.S., the author of this article wants to suggest how certain dominant social theories were put in question during the momentous and world-shaking events of fall 2001. The author concludes with reflections on the implications of September 11 and the subsequent Afghanistan Terror War for critical social theory and democratic politics, envisaging a new global movement against terrorism and militarism and for democracy, peace, environmentalism and social justice. Kellner, D. (2003). Theorizing September 11: Social Theory, History, and Globalization. Social Thought & Research 25(1/2): 1-50. Momentous historical events, like the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the subsequent Terror War, test social theories and provide a challenge to give a convincing account of the event and its consequences. In the following analyses, the author wants first to suggest how certain dominant social theories were put in question during the momentous and world-shaking events of September 11 and offer an analysis of the historical background necessary to understand and contextualize the terror attacks. The author claims that everything has changed in the wake of September 11 and attempt to indicate both changes and continuities to avoid one-sided exaggerations and ideological simplicities. He argues that the terror attacks show contradictions in the nature of globalization and new technology that requires dialectical analysis of these phenomena. He concludes with some reflections on the implications of September 11 and the subsequent Afghanistan Terror War and 2003 war against Iraq for critical social theory and democratic politics,

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envisaging a new global movement against terrorism and militarism and for democracy, peace, environmentalism and social justice. Martorella, G. (2006). Libraries in the Aftermath of 9/11. Reference Librarian 45(94): 109-137. Libraries are a symbol of a free, democratic society. Open access to information and patron privacy allow intellectual inquiry and the creation of new knowledge. Librarians have a long tradition of protecting these liberties. In the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, concerns have been raised that the passage of the USA Patriot Act and other anti-terrorism measures threaten these liberties. Librarians need to educate staff, users, and their communities as to the impact these measures have on libraries and access to information. Policies, procedures, and guidelines need to be developed that balance the traditions of intellectual freedom and issues of national security. This article examines access to government information issues and threats to patron privacy and confidentiality of patron records resulting from the passage of the USA Patriot Act. Matsaganis, M. D. and J. G. Payne (2005). Agenda Setting in a Culture of Fear: The Lasting Effects of September 11 on American Politics and Journalism. American Behavioral Scientist 49(3): 379-392. Agenda setting has been developed, expanded, and employed in numerous studies as an analytical tool that affords an understanding of not only how our political reality is formulated but also how realities can be manufactured. However, as the authors argue, by grafting agenda setting and media systems dependency theory-two different traditions in mass communication theory-it is possible to better account for changes in the agenda-setting process because of shifts in the power relationships between

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all actors involved, especially under conditions of increased threat; conditions similar to those the American public has lived in since the September 11 terrorist attacks. Illustrations from Campaign 2004 complement this analysis. The authors suggest that it is critical to under- stand the dynamics of the making of mediated realities so as to alert readers of the importance in furthering critical media literacy skills necessary for the public to distinguish between facades and facts. Mitchell, W. J. T. (2002). 911: Criticism and Crisis. Critical Inquiry 28(2): 567. Focuses on the critical view of September 11, 2001 as day one of an event whose days are unnumbered and indefinite. Description of the destruction wrought by terrorist attacks on the United States on that day; Awkwardness in giving a label or title to what happened; War for which almost no good outcome is imaginable; How official, approved and politically correct discourse will continue to be filled with paradox. Muscati, S. A. (2003). Reconstructing Evil: A critical assessment of postSeptember 11 political discourse. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 23(2): 249-268. Examines some of the racial constructions that are being applied to Muslims after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, by leading social and political figures in the West. Equation of Islam with evil; Judgment of Muslims en masse by the standards of their worst representatives; Identification of Muslims as uniquely fundamentalist. Riswold, C. D. (2004). A Religious Response Veiled in a Presidential Address: A Theological Study of Bushs Speech on 20 September 2001.

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Political Theology 5(1): 39-46. The speech met the moment. The moment was like none experienced before. The speech transformed a presidency and rallied a nation. But what was this pivotal response to a critical moment in American history? Was it a call to a just and holy war? Is God really on the presidents side? This article analyzes the speech delivered by President George W. Bush on 20 September 2001, to a joint session of Congress and to a troubled nation. It was a speech that depended on intimations of righteous indignation, a clear demarcation of good and evil, and a God who is not neutral. The article looks at the religious themes overtly and subtly stated in this speech, to discern what was actually a religious response to a global crisis that took the form of a presidential address. Russell, S. (2005). Since September 11, All Roads Lead to Rome. Critical Criminology 13(1): 37-53. The Bush administration has repudiated President Clintons signature on the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This repudiation comes when the war on terrorism is directed against the very crimes denounced in the Rome Statute. Critical criminology has been skeptical of criminal law regimes within nations on the ground that they legitimize preexisting power relationships. The criminal law regime among nations in the Rome Statute is the only method to delegitimize military force by any permanent member of the U.N. Security Council as well as the only forum to try accused terrorists that can offer an appearance of fairness. Tracy, J. F. (2005). Bearing Witness to the Unspeakable: 9/11 and Americas New Global Imperialism. Journal of American Culture 28(1): 85-99. The article takes a critical and interpretive approach toward

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understanding the resurgence of patriotism in the U.S. following September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It considers this new wave of patriotism as a collective psychic and social phenomenon fostered within the context of the commercial mass medias perpetual creation and renewal of consciousness as a psychic precondition to the maintenance and expansion of U.S. imperialism abroad. In one sense, the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon were an all-consuming mediated event that brought about something unprecedented in the American collective psyche, piercing the for-profit medias routine cultivation of a prevalent consumer consciousness. Van Ginneken, J. (2007). 9/11 as a Trigger for Long-Term Shifts in World Public Opinion. International Communication Gazette 69(4): 323-333. Over the last few years, there have been all sorts of public opinion polls concerning the war on terrorism: in the US and the EU, but also throughout the Islamic and rest of the world. Some of the reported results are disheartening. They suggest that many of the reactions of western leaders to 9/11 and subsequent attacks have in fact been counterproductive. Insofar as they tended to reduce the varied and complex identity of another culture to only one aspect of threat and fear, and thus further contributed to polarization. They reinforced stereotyping and discrimination, albeit mostly unintentionally, and led significant parts of well-meaning mainstream Muslim populations to sympathize with some of the terrorists and their actions. Only recently has there been a change in approach. But the question is whether it is not too little, too late. Watson, T. I. M. (2003). Introduction: critical infrastructures after 9/11. Postcolonial Studies 6(1): 109. The article focuses on topics related to September 2001 terrorist

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attacks and U.S. imperialism as discussed in April 2003 issue of the journal Postcolonial Studies. In Globalization and Its Discontents, Saskia Sassen has pointed out that our current fascination with mobility and movement in the era of globalization tends to make us forget the importance of place, and in particular of the centralising function of global cities like New York City. The collapse of the World Trade Center, and subsequent plans for redevelopment of the site, have confirmed Sassens emphasis on these twin infrastructures. Wong, S. and S. Motha (2007). Multilingualism in Post-9/11 U.S. Schools: Implications for Engaging Empire. Peace & Change 32(1): 62-77. In this article we draw on our family histories of language loss to stimulate public discussion of the consequences of linguistic attrition for public school students in the United States. Our concerns for multilingualism, antiracism, and peaceand the salient connections among these three are rooted in our lived experiences. Through an exploration of our family histories, we examine the ways in which empire and language identity can interact to shape decisions made by individual speakers of minority languages. We argue that multilingualism is a valuable resource for countering xenophobia, and that the teaching of foreign and world languages adds an important dimension to engaging empire, promoting peace and solidarity, and ultimately redefining what is legitimately American. We call attention to the potential power of well-designed educational policies to support heritage language maintenance, to promote language rights, and to respond to dangers posed by the disproportionate power accorded to English. Terrorism & Media Erjavec, K. and Z. Voli (2006). Mapping the Notion of Terrorism in

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Serbian and Croatian Newspapers. Journal of Communication Inquiry 30(4): 298-318. The September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States have reconfigured the global public debates as of how to defend a civilized world from the Islamic terrorism. The U.S.-led war on terror against extremist groups also produced and triggered a particular discourse in the former Yugoslav countries. The main aim of this article is to present an example of a study that explores how media appropriate dominant global antiterrorism discourse and apply it to a local context to legitimize and justify specific ideologies and discourse. As our critical discourse analysis shows, Serbian and Croatian newspapers apply the global discourse of terrorism to their local context to excuse their nationalisms and the past military actions against the Muslims in former Yugoslav wars, and with that, they assert their belonging to an antiterrorism global discursive community. Matthews, J. (2005). Visual Culture and Critical Pedagogy in Terrorist Times. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 26(2): 203224. Instant access to visual images and emotional accounts of terrorism have secured them a vivid place in our memory and reinforced the idea that we have been targeted and are under immediate threat. Fear and the sense of belonging to an innocent, victimized, and threatened group, under attack from irrational, malevolent, and uncontrollable others, is a significant feature of terrorist times in Western nations. These identities and feelings are reinforced though visual images and the circulation of recurrent statements, polemics, rationalities, and representations. This article explores a discourse analytic approach to critical pedagogy. Such an approach engages with multiple forms of visuality to explore the discourses though which identities

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and truths about ourselves and others are established, challenged, and resisted. Discourse analysis exposes how knowledges and understandings come to be taken up as history, politics, justice, and the truth, while a critical approach to pedagogy highlights the hegemonic role of ideology and discourses in furthering dominant interests and knowledges. One might expect the new literacies approach undertaken in multiliteracies to assist in this task, this article identifies several key limitations, including the focus on design-based pedagogy. Ryan, M. (2004). Framing the War against Terrorism US: Newspaper Editorials and Military Action in Afghanistan. Gazette: International Journal for Communication Studies 66(5): 363-382. Editorial writers for the US 10 largest newspapers created - during perhaps the most critical month in the war against terrorism - a singular symbolic narrative about possible military strikes in that new kind of war. The period of study is 12 September 2001, the day following the terrorist attacks, to 8 October, the day the bombing of Kabul began. It was during this critical period that the US decided to use military strikes as part of its response. Editorial writers drew selectively on historical references, government sources and contextual statements in similar ways to frame the tragedy and the potential US response to it. No editorial suggested that military intervention would be inappropriate and none stated that military intervention would not ultimately succeed, although some urged caution. Wang, M. (2007). Interaction of image and language in the construction of the theme terrorist threat in newspaper texts: A critical study of media discourse. US-China Foreign Language 5(8): 1-11. With the increasing global expansion of the media communications,

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the study of media discourse and their diverse roles have become the focus of recent academic researches. Apart from verbal texts, a growing amount of space is being given to visual images in the press, which indicates that visual metaphor as well as verbal metaphor is employed in the construction of meanings in media discourse. This study draws on the theory of social semiotics and the concepts of cognitive metaphor theory to analyze two multimodal newspaper articles on the theme terrorist threat, specifically the functions these visual and verbal modes of the texts perform, the specific role visual metaphor plays and its relationship to verbal metaphor in the construction of this theme. Terrorism Studies Altheide, D. L. (2009). Terrorism Programming. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(1): 65 - 80. Mass media reports about terrorism prepared audiences for the Iraq War. Expanded social control efforts, including surveillance and suspension of civil liberties, were deemed necessary to fight terrorism. The fight against terrorism and the Iraq War were presented to audiences through an exhaustive propaganda campaign that included dramatisation of enemy threats, how to consume and be patriotic. All of this required a complicit news media that carried governmental claims and justifications. Analysis of news coverage suggests that this war was presented as Terrorism Programming, or the selective use of claims makers/news sources within a normative pattern, which included occasional detractors to give the appearance of debate. The implications of this approach for social control are discussed, along with suggestions for future research. Anderton, C. and J. Carter (2005). On Rational Choice Theory and the Study

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of Terrorism. Defence & Peace Economics 16(4): 275-282. When rational choice theory is applied to the study of terrorism, it is important that attention be given to the derived principles of constrained utility maximization. Particularly useful is the Slutsky equation, which rigorously analyzes the quantity response in one activity to a price change in another. By directing attention to assumptions and/or information about compensated cross price elasticities, expenditure shares, and income elasticities, the Slutsky equation can provide critical guidance in both theoretical and empirical analysis. Apostolakis, G. E. and D. M. Lemon (2005). A Screening Methodology for the Identification and Ranking of Infrastructure Vulnerabilities Due to Terrorism. Risk Analysis: An International Journal 25(2): 361-376. The extreme importance of critical infrastructures to modern society is widely recognized. These infrastructures are complex and interdependent. Protecting the critical infrastructures from terrorism presents an enormous challenge. Recognizing that society cannot afford the costs associated with absolute protection, it is necessary to identify and prioritize the vulnerabilities in these infrastructures. This article presents a methodology for the identification and prioritization of vulnerabilities in infrastructures. We model the infrastructures as interconnected digraphs and employ graph theory to identify the candidate vulnerable scenarios. These scenarios are screened for the susceptibility of their elements to a terrorist attack, and a prioritized list of vulnerabilities is produced. The prioritization methodology is based on multiattribute utility theory. The impact of losing infrastructure services is evaluated using a value tree that reflects the perceptions and values of the decisionmaker and the relevant stakeholders. These results, which are conditional on a specified threat, are provided to the decisionmaker for use

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in risk management. The methodology is illustrated through the presentation of a portion of the analysis conducted on the campus of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Baker, M. (2010). Narratives of terrorism and security: accurate translations, suspicious frames. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(3): 347 - 364. Constructing and disseminating knowledge about a number of communities and regions widely designated as a security threat is now a big industry. Much of this industry relies heavily on various forms of translation and, in some cases, is generated by a team of dedicated translators working on full-blown, heavily funded programmes that involve selecting, translating and distributing various types of text that emanate from Arab and Muslim countries: newspaper articles, film clips, transcripts of television shows, selected excerpts from educational material, sermons delivered in mosques. Drawing on narrative theory and using examples from institutions involved in constructing this type of knowledge, this article argues that attempts to discredit such efforts by questioning the accuracy of individual translations miss the point. What is needed, instead, is a more nuanced understanding of the subtle devices used to generate dehumanising narratives of Arabs and Muslims through carefully planned and generously funded programmes of translation. Barnard-Wills, D. and C. Moore (2010). The terrorism of the other: Towards a contrapuntal reading of terrorism in India. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(3): 383 - 402. This article advances an argument for a contrapuntal reading of terrorism using the case study of India. In recent years, the work of Edward Said has received some attention in the field of international relations. As yet,

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however, most readings of terrorism, either in its traditional form of terrorism studies or in the guise of critical terrorism studies, have not addressed the interface between terrorism and security, drawing on the work of Said. We take his work as a point of departure, enabling the analysis in this article to critique the clash of civilisations thesis whilst also exploring the relationship between mass casualty terrorism and crowded places. In doing so, we draw attention to the instantiation of a series of attacks in India. The final section of this article pulls the analysis together so as to question the relationship between poverty and resilience. Bartolucci, V. (2010). Analyzing elite discourse on terrorism and its implications: The case of Morocco. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 119 - 135. This paper approaches terrorism as a discursive construction. The discussion concentrates on the Moroccan governments representations of terrorism. The social and political construction of radicalism and extremism as the major causes of (Islamist) terrorism in Morocco is shaped by the global understanding of these phenomena and is intimately entwined with understandings and policies within the country itself. This paper aims at shedding light on the possible implications of such labelling beyond the formulation, acceptance, and implementation of a counter-terrorism strategy. Special attention is devoted to the governments appropriation of the discourse on terrorism to further domestic agendas and to target specific groups. Critical Terrorism Studies is welcomed, especially for the emphasis it puts on the artificiality of terrorism and for its aim to destabilise dominant interpretations and demonstrate the inherently contested and political nature of the discourse to reveal the politics behind seemingly neutral knowledge, a central concern also of Critical Discourse Analysis.

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Bhatia, A. (2009). The discourses of terrorism. Journal of Pragmatics 41(2): 279-289. Complex, socio-political constructs such as terrorism can be difficult to define objectively. Gatekeepers of the international community, consistent with their individual agendas, frame what the media and public understand by such terms, using illusive and metaphorical representations of a diverse range of socio-political situations. Based on a critical analysis of a corpus of political and media discourses, the paper proposes to account for such discursive practices and interpretations in public domains, of which the discourses of terrorism are a prime example. Bickmore, K. (2006). Democratic Social Cohesion (Assimilation)? Representations of Social Conflict in Canadian Public School Curriculum. Canadian Journal of Education 29(2): 359-386. This article examines the representation of conflict, diversity, peace, and justice issues in selected mandated curriculum guidelines, grades 1-10, for three Canadian provinces. These curricula, grounded in prevailing assumptions, reflect political will and influence resource availability for teaching. Prominent among them is a neutral discourse invoking Canadian ideals of multiculturalism that emphasizes harmony, marginalizes conflict and critical viewpoints, and presents injustices as past or virtually resolved. Because relatively little attention is given to actual instances of social conflict, violence, or marginalization, these curricula limit students opportunities to practice with constructive democratic conflict and peacebuilding. Blakeley, R. (2007). Bringing the state back into terrorism studies. European Political Science 6(3): 228-235.

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Orthodox terrorism studies tend to focus on the activities of illiberal non-state actors against the liberal democratic states in the North. It thus excludes state terrorism, which is one of a number of repressive tools that great powers from the North have used extensively in the global South in the service of foreign policy objectives. I establish the reasons for the absence of state terrorism from orthodox accounts of terrorism and argue that critical normative approaches could help to overcome this major weakness. Bull, M. and M. Craig (2006). The Problem of Terrorism: Balancing risk between state and civil responsibilities. Current Issues in Criminal Justice 18(2): 202-220. The article explores how the recent developments in the fields of criminology and crime prevention apply to terrorism as an example of a governmental crisis. The author also highlighted the factors that have drawn the attention of people to the limits of the state-centered approaches or sovereign power with regard to security and the protection of the population. Discussion of how to respond to or stop terrorism might logically start with consideration of the causes of terrorism. The concepts associated with critical criminological perspectives are empowerment, capacity building and participatory democracy. Chadwick, S. (2009). John Locke, the state of nature and terrorism. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(3): 438 - 452. This paper examines John Lockes political theory in order to see if it can offer any important insights into how to deal with international terrorism. The paper begins by outlining the central aspects of Lockes social contract theory and the way that Locke thinks that it is mirrored in international relations. A general definition of state of nature and legitimate common

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authority is offered that is then applied to both civil conflict and international terrorism. The situation that nation-states find themselves in with respect to international terrorist organisations is then analysed in terms of these concepts. The United Nations and the European Union are then examined in order to see if they fulfil the criteria of legitimate common authority necessary to deal with international terrorism in a just and unbiased manner. Chandler, D. (2009). War without End(s): Grounding the Discourse of Global War. Security Dialogue 40(3): 243-262. This article seeks to explain the limits of critical discourses of global war and biopolitical framings of global conflict that have arisen in response to the globalization of security discourses in the post-Cold War era. The central theoretical insight offered is that global war should not be understood in the framework of contested struggles to reproduce and extend the power of regulatory control. Global war appears unlimited and unconstrained precisely because it lacks the instrumental, strategic framework of war understood as a politicalmilitary technique. For this reason, critical analytical framings of global conflict, which tend to rely on the scaling up of Michel Foucaults critique of biopolitics and upon Carl Schmitts critique of universal claims to protect the human, elide the specificity of the international today. Todays wars of choice, fought under the banner of the values of humanitarian intervention or the global war on terror, are distinguished precisely by the fact that they cannot be grasped as strategically framed political conflicts. Connors, M. (2006). War on error and the Southern fire: How terrorism analysts get it wrong. Critical Asian Studies 38(1): 151-175. This extended, five-part critique of Conflict and Terrorism in Southern

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Thailand interrogates how terrorism experts have interpreted the recent escalation of violence in the Thai southern border provinces. It does so by questioning the authors use of sources, and draws on a range of alternative Thai-and English-language sources to suggest that the authors have reached poorly founded conclusions. The first part considers the contemporary context of terrorism studies and argues that it is important to understand Conflict and Terrorism as a knowledge product influenced by that discipline. The second presents an overview of competing theories concerning events in Thailand, as background to the conclusions presented in Conflict and Terrorism. The third evaluates the books conclusion that Thailand faces a renewed insurgency, largely driven by domestic factors and carried out by definable actors. The fourth part examines the authors claim concerning the importance of a booklet titled Berjihad di Patani , which is said to have motivated insurgents involved in the 28 April 2004 uprising. The fifth will attend to some significant factual and interpretative errors that severely undermine the credibility of the book. Overall, the critique demonstrates that various interpretations of what is happening in the South of Thailand remain plausible, and the article concludes that the authors of Conflict and Terrorism were too poorly equipped to deal with these competing interpretations to offer any insights into the conflict. Egerton, F. (2009). A Case for a Critical Approach to Terrorism. European Political Science 8(1): 57-67. There has been a recent effort to establish a critical approach to terrorism. While this represents a welcome development, this nascent project has thus far understood critical as alternative to a mainstream rather than a genuinely critical approach to the study of terrorism. This article seeks to make the case for the latter.

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Engle, K. (2007). The Face of a Terrorist. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 7(4): 397-424. This article takes up one of the questions posed by the U.S. government in the wake of September 11, 2001: What does a terrorist look like? Using Internet images of Osama bin Laden that have been circulating online ever since Bush named him as the prime perpetrator behind 9/11, the author explores the techniques and conventions of identifying an Other, with reference to historical practices within the United States. Significantly, all of the images presented here (and these images represent a small percentage of what can be found online) are hypersexualized and rely on tropes of primitivism and misogyny to signify degeneracy and effeminacy. The authors argument here consists of examining the ways in which racialist discourses combine with sexism and fascism in both the official and popular imaginings of the terrorist identity. Fierke, K. M. (2009). Terrorism and trust in Northern Ireland. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(3): 497 - 511. While terrorism produces certainty that the other intends to do harm, and chronic uncertainty about the potential for terrorist attack, trust requires the negotiation of uncertainty. This paper begins with a review of the existing literature on trust and terrorism, as a point of departure for analysing the usefulness of thinking about trust as the negotiation of uncertainty. The four substantive sections that follow examine the 1981 Hunger strikes, the beginnings of political dialogue, the construction of cross-border institutions, and the potential for developing emotional trust in the Northern Irish context. In each of the areas, the development of a rudimentary trust has hinged on the destabilisation of mutually exclusive identity categories, defined in conflictual opposition to the other, and the opening of a space for the construction of

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multiple and overlapping identities and the negotiation between them. Franks, J. (2009). Rethinking the Roots of Terrorism: Beyond Orthodox Terrorism TheoryA Critical Research Agenda. Global Society: Journal of Interdisciplinary International Relations 23(2): 153-176. The orthodox understanding of terrorism does not seem to provide adequate means for explaining the root causes of terrorism. This study is an attempt to critically rethink the roots of terrorism by relocating the study of terrorism into a conceptual space in which it can gain access to the tools provided by conflict studies. As a result this work addresses a gap in the field of terrorism studies and provides an explanation and clarification of the existence of orthodox terrorism discourse and the creation of an alternative theoretical framework for rethinking the roots of terrorism. Ginsburg, M., S.-W. Kang, et al. (2005). Comparative Perspectives on Terrorists, Despots, and Democracy: What Our Children Need to Know. Comparative Education Review 49(1): 89. This second moderated discussion by the Comparative Education Review (CER) in part grows out of a symposium, Past CIES Presidents Discuss the Value of Comparative and International Education Post-9/11, organized by then-President-Elect Kassie Freeman at the March 2003 Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) annual meeting. The symposium stimulated animated discussion and debate among the approximately 150 people who attended. The main issues addressed included what comparative and international educators can contribute to the understanding of the context and reasons for the tragic events of September 11, 2001, as well as what educators and others can/should do in the post-9/11/01 era. This document presents three rounds of essays that were shared with Chester Finn and Justin

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Torres of the Fordham Foundation. These essays are hoped to stimulate further discussion among CER readers. Giroux, H. A. (2002). Democracy and the Politics of Terrorism: Community, Fear, and the Suppression of Dissent. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 2(3): 334. Discusses the State of the Union Address given by U.S. President George W. Bush on January 29, 2002, which deals with the war on terrorism. Changes in the U.S. after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks; Criticisms against Bushs antiterrorism policy; Effect of the antiterrorism policy of Bush on democracy. Gordon, A. (2010). Can terrorism become a scientific discipline? A diagnostic study. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(3): 437 - 458. This study offers a meta-information analysis of the state of the art of terrorism research from structural disciplinary perspectives, and by comparisons with several other fields of study. It observes the interrelationship of disciplinary characteristics, specifically, scientific collaboration among terrorism researchers, the growth rate in the number of conferences in the field after 9/11 and the fragmentation of terrorism studies into separate research specialties. These three trends coincide, indicating the growing importance and visibility of terrorism and counter-terrorism studies for government decision-makers and an increase in funding for this research, much of which is channelled in specific desired directions. The new research on terrorism has created disciplinary studies on the subject in the sciences and the life sciences, side by side with traditional social science research. The fragmentation of the field, growing collaboration and the appearance of conference proceedings on terrorism are indicative of the beginnings of an autonomous academic

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research field, a distinct discipline of study. In great part, these developments are not only due to the infiltration of new subject areas into the network of terrorism research, but also to the expanding number of journals devoted to different aspects of the subject. The road to recognition as an academic discipline depends on whether the various aspects of terrorism studies can be integrated into one comprehensive branch of learning. This ability, in turn, is conditional on the fields cognitive structure or knowledge characteristics, as well as on the shifts and changes in the actual terrorism scene in the future that might influence the nature of research. Gunning, J. (2007). A Case for Critical Terrorism Studies? Government & Opposition 42(3): 363-393. That terrorism research is mired by epistemological, methodological and political-normative problems is well established. What is usually overlooked is that, beyond the difficulties inherent in terrorism research, these problems are exacerbated by two further factors: the predominance of what Cox called a problem-solving approach, and the dispersed nature of much of the more rigorous, critical and conceptually innovative research on terrorism in cognate fields that, for ideological, theoretical or practical reasons, are reluctant to engage with terrorism studies. A critical turn is needed to reverse both these trends, but it must be inclusive and seek to be policy relevant. Heath-Kelly, C. (2010). Critical Terrorism Studies, Critical Theory and the Naturalistic Fallacy.. Security Dialogue 41(3): 235-254. This article problematizes how Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) utilizes Coxian and Frankfurt School Critical Theory to support an emancipatory project. The article broadly takes the example of CTS to illustrate the dangers

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of the pearl fishing method, occasionally used within critical international relations, where a section of a philosophical position is appropriated without regard for the whole. As Horkheimerian Critical Theory relies upon a far broader philosophy than CTS acknowledges, it is argued that the appropriated emancipatory foundation cannot make sense in soundbite form. Such stunted interaction with the wider philosophy of Critical Theory leaves CTS susceptible to the charge of logical error, specifically that contained in the naturalistic fallacy. The naturalistic fallacy is a charge drawn fromthe philosophy of logic that takes improper derivation of ought from is within argumentation as its referent. The relationship between international relations and Critical Theory does not have to be so unsatisfactory, however, and this article concludes with suggestions for a route whereby emancipatory commitment might be adopted without such problems of normative origination. Hosking, G. (2009). Terrorism and trust. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(3): 482 - 496. Trust enables us to simplify and understand complicated realities and orientate ourselves in them, which we do through symbolic systems, including myth and religion. Terrorism results when those systems generate extreme distrust, especially between ethnic or religious groups. Within nation-states pre-conditions of trust include normative coherence, stability, openness and accountability. In international relations these pre-conditions are more difficult to establish. But it is still possible. The process usually includes reaction to a crisis, the creation of good personal relationships between leaders, mutual concessions, well-documented agreements with provision for verification, and opportunities for populations to get to know each other. Jackson, R. (2008). The ghosts of state terror: knowledge, politics and

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terrorism studies. Critical Studies on Terrorism 1(3): 377 - 392. Employing a discourse analytic approach, this paper examines the silence on state terrorism within the broader terrorism studies literature. An analysis of this literature reveals that state terrorism is noticeable mainly for its absence as a subject of systematic academic study. Following the textual analysis, the main finding the silence on state terrorism within terrorism studies is subjected to both a first- and second-order critique. A first-order or immanent critique uses a discourses internal contradictions, mistakes and misconceptions to criticize it on its own terms. In this case, the absence of state terrorism is criticized for its illogical actor-based definition of terrorism, its politically biased research focus, and its failure to acknowledge the empirical evidence of the extent and nature of state terrorism. A second-order critique entails reflecting on the broader political and ethical consequences of the representations enabled by the discourse. It is argued that the absence of state terrorism from academic discourse functions to promote particular kinds of state hegemonic projects, construct a legitimizing public discourse for foreign and domestic policy, and deflect attention from the terroristic practices of states. The exposure and destabilisation of this dominant narrative also opens up critical space for the articulation of alternative and potentially emancipatory forms of knowledge and practice. Jarvis, L. E. E. (2009). The Spaces and Faces of Critical Terrorism Studies. Security Dialogue 40(1): 5-27. This article explores the burgeoning academic interest in establishing a critical terrorism studies research programme. It begins by reviewing the debates over definition, causation and response that still dominate mainstream discussions of terrorism. The analytical and normative limitations of these debates, it argues, open considerable space for the emergence of a critically

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oriented body of literature. A second section then explores two distinct efforts at overcoming these limitations: the broadening and interpretivist faces of critical terrorism studies. The broadening face refers to attempts to expand our understanding of terrorism beyond non-state violence alone, while the interpretivist face comprises critical explorations of terror in image and narrative. Although each of these approaches offers scholars a more engaged role than the problem-solving orientation of the mainstream debates, the article argues that only the interpretivist face is capable of addressing their analytical limitations. The article concludes by calling for further attention to the notion of critique within the relevant critical literature. Jones, D. M. and M. L. R. Smith (2009). Were All Terrorists Now: Critical or HypocriticalStudies on Terrorism? Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32(4): 292-302. This article reviews the new journal Critical Studies on Terrorism. The fashionable approach that this journal adopts towards the contemporary phenomenon of terrorism maintains that a critical and self-reflexive approach to the study of terrorism reveals a variety of shortcomings in the discipline. These range from a distorting over-identification with the Western democratic state perspective on terrorism to a failure to empathize with the misunderstood, non-Western, other. This review examines whether the claims of the critical approach adds anything, other than pedantry and obscurity, to our understanding of the phenomenon. It concludes that it does not. Joseph, J. (2009). Critical of What? Terrorism and its Study. International Relations 23(1): 93-98. The article discusses the distinction between ontology and epistemology

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with regard to the discourse of critical terrorism studies (CTS). A question is raised regarding the identity of the target of the criticism associated with CTS. The authors belief that CTS favors epistemology to the detriment of ontology is also mentioned. Kaplan, S. (2009). Three prejudices against terrorism. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(2): 181 - 199. This article criticises three assumptions regarding terrorism and the agents who carry it out: (1) terrorists are always indiscriminate in their targeting; (2) terrorism is never effective in combating oppression; and (3) terrorists never participate in fair negotiations, as they merely wish to switch places with their oppressors. By criticising these three prejudices against terrorism, the article does not attempt to justify or excuse terrorism generally nor in the specific case of Sri Lanka which is examined. Instead, it creates the necessary room for such justifications or excuses to be critically appraised by dismantling some popular myths surrounding terrorism. Kinloch, G. C. (2005). Towards Sociology of Terrorism: Concepts, Theories and Case Studies. International Journal of Contemporary Sociology 42(2): 155-166. This paper attempts to bring together major approaches to defining terrorism, delineating its major types, exploring its related individual, group, and societal factors, and exploring some of its more illustrative case studies. The term focuses on violent attempts to accomplish political goals and types of social control not otherwise available, with this type of behavior divided into the more control-oriented and the highly destructive. Relevant theories highlight individual personality traits, social movement failures, and negative elite-minority relations. Finally, relevant case studies point to highly

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problematic societies subject to external partitioning and/or authoritarian colonial regimes which exacerbate central questions of political legitimacy and economic independence for the subordinate communities within them. While none of these factors are viewed as either necessary or sufficient reasons for the emergence of terrorism, this analysis concludes that they appear to be highly relevant and underline the critical need to deal with any societys type and level of political legitimacy prior to addressing other major policy issues. Lauderdale, P. and A. Oliverio (2005). Critical Perspectives on Terrorism. International Journal of Comparative Sociology. 46: 3-10. The article examines the study of terrorism and terrorist activities. The term terrorism was created during the era of the European Enlightenment as a means to describe nation-building. It mentions that the definition of terrorism changes from one country to another and that the social and civil consequences of torture, for example the commemorative process, mobilizes national identity. The article also discusses the role of the state in constructing terrorism and how the relationship between terror and mass media is often used as a methods in reworking moral boundaries. Martin, A. W., C. McPhail, et al. (2009). Why Targets Matter: Toward a More Inclusive Model of Collective Violence. American Sociological Review 74(5): 821-841. Efforts to develop a unified model of collective violence have been limited by the diverse array of events analyzed, from terrorist attacks to riots. This article seeks to develop a more inclusive theoretical and analytic framework by exploring the targets of violence, something that has received little disaggregated attention. We argue that consideration of who or what is targeted during the course of an event, together with collectivity size and

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the conditional role it may play, offers new theoretical insight into collective violence dynamics. Our analysis draws from newspaper records on a diverse range of collectivities, from parties to rallies to riots. We find that in many contexts, collectivity size increases the likelihood of violence against some targets, notably state actors, while reducing attacks on others. These findings provide the basis for a broader discussion of why unpacking targets is so critical to understanding the dynamics of collective violence. McDonald, M. (2007). Emancipation and critical terrorism studies. European Political Science 6(3): 252-259. Drawing on the insights of critical security studies, this article argues that an understanding of emancipation as a process of freeing up space for dialogue and deliberation enables a focus on crucial questions, experiences and practices neglected in most orthodox accounts of security and terrorism. In particular, emancipation has the potential to serve as a philosophical anchorage for a nascent critical terrorism studies research agenda. The paper goes on to outline what a critical terrorism studies informed by a concern with emancipation might look like, focusing on a series of key questions that such an approach might encourage in the context of the post-2001 war on terror. McLaren, P. (2002). The Dialectics of Terrorism: A Marxist Response to September 11. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 2(2): 169. Presents a Marxist response to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S. Definition of domestic terrorism; Connection between democracy and freedom; Criticism on U.S. politics. Meisels, T. (2009). Defining terrorism - a typology. Critical Review of International Social & Political Philosophy 12(3): 331-351.

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This paper argues that philosophers require a strict canonical definition of terrorism if they are to be of any use in morally evaluating the changing character war. This definition ought to be a narrow, critical one, articulating precisely what is wrong with terrorism and strictly specifying which incidents fall into this derogatory category and which do not. I argue against those who avoid definitions or adopt wide and apologetic ones. The latter claim neutrality for themselves and accuse those who define terrorism strictly of political bias. The apologetics of terrorism often allege that stringent, critical, definitions of terrorism beg important questions of justification, rendering terrorism unjustifiable by definition. The apologetics of terrorism however, have an obvious political agenda. Those who deliberately blur the distinctions between terrorism and other forms of violence cannot claim academic neutrality or objectivity for their wide, defensive definitions, which are in fact deliberately designed to advance particular political views. Michel, T. and A. Richards (2009). False dawns or new horizons? Further issues and challenges for Critical Terrorism Studies. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(3): 399 - 413. While welcoming Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) as an interesting and valuable addition to the discourse on terrorism studies, this article argues that CTS has some serious shortcomings, particularly in those accounts that draw explicitly on a Frankfurt School approach. The article will mainly engage with three areas: the notion and conceptualisation of critique, the role of emancipation, and the overstatement of the novelty of CTS. It will argue that the way in which Critical Theory has been incorporated into the study of terrorism does not take sufficient account of the wider philosophical implications and shortcomings inherent in Critical Theory. It then suggests that while the concept of emancipation (which drives the normative agenda of

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CTS) has been advocated, it is very unclear as to its practical application. CTS scholars, it is argued, cannot simply take emancipation out of the different contestations surrounding it by either claiming a (somewhat deceptive) transparency of meaning manifested in liberating the oppressed or by retreating into an anti-foundationalist stand in which the concrete content of emancipation cannot and need not be determined in the beginning. Finally, and in relation to the definition of terrorism in particular, the article argues that the novelty of CTS has been overstated. Miller, D. and T. Mills (2009). The terror experts and the mainstream media: the expert nexus and its dominance in the news media. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(3): 414 - 437. Academic writing on terrorism and the availability to the mainstream media and policy-makers of terror experts have increased exponentially since 11 September 2001. This paper examines the rise of terror expertise and its use in one particular public arena the mainstream news media. Using a combination of citation analysis and media analysis, the paper presents a ranking of the most influential terror experts in the mainstream news media in the Anglophone world. It is shown how what has been called an invisible college of experts operates as a nexus of interests connecting academia with military, intelligence and government agencies, with the security industry and the media. The paper then takes a small number of case studies of some of the most prominent experts who exemplify the dominant trend in the field and examines the networks in which they are embedded. The last part of the paper uses the data generated to re-examine theories of terrorism and the media, of propaganda and terrorism, and of sourcemedia relations. It is suggested that the study of terror experts shows the need to study and theorise the media in a wider context by focusing on the relations between media content and

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production processes and wider formations of power. In so doing, the paper attempts to connect studies of media and terrorism to wider studies of terror and political violence. Mitchell, W. J. T. (2007). Picturing Terror: Derridas Autoimmunity. Critical Inquiry 33(2): 277-290. The article presents the authors comments on the selection of the figure of autoimmunity by Jacques Derrida, a French philosopher, as a tool for analyzing modern terrorism. According to the author, the selection of the figure of autoimmunity provided Derrida with an image, which has considerable surplus value with immediate applicability. The image continues to resonate well beyond the use Derrida makes of it. Nazir, P. (2010). War on Terror in Pakistan and Afghanistan: Discursive and political contestations. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 63 - 81. This paper discusses the differences in the liberal secularist and the Islamists discourses related to the War on Terror. These views are crystallised around a number of issues and their understanding of these differentiates them from each other. These issues include attitudes towards the nature of the Pakistani and Afghan states and the place of religion in these; attitudes towards the West in general and the US in particular, and the support for and criticism of the War on Terror carried out in the name of freedom, democracy and modernity. The hegemonic discourses of the liberals and secularists and counter-hegemonic discourses of the Islamists indicate an ideological and strategic polarization, as reflected in the condemnation of, or support for, Islamism and armed resistance by militants in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

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Ojanen, T. (2010). Terrorist profiling: human rights concerns. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(2): 295 - 312. Post-9/11, law-enforcement agencies have expanded the processing of personal data for terrorist profiles; this is actually among the very reasons why personal data are processed in the first place. De facto terrorist profiles tend to be based predominantly on the use of such criteria as race, color, religion, or ethnic and national origin to single out persons for enhanced scrutiny. Terrorist-profiling practices, therefore, raise the question as to their conformity with the right to privacy, the protection of personal data, and the principle of non-discrimination. This article critically examines to what extent, if any, terrorist-profiling practices may be regarded as compatible with the principle of non-discrimination and the fundamental rules pertaining to the protection of personal data. For this purpose, it looks at various approaches to defining profiling in the context of countering terrorism, as well as describing <i>de facto</i> manifestations of terrorist-profiling practices. The conclusion is that terrorist-profiling practices all too often fail to comply with the fundamental requirement that any restrictions on the right to privacy and the protection of personal data are adequately regulated, necessary and proportionate. The socalled ethnic profiling gives rise to particularly serious problems. It tends to assume the nature of racial profiling and, accordingly, entail discriminatory effects that can result in feelings of humiliation and stigmatisation among the targeted groups. Since the risk of further marginalisation and even radicalisation within those groups also appears to be a very real consideration, the whole necessity of ethnic profiling in the name of countering terrorism must be called into question in a contemporary democratic society built on the principles of pluralism and respect for different cultures. Oliverio, A. (2008). On Being Frank about Terrorism. Journal of

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Developing Societies (Sage Publications Inc.) 24(1): 13-29. Andre Gunder Franks work on the global economy, social movements and his own experiences reflect critical issues related to the state and terror. He understood all too well the insidious, yet symbiotic relationship between the state and terror. Frank views politics and terror as a manipulation, a corrupt act of states, powerful elites, groups and organizations that have the resources to enforce their version of political and social reality. Similar to former US President Eisenhower, Frank bemoaned the power of the military postindustrial complex for its organized and systematic capability to legitimize and institutionalize terrorism. Frank was sensitive to how certain acts by states, typically referred to as counter-terrorism, enable them to shape the political agenda not only within countries but also in international affairs. Perhaps a more fruitful path of action, as implied by Franks research and by the blowback consequences of the state of terror, is to work on changing the social, economic and political conditions that give rise to the use of terror as a strategy by states or challenge groups. Payne, K. (2009). Winning the Battle of Ideas: Propaganda, Ideology, and Terror. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32(2): 109-128. Propaganda is at the heart of the struggle between Al Qaedas strain of militant Islamism and the governments of the United States and United Kingdom. In an ideological struggle, propaganda is critical in shaping outcomes. Both Al Qaeda and the U.S. and U.K. governments recognize this, and have devised propaganda strategies to construct and disseminate messages for key audiences. This article considers the key elements in the Al Qaeda propaganda narrative, and the means through which it is disseminated. On the other side, it assesses the U.S. and U.K. governments response, focusing particularly on the British effort to define and propagate a narrative centered

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on British values. Qureshi, A. (2010). War on Terror: the African Front. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 49 - 61. The establishment of the US Joint Task Force for the Horn of Africa at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti at the end of 2002 heralded a strong intention that international terrorists would be sought in the east of the African continent. This paper has as its central focus first-hand investigation work carried out in Kenya in the aftermath of the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia at the end of 2006. It seeks to address the way in which the various countries in the Horn of Africa operated with one another in order to carry out a process of secret detention and rendition in a bid to keep suspects beyond the law. This paper examines the way in which men, women, and children were detained, questioned, and transferred to other countries with the complicity of various African states and the acquiescence and help of Western allies. Many of the processes that were implemented derived from measures already seen elsewhere in the world, including the use of detention without charge or access to legal recourse, the use of chicken wire fencing to house detainees as in Guantanamo Bay, and the application of the legal innovation enemy combatant to those rendered. This paper shows that the conduct and practices of the United States in the War on Terror have been extended to the treatment of detainees in the Horn of Africa. Rapin, A.-J. (2009). Does terrorism create terror? Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(2): 165 - 179. The conceptual and etymological meaning of the terms terror and terrorism is so closely connected that it seems difficult to distinguish the one from the other. However, by comparing the idea that terrorism inevitably

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creates terror with the results of recent empirical studies of the psychological effects of terrorist attacks, four different points of view emerge corresponding to four distinct interpretations of the results. It is thus clearly necessary to redefine the terminology relating to terrorism, in order to conduct the discussion on a more rigorous basis. Rekawek, K. E. (2008). How terrorism does not end: The case of the Official Irish Republican Army. Critical Studies on Terrorism 1(3): 359 - 376. This paper is the first critical analysis of terrorism disengagement by the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA). This process was conducted in instalments over nearly three decades. It has not been theoretically assessed as far as studies on how terrorism ends are concerned, and it does not fit into any existing models of terrorism disengagement. The end of terrorism in relation to the OIRA is not only the story of a terrorist organisation ending its armed activities, but also a case study of terrorism disengagement with important policy implications for decision-makers faced with the threat of terrorism. Richmond, O. P. (2003). Realizing Hegemony? Symbolic Terrorism and the Roots of Conflict. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 26(4): 289-309. There is currently a division between conflict analysis and studies of terrorism, despite the fact that similar actors are involved in the new wars and new terrorism, and that there are also similarities in terms of root causes. Both conflict and terrorism studies are increasingly crossing disciplines in their attempts to present coherent frameworks and bodies of theory, however. As the divisions between war, peace, conflict and terrorism, between friend and enemy, soldier, criminal, and civilian break down, there is now potential for a critical reading of the insights this presents. The terrain

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on which violence has been traditionally deployed has now shifted to a more symbolic terrain requiring a reassessment of the assumptions terrorism and conflict studies rest on. Richmond, O. P. and J. Franks (2009). The impact of orthodox terrorism discourses on the liberal peace: internalisation, resistance, or hybridisation? Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(2): 201 - 218. This article examines the relationship between orthodox terrorism discourses and liberal peacebuilding, particularly where states are being reconstituted after a conflict. Drawing upon fieldwork in Sri Lanka, Palestine, Kashmir, Nepal, and Northern Ireland, our findings suggest that conflicts in which orthodox terrorism theory is deployed to explain violence are those in which there is little interest (by all parties) in dealing with root causes or achieving mutual compromise. This is so even though the liberal peace is commonly a claimed aspiration for most parties, apart from the most radical of non-state actors or authoritarian of states. They effectively reify both terrorism and state securitisation. The aspired to internalisation of the liberal peace framework has instead been supplanted by the politics of state securitisation and violent resistance. Liberal peacebuilding has become a nominal exercise in constructing virtually liberal states in which the security and integrity of core groups are partially maintained by orthodox terrorism praxis. To counter these dynamics, critical positions need to engage with agendas beyond liberal or cosmopolitan frameworks. Riley, J. (2005). Teaching on terrorism: Problems of interdisciplinary integration in introductory-level texts. Journal of Criminal Justice Education 16(1): 101-109. This essay reviews three works intended to provide justice students

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with an introduction to the study of terrorism. Examination of these texts provides an opportunity to consider one of the most recent developments in the justice field: an emerging focus on terrorism. It also provides an opportunity to consider one of the fields most persistent problems: the problem of integration across disciplinary boundaries. While new research technologies and advancing theoretical integration in the justice field may facilitate integration of relevant materials across disciplinary boundaries, good work may ultimately depend upon the traditional collaboration of authors, editors, and critical colleagues. Scheuerman, W. E. (2008). Torture and the New Paradigm of Warfare. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory 15(4): 561-575. This article discusses the acceptance of the use of torture as a tactic of war by the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush and the American public. The U.S. government has condoned torture against individuals detained as criminals during the War on Terrorism. A poll of American citizens conducted in 2005 found that 36 percent of respondents believed that torture could never be justified, as compared to more than fifty percent of respondents in countries including Canada, Germany, and Great Britain. Shanahan, T. (2010). Betraying a certain corruption of mind: how (and how not) to define terrorism. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(2): 173 - 190. A common assumption underwriting much counterterrorism activity is that terrorism, by definition, is necessarily morally wrong. One aim of this paper is to challenge this assumption by defending a novel definition of terrorism that makes the morality of terrorism a question to be answered

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by the application of moral theories to specific terrorist acts, rather than by definitional fiat. After surveying definitions of terrorism current in the literature and identifying criteria for a more adequate definition, the paper explicates and defends a novel definition of terrorism that can ground serious inquiry into the moral status of specific acts of terrorism. Sorenson, J. (2009). Constructing terrorists: Propaganda about animal rights. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(2): 237 - 256. Confusion and misrepresentation plague discourse on terrorism. The term is misapplied to actions far removed from violent mass-casualty attacks or peacetime equivalents of war crimes. This article examines how the term is misapplied to non-violent actions of animal rights groups to undermine opposition to animal exploitation industries. Staun, J. (2010). When, how and why elites frame terrorists: A Wittgensteinian analysis of terror and radicalisation. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(3): 403 - 420. Trying to reach an all-encompassing academic definition of terrorism that settles the definition problem once and for all by defining what terror is is a blind alley that will lead research nowhere. Terrorism studies are instead in need of non-essentialist or historical studies, and researchers need to start treating terrorism as an inherently unstable concept whose meaning shifts and varies over time and place, and according to the uses to which it is put. Instead of all-inclusive definitions of content, therefore, what are needed are definitions that are limited in time, space and scope. Drawing on the language philosopher, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, terrorism can be seen as a securitisation language game. Thus, the focus shifts away from asking what terrorism is to asking how and by whom

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it is defined and what happens when a problem is lifted out of its normal criminal sphere and normal jurisprudence and placed in the realm of security. Stokes, D. (2009). Ideas and Avocados: Ontologising Critical Terrorism Studies. International Relations 23(1): 85-92. The article discusses the application of critical theory to the War on Terrorism by the academic field of Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS). The need for an understanding of the root causes of all forms of terrorism in order to maintain global security is noted, mentioning that anti-Western and Westernbacked state terrorism must both be considered. Stoneman, S. (2007). Pedagogy in a Time of Terror: Henry Girouxs Beyond the Spectacle of Terrorism. Review of Education, Pedagogy & Cultural Studies 29(1): 111-135. The article focuses on the role of media and screen culture in constituting capitalist development globally. The author explores the concepts of politics, masculinity, immanence and biopolitics from Henry Girouxs book Beyond the Spectacle of Terrorism. The book presents Girouxs views on biopolitical ways of consideration of fear, modalities of politics and psychic effects of shock. The military-vital complex and the use of politics by it are signified. President George W. Bushs pedantic remarks on the global politics when he emphasized the role of literacy to realize the political ideals to defeat hopelessness and to educate citizens on the future of democracy are presented. Zulaika, J. (2010). The terror/counter terror edge: when non-terror becomes a terrorism problem and real terror cannot be detected by counterterrorism. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(2): 247 - 260. On the basis of cases such as the recent ban on the building of

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minarets in Switzerland or the prohibition on wearing a burka in France and the Netherlands, and the passage of terrorism legislation in various European countries in which there has never been a terrorism problem, as well as the recent history of counterterrorism in the United States, this paper examines how non-terror can become a terrorism problem and non-risk ideologically risky, while at the same time the real threats go undetected. The international prominence gained by Spanish Prime Minister Jose Mara Aznar when the George W. Bush administration declared a worldwide War on Terror shows the political capital attached to terrorist risk. Countries may act as if afflicted by a case of terrorism envy when non-risk may be perceived as political irrelevance. This paper argues that the dynamics of terrorism/counterterrorism should be seen in the cultural context of taboo while displaying the qualities of the Lacanian edge: a self-generating process that simultaneously links and separates them in a non-relationship that is constitutive of the entire phenomenon. The War on Terror Abraham, N. (2005). From Baghdad to New York: Young Muslims on War and Terrorism. Muslim World 95(4): 587-599. This article discusses the views of young Muslims in the U.S. on war and terrorism. The majority of respondents were critical of the U.S. war on Iraq. However, none of the anti-war Arab-Americans indicated any intention of uprooting themselves from the U.S. The Iraq War and the September 11 terrorist attacks forced many native-born Arab Muslims to react as U.S. citizens and Muslims to the images they were seeing on television. They are longing for a peaceful world. Al-Sumait, F., C. Lingle, et al. (2009). Terrorisms cause and cure: the

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rhetorical regime of democracy in the US and UK. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(1): 7 - 25. Political actors and commentators in the global West have often used two key rhetorical approaches to explain terrorism. On the one hand, they ascribe attacks to terrorists violent hatred and resentment of democracy. On the other hand, they assert that democracy is the essential panacea for terrorism. These two approaches are linked through a process of discursive articulation that inhibits public debate and disagreement. Specifically, the ideological power and unassailable goodness of democracy become the simultaneous, self-evident cause of and cure for terrorism. Using five major terrorist events from 1993 to 2005, the article illustrates how political leaders and news outlets advanced a rhetorical regime that suppressed oppositional discourse and rationalised innately anti-democratic policies. One result of this rhetorical regime is the hegemonic maintenance of power through new representations of global terrorism. Aning, K. (2010). Security, the War on Terror, and official development assistance. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 7 - 26. Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States and the subsequent declaration of a War on Terror, several international issues have been affected, including the disbursement of official development assistance. This paper examines the connections between development aid, security, and the War on Terror and analyses the manner in which these linkages are impacting on the orientation, understanding, performance, and efficacy of existing official development assistance discourses, and assesses the emergence or otherwise of a new securitisation and politicisation of aid. The paper draws linkages between official development assistance, security, and terrorism, and applies this analysis to a discussion that explores how in a practical and operational

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sense these multiple dynamics have played out in the disbursement of aid by Japan, the United Kingdom, Denmark, and China. Appleby, N. (2010). Labelling the innocent: how government counterterrorism advice creates labels that contribute to the problem. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(3): 421 - 436. The Labour governments counter-terrorism advice sought to distance terrorism from Islam, but in doing so actually created an imagined relationship that potentially alienates those who follow the Islamic faith. This study works within the framework of labelling theory to demonstrate that the states counter-terrorism advice was detrimental to its own goals. The study identifies labels within counter-terrorism discourse and argues that these create the Islamic community using shared labels found in Islamist discourse and places the threat within this imagined community. Identifying with a singular other denies participation in multiple groups, creating an insular imagined society that constructs barriers and encourages persecution. Placing the terrorist within this larger isolated community increases the possibility that the badge of honour found within its own group is seen as a status symbol to be mirrored within the wider community. Removing labels and empowering the individual, rather than creating artificial collectives, could provide a means of addressing the problem. Berger, T. U. (2002). Germany, Japan and the War on Terror. Society 39(5): 22-28. This article analyzes the role of Germany and Japan in the war on terror. Germany and Japan play a key, if sometimes under appreciated role in U.S. grand strategy. The U.S. alliance with Germany and Japan serves a vital function in maintaining stability in Europe and Asia. In particular,

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the German and Japanese contributions to the Afghan campaign, while of relatively small importance militarily, are of potentially huge political significance. They represent critical breakthroughs in the ways in which those countries understand their role internationally and may well lead to the eventual creation of a more stable international order. Blackburn, R. (2002). The Imperial Presidency, the War on Terrorism, and the Revolutions of Modernity. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory 9(1): 3-33. This article examines the response of the U.S. administration to terrorism. It is inherent in the concept of a terrorist act that it aims at an effect very much larger than the direct physical destruction it causes. Proponents of what used to be called the propaganda of the deed also believed that in the illuminating glare of terror the vulnerability of a corrupt order would be revealed. Once corruption and oppressions were striped away, a sacred or natural order would come into its own. The instigators of the September 11, 2001 terrorists attacks brought off a far more spectacular coup than any exponent of the propaganda of the deed. They threaten more than a dozen of the worlds most autocratic and corrupt leaders and aim to summon to arms a religious community of well over a billion people. The resources disposed of by this network transcend those traditionally associated with terrorism and are closer to those of a small state but a state without boundaries whose headquarters changes from country to country. The extraordinary terrorist coup of September 11 set the scene for the resurgence of an imperial presidency. The imperial role is justified on the grounds that the U.S. has a special destiny as world leader and champion of freedom. Bronitt, S. and J. Stellios (2006). Sedition, Security and Human Rights:

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Unbalanced Law Reform in the War on Terror.. Melbourne University Law Review 30(3): 923-960. This article provides a review of the history, structure and form of the law of sedition, focusing on the new provisions inserted into the Criminal Code Act 1995 (Cth) in 2005 as part of a wider counter-terrorism package. A short historical review of sedition in Australia is followed by a critical analysis of the new offences, which explores the constitutional and human rights implications of these new offences. Critical attention is given to the process of law reform that seeks to balance security and human rights, focusing on the recommendations of the Australian Law Reform Commission which emerged from the retrospective review of the 2005 reforms. Our conclusion is that the balanced model endorsed by the Australian Law Reform Commission produces incoherence in relation to the definition of offences and good faith defences. In particular, incoherence is produced by definitions of offences that are over-inclusive or under-inclusive depending on the rationale (security or human rights) which is accorded priority. De Goede, M. (2008). The Politics of Preemption and the War on Terror in Europe. European Journal of International Relations 14(1): 161-185. In the midst of the war on terror and unilateral US security politics, many observers look to Europe for alternatives. It is argued that Europe is particularly opposed to preemptive security practice, and prefers instead to rely on the rule of law. This article examines the meaning of preemption in the war on terror, and analyses three aspects of European counter-terror policy. It becomes clear that, with respect to a number of policies that play a key role in preemptive security practice, including criminalizing terrorist support, data retention, and asset freezing, the European Union is world leader rather than reluctant follower. Instead of relying on images that position Europe as

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inherently critical of preemptive security, debate concerning the legitimacy and desirability of such practices must be actively fostered within European public space. Dekar, P. R. (2007). TheGood Warand Baptists Who Refused to Fight It. Peace & Change 32(2): 186-202. This article explores the legacy of some of four hundred Baptists who refused combatant duty during World War II, characterized by some as the quintessential good war. Drawing on research concerning the motivation of several conscientious objectors, their role during the war and their postwar activity, this article complements a recent documentary film, The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It, which highlights the impact of their war resistance on conscientious objectors who subsequently fueled such social movements as the campaign to control the spread of nuclear weapons, to protect the environment, and to champion civil rights in the United States. Diani, M. (2009). The Structural Bases of Protest Events: Multiple Memberships and Civil Society Networks in the 15 February 2003 Anti-War Demonstrations. Acta Sociologica 52(1): 63-83. The marches on 15 February 2003 challenging the imminent attack on Iraq attracted highly heterogeneous demonstrators often engaged in different types of associations and protest activities. In this article, I suggest we expand our view of the mobilizing networks that facilitated peoples involvement in the demonstrations by looking not only at associations but also at what I define as protest communities, namely, sets of activists sharing a sustained participation in protest activities. Network analysis shows that in some countries peace associations played a more prominent role than peace protest communities, while in other countries the opposite was the case. The former

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were more central in inclusive political systems, the latter, in exclusive systems. Drawing on a survey of 15 February demonstrators conducted in eight Western democracies, the article highlights the connection between political opportunities and relational, not merely behavioural, variables. Doughty, H. A. (2005). The Technological Imperative: Information Systems and Racial Profiling from Nazi Germany to the War on Terror. College Quarterly 8(4). Both parts of the authors past--a concern with terrorism and with the education of future agents of the state who will be expected to curb, if not to eliminate, it--contribute to what he wants to say in this essay. He seeks to make six points: (1) Racial profiling is not a discrete issue but an instance of a more pervasive racism that is evident in the overzealousness of law enforcement, the discrimination inherent in the criminal justice system and the stratagems of the so-called war on terror; (2) The issue of racism is also connected to historical, legal and political events which cannot easily be isolated and which confound efforts to make it into an issue of clear ideological distinctions between right-wing and left-wing politics; (3) Much of the debate over racial profiling is compromised because it takes place within an ideological context of hegemonic liberalism which begets false and futile attempts to balance civil liberties with security; (4) To overcome this bogus debate, it is necessary to gain perspective by examining the situation from a different perspective and, since Marxism is at least temporarily disreputable, individuals must look elsewhere; (5) Above all, individuals must recognize the ubiquity of technology, not as a set of instruments or, worse, devices that are intended to achieve conscious human purposes, but as determinants of what those purposes are; and (6) At a time when Marxian social theories are in at least in temporary eclipse, there is much to be gained by paying provisional attention

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to the preoccupations of traditional conservatism as a means to begin the critical interrogation of the modern project and its implications for thought about technology and human rights. Duffy, D. (2009). Alienated radicals and detached deviants: what do the lessons of the 1970 Falls Curfew and the alienation-radicalisation hypothesis mean for current British approaches to counter-terrorism? Policy Studies 30(2): 127-142. British counter-terrorism policy-makers are at the centre of two inherently problematic debates. First, there is the debate regarding the worthiness of incorporating theoretical and historical discussions into the policy-making process, and second, there is the discourse surrounding the nature of alienation and how this affects counter-terrorism as a whole. This article seeks to demonstrate how the empirical base provided by theoretical and historical discussions is not only of benefit to but also a necessity in the policy-making process. Although critical theoretical discussions and problem-solving techniques may appear to be polar opposites, the observations of theorists such as Dryzek (1987) suggest that in reality the two approaches are often interdependent. Comparing the alienation-radicalisation hypothesis with the 1970 Falls Curfew, this discussion suggests that current approaches to counter-terrorism need to take into account the radicalising affect of alienation both for communities and for state forces. By learning the lessons of the Falls Curfew, we can see that making communities the focus of counter-terrorist initiatives is not enough and that there needs to be a partnership process between state and non-state actors. Looking at the Curfew through this framework, this article critiques current counter-terrorist policies and shows that if integration is the ultimate aim of these policies then it needs to come from both sides that and discussions of counter-terrorism,

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both academic and political, need to recognise this. Erjavec, K. and Z. Voli (2007). War on terrorism as a discursive battleground: Serbian recontextualization of G.W. Bushs discourse. Discourse & Society 18(2): 123-137. In different parts of the world the 9/11 terrorist attacks have been localized and negotiated by mainstream media and in other public discourses in rather diverse ways. This article explores how young Serbian intellectuals recontextualized G.W. Bushs war on terrorism discourse in order to legitimize, retroactively, Serbian violence against Muslims in Bosnia and Kosovo during the 1990s. We go beyond Bernsteins concept of recontextualization, defined as representation of social events, and extend it to the notion of relocation of a discourse from its original context/practice to its appropriation within another context/practice. Our analysis shows that the informants recycle and appropriate the discourse of the war on terrorism by using an analogy. They equate the attacks on the WTC and the Pentagon with the former Yugoslav wars and they position and represent former Yugoslav Muslims as terrorists. Our informants continue to use the same principle of exclusion, celebrated by the US administration, extending the group of the good (we) to cover all Western/European/Christians, including the Serbs. The evil (other) group is represented as the they group, encompassing all the non- Western/non-European/non-Christian/Muslims. Informants also appropriate the discourse by extending the meaning of the word terrorism to all the violent acts carried out by Muslims regardless of the specificities of different political-historical contexts. Goodall Jr, H. L. (2008). Twice Betrayed by the Truth: A Narrative about the Cultural Similarities between the Cold War and the Global War on Terror.

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Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 8(3): 353-368. This narrative explores the relationship of some forgotten legacies of Cold War (particularly Vietnam-era) politics, language, and culture to the current Global War on Terror (GWOT). One theme that ties these historical eras together is the rise of secrecy among power elites and the resulting lack of available truth capable of informing policies and practices used to justify war abroad and spread fear and anxiety at home. The implications of this cultural and political dj vu in light of the current GWOT are examined with particular emphases on how a war waged by a rhetoric of deceit and deception has produced unintended global consequences and new risks to our security while devaluing the power of the story that we give to the world. Graham, P., T. Keenan, et al. (2004). A call to arms at the end of history: a discourse--historical analysis of George W. Bushs declaration of war on terror. Discourse & Society 15(2/3): 199-221. In this article we take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W. Bushs (2001) declaration of a `war on terror. We present four exemplary `call to arms speeches by Pope Urban 11(1095), Queen Elizabeth 1(1588), Adolf Hitler (1938) and George W. Bush (2001) to exemplify the structure, function, and historical significance of such texts in western societies over the last millennium. We identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appeal to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) an appeal for unification behind the legitimating external power source. We argue further that such texts typically appear in historical contexts characterized by deep crises in political legitimacy.

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Hagan, J., G. Ferrales, et al. (2008). How Law Rules: Torture, Terror, and the Normative Judgments of Iraqi Judges. Law & Society Review 42(3): 605644. We present a factorial survey experiment conducted with Iraqi judges during the early military occupation of Iraq. Because U.S. soldiers are immune from prosecution in Iraqi courts, there is no opportunity for these judges to express their views regarding highly publicized torture cases. As legally informed representatives of an occupied nation, however, Iraqi judges arguably have a strong claim to a normative voice on this sensitive subject. We are able to give voice to these judges in this study by using a quasiexperimental method. This method diminishes social desirability bias in judges responses and allows us to consider a broad range and combination of factors influencing their normative judgments. We examine why and how the U.S. effort to introduce democracy with an indeterminate rule of law produced unintended and inconsistent results in the normative judgments of Iraqi judges. A critical legal perspective anticipates the influences of indeterminacy, power, and fear in our research. More specifically, we anticipated lenient treatment for guards convicted of torture, especially in trouble cases of Coalition soldiers torturing al Qaeda prisoners. However, the resultswhich include crosslevel, judge-case interaction effectswere more varied than theoretically expected. The Iraqi judges responded in disparate and polarized ways. Some judges imposed more severe sentences on Coalition guards convicted of torturing al Qaeda suspects, while others imposed more lenient sentences on the same combination of guards and suspects. The cross-level interactions indicate that the judges who severely sentenced Coalition guards likely feared the contribution of torture tactics to increasing violence in Iraq. The judges who were less fearful of violence were more lenient and accommodating of

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torture by Coalition forces. The implication is that the less fearful judges were freed by an indeterminate law to advance Coalition goals through lenient punishment of torture. Our analysis suggests that the introduction of democracy and the rule of law in Iraq is a negative case in the international diffusion of American institutions. The results indicate the need for further development of a nuanced critical legal perspective. Haque, M. S. Government Responses to Terrorism: Critical Views of Their Impacts on People and Public Administration. Public Administration Review 62(4): 170-180. Following the tragic, massive terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001, many antiterrorist laws, policies, and institutions have emerged to wage war on terrorism. These antiterrorist initiatives have major consequences for individuals, societies, and nations all over the world. Although controversies have proliferated with regard to the implications of counterterrorism for peoples basic rights, the debate remains fragmented and often unfocused. This article examines the critical impact of new antiterrorist initiatives on the fundamental rights and responsibilities of citizens and others, with special reference to public administration. Haydar, B. (2005). The Ethics of Fighting Terror and the Priority of Citizens. Journal of Military Ethics 4(1): 52-59. This paper provides a critical commentary on Kasher and Yadlins article. I start with a few remarks regarding the authors claim about the uniqueness of fighting terrorism and their proposed definition of acts of terrorism. The main part of my commentary, however, is devoted to discussing Kasher and Yadlins Principle of Distinction (Part II of their paper). There, I raise several objections to their proposed ranking of state duties and to

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the way they use the ranking to justify what they call targeted prevention of terror. Finally, I make a few remarks pertaining more specifically to the IsraeliPalestinian situation. Hills, A. (2006). Trojan horses? USAID, counter-terrorism and Africas police. Third World Quarterly 27(4): 629-643. The purpose of US foreign assistance has shifted in the wake of 2001, and Washington has resurrected practices previously associated with police aid during the Cold War. In particular, the Bush administration has broadened the remit of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in such a way as to make it a quasi-security agency. The consequences of this could be significant for both USAID and democratic-style police assistance programmes more generally, for todays threat-driven policies are part of a trend which in the past has had worrying consequences. Using the critical variable of public policing (which is illustrated by reference to developments in Kenya), I argue that using USAID to improve the counter-terrorist capacity of Africas police in the pursuit of US national security objectives is a seriously flawed strategy. Hoffmann, J. (2008). Terrorism Blacklisting: Putting European Human Rights Guarantees to the Test. Constellations: An International Journal of Critical & Democratic Theory, Wiley-Blackwell. 15: 543-560. The author suggests that the U.S. War on Terrorism that began after the terrorist attacks on the country on September 11, 2001 has shifted the public perception of what constitutes a legitimate use of violence. She proposes that overreaching sanctions have been established by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and particularly focuses on the practice of blacklisting suspected terrorists as a threat to human rights as it impacts the European

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Union (EU). Jarvis, L. (2008). Times of terror: Writing temporality into the War on Terror. Critical Studies on Terrorism 1(2): 245 - 262. This paper contributes to the growing academic literature of Critical Terrorism Studies. It does so by tracing the ways in which the George W. Bush administration narrated the unfolding War on Terror around specific and distinct conceptions of temporality. Claims to temporal discontinuity, linearity, and timelessness, it is argued, were all central to the writing of this conflict, and helped to inscribe significance, coherence, and normative integrity into the counter-terrorism war. By tracing the emergence and implications of these heterogeneous writings, this paper reflects on the productivity of temporality as a discursive resource and contributes to the denaturalisation of the War on Terrors ostensibly descriptive construction already underway within existing debates. Jones, R. L. (2002). Black Hawk Down: Cynthia McKinney, Americas War on Terror, and the Rise of Bushism. Black Scholar 32(3/4): 27. Discusses the implications for Afro-American politics of the defeat of Georgia Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney in the Democratic primary. Changes in U.S. social interaction and politics since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks; Concerns raised regarding the phenomenon of non-rationalcritical thought which resulted from the declaration of the war on terror; Description of the brand of conservatism and nationalism formed by U.S. President George W. Bush. Keenan, J. H. (2010). Africa unsecured? The role of the Global War on Terror (GWOT) in securing US imperial interests in Africa. Critical Studies

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on Terrorism 3(1): 27 - 47. This paper explains and illustrates how the US Administration of President George W. Bush used the pretext of its global war on terror to justify the launch of a new African, SaharanSahelian front in the global war on terror, which in turn justified the creation of a new regional combatant command for Africa (AFRICOM) and the subsequent militarisation of much of Africa to meet and satisfy Americas new imperial designs. It also explains why the terrorism that justified the launch of this new front was fabricated by Algerias military intelligence services working complicitly with their US counterparts. The paper illustrates why the Bush Administrations policy towards Africa, so far continued by the Barack Obama presidency, has brought mostly increased repression, unrest and political instability. It concludes that as long as US policy towards Africa remains fundamentally imperialist and conducted through AFRICOM, it is unlikely to deliver peace, security or development. Kiersey, N. J. (2009). Scale, Security, and Political Economy: Debating the Biopolitics of the Global War on Terror. New Political Science 31(1): 27-47. Critical scholarship in Political Science and International Relations (IR) theory is turning increasingly to Michel Foucaults writings on governmentality and biopolitics to explore the complex discursive interdependencies between transnational governance and the War on Terror. Marxist critics have assailed this effort recently, however, for its premature assumption that the practices of governmental power can simply be scaled without the interventions of specific state-imperial powers. Yet both sides in this debate about biopolitics seem to rest their arguments on readings of Foucault which ignore his views on the importance of developments in the discourses of political economy for the emergence of modern governmental

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relations. Inspired by Foucaults recently published lectures on importance of the concept of economic man for neoliberal governmentality in particular, this article suggests that Foucault attributed to governmentality an explicit impulse toward economic globalization. Moreover, based on comments made in the same lectures concerning the emergence of contemporary anarcholiberalism and its radically economic ontology of security, the article closes with an exploration of the crucial role played by economic knowledge in the integration of Iraq into a regime of global-governmental security. Kristensen, K. S. (2008). Tourists or Vagabonds? Space and Time in the War on Terror. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 33(2): 249-266. It is commonly argued that time is the defining element in modern warfare. Whether one looks to military strategy, or to critical academia, the analysis is often the same: time and speed, not mass and space, are the essentials of warfare. In the Global War on Terror this is the case for both the Western high-tech militaries and their asymmetrical terrorist opponents. This article attempts to qualify the current relation between time and space in war. By heuristically applying Zygmunt Baumanns concepts of the tourist and the vagabond, this article claims that, although new technologies of time have changed the relationship between space and time, space has not lost its importance. Paradoxically, by employing new temporal means, the making of space becomes the central issue in current globalized warfare. Mertus, J. and T. Sajjad (2008). Human Rights and Human Insecurity: The Contributions of US Counterterrorism. Journal of Human Rights 7(1): 2-24. Counterterrorism campaigns that fail to recognize the critical connection between rights denial and terrorism are shortsighted. To fight terrorism without regard to human rights furthers terrorist goals by endorsing the same

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faulty thinking of the terrorists: the ends justify the means. Since declaring the global war on terror in 2001, not only has the Bush administration failed to place human rights promotion at the center of its counterterrorism campaign but it has repeatedly insisted on a flexible, self-serving interpretation of human rights. By promoting a culture of human rights violations, the Bush administration has guaranteed the failure of counterterrorism strategies. This article examines four illustrations of misguided US conduct in its aggressive counterterrorism strategy: (1) abuse of prisoner rights in detention; (2) erosion of civil liberties; (3) curtailing rights of ethnic minorities; and (4) manipulation of international law to serve narrowly defined national interests. The impact of US behavior has been dramatic, the essay contends, because many other countries have patterned their behavior on these issues following on the US example in undermining rights. Monar, J. (2007). Common Threat and Common Response? The European Unions Counter-Terrorism Strategy and its Problems. Government & Opposition 42(3): 292-313. On the basis of an analysis of the European Unions common definition of the post-9/11 terrorist threat, this article provides a critical assessment of the EUs response. The EU has arrived at a reasonably specific definition of the common threat that avoids simplistic reductions and is a response that is sufficiently multidimensional to address the different aspects internal and external, legislative and operational, repressive and preventive of this threat. Yet the definition is undermined by differences between national threat perceptions. The preference for instruments of cooperation and coordination rather than integration, and poor implementation are having a negative impact on the effectiveness of the common response, the legitimacy of which is also weakened by limited parliamentary and judicial control.

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Muggah, R. (2005). No Magic Bullet: A Critical Perspective on Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) and Weapons Reduction in Postconflict Contexts. Round Table 94(379): 239-252. The end of war does not necessarily signal a return to security. The introduction of a ceasefire, peace agreement or even discrete interventions seeking to disarm warring parties, does not necessarily guarantee improvements in the safety of either civilians or former combatants. In fact, many so-called post-conflict environments yield even more direct and indirect threats to civilians than the armed conflicts that preceded them. The post-conflict designation unhelpfully disguises a vast array of real and perceived threats facing most societies emerging from war, as protracted violence in Iraq, Afghanistan, Haiti, Sudan and the Great Lakes of Africa so painfully attests. The hubris that once accompanied the signing of peace accords and the transition to post-conflict reconstruction has now been replaced by a more weary kind of pessimism. Nazir, P. (2010). War on Terror in Pakistan and Afghanistan: Discursive and political contestations. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 63 - 81. This paper discusses the differences in the liberal secularist and the Islamists discourses related to the War on Terror. These views are crystallised around a number of issues and their understanding of these differentiates them from each other. These issues include attitudes towards the nature of the Pakistani and Afghan states and the place of religion in these; attitudes towards the West in general and the US in particular, and the support for and criticism of the War on Terror carried out in the name of freedom, democracy and modernity. The hegemonic discourses of the liberals and secularists and counter-hegemonic discourses of the Islamists indicate

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an ideological and strategic polarisation, as reflected in the condemnation of, or support for, Islamism and armed resistance by militants in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Noon, D. H. (2004). Operation Enduring Analogy: World War II, the War on Terror, and the Uses of Historical Memory. Rhetoric & Public Affairs 7(3): 339-365. Since 1999, George W. Bush has consistently evoked the legacy of the greatest generation. Moreover, since September 11, 2001, Bushs use of World War II analogies has intensified. Such analogies capitalize on postCold War historical memory and lend credibility to the war on terrorism, yet they characterize the world in a simple, dualistic fashion that evades a critical engagement with history. Oriola, T. (2009). Counter-terrorism and alien justice: the case of security certificates in Canada. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(2): 257 - 274. This article examines the security certificate process that has been in effect in Canada since 1978 and the 2008 amendment (Bill C-3) of the Immigration and Refugees Protection Act. It highlights how democratic means can be used to subvert meaningful policy changes, and underscores the antinomy inherent in a nation-states zeal to protect its citizens and appeals by a group of Arab Muslim men held under security certificates for suspected terrorist activities for their human rights to be recognised and respected by a state in which they are non-citizens. The problematic immanent in nationstates serving as guarantors of human rights and its concomitant misconstruing of human rights for citizenship rights are used to demonstrate that an internal Other has been created in Canada. The security certificate, it is argued, in stipulating that detainees may request to be deported to countries where they

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regularly reside or hold nationality, makes them akin to Hannah Arendts notion of the rightless people who have not only lost their home (i.e., polity) or distinct place in the world, but also their legal status. Consequently, even in an advanced democracy with grandiose claims to, and assurances of, individual liberty and fundamental freedoms, rightless people face a great danger by the fact of being nothing beyond human. Owens, J. E. and R. Pelizzo (2009). Introduction: The Impact of the War on Terror on Executive-Legislative Relations: A Global Perspective. Journal of Legislative Studies 15(2/3): 119-146. In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called war on terror declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the USs hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate.

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Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing war on terror significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the war on terror elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses. Peter van, H. (2003). War, Lies, and Videotape: Public Diplomacy and the USAs War on Terrorism. Security Dialogue 34(4): 427-444. This article argues that the United States is not only fighting a war against international terrorism by classical, military means, but is also engaged in a battle over the hearts and minds of the Muslim world. It examines the USAs public diplomacy efforts to manage the aftershocks of 9/11, and identifies the key concepts that underlie public diplomacy. The article presents a brief overview of the main points of criticism that these policies have provoked. It concludes that although the USAs public diplomacy is an essential (and still underdeveloped and undervalued) component of its overall policy towards the Middle East, it will take more than better communications to address the USAs credibility and image problems in that region. Qureshi, A. (2010). War on Terror: the African Front. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 49 - 61. The establishment of the US Joint Task Force for the Horn of Africa at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti at the end of 2002 heralded a strong intention that

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international terrorists would be sought in the east of the African continent. This paper has as its central focus first-hand investigation work carried out in Kenya in the aftermath of the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia at the end of 2006. It seeks to address the way in which the various countries in the Horn of Africa operated with one another in order to carry out a process of secret detention and rendition in a bid to keep suspects beyond the law. This paper examines the way in which men, women, and children were detained, questioned, and transferred to other countries with the complicity of various African states and the acquiescence and help of Western allies. Many of the processes that were implemented derived from measures already seen elsewhere in the world, including the use of detention without charge or access to legal recourse, the use of chicken wire fencing to house detainees as in Guantanamo Bay, and the application of the legal innovation enemy combatant to those rendered. This paper shows that the conduct and practices of the United States in the War on Terror have been extended to the treatment of detainees in the Horn of Africa. Rumford, C. (2008). Social Policy beyond Fear: The Globalization of Strangeness, the War on Terror, and Spaces of Wonder. Social Policy & Administration 42(6): 630-644. Fear has become central to social scientific understandings of contemporary insecurities. However, this article argues that a focus on fear is not sufficient, and that an exploration of wonder is more productive, particularly when trying to understand modes of governance and policy regimes introduced as part of the war on terror. An appropriate starting point for such an exploration is the globalization of strangeness. The idea that globalization has undermined the familiar territoriality of a world of nation states has become accepted in the social science literature. However, the nature

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of the resulting unfamiliarity or strangeness of the world is rarely explored. This article focuses on the processes by means of which the world is rendered strange and examines the opportunities for new forms of governance opened up by a world designated as insecure, uncertain and unpredictable. The article pays particular attention to the ways in which this strangeness can generate spaces of wonder. Examples of such spaces of wonder include the world, the UKs border, now offshore according to the Home Office, and global borderlands. The article advances a critical reading of contemporary political responses to spaces of wonder, particularly the ways in which the unknown and threatening are rendered in familiar and cozy terms. Ryan, M. and L. Switzer (2009). Propaganda and the subversion of objectivity: media coverage of the war on terrorism in Iraq. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(1): 45 - 64. Osama bin Laden must be supremely confident about the continuing success of international terrorism, given events of the seven years following the 9/11 attacks. The Wests response thus far has weakened the United States and its allies and generally strengthened terrorist organisations across the globe. We argue that the terrorist victory stems in part from media coverage of the George W. Bush administrations march to war. We argue that the media (1) failed to employ time-honoured principles of objectivity in covering the run-up to war, and (2) endorsed the Bush administrations exploitation of propaganda techniques to rally public support for war. We conclude that the media have not accepted that this constitutes a failure in professional ethics even as journalists and news organisations acknowledge lapses in judgement in their coverage of news about Iraq and we offer a few suggestions about what journalists could have done to alter the medias stance on terrorism and the war. It is doubtful, however, whether the media have learned from this

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experience or will act any differently the next time the nation faces a crisis. Santos, S. M. (2010). Counter-terrorism and peace negotiations with Philippine rebel groups. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(1): 137 - 154. This paper examines two case studies of how the United States-led Global War on Terror has impinged on the Philippine governments peace negotiations with the countrys two major rebel groups: the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the communist-led National Democratic Front (NDF). For four decades, these home-grown rebellions, not externally inspired terrorism, have been the main national or human security problem of the Philippines. The Global War on Terror has caused significant damage to the Philippine peace process aiming to end these conflicts. This contradicts the view that the Global War on Terror has boosted these processes by keeping these rebel groups honest through terrorist organization designations and listings, as well as the very definition of terrorism as applied to these groups. These designations should not be loosely applied on the basis of isolated terrorist acts; such acts must be systematically employed by the concerned organization to characterize it as a terrorist organization. Selth, A. (2004). Burmas Muslims and the War on Terror. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 27(2): 107-126. Burmas importance in world affairs has long derived from its critical geostrategic position, but another factor now attracting the interest of Western scholars and officials is Burmas large Muslim population. Usually overlooked in surveys of Islam in the Asia-Pacific region, Burmas Muslims are now being accorded greater attention. This is partly because of the harsh treatment they are receiving at the hands of the countrys military government, known since 1997 as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). It is also

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due, however, to their growing international connections, which in one case at least includes links to pan-Islamic extremist groups. In this regard, the global war against terrorism has become both a burden and an opportunity for the Rangoon regime. Shepherd, L. J. (2008). Visualising violence: Legitimacy and authority in the war on terror. Critical Studies on Terrorism 1(2): 213 - 226. This paper explores the relationship between visual representation and claims to legitimacy in the current George W. Bush administrations war on terror. Drawing on discourse theoretical works that focus analytical attention on the power of visual representation in communicating authority and legitimacy, this paper argues that crucial to such communicative acts is the rendering of a receptive audience complicit in particular interpretations of the images in question. While various visual representations construct political subjectivity and agency in different ways, common to all interpretations is the centralisation of an authoritative narrative. It is argued that this authorial voice must be challenged in the formulation of a politics resistant to dominant discourses of security/counter-terrorism in the West. Stahl, R. (2006). Have You Played the War on Terror? Critical Studies in Media Communication 23(2): 112-130. The media paradigm by which we understand war is increasingly the video game. These changes are not only reflected in the real-time television war, but also an increased collusion between military and commercial uses of video games. The essay charts the border-crossing of video games between military and civilian spheres alongside attendant discourses of war. Of particular interest are the ways that war has been coded as an object of consumer play and how official productions aimed at training and recruitment

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have cast video games as players themselves in the War on Terror. The essay argues that this crossover has initialized a third sphere of militarized civic space where the citizen is supplanted by the figure of the virtual citizensoldier. Steinbrink, J. E. and J. W. Cook (2003). Media Literacy Skills and the War on Terrorism. Clearing House 76(6): 284-288. Focuses on different lessons to help students enhance their criticalthinking skills by analyzing media-based topics and scenarios related to the war on terrorism. Media treatment of the post-September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S.; Factors which threaten the religion and culture of U.S. citizens; Equation of terrorism with Islam. Svensson, T. (2009). Frontiers of blame: Indias War on Terror. Critical Studies on Terrorism 2(1): 27 - 44. The article interrogates the meaning of terror in India, enacted through the recurring articulation of a particular logic of blame, via a specific focus on the train blasts in Mumbai in July 2006. The conceptual extent of violence as terror is examined broadly: as boundaries erected to equal war on terror with war on Muslim terror, as a purifying of the Indian Self, and as shifting thresholds in state rationalities pertaining to terrorist activities. The Indian state is torn between blaming domestic organizations and cross-border terrorism for involvement in acts of terror. The vagueness and ephemeral character of where to lay down the frontiers of blame is placing Muslim citizens in a precarious situation. Toivanen, R. (2010). Counterterrorism and expert regimes: some human rights concerns. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(2): 277 - 294.

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This article focuses on authoritative knowledge on terrorism and counterterrorism: its production, application, and legitimation. The question is as follows: What are the possible consequences for the application of internationally agreed human rights standards when democratic governments (are forced to) rely on expert knowledge in the planning and execution of their counterterrorism strategies? The specialty of the expert knowledge discussed in this article lies in the fact that the producers of the knowledge cannot be made accountable in a transparent and democratic manner for the expertise they advocate. Therefore, the main concern here is with the processes through which counterterrorism mechanisms become a validation for the violation of human rights. This article problematises the relationship between states and the expert bodies chosen by governments to advise them in countering terrorism. It argues that the readiness of democratic decision-makers to rely on expert knowledge that deploys security as an opposite of freedom has the potential to increase terrorism. van Dongen, T. (2010). Mapping counterterrorism: A categorisation of policies and the promise of empirically based, systematic comparisons. Critical Studies on Terrorism 3(2): 227 - 241. This article describes the development and application of a framework to compare national counterterrorism policies. It discusses the state of the art regarding concepts, frameworks and inventories to compare counterterrorism policies, explains the logic behind our own framework, briefly describes the application to ten European Union Member States, and then formulates an empirically based categorisation of counterterrorism policies. It is shown that the counterterrorism policies of the nine European states differ fundamentally. The concluding section sums up the findings and addresses some possibilities for the practical application of a framework of this kind.

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Van Veeren, E. (2009). Interrogating 24: Making Sense of US Counterterrorism in the Global War on Terrorism. New Political Science 31(3): 361384. As an increasing number of scholars have argued, the fiction of popular culture and the reality of politics are inseparable. Fact and fiction, rather than remaining distinct, are mutually constitutive and interact to produce new meaning. A critical reading of Fox Televisions intensely popular series 24 suggests that the series (re)produces key elements of the global war on terrorism discourse and is therefore a particularly useful case for under standing the importance of intertextuality for the production of meaning. Though the packaging of 24 may be new and exciting, the underlying messages remain the same, in the process rendering commonsensical the US global war on terrorism and the way that it has been waged. Voss, C. T. (2004). Crisis Negotiation: A Counter-Intuitive Method to Disrupt Terrorism. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 27(5): 455-459. The Crisis Negotiation Unit (CNU) method of negotiation as a response to international kidnapping disrupts criminal and terrorist operations alike. It combines crisis intervention, sound aggressive business negotiation, academic negotiation research, and hard earned experience into an aggressive effort to exploit the kidnappers. The cornerstone of this is that negotiation is not concession. The CNU method reduces the risk of harm to the victims, increases the chances of their safe release, and enhances the likelihood of a successful apprehension of the kidnappers. Welch, M. (2004). Trampling Human Rights in the War on Terror: Implications to the Sociology of Denial. Critical Criminology 12(1): 1-20.

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Critical criminology has greatly benefited from the concept of moral panic, which is a helpful framework for understanding immigration ``reform and the treatment of immigrants especially in relation to concerns about terrorism. In response to the events of September 11, 2001, the United States government swiftly produced legislation intended to protect homeland security, culminating in the USA Patriot Act. While mainstream political leaders supported the new law, many legal experts expressed concerns about its expansive powers as serious dangers to immigrants rights and civil liberties. Among those concerns are controversial tactics involving ethnic profiling, detentions, and government secrecy. This article examines critically the nature of those forms of human rights violations while elaborating on the contradictions in the war on terror. Applying Cohens sociology of denial how literal, interpretive, and implicatory denial perpetuate long-term social problems developments are interpreted conceptually, contributing to a deeper understanding of growing threats to human rights.

Miscellaneous Paul, D. G. (2002). Coming apart at the Seam. Cultural Studies/Critical Methodologies 2(2): 197. Reflects on the role of cultural studies after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S. Factors that must be considered in waging war; Insights on the war on terrorism; Outcomes in focusing on an enemy of color. Rigstad, M. (2009). The Bush Doctrine as a hegemonic discourse strategy. Critical Review of International Social & Political Philosophy 12(3): 377398.

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Even if preventive military counter-terrorism may sometimes be ethically justifiable, it remains an open question whether the Bush Doctrine presented a discursively coherent account of the relevant normative conditions. With a view towards answering this question, this article critically examines efforts to ground the morally personifying language of the Bush Doctrine in term of hegemonic stability theory. Particular critical attention is paid to the arguments of leading proponents of this brand of game theory, including J. Yoo, E. Posner, A. Sykes, and J. Goldsmith. When examined in their terms, the Bush Doctine is best understood as an ethically hypocritical and shortsighted international discursive strategy. Its use of moralistic language in demonizing rogue states for purely amoral purposes is normatively incoherent and discursively unsustainable. If it is a strategically rational piece of international communication, it seems designed to undermine globally shared normative meanings for the sake of short-term unilateral military advantage.

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209

Books

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Establishing Peace Allison, A. and D. Solnit (2007). Army of none: strategies to counter military recruitment, end war, and build a better world, New York: Seven Stories Press. Every day in the United States, military recruiters enter the halls of high schools equipped with a goodie bag of promises and free copies of the US Armys official new video game, Americas Army. Assurances of noncombat positions and college money made largely to teens of color and lowincome communities rarely materialize upon real-life service. An Army of None is a comprehensive guide to counter-recruitment campaignsfrom personal counseling to legislative change to direct action. More hands-on and sustainable than other antiwar activities, the counter-recruitment movement offers a provocative vision for the future and has the potential to create deep positive social change and de-militarize our schools, country, and the world at large. An Army of None is an unprecedented and practical resource for activists, containing compelling photos and artwork, spoken word, sample fact sheets, how-to guides, lobbying directions, resource lists, and ideas for direct action. It provides a frightening look into the world of military recruitment that everyone in the United States should know about, and the hopeful stories, inspiration, and tools necessary to do something about it. Andersson, N., D. Iagolnitzer, et al. (2008). International justice and impunity: the case against the United States, Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press. This book reflects a primary response by international civil society to US disregard for international law. It is a damning indictment of the Hiroshimas of our time. It provides a cogent elaboration of the international legal values to

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be defended, for humanity to triumph over the new wave of global barbarism brought about by the efforts of the United States to consolidate and extend the dimensions of its empire. Once the champion of the United Nations, the United States now skirts the Geneva Conventions, uses international humanitarian law as a pretext for intervention, engages in bombardments causing grave civilian losses, seeks to expand its options in relation to torture while continuing to render prisoners to countries known for its practice. Having failed in its effort to block the establishment of the International Criminal Court, the United States still refuses to ratify its Statute--even though the ICC Statute modified the rules of the 1977 Geneva Protocol and The Hague in an effort to satisfy the trajectory pursued by U.S. foreign policy. The United States pursuit of a unilateral imperial policy based on military force destroys the credibility of the nascent international legal framework. Rather, the US is leading the world by example toward a future without rules or values, where humanity is subject to the whims of the more powerful. Former government officials, scholars, advocates and directors of international organizations operating at the highest level in the areas of international humanitarian law address the relevant international law, the threats thereto by US policy, its ramifications for the world system, and possible avenues of legal recourse. Austin, A., M. Fischer, et al. (2003). Peace and conflict impact assessment: critical views on theory and practice, Berlin: Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management. This series will document debates on current conflict transformation topics for scholars, practitioners and other interested organisations and individuals working in the field of peacebuilding, human rights, development and humanitarian work

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Churchill, W. and M. Ryan (2007). Pacifism as pathology: [reflections on the role of armed struggle in North America]. Edinburgh, AK Press. This extraordinarily important book cuts to the heart of one of the central reasons movements to bring about social and environmental justice always fail. The fundamental question here is: is violence ever an acceptable tool to help bring about social change? This is probably the most important question of our time, yet so often discussions around it fall into clichs and magical thinking: that somehow if we are merely good and nice enough people, the state will stop using its violence to exploit us all. Would that this were true.Derrick Jensen, author of Endgame, from the introduction. Pacifism, the ideology of nonviolent political resistance, has been the norm among mainstream North American progressive groups for decades. But to what end? Ward Churchill challenges the pacifist movements heralded victories Gandhi in India, 1960s antiwar activists, even Martin Luther Kings civil rights movementsuggesting that their success was in spite of, rather than because of, their nonviolent tactics. Pacifism as Pathology was written as a response not only to Churchills frustration with his own activist experience, but also to a debate raging in the activist and academic communities. He argues that pacifism is in many ways counterrevolutionary; that it defends the status quo, and doesnt lead to social change. In these times of upheaval and global protest, this is a vital and extremely relevant book. Francis, D. (2002). People, peace, and power: conflict transformation in action, London: Pluto Press. Millions of people around the world live in countries torn apart by war, where violence and suffering are part of everyday life. Yet in all those countries there are groups of people working for peace in the midst of war,

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standing up for human rights and decency. What difference can they make? What can be done to support them, and to help dialogue to happen in the midst of hostility and violence? This book examines these questions, focusing on the roles that ordinary people can play as peace builders in societies where violence and antagonism have become the norm, where inter-communal relationships are fractured or where institutions and the rule of law have collapsed. It examines the theory and practice of conflict transformation and its relevance for different cultures and contexts. Using extensive case studies taken from practical workshops - the most frequently used form of conflict intervention - in the Balkans and around the world, it shows both the power and the complexity of such encounters. Francis, D. (2010). From pacification to peace building: a call to global transformation. London, Pluto Press. Does conflict transformation work? Diana Francis reviews the developments in the field over the past twenty years. She recognizes that it has helped those engulfed in violent conflict to respond constructively, but also warns that the real requirement for peace is a global retreat from militarism. In an original and radical analysis, Francis argues that the dominant culture of power resting on coercion and violence must be displaced by the principles of interdependence, kindness and nonviolent solidarity. This is the only way that pacification -- efforts to dominate and control -- will be replaced by genuine peacebuilding. She calls upon peacemakers worldwide to embrace and develop the practice of nonviolent power, rejecting the culture and institutions of war and working with movements around the world for global demilitarization and positive peace. Francis, D. J. (2008). Peace and conflict in Africa. London, Zed Books.

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Nowhere in the world is the demand for peace more prominent and challenging than in Africa. This book presents the first comprehensive overview of conflict and peace across the continent. Bringing together a range of leading academics from Africa and beyond, Peace and Conflict in Africa is an ideal introduction to key themes of conflict resolution, peacebuilding, security and development. The books stress on the importance of indigenous African approaches to creating peace makes it an innovative and exciting intervention in the field. Galtung, J., C. G. Jacobsen, et al. (2002). Searching for peace: the road to Transcend. London, Pluto Press. This new, updated and extensively revised edition of Searching for Peace is one of the first books to bridge the gap between peace and conflict studies, world order and globalisation. Revealing deep structures and deep cultures of violence and finding in them the reasons for increasing violence and peacekeeping failures, it presents the lessons that can be learned from the TRANSCEND approach, adopted as a UN training guide. A critical and piercing analysis of the short-comings of conventional approaches to conflict resolution, realpolitik and worsening dynamics of global violence which, if not resolved, threaten even more catastrophic destruction in the future. The book maps the conditions and path to sustainable peace, and the challenge for peace by peaceful means. Higate, P. and M. Henry (2009). Insecure spaces: peacekeeping, power and performance in Haiti, Kosovo and Liberia. London, Zed Books. In recent times, the Blue Berets have become markers of peace and security around the globe. Yet, the iconoclastic symbol of both the Blue Beret and the Blue Helmet continue to engage the international political imagination

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in ways that downplay the inconsistent effects of peacekeeping missions on the security of local people. In this book, Paul Higate and Marsha Henry develop critical perspectives on UN and NATO peacekeeping, arguing that these forms of international intervention are framed by the exercise of power. Their analysis of peacekeeping, based on fieldwork conducted in Haiti, Liberia and Kosovo, suggests that peacekeeping reconfigures former conflict zones in ways that shape perceptions of security. This reconfiguration of space is enacted by peacekeeping personnel who perform security through their daily professional and personal practices, sometimes with unanticipated effects. Insecure Spaces interdisciplinary analysis sheds great light on the contradictory mix of security and insecurity that peace operations create.

Hippler, J. (2005). Nation-building a key concept for peaceful conflict transformation? London, Pluto Press. The term nation-building has experienced a remarkable renaissance since the early 1990s. It has been used to describe and to justify the military interventions in Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. Linked to the idea of failed or failing states, the concept is used to hide and legitimize a whole range of diverse policies, allowing foreign powers to control and reshape countries in areas of conflict. Currently the international debate on nation building is heavily dominated by US actors and authors, especially by writers connected to the Bush administration or its policies. This book presents academic and political alternatives, presenting a critical view from Old Europe. The book combines academic research and analysis with policy orientation, with contributors from both fields. It clarifies the terminology distinguishing developmental, peace-related, imperial and analytical approaches to nationbuilding. Highlighting its connections to globalization, democracy, ethnic and

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religious minorities, the contributors consider case studies such as Somalia, the Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq and Nigeria. Kyl, M. (2003). Islam and its quest for peace: jihad, justice and education, Washington, D.C., Council for Research in Values and Philosophy. Rationale for peace and justice education -- Socio-economic justice around the world -- The Islamic concepts of war and peace -- Contemporary Muslims views on war and peace -- A critical approach to the question of war and peace in Islam -- Islamic understanding of socio-economic justice -Islamic foundations of socio-economic justice -- Islamic means for attaining social and economic justice -- A critical approach to the question of socioeconomic justice in Islam -- The definition of peace and justice education -- The purpose and learning goals of peace education -- The history of peace education -- The possibility of education for peace and justice -- Teaching methods for peace education -- A course plan for peace education for departments of religious studies in Islamic countries -- Conflict and justice: an urgent priority -- Jihad and its interpreters -- Socio-economic justice: an Islamic imperative -- Peace and justice education : an imperative. Ritter, S. (2007). Waging peace: the art of war for the antiwar movement. New York, Nation Books. Scott Ritter, former Marine and UN weapons inspector, argues that there is a growing despondency amongst the anti-war movement. Ritter proposes the anti-war movement seek guidance from sources they normally spurn that one must study the enemy in order to learn the art of campaigning and of waging battles when necessary. They need to understand the pro-war movements decision-making cycle, then undertake a comprehensive course of action.

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Yoder, J. H., G. H. Stassen, et al. (2009). The war of the lamb: the ethics of nonviolence and peacemaking. Grand Rapids, Mich., Brazos Press. John Howard Yoder was one of the major theologians of the late twentieth century. Before his death, he planned the essays and structure of this book, which he intended to be his last work. Now two leading interpreters of Yoder bring that work to fruition. The book is divided into three sections: pacifism, just war theory, and just peacemaking theory. The volume crystallizes Yoders argument that his proposed ethics is not sectarian and a matter of withdrawal. He also clearly argues that Christian just war and Christian pacifist traditions are basically compatible--and more specifically, that the Christian just war tradition itself presumes against all violence. Narratives of Terrorism Ahmad, E. and D. Barsamian (2001). Terrorism: theirs and ours. New York, Seven Stories Press. Discusses the term terrorist in comparison to freedom fighter, as the two concepts are perceived in American politics, and offers the authors comments on his return from a trip to Afghanistan to interview Osama bin Laden. Allen, T. and K. Vlassenroot (2010). The Lords Resistance Army: myth and reality. London, Zed Books. The Lords Resistance Army is Africas most extraordinarily persistent and notorious terrorist group. Since their rebellion in northern Uganda began in 1987, the group is estimated to have abducted an estimated 30,000 children as well as committing a series of massacres and other horrific human rights abuses against the local population. Led by the mysterious Joseph Kony,

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who in 2005 was indicted by the International Criminal Court, they remain a group that inspires both fascination and fear. Authoritative but provocative, The Lords Resistance Army provides the most comprehensive analysis of the group available, dismantling numerous myths and providing a wealth of information that is not widely known. From the issue of child soldiers to the response of the Ugandan government, the book looks at every aspect of this most brutal of conflicts, and even includes a remarkable first-hand interview with Joseph Kony himself. Bolender, K. and N. Chomsky (2010). Voices from the other side: an oral history of terrorism against Cuba. London, Puto Press. Since 1960, successive US administrations in Washington have waged an aggressive illegal war against Cuba, the human toll of which has long been ignored. Keith Bolender corrects this ignorance, offering a true peoples history of perseverance. This book is highly recommended. Greg Grandin, Professor of History at New York University and author of Empires Workshop (2006) Voices From the Other Side turns the prevailing paradigm of terrorism on its head: in this instance, Cuba as object of a policy of sanctions, subversion, and sabotage as experienced in the daily lives of the Cuban people. Louis A. Perez, Jr., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Since the early 1960s, few countries have endured more acts of terrorism against civilian targets than Cuba. The US has often been involved in these attacks. This book gives a voice to the victims. Keith Bolender reveals the enormous impact that terrorism has had on Cubas civilian population. Over 1,000 documented incidents have resulted in more than 3,000 deaths and 2,000 injuries. Bolender includes first-person interviews with surviving victims, and relatives and friends of those killed. The book is a unique resource for anyone interested in Cubas troubled relationship with the US.

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Brisard, J.-C., G. Dasqui, et al. (2002). Forbidden truth: U.S.-Taliban secret oil diplomacy and the failed hunt for Bin Laden. New York City, Thunders Mouth Press. Explores the United States hidden interests in Afghanistan, reveals an intricate network of Saudi-based support for Osama bin Laden, and discusses the impact of U.S./Saudi relations upon the War on Terrorism. Burbach, R. and J. Tarbell (2004). Imperial overstretch: George W. Bush and the hubris of empire. London, Zed Books. This book explains how the neo-cons, the Christian right and the petro-military complex have hijacked US foreign policy. It asks some very important questions. What is the price Americans will have to pay for this new era of endless projections of American military might - a price measured in terms of a never ending fear of terrorism; mushrooming spending on security, defence, and overseas military adventures; the erosion of civil liberties inside the United States; and most importantly the deaths abroad of tens of thousands of innocent civilian and military combatants on both sides? Chomsky, N. (2002). Pirates and emperors, old and new: international terrorism in the real world, Boston, MA: South End Press. This updated edition of Noam Chomskys classic dis-section of terrorism explores the role of the U.S. in the Middle East, and reveals how the media manipulates -public opinion about what constitutes terrorism. This edition includes new chapters covering the second Palestinian intifada that began in October 2000; an analysis of the impact of September 11 on U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East; a deconstruction of depictions and perceptions of terrorism since that date; as well as the original sections on

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Iran and the U.S. bombing of Libya. Chomsky starts by tracing the changing meaning of terrorism, examining how it originally referred to violent acts by governments designed to ensure popular submission. He calls its current application retail terrorism, practiced by thieves who molest the powerful. Chomsky argues that appreciating the differences between state terror and nongovernmental terror is crucial to stopping terrorism, and understanding why atrocities like the bombing of the World Trade Center happen. In comparing the war on terror launched by George W. Bush to that of his father and Ronald Reagans administrations, Chomsky recalls Winston Churchills summation of the terror by the powerful: The rich and powerful have every right to demand that they be left in peace to enjoy what they have gained, often by violence and terror; the rest can be ignored as long as they suffer in silence, but if they interfere with the lives of those who rule the world by right, the terrors of the earth will be visited upon them with righteous wrath, unless power is constrained from within. Pirates and Emperors is a brilliant account of the workings of state terrorism by the worlds foremost critic of U.S. imperialism. Chomsky, N. and S. Lamrani (2005). Superpower principles: U.S. terrorism against Cuba. Monroe, ME, Common Courage Press. Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, William Blum, Nobel Laureate Nadine Gordimer, Michael Parenti and Leonard Weinglass spell out the grim realities of US aggressions against Cuba since 1898. In 1959, with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, Washington implemented international terrorism as a tool of its foreign policy, and violence has become a doctrinal norm in world affairs. The fate of the Cuban Five, who traveled to the United States to investigate terrorist groups in Florida and then received life sentences for doing so, is also reviewed.

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Cooley, J. K. (2002). Unholy wars: Afghanistan, America, and international terrorism. London, Puto Press. To oppose the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, the US formed an anti-communist alliance with militant Islamic forces in Central Asia. This book provides an account of this alliance and how it backfired with the events of September 11. Foster, J. B. (2006). Naked imperialism: the U.S. pursuit of global dominance, New York: Monthly Review Press. During the Cold War years, mainstream commentators were quick to dismiss the idea that the United States was an imperialist power. Even when U.S. interventions led to the overthrow of popular governments, as in Iran, Guatemala, or the Congo, or wholesale war, as in Vietnam, this fiction remained intact. During the 1990s and especially since September 11, 2001, however, it has crumbled. Today, the need for American empire is openly proclaimed and defended by mainstream analysts and commentators. John Bellamy Fosters Naked Imperialism examines this important transformation in U.S. global policy and ideology, showing the political and economic roots of the new militarism and its consequences both in the global and local context. Foster shows how U.S.-led global capitalism is preparing the way for a new age of barbarism and demonstrates the necessity for resistance and solidarity on a global scale. Galleymore, S. (2009). Long time passing: mothers speak about war and terror. London, Pluto Press. In this remarkable portrait of what it means to be a mother in time of war, Susan Galleymore tells of her unusual step of traveling to Iraq to

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visit her son on a military base. What she found there prompted her to continue that journey interviewing mothers in war zones including Iraq, Israel and the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Afghanistan and the United States. These powerful first-person accounts offer dramatic insight into the impact of war on families and communities in many countries. Long Time Passing gets to the heart of extreme social experiences - war and warriors, mothers and children, communities and cultures - and explores the meaning of courage, fear, and leadership. Newhouse, J. (2004). Imperial America: the Bush assault on the world order. New York, Vintage Books. John Newhouse describes the ways in which Americas relationship with much of the world went wrong after the events of September 11, 2001, the moment when most nations were ready to accept U. S. leadership in a war against terrorism. Newhouse poses important questions: Why didnt the Bush administration exploit this rare opportunity to stabilize the Middle East, and Southwest and Northeast Asia? How have the administrations truculent behavior, misguided actions, and inaction at critical moments undermined efforts to curb the production of weapons of mass destruction? Why have Bush and his cabinet laid down edicts that have served chiefly to upset and sharpen the insecurities of other nations, including some of our allies? Newhouse discusses the reasons why Pakistan is probably the most dangerous country in the world. He devotes attention to the threats posed by Iran and North Korea, and the administrations bungled, dangerously inept attention to them. Woven through with illuminating anecdotes and vivid portraits of the players - Bush, Rumsfeld, Cheney, Powell, Blair, Chirac, Putin, and others - Imperial America is a brilliantly clear, timely, and powerfully thoughtprovoking expose of recent American foreign policy: how it has been made

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and perilously mishandled. Rai, M. (2006). 7/7: the London bombings, Islam and the Iraq War. London, Pluto Press. On the anniversary of the July 7, 2005, London subway/bus bombings popularly known as 7/7, peace activist Rai (War Plan Iraq) explores why four young, modestly successful U.K.-born Muslims would massacre fellow citizens by becoming suicide bombers. And did Iraqdespite official rejection of a causal linkhave anything to do with it? Rai grounds his meticulous analysis in newspaper accounts, sociological research, the literature on brainwashing, survivors accounts and the video confession of lead bomber Mohammad Sidique Khan. With sober, conscientious detail, he argues that the mens callous violence and moral delusion were rooted less in al-Qaeda brainwashing than in disaffection and humiliation felt for the suffering of Muslim people worldwide at the hands of Western powers or their proxies, particularly in Iraq. This, Rai argues, is central to the proper explanation for their actions, which Blairs administration has resisted, at least publicly. Pointing to leaked internal documents, however, Rai asserts that the British government actually believes that U.S./U.K. aggression in Iraq has increased the threat of domestic terrorism. Though Rais openly anti-imperialist bias leads predictably to a call for withdrawal from Iraq and paying reparations, he marshals a persuasive amount of grassroots, expert and government opinion spanning the political spectrum in making his case. Schell, J. (2004). A hole in the world: an unfolding story of war, protest, and the new American order. New York, Nation Books. In the immediate aftermath of September 11, Jonathan Schell wrote wise and passionate words that appeared in The Nation. From these words

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blossomed a regular column by the former New Yorker writer on the new American way of living, dying, and killing. Fierce and elegant, infused with Schells typical compassion, these meditations were incisions into the received wisdoms of post-9/11 America. Drawing from historical precedents to comments on the current political and cultural situation, Schell presents compelling arguments against Americas imperial ambitions, explores the dangers posed by the resurgence of nuclear proliferation, and argues that the public can and must hold their leaders accountable for their actions. As Schell warns, Attention must shift from the deceiver to the deceived. The corruption threatens to spread from the teller to the hearer-from the Administration to the country, from them to us. Todays lies, exaggerations, contradictions and broken promises litter the mental landscape, like uncollected garbage, polluting and poisoning the intellectual and moral air. A fog of amnesia covers the scene. What was said ten minutes ago is forgotten. What was promised yesterday never appears, and no one cares ... Cognitive torture calls for cognitive indignation. And indignation should lead to action. Stokes, D. (2005). Americas other war: terrorizing Colombia. London, Zed Books This controversial book maintains that in Colombia the US has long supported a pervasive campaign of state violence directed against both armed insurgents and a wide range of unarmed progressive social forces. While the context may change from one decade to the next, the basic policies remain the same: maintain the pro-US Colombian state, protect US economic interests and preserve strategic access to oil. Colombia is now the third largest recipient of US military aid in the world, and the largest by far in Latin America. Using extensive declassified documents, this book shows that the so-called war on drugs, and now the new war on terror in Colombia are actually part of a

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long-term Colombian war of state terror that predates the end of the Cold War with US policy contributing directly to the human rights situation in Colombia today. Zunes, S. (2003). Tinderbox: U.S. foreign policy and the roots of terrorism. London, Zed Books. This policy-relevant study of US foreign policy, written in the light of September 11, examines US actions since the 1970s in the critical geographical arena of the Middle East. It argues that the more that the US has militarized the region, the less secure the American people have become. Peace Education Bajaj, M. (2008). Encyclopedia of peace education, Charlotte, NC: Information Age Pub. The rise of peace education both in scholarship and in practice has yielded numerous documents, websites, and publications with often divergent perspectives on what the field is, does, and means. The Encyclopedia of Peace Education provides a comprehensive overview of the scholarly developments in the field to date, so as to provide a common denominator for the various actors involved in advancing peace education internationally. Thus, this edited volume serves as an essential reference guide that traces the history and emergence of the field, highlights foundational concepts, contextualizes peace education practice across international and disciplinary borders, and suggests new directions for peace educators. From core conceptual perspectives to the moral and spiritual foundations of the field to the role of the United Nations, the Encyclopedia grounds peace education in a solid theoretical and practical framework through the writings of the fields most renowned scholars. This volume will target undergraduate and graduate students as well as scholars and

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practitioners working in international and non-governmental organizations in the field of peace education. McGlynn, C., Z. Bekerman, et al. (2009). Peace education in conflict and post-conflict societies: comparative perspectives, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. While the number and range of international peace programmes continues to proliferate, there is a marked absence of interdisciplinary and comparative research to guide academic development and inform practice in this challenging arena. It is these deficits that the present volume aims to address. This collection of peace education efforts in conflict and post-conflict societies brings together an international group of scholars to offer the very latest theoretical and pedagogical developments for long term solutions. Trifonas, P. P. and B. L. Wright (2010). Critical issues in peace and education. London, Routledge. This collection asks theorists and educational practitioners from around the world influenced by the schools of feminist pedagogy, critical pedagogy, anti-racist or postcolonial pedagogy, and gay and lesbian pedagogy to reflect upon the possibilities of articulating a curriculum of difference that critically examines the cross-cultural issues of peace and education that are at the forefront of global education issues today. Contributors examine the conceptualizations of peace and education within, between, and across cultures through the conceptualization of pedagogical possibilities that create an openness toward the horizons of the other within communal formations of difference permeating the public sphere. They take up new ways of questions related to globalization, difference, community, identity, peace, democracy, sexuality, ethics, conflict, politics, feminism, technology, language rights,

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cultural politics, Marxism, and deconstruction that have a vast literary history in and outside the area of education. This volume makes a significant contribution to the question of difference and its quintessential role in peace education for the new millennium. Weber, C. (2006). Nurturing the peacemakers in our students: a guide to writing and speaking out about issues of war and of peace. Portsmouth, Heinemann. From the Publisher: What kind of world do you wish for your students? For all people? Nurturing the Peacemakers in Our Students offers middle and high school teachers fresh ideas to inspire and nurture the peacemakers among their students by showing them how adolescents have experienced war. Chris Weber, as well as a wonderful cast of contributors, including Peter Elbow, Bill Bigelow, and Jim Burke, demonstrates that through reading, discussing, and writing about narratives of children who have experienced war, students make connections between what they see, hear, and read through the media about military conflicts and their horrible human consequences. This critical examination of war then inspires subsequent opportunities for students to use their literacy skills to communicate with others dedicated to ending global violence. In fact Nurturing the Peacemakers in Our Students offers lists of online organizations and projects where kids can become part of a national, international, even global community of peacemakers. Nurturing the Peacemakers in Our Students is an extraordinarily timely book whose call for empathy, consciousness, and critical thought gives teachers the chance to make a difference in the literacy lives of their students, in the quality of their students lives, and in the quality of the lives we all live as citizens of the world.

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Peace Studies Cooper, N., M. C. Pugh, et al. (2011). Whose peace? critical perspectives on the political economy of peace building. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. The book provides critical perspectives that reach beyond the technical approaches of international financial institutions and proponents of the liberal peace formula. It investigates political economies characterized by the legacies of disruption to production and exchange, by population displacement, poverty, and by criminality. Debiel, T. and A. Klein (2002). Fragile peace: state failure, violence, and development in crisis regions, London: Zed Books. The contributors to this volume explore a number of regions in which internal violence and conflict stubbornly persist, and why domestic and international efforts to re-establish order, human security, democratic processes, and an economy capable of developing, are proving so difficult to achieve. Particular attention is given to three important regions: the Caucasus, Central America and the Horn of Africa. Evangelista, M. (2005). Peace studies: critical concepts in political science. London, Routledge. The set reprints key scholarship in peace studies--an academic field which emerged during the Cold War to address the nature and sources of interstate and internal conflict, as well as the methods to prevent this conflict and deal with its consequences. As the papers in this set show, peace studies, much like political science itself, is an interdisciplinary field, built upon contributions from psychology, sociology, history and economics among others. It differs from related fields, such as strategic studies or security studies, in its implicit normative and teleological orientation: an expectation

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that scholarly research can contribute to reducing the sources of conflict to produce a more just and peaceful world. Francis, D. (2004). Rethinking war and peace. London, Pluto Press. Is war ever a just way to resolve conflict? Diana Francis argues that it is not. With passion and eloquence, she mounts a head-on challenge to the belief that war as an institution is either necessary or effective for good. Refuting the notion that human nature condemns us to perpetual carnage, she argues that we can change the ways we think and the systems we live by. In a tightly reasoned discussion of the ethics of war and peace she asserts that war is a gross denial of the core values on which peace depends, and that the Just War Theory has failed and deceived us. The book explores alternative ways of confronting aggression and injustice, showing that these are neglected but well proven. Francis argues that our security can be enhanced by recognition of our shared responsibility for each other and our planet. Practial solutions require a new level of participation in public affairs. Recent events have shown that this is possible. Francis outlines the steps we must take to bring about the radical shift so urgently needed. Franks, J. (2006). Rethinking the roots of terrorism, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. Rethinking the Roots of Terrorism seeks to explain why terrorism occurs. This study provides a comprehensive interdisciplinary survey that investigates the motivations, reasons and causes of terrorism at all levels in society, and more specifically in the context of the Middle East. The author is critical of what he describes as the orthodox terrorism discourse and the conventional understanding of terrorism, which he argues does little to address its root causes. He seeks to open up the debate on the causes of

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terrorism by aligning it with the causes of conflict and thus using the methods and approaches provided by conflict resolution to rethink the roots of terrorist violence. Franks reveals the multifarious and multilevel political, social, and economic causes and motivations that generate terrorism, which tend to be obscured - or worse, purposefully ignored - by the orthodox approach. Galtung, J. (2005). Pax Pacifica: terrorism, the Pacific hemisphere, globalization and peace studies, Boulder CO, Paradigm Publishers. Johan Galtung is the worlds foremost thinker in peace studies. This remarkable book is his response to the events of 9/11. It is a philosophical collection of essays on terror, war, and peace which engages with the key issues and obstacles we face in attempting to create peace around the world. Focusing in particular on the Pacific region, he presents a grounded assessment of the history of the regional power dynamics and present prospects for peace. Kiersey, N. J. and D. Stokes (2010). Foucault and international relations: new critical engagements. London, Routledge. The recent debate about biopolitics in International Relations (IR) theory may well prove to be one of the most provocative and rewarding engagements with the concept of power in the history of the discipline. Building on Foucaults arguments concerning the role played by the concept of security in 19th-century liberal government, numerous IR scholars are now arguing for the relevance of his theories of biopolitics and governmentality for understanding the Global War on Terror (GWOT) and broader issues of security and governance in the post 9/11 world. Conversely, others have criticized this idea. Marxist and Communitarian scholars have challenged the notion that the category of biopolitics can be scaled up to the level of international relations with any analytical precision. This edited volume covers

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these debates in IR with a series of critical engagements with Foucaults own thought and its increasing relevance for understanding international relations in the post 9/11 world. This book was based on a special issue of Global Society. Koch, C., M. Fritzsche, et al. (2003). 2/15: the day the world said no to war. Oakland, CA, AK Press. 2/15 is a collection of photographs and quotes from 38 countries documenting the historical peace movement on and around February 15th, 2003, when 30 million people around the world demonstrated for peace. MacGinty, R. and O. P. Richmond (2009). The liberal peace and post-war reconstruction: myth or reality? London, Routledge. This critical and comparative book is comprised of arguments for and against the dominant western style of peace interventions and postwar reconstruction that has been applied around the world. It examines and assesses the nature of the peace that these have achieved or offer for the future. Matyk, T., J. Senehi, et al. (2011). Critical issues in peace and conflict studies: theory, practice, and pedagogy. Lanham, MD., Lexington Books. Critical Issues in Peace and Conflict Studies Theory, Practice, and Pedagogy, edited by Thomas Maty-k, Jessica Senehi, and Sean Byrne, discusses critical issues in the emerging field of Peace and Conflict Studies, and suggests a framework for the future development of the field and the education of its practitioners and academics. Contributors to the book are recognized scholars and practitioners in their respective fields. The authors take an holistic approach to the study, analysis, and resolution of conflict at the micro, meso, macro, and mega levels.

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Price, S. (2010). Brute reality: power, discourse and the mediation of war. London, Pluto Press. This book is an analysis of those formal attempts, made by prominent social actors, to present a rationale for the existence and exercise of coercive power. The author shows that the war on terror and its associated campaigns are an aggressive attempt to assert the contradictory interests of a trans-national elite. The period chosen to illustrate the key characteristics of this enterprise extends from the state of war created after the September 11th attacks to the strategic adjustments begun during the nadir of the Iraq adventure. The shift in policy of the Obama administration is also analyzed. The book contains a wealth of transcripts and media sources, from Business Weeks coverage of the Afghanistan campaign to the rhetorical pronouncements of leading politicians. Brute Reality provides students of media studies with a critical insight into a number of influential structures that have helped to shape contemporary attitudes to warfare. Ratner, M. (2008). The trial of Donald Rumsfeld: a prosecution by book. New York, New Press The Bush administrations security and intelligence-gathering policies have inspired few critiques as thorough as Ratners. The president of the progressive Center for Constitutional Rights presents a mock trial of 14 U.S. government and military officials, Donald Rumsfeld chief among them; with immunity from criminal prosecution while in office, Bush and Cheney are named as unindicted co-conspirators. The charge is torture and war crimes. The opening statement describes the Bush administrations alleged torture program in detail and the role the defendants played. The prosecution evidence includes statements of former Abu Ghraib and Guantnamo

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detainees describing tortures such as sleep deprivation, water-boarding and stress positions. Ratner presents the defense primarily through government documents, such as the infamous John Yoo memo rejecting the application of the Geneva Accords to detainees. This defense is followed by a rebuttal based on international law that systematically rejects the governments arguments. Of course, a real trial would give the defense an opening and closing statement, and books dont allow for cross-examination. Though his case appears strong, Ratners conceit will appeal primarily to those who have already voted guilty. Richmond, O. P. (2008). Peace in international relations. London, Routledge. This book examines the way in which peace is conceptualized in IR theory, a topic which has until now been largely overlooked.The volume explores the way peace has been implicitly conceptualized within the different strands of IR theory, and in the policy world as exemplified through practices in the peacebuilding efforts since the end of the Cold War. Issues addressed include the problem of how peace efforts become sustainable rather than merely inscribed in international and state-level diplomatic and military frameworks. The book also explores themes relating to culture, development, agency and structure. It explores in particular the current mantras associated with the liberal peace, which appears to have become a foundational assumption of much of mainstream IR and the policy world. Analyzing war has often led to the dominance of violence as a basic assumption in, and response to, the problems of international relations. This book aims to redress the balance by arguing that IR now in fact offers a rich basis for the study of peace. Vidal, G. (2002). Perpetual war for perpetual peace: how we got to be so hated. New York, Nation Books.

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The Federation of American Scientists has catalogued nearly two hundred incursions since 1945 in which the United States has been the aggressor. In these essays, whose centerpiece is a commentary on the events of September 11, 2001 (deemed too controversial to be published in the United States until now), the author challenges the comforting consensus following both September 11th and Timothy McVeighs bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma city: these were simply the acts of evil-doers. September Eleventh Achcar, G. (2002). The clash of barbarisms: September 11 and the making of the new world disorder. New York, Monthly Review Press. The London bombings of July 7th, 2005, revived the debates that raged after 9/11. What relation did they bear to the foreign and war policies of the United Kingdom and the United States? Were they symptoms of a cultural clash between deep-seated values or signs of a social crisis at the root of the ongoing conflict? How should we analyze the present-day emergence of fanatical forms of Islamic fundamentalism? The title of the book alludes to the famous thesis on the Clash of Civilizations. Achcar develops a counterthesis, namely that the clashes we are witnessing do not oppose civilizations, but their dark sides. Each civilization produces a specific form of barbarism, which tends to take over in periods of crisis. Accordingly, the Bush administration doesnt embody the values of Western civilization nor does Islamic fanaticism of the al-Qa ida type represent Islamic civilization. The clash between them is a clash of barbarisms in which the main culprit remains the most powerful. The war of aggression and occupation in Iraq led to blatant manifestations of Western barbarism, most strikingly epitomized by the torture at Abu Ghraib, and inevitably nurtured fanatical Islamic and other counterbarbarisms.

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Boyle, F. A. (2004). Destroying world order: U.S. imperialism in the Middle East before and after September 11, Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press. What are the imperial dimensions of U.S. policy in the Middle East, past and present? This hard-hitting commentary, well-grounded in fact and law, addresses these questions: * Did the U.S. break international law in the Middle East before September 11th? * ...after September 11th? * How are U.S. actions affecting the UN? *What are the implications for world peace for the American military, American civil liberties and American and international economic well-being? *Should George W. Bush be impeached for lying in leading the nation to war? The author further discusses U.S. assistance to Iraq during the Iran/Iraq war and U.S. conduct of the 1990 Gulf War, and the recent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq in relation to violations of the laws of neutrality, humanitarian law, the laws of war and the U.S. Constitution. The concluding chapter includes draft articles for the impeachment of President George W. Bush Feffer, J. (2003). Power trip: U.S. unilateralism and global strategy after September 11, New York: Seven Stories Press. Surveying the contours of U.S. foreign policy after September 11, this collection of new essays by Barbara Ehrenreich, Ahmed Rashid, Michael Ratner, and many others offers a concise dissection of the new U.S. unilateralism. Hershberg, E. and K. W. Moore (2002). Critical views of September 11: analyses from around the world, New York, New Press. In the months since September 11, millions of Americans have belatedly awakened to the fact that they ignore the world at their peril. A sudden surge of interest in international affairs represents a dramatic turnaround from a

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decades-long decline. Critical Views of September 11: Analyses from Around the World provides deep perspective on the changing world order in the wake of the attacks and the war in Afghanistan. An unprecedented array of scholars from around the world offer candid and unsparing views of the international order and Americas role in the world from the vantage of Africa, Europe, South Asia, East Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America. In so doing, they provide fresh insight into the varying perceptions of the September 11 attacks and the United States response. The essays analyze such issues as security, terrorism and international order, globalization and economic liberalism, and the new social and cultural challenges stemming from the terrorist attacks. Markham, I. S. and I. M. Abu-Rabi (2002). September 11: religious perspectives on the causes and consequences. London, Oneworld. This book offers a considered and comprehensive religious perspective on the terrorist attacks. Schulz, W. F. (2003). Tainted legacy: 9/11 and the ruin of human rights. New York, Nation Books. Have human rights as we once understood them become obsolete in the wake of 9/11? Arent new methods needed to combat the apocalyptic violence of Al Qaeda? Shouldnt some rights be sacrificed to make us all safer? And if we can kill combatants in battle, why shouldnt we torture them if it saves lives? William Schulzs provocative new book examines these and other fundamental questions through the prism of our new consciousness about terrorism. He challenges much of the logic of the Bush Administrations War on Terror, which has prioritized security at the expense of human rights, arguing that a disregard for human rights has damaged the United States both at home and abroad.

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Scraton, P. (2002). Beyond September 11th: an anthology of dissent. London, Pluto Press. The unprecedented and tragic events in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania left an indelible mark on world politics. Civilian deaths in horrific circumstances triggered an uncompromising response from the US administration and its allies: an open-ended war on terrorism. This anthology includes some of the worlds leading commentators - Noam Chomsky, Robert Fisk, Naomi Klein, John Pilger, Paul Foot and A.Sivanandan. It presents accessible, detailed and often deeply personal accounts of the aftermath, the bombing of Afghanistan and the dubious claims for its legality. From investigative journalists to critical academics, human rights lawyers and antiracist campaigners, the contributors are united in their opposition to military intervention in Afghanistan and beyond and to the attack on civil liberties in the US, the UK and Europe. From the US and Canada, Herman and Julia Schwendinger, Jonathan Farley, Tony Platt, Cecilia OLeary, Christian Parenti and Michael Mandel are among critical academics who assess the validity, lawfulness and political consequences of the Bush/Blair agenda. European based commentators include Martti Gronfors and Thomas Mathiesen. Examining the the context and rhetoric of US vengeance -- ennobled by the symbolic title Enduring Freedom -- they challenge political and popular definitions, constructions,pathologisation and reporting of terrorism. In questioning the representation of war as just, the anthology focuses on civilian deaths in Afghanistan, evidence of US/allied atrocities, violations of prisoners rights and US determination to escalate military offensives, regardless of global destabilisation. Vanden Heuvel, K. (2002). A just response: the Nation on terrorism,

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democracy, and September 11, 2001. New York, Nation Books. Some of the most respected figures on the progressive left, in a series of thoughtful, informed, and provocative essays, began to analyze the causes and consequences of this new American wound, and spoke out against Fascism with an Islamic face, jingoism, the undermining of civil rights, phony multilateralism, the confusion between dissent and treason, and articulated a vision of a just response to terrorism. Others reflected on Osama bin Laden, the concept of Blowback: modern technological society turned unwittingly against itself, the American right wings exploitation of a national emergency to further its political agenda, theology versus technology, the futility of space weapons to defend against apocalyptic nihilism, and secular versus fundamentalist Islam. The magazine published dispatches from other countries around the world, and brief background histories of bin Ladens origins, the roots of fundamentalism, asymmetrical warfare, and a press watch. These selected articles from issues of The Nation, and other sources, are now brought together in book form to counter the bombast and jingoism of so much media coverage since September 11th - while providing informed analysis, provocative commentary, and reasoned debates. Welch, M. (2006). Scapegoats of September 11th: hate crimes & state crimes in the war on terror. Piscataway, NJ, Rutgers University Press. From its largest cities to deep within its heartland, from its heavily trafficked airways to its meandering country byways, America has become a nation racked by anxiety about terrorism and national security. In response to the fears prompted by the tragedy of September 11th, the country has changed in countless ways. Airline security has tightened, mail service is closely examined, and restrictions on civil liberties are more readily imposed by the government and accepted by a wary public. The altered American landscape,

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however, includes more than security measures and ID cards. The countrys desperate quest for security is visible in many less obvious, yet more insidious ways. In Scapegoats of September 11th, criminologist Michael Welch argues that the war on terror is a political charade that delivers illusory comfort, stokes fear, and produces scapegoats used as emotional relief. Regrettably, much of the outrage that resulted from September 11th has been targeted at those not involved in the attacks on the Pentagon or the Twin Towers. As this book explains, those people have become the scapegoats of September 11th. Welch takes on the uneasy task of sorting out the various manifestations of displaced aggression, most notably the hate crimes and state crimes that have become embarrassing hallmarks both at home and abroad. Williams, M. E. (2005). Is it unpatriotic to criticize ones country? Farmington Hills, MI, Greenhaven Press. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, America experienced a resurgence of patriotism. Many U.S. citizens, however, have challenged their governments response to terrorism, questioning whether new national security measures and military strikes are appropriate and legitimate actions. Contributors debate whether such dissent and critical dialogue undermine patriotism. Zinn, H. and A. Arnove (2002). Terrorism and war. New York, Seven Stories Press. Taken from new interviews conducted since September 11 and the bombing campaign in Afghanistan, Terrorism and War provides Howard Zinns most up-to-date thinking on war, terrorism, and the new global order.

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Terrorism & Media Boyle, F. A. (2009). Tackling Americas toughest questions: alternative media interviews. Atlanta, GA, Clarity Press. Francis A. Boyle may be one of the few international lawyers to have been extensively interviewed by most of the worlds major media, both in the United States and abroad--in testament to the stature of his clients, the significance of events in which he has played a role, and to his worldwide reputation for combining international legal expertise with keen political insight. Over a long professional career, his expertise has extended to a wide range of issues related to war and peace: conflicts in the Middle East, Bosnia and elsewhere, nuclear disarmament, biowarfare, and the self-determination rights of oppressed peoples. On September 13, 2001, Boyles interview on The OReilly Factor (FOX News) was explosive. There, he stood up to OReillys drumbeat for war in reaction to the 9/11 terrorist attack, lucidly outlining the politico-legal case against war and speaking directly to the American people. It marked a turning point in his relations with the mainstream American media. The Boyle interviews in this collection reflect the kind of authoritative, objective insight now available in the United States primarily through its alternative media. Here, Francis Boyle addresses hard-hitting questions on the many troubling aspects of US policy since September 11, 2001--the war in Afghanistan from the initial US military intervention to its 2008 escalation, the war on terrorism, Iraq, Iran, Guantanamo, the Patriot Act, impeachment, torture, the antrax attacks, and domestic infringements of the constitution. His insight on domestic and international events, in the framework of both law and politics, provides a comprehensive orientation to understanding the most significant events of the past decade.

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Hoskins, A. and B. OLoughlin (2007). Television and terror: conflicting times and the crisis of news discourse, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. In this book, Hoskins and OLoughlin demonstrate that television, tarnished by its economy of liveness and its default impositions of immediacy, brevity and simultaneity, fails to deliver a critical and consistent exposition adequate to our conflicting times. Kavoori, A. P. and T. Fraley (2006). Media, terrorism, and theory: a reader, Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield. Over the past few years, media outlets have spotlighted coverage of terror attacks. Drawing on both popular and academic articles, [this book] analyzes the larger issues surrounding medias studies, architecture, and information science, each contributor brings a distinctive perspective. Answering a growing need to understand media discourse on terrorism, this volume complements readings in upper-level mass communication courses and is a valuable resource for scholars of international media and terrorism. Lewis, J. (2005). Language wars: the role of media and culture in global terror and political violence. London, Pluto Press. Language Wars is a fascinating account of the relationship between the media, culture and new forms of global, political violence. Using an innovative approach, Jeff Lewis shows how language and the media are implicated in global terrorism and the US-led reprisals in the war on terror. Through an examination of the language of terrorism and war, Lewis illuminates key events in the current wave of political violence -- the 9/11 attacks on New York and the Pentagon, the Beslan siege, the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the Bali bombings and the ongoing occupation in the Middle East. He argues that the language used to report incidents of violence has changed, not just

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in official channels but in wider cultural contexts, and shows the impact this has on social perceptions. Lewis deconstructs these new discourses to reveal how Islam has been construed as the antagonist of freedom, democracy and the rule of law. Ideal for students of media studies and cultural studies, this is a subtle account of the relation between language and culture that exposes a dangerous new east-west divide in popular discourse. Terrorism Studies Ball, K. and F. Webster (2003). The Intensification of surveillance: crime, terrorism and warfare in the information age, London: Pluto Press. Our public and private lives are under surveillance as never before. Whether we are shopping with a credit card, walking down the street or emailing a colleague at work, our activities are monitored. Surveillance has become more routine, more integrated and more intrusive. It is vital to ask how and why this should be so, and assess what the consequences are. Since September 11th 2001 surveillance has intensified further. Yet although individuals, groups, governments and states are more closely monitored, our security is not assured. The contributors to this volume explore the vast range of issues related to increased surveillance. What is going on in an area clouded by secrecy from the state and complacent reassurances from corporations? How do we track suspects and combat crime without also eroding our civil liberties and sacrificing our rights to privacy? Does electronic tagging of prisoners work? What are retailers up to with lifestyle profiling? Focusing on these and other issues such as pedophilia, money-laundering, information warfare, cyber crime, and related legislation, this book spotlights benefits and costs of surveillance, and suggests how it is likely develop in the future. Experts from Europe and America offer an international perspective on what is now a worldwide issue, making this book of interest to a wide range of

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people including legal practitioners, law enforcement agencies, policymakers and students across the social sciences. Blakeley, R. (2009). State terrorism and neoliberalism: the North in the South. London, Routledge. This book explores the complicity of democratic states from the global North in state terrorism in the global South. It evaluates the relationship between the use of state terrorism by Northern liberal democracies and efforts by those states to further incorporate the South into the global political economy and to entrench neoliberalism. Most scholarship on terrorism tends to ignore state terrorism by Northern democracies, focusing instead on terrorist threats to Northern interests from illiberal actors. The book accounts for the absence of Northern state terrorism from terrorism studies, and provides a detailed conceptualisation of state terrorism in relation to other forms of state violence. The book explores state terrorism as used by European and early American imperialists to secure territory, to coerce slave and forced wage labour, and to defeat national liberation movements during the process of decolonisation. It examines the use of state terrorism by the US throughout the Cold War to defeat political movements that would threaten US elite interests. Finally, it assesses the practices of Northern liberal democratic states in the War on Terror and shows that many Northern liberal democracies have been active in state terrorism, including through extraordinary rendition. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, security studies, South American politics, US foreign policy and IR in general. Buck-Morss, S. (2006). Thinking past terror: Islamism and critical theory on the left. London, Verso. Thinking Past Terror presents the empowering idea of a global

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counter-culture as a very real possibility. If the language of a global, radically cosmopolitan Left is not presumed but its attainment struggled for, if the Leftist project is itself this struggle, then democracy defines its very core. Burbach, R. (2003). The Pinochet affair: state terrorism and global justice. London, Zed Books. The Pinochet Affair is the epic story of the events that surrounded the dramatic arrest of General Augusto Pinochet in London in October 1998. Based on interviews and intimate sketches of the leading protagonists, Roger Burbach begins this narrative with the violent military coup that Pinochet led against the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973. The final part of The Pinochet Affair describes the global clash that then took place - in Spain, Britain and Chile - between the politicians who sought to cover up and wash their hands of Pinochet, and the efforts of a number of brave judges, lawyers and human rights organizations determined to see justice prevail. Roger Burbach concludes by discussing the impact of the Pinochet Affair around the world, as the global human rights community seeks to establish an international regime of justice that stands in direct opposition to cynical politicians such as George W. Bush and Tony Blair, who mouth the slogans of justice and liberty while perpetrating new acts of state terrorism. Cole, D. and J. X. Dempsey (2002). Terrorism and the constitution: sacrificing civil liberties in the name of national security. New York, New Press. Argues that the United States should not sacrifice civil liberties in an attempt to increase national security and discusses the impact of the 1996 Anti-Terrorism Act and the 2001 Patriot Act on a free society.

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Galtung, J. (2004). Transcend and transform: an introduction to conflict work. Boulder, CO, Paradigm Publishers. This practical handbook to conflict resolution shows how to overcome conflicts at all levels, from personal domestic conflicts, to struggles about race, class, and gender, and more broadly to major international conflicts between nation-states or international divides along economic and religious lines. Grosscup, B. (2006). Strategic terror: the politics and ethics of aerial bombardment, London, Zed Books. This book shows how certain European colonial powers, notably Britain, initiated aerial bombardment of civilians after World War I, how it was an instrument of choice in World War II, and how it has since been refined and practised by the US in Korea, Vietnam, the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq. It exposes the rationalizations put forward to avoid the label of state terrorism, the race, gender and class biases used to justify bombing other people and the dirty secret about the so-called clean use of air power. It argues that if terrorism is to be diminished, the role of aerial bombing in sustaining global violence must be recognized and confronted. Hlavajova, M. and J. Winder (2006). Concerning war: a critical reader. Berlin, Revolver. Concerning War: A Critical Reader presents new and anthologized texts by artists and writers who analyze the possibilities for critical artistic responses to the contemporary world as a site of global war. Hodges, A. and C. Nilep (2007). Discourse, war and terrorism. Amsterdam, John Benjamins Pub Co.

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Discourse since September 11, 2001 has constrained and shaped public discussion and debate surrounding terrorism worldwide. Social actors in the Americas, Europe, Asia, the Middle East and elsewhere employ the language of the war on terror to explain, react to, justify and understand a broad range of political, economic and social phenomena. Discourse, War and Terrorism explores the discursive production of identities, the shaping of ideologies, and the formation of collective understandings in response to 9/11 in the United States and around the world. At issue are how enemies are defined and identified, how political leaders and citizens react, and how members of societies understand their position in the world in relation to terrorism. Contributors to this volume represent diverse sub-fields involved in the critical study of language, including perspectives from sociocultural linguistics, communication, media, cultural and political studies. Honderich, T. (2003). Terrorism for humanity: inquiries in political philosophy, London, Pluto Press. Ted Honderich is one of the worlds foremost philosophers of the Left. This is a revised edition of his classic text, Violence for Equality, which became a benchmark in political philosophy when it was first published over twenty years ago. Now extensively revised and updated by Honderich, Terrorism for Humanity raises important questions about the uses and ethics of political violence -- questions that are all the more pertinent in the light of recent events & the war on terror. What can be said for & against terrorism and political violence? When is such terrorism right, if it ever is, & when is it wrong? In six lucid essays, Honderich challenges the presuppositions, inconsistencies and prejudices of liberal-democratic thinking. He tackles such emotive subjects as the IRA, the PLO and the ANC, arguing the importance of understanding the justification for political violence in all manifestations. Exploring the moral

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issues that lie at the heart of these difficult questions, Honderich reminds us that political philosophy should be an attempt to inquire with an open mind -- & that to open ones mind is not necessarily to lose ones convictions. This remarkable book should be of interest to all teachers & students of philosophy & politics, & anyone who is curious to explore the theoretical framework of the morality of terrorism. Ignatieff, M. (2004). The lesser evil: political ethics in an age of terror, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. Must We Fight Terrorism with terror, match assassination with assassination, and torture with torture? Must we sacrifice civil liberty to protect public safety? In the age of terrorism, the temptations of ruthlessness can be overwhelming. But we are pulled in the other direction, too, by the anxiety that a violent response to violence makes us morally indistinguishable from our enemies. There is perhaps no greater political challenge today than trying to win the war against terror without losing our democratic souls. Michael Ignatieff confronts this challenge head-on, with the combination of hardheaded idealism, historical sensitivity, and political judgment that has made him one of the most influential voices in international affairs today. Ignatieff argues that we must not shrink from the use of violence-that far from undermining liberal democracy, force can be necessary for its survival. But its use must be measured, not a program of torture and revenge. And we must not fool ourselves that whatever we do in the name of freedom and democracy is good. We may need to kill to fight the greater evil of terrorism, but we must never pretend that doing so is anything better than a lesser evil. In making this case, Ignatieff traces the modern history of terrorism and counterterrorism, from the nihilists of czarist Russia and the militias of Weimar Germany to the IRA and the unprecedented menace of Al Qaeda, with its suicidal agents bent

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on mass destruction. He shows how the most potent response to terror has been force, decisive and direct, but-just as important-restrained. The public scrutiny and political ethics that motivate restraint also give democracy its strongest weapon: the moral power to endure when the furies of vengeance and hatred are spent. The book is based on the Gifford Lectures delivered at the University of Edinburgh in 2003. Imre, R., B. Patterson, et al. (2010). Critical perspectives on terrorism: civilization, liquidisation, radicalisation. Farnham, Ashgate Pub. Critical Perspectives on Terrorism provides an examination of the socio-political phenomenon of terrorism at three different interdisciplinary levels. Filling an important gap in the literature, this book covers the theoretical treatment of modern religious and political violence by analyzing three of the key theses regarding the explanations for the rise of terrorist activity in a globalised world. The first section takes a critical look at the clash of civilisations thesis as it pertains to global terrorism. Huntingtons thesis has, since its appearance on the post-Cold War stage, remained one of the most oftquoted truth-claims about religious and political conflict. The authors offer a rarely-seen critique of this truth-claim. Section 2 examines terrorism through the lens of a number of social and political theorists including Zygmunt Baumans liquid modernity thesis and attempts to determine the relevance of postmodern social and political theories in regards to global terrorism. The authors examine the possibility of the changing nature of terrorism due to the newly mobile, or liquid, global state of affairs. The final section looks at the issue of radicalisation as both process and idea in regard to global terrorism. The authors examine the various cause and effect assumptions surrounding the creation and construction of a terrorist socio-political position.

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Jackson, R., M. Smyth, et al. (2009). Critical terrorism studies: a new research agenda, London, Routledge. In response to the growth of a critical perspective on contemporary issues of terrorism, this edited volume brings together a number of leading scholars to debate the new subfield of critical terrorism studies. In the years since the 9/11 attacks, terrorism studies has undergone a major transformation from minor subfield of security studies into a large stand-alone field, and is probably one of the fastest expanding areas of research in the Western academic world. However, much of the literature is beset by a number of problems, limiting its potential for producing rigorous empirical findings and genuine theoretical advancement. In response to these weaknesses in the broader field, a small but increasing number of scholars have begun to articulate a critical perspective on contemporary issues of terrorism. This volume brings together a number of leading scholars to debate the need for and the shape of this exciting new subfield.The first part of the volume examines some of the main shortcomings and limitations of orthodox terrorism studies, while the second examines exactly what a critical terrorism studies would look like. Contributors from a variety of methodological and disciplinary perspectives give this volume diversity, and it will lay the foundations for, and provoke debate about, the future research agenda of this new field. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, terrorism studies and IR theory in general. Landau, S. (2003). The pre-emptive empire: a guide to Bushs kingdom, London, Pluto Press. The Pre-Emptive Empire covers all the topical and controversial issues - terrorism, the war on Iraq, oil and the economy, Enron and corporate fraud, Chile and Pinochet, Cuba and Castro, Israel and the Middle East, the

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IMF, the environment and globalization. Dynamic and incisive, Landau brings the debate to life with humor and intelligence. His focus on the issues should be the meat of the daily headlines. Lee, T. F. (2005). Battle babble: selling war in America: a dictionary of deception. Monroe, ME., Common Courage Press. A lexicon and resource that goes beyond the media coverage and official statements of the war and military operations against Iraq. Nairn, T. and P. W. James (2005). Global matrix: nationalism, globalism and state-terrorism. London, Pluto Press. Globalization has brought with it many difficult and contradictory phenomena: violence, deep national insecurities, religious divisions and individual insecurities. This book takes a critical look at three key areas globalism, nationalism, and state-terror to confront common mythologies and identify the root causes of the problems we face. Too many commentators still argue that globalization is predominantly a neo-liberal economic phenomenon; that nation-states are on the way out, and that terror is something that primarily comes from below. Global Matrix exposes the limitations of this argument. The authors explore four main questions: -- What is the culturalpolitical nature of contemporary globalization? -- How adequate, particularly in the context of nation-states, is a politics of democratic nationalism? -- How are we to understand new and old nations in the context of changes across the late twentieth century and into the present? -- Where does national violence come from and what does it mean for a war on terror? Steinhoff, U. (2007). On the ethics of war and terrorism, Oxford University Press.

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In this book Uwe Steinhoff describes and explains the basic tenets of just war theory and gives a precise, succinct and highly critical account of its present status and of the most important and controversial current debates surrounding it. Rejecting certain in effect medieval assumptions of traditional just war theory and advancing a liberal outlook, Steinhoff argues that every single individual is a legitimate authority and has under certain circumstances the right to declare war on others or the state. He also argues that the just cause cannot be established independently of the other criteria of jus ad bellum (the justification of entering a war), except for right intention, which he interprets more leniently than the tradition does. Turning to jus in bello (which governs the conduct of a war) he criticises the Doctrine of Double Effect and concludes that insofar as wars kill innocents, and be it as collateral damage, they cannot be just but at best justified as the lesser evil. Steinhoff gives particular attention to the question why soldiers, allegedly, are legitimate targets and civilians not. Discussing four approaches to the explanation of the difference he argues that the four principles underlying them all need to be taken into account and outlines how their weighing can proceed if applied to concrete cases. The resulting approach does not square the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate targets with the distinction between soldiers and civilians, which has extremely important consequences for the conduct of war. Finally, Steinhoff analyses the concept of terrorism and argues that some forms of terrorism are actually no terrorism at all and that even terrorism proper can under certain circumstances be justified. White, J. E. (2009). Contemporary moral problems: war, terrorism, and torture. Belmont, CA, Thomson Wadsworth. Excerpted chapters from the ninth edition of White Contemporary Moral Problems made available to provide readers with a brief anthology for

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ethical study of war, terrorism and torture. Supported with problem cases, an illuminating introductory essay, and study questions, this text will engage students in one of the most crucial moral debates of our time. Readings representing divergent viewpoints will challenge them to develop their own critical positions. The War on Terror AbuKhalil, A. (2002). Bin Laden, Islam, and Americas new war on terrorism, New York: Seven Stories Press. Discusses the rise of the Taliban and Osama bin Laden, examining U.S. relations with Islamic countries and the policies that have led to antipathy toward the United States. Bellamy, A. J. (2008). Fighting terror: ethical dilemmas, London: Zed Books. Fighting Terror analyzes the ethical dilemmas that confront everyone in the war on terror. Arguing that this is as much a war of ideas as it is a military struggle, Alex Bellamy argues that fighting morally is essential in distancing the terrorized from the terrorists. The book starts by setting out the case for thinking ethically about the war on terror and demonstrates the immorality of terrorism. Covering everything from torture to bombing, assassination to post-war reconstruction, Bellamy uses a series of fascinating case studies to examine how morally terror is being fought across the world. Though, he claims, there is a good case for combating terrorism, the way this is being done is ethically deeply troubling. Bennis, P. (2003). Before & after: U.S. foreign policy and the War on Terrorism, New York: Olive Branch Press. Noted Middle East authority Bennis explains the history and

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consequences of U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. Deeply critical of American foreign policy in general and the Bush administration in particular, Bennis (Institute for Policy Studies) surveys the impact of U.S. militarism and neocolonialism on the Middle East and explains the origins and motivations of current pushes towards war. Much of her attention is spent on the numerous countries that impact and are impacted by the War on Terrorism, leading to a more sophisticated analysis than works that simply view current events through the lens of a so-called clash of civilizations. She suggests that current policies will create a singularly more dangerous world and calls upon Americans to push for an end to policies of empire. Domke, D. S. (2004). God willing?: political fundamentalism in the White House, the War on Terror, and the echoing press. London, Pluto Press. In the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks, President George W. Bush and his administration offered a political fundamentalism that capitalized upon the fear felt by many Americans. Political fundamentalism is the adaptation of a conservative religious worldview, via strategic language choices and communication approaches, into a policy agenda that feels political rather than religious. These communications dominated public discourse and public opinion for months on end and came at a significant cost for democracy. Gareau, F. H. (2004). State terrorism and the United States: from counterinsurgency to the war on terrorism, London, Zed Books. This study exposes the support that administrations in Washington have given right-wing dictatorships that committed terrorism especially during the cold war and war on terrorism. It offers a critique of this latter war, and the studys portrayal of the earlier war serves as necessary background

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for understanding and evaluating the latter war. It rejects the narrow definition of terrorism insisted on by Washington that exempts terrorism committed by governments (state terrorism) from the definition, and for political reasons restricts the term solely to the private terrorism committed by private individuals or non-governmental organizations. Every one of the six truth commission reports used in the studyone each for El Salvador, Chile, Argentina, and South Africa and two with remarkably similar conclusions for Guatemala found that the governments were responsible for the great preponderance of terrorism and other acts of repression that occurred in their respective countries, much more so than the guerrillas. Jarvis, L. (2009). Times of terror: discourse, temporality and the War on Terror. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan. Since 11 September 2001, the War on Terror has dominated global political life. The book takes a critical look at different ways in which the George W. Bush administration created and justified this far-reaching conflict through their use of language and other discursive practices. Joseph, A. and K. Sharma (2003). Terror, counter-terror: women speak out, London, Zed Books. Women across the world have spoken out against terrorism, militarism and violence of all kinds as an unacceptable strategy for resolving differences and conflict. This anthology, ranging over the last decade, is a powerful statement by them against all terrorism and any violent means used to deal with. With contributions by: Susan Sontag, Anisa Darwish, Rohini Hensman, Barbara Kingsolver, and many others. Keen, D. (2006). Endless war? hidden functions of the war on terror,

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London, Pluto Press. Was the Iraq war really an act of goodwill to liberate people from injustice? Or was it a strategic move to maintain US dominance globally? Endless War? casts a critical light on the real motives behind war and conflict. David Keen explores how winning war is rarely an end in itself; rather, war tends to be part of a wider political and economic game that is consistent with strengthening the enemy. Keen devises a radical framework for analysing an unending war project, where the war on terror is an extension of the Cold War.The book draws on the authors detailed study of wars in Sudan, Sierra Leone, as well as in a range of other conflicts. It provides a new approach to conflict analysis that will be of use to students across development studies and the social sciences. Keenan, J. (2009). The dark Sahara: Americas war on terror in Africa. London, Pluto Press. The U.S. is keen to build a substantial military presence in Africa, citing the need to combat the growth of Al-Qaeda in Somalia, Algeria and other countries on the continent. This book reveals the secret U.S. agenda behind the war on terror in Africa and the shocking methods used to perpetuate the myth that the region is a hot-bed of Islamic terrorism. Africa expert Jeremy Keenan points to overwhelming evidence suggesting that, from 2003, the Bush administration and Algerian government were responsible for hostage takings blamed on Islamic militants. This created a permissive public attitude, allowing the U.S. to establish military bases in the region and pursue multiple imperial objectives in the name of security. The shocking revelations in this book, seriously undermine the mainstream view of Africa as a legitimate second front in the war on terror.

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Kucinich, D. J. (2003). A prayer for America. New York Thunders Mouth Press/Nation Books. When Congressman Dennis Kucinich delivered his speech, A Prayer for America, to the Southern California chapter of Americans for Democratic Action, it electrified the whole country. In his speech, Kucinicha 2004 presidential candidatewarned against an America that had discarded the constitutional liberties integral to its identity: Let us pray that our nation will remember that the unfolding of the promise of democracy in our nation paralleled the striving for civil rights. That is why we must challenge the rationale of the Patriot Act. We must ask why should America put aside guarantees of constitutional justice? A Prayer for America collects Kucinichs essays and speeches. It represents his holistic worldview and carries with it a passionate commitment to public service, peace, human rights, workers rights, and the environment. His advocacy of a Department of Peace seeks not only to make nonviolence an organizing principle in our society, but to make war a thing of the past. A Prayer for America includes an introductory essay from Kucinich that reflects on his political journey from his election as the youngest mayor of a major American city to his role as a dynamic, visionary leader of the Progressive Caucus of the Congressional Democrats. Mahajan, R. (2002). The new crusade: Americas war on terrorism, New York, Monthly Review Press. The New Crusade examines the myths that have arisen around the war on terrorism and the ways they are used to benefit a small elite. Mahajan demonstrates how accepted accounts of the causes of the U.S. military intervention in Afghanistan, the conduct of the war, and its consequences have been systematically distorted. He shows how global power is being redefined in the process and explores the new directions the war is likely

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to take. Reflecting both deep knowledge of the region and the commitment and hands-on experience of a seasoned activist, Mahajan provides a powerful interpretation of events that will be decisive in the making of our time. Meeropol, R. and R. Brody (2005). Americas disappeared: detainees, secret imprisonment, and the War on Terror, New York, Seven Stories Press. On any given day, over 20,000 men, women, and children languish in indefinite detention in the United States. In Iraq, Afghanistan, and Guantanamo Bay, thousands more are imprisoned or shipped to other countries where the rules for interrogation permit greater amounts of coercion and violence. These are Americas disappeared. This book contains their voices, and the voices of those who fight for their rights as human beings. Napoleoni, L. (2010). Terrorism and the economy: how the war on terror is bankrupting the world. New York, Seven Stories Press. Economist Loretta Napoleoni traces the link between the finances of the war on terror and the global economic crisis, finding connections from Dubai to London to Las Vegas that politicians and the media have at best ignored. In launching military and propaganda wars in the Middle East, America overlooked the war of economic independence waged by Al-Qaeda. The Patriot Act boosted the black market economy, and the war on terror prompted a rise in oil prices that led to food riots and distracted governments from the trillion-dollar machinations of Wall Street. Consumers and taxpayers, spurred by propaganda fears, were lured into crushing global debt. Napoleoni shows that if we do not face up to the many serious connections between our response to 9/11 and the financial crisis, we will never work our way out of the looming global recession that now threatens our way of life.

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Neal, A. W. (2010). Exceptionalism and the politics of counter-terrorism: liberty, security, and the War on Terror. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, New York, Routledge. This book is an analysis and critique of the concepts of exception and exceptionalism in the context of the politics of liberty and security in the so-called War on Terror. Since the destruction of the World Trade Centre on September 11th 2001, a notable transformation has occurred in political discourse and practice. Politicians and commentators have frequently made the argument that the rules of the game have changed, that this is a new kind of war, and that exceptional times require exceptional measures. Under this discourse of exceptionalism, an array of measures have been put into practice, such as detention without trial, extraordinary rendition, derogations from human rights law, sanction or connivance in torture, the curtailment of civil liberties, and aggressive war against international law. Situating exceptionalism within the post-9/11 controversy about the relationship between liberty and security, this book argues that the problem of exceptionalism emerges from the limits and paradoxes of liberal democracy itself. It is a commentary and critique of both contemporary practices of exceptionalism and the critical debate that has formed in response. Through a detailed assessment of the key theoretical contributions to the debate, this book develops exceptionalism as a critical tool. It also engages with the problem of exceptionalism as a discursive claim, as a strategy, as a concept, as a theoretical problem and as a practice. Olshansky, B. (2007). Democracy detained: secret, unconstitutional practices in the U.S. war on terror. New York, Seven Stories Press. In this meticulously cited work, Barbara Olshansky does a brilliant and relentless job unraveling how the Bush administration is violating the

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US Constitution, international human rights, and the civic integrity of this country. Everyone must read this book now, then get out there and get angry and fight with your life to save our freedom and democracy.Eve Ensler In measured, lucid detail, Barbara Olshansky presents a wide-ranging account of the Bush administrations malfeasance. The grim record exposed in Democracy Detained should shame people who care for their country and its future, and encourage them to use the legacy of freedom they enjoy to put an end to these disgraceful crimes.Noam Chomsky [Barbara Olshansky] is a forceful presence in the courts for an organization that is on the cutting edge of wielding the actual rule of law against the most lawless administration in American history. Perrigo, S. and J. Whitman (2010). The Geneva Conventions under assault. London, Pluto Press. Outrages committed during violent conflict and as part of the war on terror are not only an affront to human dignity -- they also violate the Geneva Conventions. This book examines recent high-profile cases of repeated and open abuse of the Conventions. The contributors explore why these and related violations of international humanitarian law cannot be viewed as anomalies, but must be regarded as part of a pattern which is set to undermine the Geneva Conventions as a whole. The contributors argue that an international system in which there is diminishing legal restraint on the use of force means that the world will become less secure and more volatile, even for those in the most powerful countries. Individuals everywhere face the prospect of a horrifying vulnerability. This is the first scholarly yet accessible work to consider the meanings of outrages such as the normalisation of torture, as well as the worrying new normative, technical and tactical developments that challenge the purpose and standing of the Geneva Conventions.

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Rogers, P. (2004). A war on terror: Afghanistan and after. London, Pluto Press. Paul Rogers is one of the worlds leading security experts. Since the September 11 attacks, he has been a regular guest on TV news channels throughout America and Britain, where he has offered expert advice on the real implications of 9/11 and Bushs war on terror. His articles in newspapers around the world, and in the web journal Open Democracy, have become essential reading for many thousands of people, including government officials, senior military, heads of UN agencies, opinion formers, journalists and peace activists. A War on Terror is Paul Rogers radical assessment of Bushs new policy, the way it has affected world security and the grave implications that it holds for future peace, not only in the Middle East but throughout the world. Moving from the war in Afghanistan and its aftermath to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict, the continuing development of al-Qaida and its associates through to the war on Iraq, Rogers presents a uniquely cogent analysis of these rapid and traumatic events. In a world in which the US and other states of the Atlantic community are increasingly speaking a different language to that of the majority of the world, Paul Rogers offers a vital critical assessment of the language of dominance and control as the New American Century unfolds. For the US, in particular, the post-9/11 world is one in which it is essential to maintain firm control of international security, extending to pre-emptive military action. In this book, Rogers demonstrates how futile, mistaken and deeply counter-productive that belief is, and points the way to more effective routes to a more just and secure world. Said, E. W. and D. Barsamian (2003). Culture and resistance: conversations with Edward W. Said. Cambridge, Mass., South End Press.

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In his latest book of interviews, Edward W. Said discusses the centrality of popular resistance to his understanding of culture, history, and social change. He reveals his latest thoughts on the war on terrorism, the war in Afghanistan, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and lays out a compelling vision for a secular, democratic future in the Middle Eastand globally. Edward W. Said, a renowned cultural and literary critic, was born in Jerusalem, Palestine, and was educated there, in Egypt, and in the United States. His books include Orientalism, The Question of Palestine, Covering Islam, Culture and Imperialism, and The Politics of Dispossession. He has also published a memoir, Out of Place. Mr. Said is University Professor of English and Comparative Lit-erature at Columbia University. In October 2001, he received the $200,000 Lannan Literary Award for Lifetime Achievement. Smith, M. K. (2003). Portraits of empire: unmasking imperial illusions from the American century to the War on terror. Monroe, ME, Common Courage Press. A dramatic re-enactment of historical episodes presented as a -mosaic of snapshots. The focus is institutionalized injustice and -rebellions against it. Five essays are interspersed with the vignettes. Vivid, full of revealing quotes from political elites and dissidents. St. Clair, J. (2005). Grand theft Pentagon: tales of corruption and profiteering in the war on terror. Monroe, ME, Common Courage Press. From the F-22 fighter jet and B-2 bomber to the Stryker tank and Star Wars, Grand Theft Pentagon chronicles how the Pentagon shells out billions to politically wired arms contractors for weapons that dont work for use against an enemy that no longer exists. St. Clair shows how many of the biggest arms contracts were literally inside jobs, negotiated by Pentagon generals who later

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went to work for the very same corporations that were awarded the contracts. Stephens, A. C. and N. Vaughan-Williams (2009). Terrorism and the politics of response. London, Routledge. This inter-disciplinary edited volume critically examines the dynamics of the War on Terror, focusing on the theme of the politics of response. The book explores both how responses to terrorism - by politicians, authorities and the media - legitimise particular forms of sovereign politics, and how terrorism can be understood as a response to global inequalities, colonial and imperial legacies, and the dominant idioms of modern politics. The investigation is made against the backdrop of the 7 July 2005 bombings in London and their aftermath, which have gone largely unexamined in the academic literature to date. The case offers a provocative site for analysing the diverse logics implicated in the broader context of the War on Terror, for examining how terrorist events are framed, and how such framings serve to legitimise particular policies and political practices. Stohlman, N. and L. Aladin (2003). Live from Palestine: international and Palestinian direct action against the Israeli occupation. Cambridge, Mass, South End Press. Foreigners are flocking to Palestine, but not for Holy Land pilgrimages or beach vacations. This book tells two stories that have become intertwined in the Middle East: the Palestinians who, tired of waiting for U.N. peacekeepers, have called upon the worlds activists for protection, and the people who are putting their lives on the line answering that call. Together these Americans, Palestinians, Israelis, and Europeans are making a non-violent, grassroots attempt to challenge the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. The core of this collection lies in the riveting eye-witness accounts of life under

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the Occupation. From the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem to refugee camps under siege, these accounts give incontrovertible evidence of the terror generated by the Israeli army. Giving context to these stories is an interview with the founder of the Palestinian-led International Solidarity Movement, which brings internationals to Israel and the Occupied Territories, and essays by other human rights activists such as prominent Palestinians Hanan Ashrawi and Edward Said. While Bushs war on terrorism continues to be hampered by the unresolved Palestinian quest for statehood, almost 100,000 activists converged upon Washington in April, 2002 to demonstrate against militarism and for global economic justice, with a particular focus on Palestine. In the only book capturing the new international movement to end the Occupation, these harrowing and poignant stories create a portrait of diverse people making unprecedented efforts for peace. Todd, P., J. Bloch, et al. (2009). Spies, lies and the War on Terror. London, Zed Books. This book traces the transformation of intelligence from a tool for law enforcement to a means of avoiding the law--both national and international. The War on Terror has seen intelligence agencies emerge as major political players. Rendition, untrammelled surveillance, torture and detention without trial are becoming normal. The new culture of victimhood in the US and among partners in the coalition of the willing has crushed domestic liberties and formed a global network of extra-legal license. State and corporate interests are increasingly fused in the new business of privatizing fear. The authors argue that the bureaucracy and narrow political goals surrounding intelligence actually have the potential to increase the terrorist threat. Welch, M. (2009). Crimes of power & states of impunity: the U.S. response to

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terror. Piscataway, NJ, Rutgers University Press. Since 9/11, a new configuration of power situated at the core of the executive branch of the U.S. government has taken hold. In Crimes of Power & States of Impunity, Michael Welch takes a close look at the key historical, political, and economic forces shaping the countrys response to terror. Welch argues that current U.S. policies, many enacted after the attacks, undermine basic human rights and violate domestic and international law. He recounts these offenses and analyzes the system that sanctions them, offering fresh insight into the complex relationship between power and state crime. Welch critically examines the unlawful enemy combatant designation, Guantanamo Bay, recent torture cases, and collateral damage relating to the war in Iraq. Wright, M. I. (2006). Surveillance means security: remixed war propaganda. New York Seven Stories Press. Subversive and incendiary, this full-color poster book reworks classic war propaganda to comment on corporate corruption, domestic spying, election fraud, gay marriage, blind patriotism, the war on terror, and surveillance in America today. With laughs and jeers, Micah Wrights distinctive artwork and astute political commentary offers timely and clever insight into the state of post-9/11 America. Surveillance Means Security! is the hilarious follow-up to Wrights previous book of reworked propaganda posters, You Back The Attack! Well Bomb Who We Want! Miscellaneous Aruri, N. H. (2003). Dishonest broker: the U.S. role in Israel and Palestine. Cambridge, MA, South End Press. This latest work by Naseer Aruri focuses on the failed Middle East

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peace process. Aruri analyzes the evolving relationship between the United States and the two protagonists -- the Palestinians and Israel -- and argues that the U.S. rejectionist policy toward Palestinian participation and Palestinian rights has become a policy that focuses more on the process and than on peace. Aruri argues that the special relationship between the United States and Israel turned into a strategic alliance after the war in 1967 -- ruling out a role of honest brokering for the United States -- all other would-be peacemakers and facilitators were held at bay. The U.S. diplomatic -monopoly continues to serve as the single most effective means to accomplish Israels goals. It sustains Israel, protecting it from international scrutiny, and engineers the gridlock that allows the Israeli government to negotiate indefinitely. Bolstered by September 11, U.S. policy at present, is Israels: fix the blame on the Palestinian partner, declare Arafat unfit to rule, and demand his removal. Aruri demonstrates how American diplomacy has come to a grinding halt, providing a cover for Ariel Sharons Israel to crush the Palestinians. Hagopian, E. C. (2004). Civil rights in peril: the targeting of Arabs and Muslims, London, Pluto Press. Muslims and Arab-Americans are increasingly under attack as a result of the U.S. war on terror at home, as well as abroad. Since the tragic events of September 11, Arab and Muslim Americans have faced a major assault on their civil liberties. While targeting vulnerable groups and drawing on racist stereotypes about Arabs and Muslims, these measures threaten millions of people, including immigrants, activists, trade unionists, academics, writers, and anyone who the government wishes to define as a threat to national security. The Patriot Act and new immigration laws primarily aimed at Muslims and Arabs have greatly expanded federal powers and eroded longstanding civil liberties. The U.S. government has used its

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expanded powers to detain, deport, and try individuals, at times without access to lawyers or full disclosure of evidence and charges used against them. Civil Rights in Peril seeks to expose the impact of these new governmental powers on Muslims and Arabs, as well as other groups and individuals targeted as a part of the Bush administrations war on terror, and to show how ordinary people can resist these attacks on our fundamental rights. This powerful anthology, edited by the well-known scholar and activist Elaine Hagopian, includes essays by Samih Farsoun, Naseer Aruri, Susan Akram, Nancy Murray, Robert Morlino, and William Youmans. Linke, U. and D. T. Smith (2009). Cultures of fear: a critical reader, London, Pluto Press. In Cultures of Fear, a truly world-class line up of scholars explore how governments use fear in order to control their citizens. The social contract gives modern states responsibility for the security of their citizens, but this collection argues that governments often nurture a culture of fear within their contries. When people are scared of terrorist threats, or alarming rises in violent crime they are more likely to accept oppressive laws from their rulers. Cultures of Fear is and interdisciplinary reader for students of anthropology and politics. Contributors include Noam Chomsky, Slavoj Zizek, Jean Baudrillard, Catharine MacKinnon, Neil Smith, Cynthia Enloe, David L. Altheide, Cynthia Cockburn and Carolyn Nordstrum. Mahajan, R. (2003). Full spectrum dominance: U.S. power in Iraq and beyond, New York, Seven Stories Press. At few times in recent history have we seen a war so insistently and openly signaled as the U.S.s looming war on Iraq. According to Rahul Mahajan, the coming war is a culmination of a process that the United States

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started with the Gulf War, where Iraq was made into a permanent target and pariah state. Mahajan argues that the Bush administrations post-September 11 policy toward Iraq is neither about controlling weapons of mass destruction nor fighting terrorism, but about consolidating U.S. control of oil reserves and dominance in the Middle East. Despite the prospects that attacking Iraq could quickly escalate into wider regional war and lead to further terrorist attacks, the Bush administration insists that violence is our only option. Mahajan cuts through the comic-book language of President Bushs Axis of Evil rationale, and presents a much-needed examination of the myths, facts, and history behind the U.S.s pitch to start another war. Noorani, A. G. A. M. (2002). Islam & Jihad: prejudice versus reality. London, Zed Books. A.G. Noorani provides non-Muslims with the history and understanding of certain basic concepts needed to counteract the recent upsurge of illinformed prejudice against Muslims not only in the West but also some Third World countries; and for Muslims to see through any tendency to romanticize the crude and un-islamic brutalities of fundamentalists whom he sees as imposters who are misusing the faith as a political weapon. Williams, K. (2006). American methods: torture and the logic of domination. Cambrige, Mass, South End Press. When the Abu Ghraib prison scandal broke in April 2004, many American commentators expressed shock. But, as The Progressives AnneMarie Cusac observed, Abu Ghraib shock[s] us because our soldiers abroad seem to have acted out behaviors that we condone, yet dont face up to, at home. On the heels of Our Enemies in Blue, Kristian Williams controversial chronicle of policing, the writer/activist gives us American Methods, once

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again upsetting the notion that the use of excessive force by the state is aberrant rather than altogether American. American Methods reveals torture not as a recent or rogue phenomenon, but a veteran tool of the American state. As Williams suggests, torture is not, as claimed, a means of interrogation used only by others, elsewhere. Instead, it is a tried-and-true weapon of social control and terror, right here in the US. Unlike other recent books, American Methods locates war on terror scandals in the systems of inequities and dominance that nurture them. Williams pays close attention to the distinct character of American torture and its gender and racial contoursparticularly its emphasis on sexual violence, emasculation, and spectacle. His discussion ranges over much of the globe and a quarter-century: from US support of torture-regimes in Central America in the 1980s to todays more favored approachoutsourcing torture to friendly governments. Returning to our shores, Williams observes the banality of violence in American prisons, precincts, and society. Ultimately, he offers devastating conclusions about the centrality of rape, racism, and conquest to both the state and our national culture.

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Dissertations

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Establishing Peace Burke, J. (2007). Crafting a global just peace building ethic from just war theory and strategic nonviolent conflict. United States -- Illinois, Loyola University Chicago. Ph.D.: 224. Christian ethics conflation of nonviolence with pacifism makes late twentieth century attempts to integrate nonviolence into Roman Catholic ethics incoherent. This dissertation proposes a corrective to this conflation: To become the critical component of a public Roman Catholic global just peacebuilding ethic , nonviolence must be understood as distinct from pacifism, as integral to as well as transformative of just-war tradition, and as unifying just war theory and pacifism coherently within Catholic social teaching. The author argues this thesis in four steps. One, Reinhold Niebuhr forged theological ethics conflation of nonviolence with pacifism through his Christian realist polemics against fellow liberal Protestant Christian pacifists in the 1930s. That conflation migrated into Catholic ethics in the 1950s by way of Protestant ethicist Paul Ramsey and Jesuit John Courtney Murrays shared aim of reclaiming just war theory for the nuclear age. Since 1950, political scientist Gene Sharps research into nonviolence flatly contradicts Christian ethics conflation of nonviolence with pacifism. Two, the U.S. Catholic bishops peace pastoral (1983) and tenth anniversary statement compound the inherited conflation and fail to differentiate nonviolence from pacifism even after witnessing the 1989 nonviolent revolutions. Three, Paul VI and John Paul IIs annual World Day of Peace messages (1968-2005) introduce nonviolence into Catholic social teaching but do not conflate nor attempt to integrate nonviolence into just-war tradition. Four, using Sharps theory of political power to differentiate nonviolence as force from pacifism, the author claims Christian ethics must evaluate strategic nonviolent conflict force with just-war criteria. Then, Christian ethics can begin to craft a coherent global

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just peacebuilding ethic from within a renewing just-war tradition. Eclai, A. R. (2003). Realizing peace: A critical analysis of the work of twelve international peace activists. United States -- Massachusetts, Harvard University. Ed.D.: 255. This study presents the career narratives of thirty peace activists from different conflict areas of the world, twelve of them in considerable depth. All the women were selected based on their approaches to conflict management, approaches that do not involve the use of arms in the search for peace. Through individual and group interviews, participant observation, and supplementary data such as excerpts from their diaries, personal photographs, and videos of their work, I addressed the following questions: (1) What events led these women to become peace activists? (2) How has doing this work shaped their views about themselves and their changing identities? How has this work shaped their views about leadership? (3) What issues did the women emphasize as central concerns in their work as peace activists? Narrative inquiry, which includes open-ended questions, gave each interviewee the power to tell her story her own way. The womens narratives revealed common themes, including ideas about roles and identities; analyses of the causes of war and strategies for peace; identities of motherhood and leadership; and sources of emerging authority and power. This narrative study suggests that war affects women differently than it affects men. Most of the civilians and refugees left in towns and villages after war are mostly women. Yet, despite their war-time sufferings, these womens experiences endow them with knowledge that is of great use to them in their peacemaking efforts. The women adopt incredibly creative strategies for coping and for finding paths to peace in times of war and post war reconstruction. Due to womens creativity, knowledge, and contextually relevant approach to peacemaking,

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it is necessary that women come to occupy an equal number of seats as men around the policy-making table. Elshishtawy, H. (2010). Justice for all: A call to reopen the gates of ijtihad. United States -- District of Columbia, The American University. M.A.: 114. This thesis examines the need to revisit ijtihad (critical and interpretive reading of Islamic law and religious texts) in order to effectively deal with contemporary dilemmas and challenges to globalization. Contemporarily, Muslim majority countries are facing conflict, ethical dilemmas towards war, peace and conflict resolution as well as pluralism within political, social and economic participation. In order to successfully quell opposition to the idea of Islam being incompatible with modernity, the use of ijtihad is imperative. Through the utilization of ijtihad, democratic principles, human rights, justice and pluralism already inherent within the religion may prevail, establishing conditions for positive peace. The positive ethical implications of this paradigmatic shift towards the reuse of ijtihad are outstanding compared to the continued clamp on ijtihad and perpetuation of the status quo. This thesis argues the contemporary relevance, and indeed sincere need for the gates of ijtihad to reopen. Khosla, D. (2004). Third party intervention in ethnic conflicts: A force for peace or spiraling violence. United States -- Maryland, University of Maryland, College Park. Ph.D.: 225. This dissertation examines how interventions by external states can influence the degree of violence of internal ethnic conflicts. We know that foreign state interventions can alter the trajectory of domestic disputes but scholars disagree about the potential effects. Outside support can increase the destructiveness and duration while potentially threatening to diffuse

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hostilities across states boundaries. Third parties can alternatively help promote a resolution through mediation or by ensuring the victory of one of the parties. This project tests several hypotheses about the effects of key variables including the goals and prior political activism of ethnic groups, the regime type of host states, the impact of the Cold War, the type of state intervenor, the form of assistance supplied, the recipients of the interventions, and ethnic linkages between the parties. The cases comprise twenty-nine ethnopolitical conflicts that emerged in the Third World in the 1980s and the 1990s. Major findings that refine our existing knowledge include how interventions during the Cold War were most likely to occur in conflicts that escalated and that major and regional powers were the main participants. In the 1990s, or the post-Cold War era, most foreign states intervened in ethnic disputes that were either stalemated or decreased in violence. Neighboring states are now the most frequent intervenors in escalating conflicts. Further, higher levels of assistance are unexpectedly associated with internal wars that stalemate or decrease in violence. Challenges to the conventional wisdom include the findings that groups seeking autonomy or secession are very likely to be involved in more intense disputes, neighboring state involvement does not usually exacerbate hostilities, and there is no relationship between competing interventions (support each side) and changes in domestic violence. Further, while military aid is most frequently furnished, it is economic, and secondly, mixed aid (usually economic and military) that is critical in escalating conflicts. Finally, foreign state involvement prior to the eruption of violent hostilities has been little studied. Yet, prior engagement is significantly associated with greater future violence. Kim, J. (2001). Covert action and democratic peace: Why democracies fight secret wars. United States -- Connecticut, Yale University. Ph.D.: 344.

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Covert action, the attempt by a government to influence events in another state or territory without revealing its involvement, has been an important instrument of statecraft adopted by not only the totalitarian states of the former Soviet Union ilk, but also the so-called Western democracies. This dissertation explores the motives of the decision makers in democracies for choosing covert action--as a particular means of resolving conflicts with legitimate governments in other sovereign states--and assesses what they tell us about the competing explanations of the Democratic Peace proposition. A theoretical framework based on the rational choice model and hypotheses with testable implications were presented to examine the rationale for the use of covert action as a foreign policy tool. In order to commit their nations militarily abroad, leaders in democratic states face the unique task of mobilizing contemporaneous consent from the governed. When the creation of popular consent for openly belligerent policies appears unattainable, they may resort to covert action to preempt ex ante due approval procedures or to prevent ex post electoral retribution. The comparative case analysis of the U.S. covert action in Chile in the early 1970s and the PhilippinesAmerican War of 1898 and four other case studies were conducted to test the hypotheses. The results of the studies confirm the following propositions: (a) core belief/value system and distinct mood of the time initially set the tone for the popular preference concerning war and peace decisions, (b) the Joint Democracy effect--identification of the opposing state or government as a fellow democracy--undercuts the generation of popular consent for overt interventionist policies, and (c) institutional constraint, in the form of domestic political consideration, was one of the critical factors compelling the decision makers in democratic states to resort to covert action. The results do not fully support the proposition that elites decisions to use covert action have been motivated to evade the external constraints coming from

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abroad. In addition, they undermine the normative explanation of Democratic Peace, which stipulates that the peaceful conflict resolution norm embraced by democratic elites prevents conflicts among democracies from escalating into the threat or actual use of violence. This dissertation concludes that war and peace decisions in democracies can be best understood by examining the interaction between the constraining mechanism of democratic political institutions and the dynamic process of popular consent generation. Kim, J. (2004). From perpetual peace to imperial war: Violence in Kant, Kleist, Hegel, Miki and Tanabe. United States -- New York, Cornell University. Ph.D.: 204. This dissertation examines philosophical and literary configurations of violence in discourses of human freedom and imperial subjugation in Germany and Japan. The concept of violence marks the ethical limit of normative claims. Without a definition in itself, violence serves the critical function of disclosing norms orienting social and political life. Each of the authors studied in this dissertation turned toward a conception of human freedom founded in the confrontation of social norms disclosed by rhetorical violence. Chapter one examines the rhetoric of Immanuel Kants Zum ewigen Frieden in the historical context of its writing. Kant engages in a performative argument for publicity in his critique of Prussian imperialism and the censorship of revolutionary views. Through rhetorical gestures such as the title of his essay as an invocation of death and the clausula salvatoria as a hedge against his critics, Kant encodes the political upheavals of the historical exterior in the rhetorical movement of his essay. He argues for peace by performing violence in language. Whereas Kants essay has been conventionally read apart from its historical context, Heinrich von Kleists Die Herrmannsschlacht has been interpreted strictly in terms of the historical moment of its writing. Chapter

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two argues instead for a rhetorical reading of Kleists play in which language emerges as both the central theme of the text and an agent of anti-imperial violence. Kleist concretizes metaphors of the body such that they perform the politics of absolute opposition. Freedom for Kleist means opposition to the other. Chapter three turns to an alternative conception of human freedom grounded in opposition. In his Phnomenologie des Geistes , Hegel produces a performative narrative of the development of subjectivity in relations of violence. As an unhappy consciousness, the subject no longer opposes an external other but itself as an internal enemy. The freedom that it attains is constituted in self-subjection. Chapter four examines the appropriation of Kant and Hegel by the Japanese wartime philosophers Miki Kiyoshi and Tanabe Hajime. Both defend the project of Japanese imperialism by arguing for a form of freedom in which the subject negates its attachment to the imperial state. This negation inverts into a performance of subjectivity as the movement of self-subjection. Levine, C. J. (2003). The roles of local non-governmental organizations in peacemaking: The case of Chiapas, Mexico. United States -- Massachusetts, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (Tufts University). Ph.D.: 423. Since the end of the Cold War, violent conflicts have taken new forms, and an increasingly diverse array of actors has become involved in efforts to overcome them. As their roles have evolved, so has interest in analyzing and seeking ways to improve their effectiveness. While healthy dialogues now exist regarding the peacemaking roles of many of these unofficial international actors, less analysis has been done of the peacemaking roles of local non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Because local NGOs often have the greatest knowledge of local context and the strongest connections to people directly affected by conflict, they play a vital role in peacemaking. The

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purpose of my dissertation is to identify factors critical to their effectiveness. For my comparative case study research, I focused on Chiapas, Mexico and the ongoing conflict between the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and the Mexican government. I used open-ended interviews, triangulation and process tracing, in addition to primary and secondary literature, to gather information and verify my findings. My comparative case study methodology allowed me to delve deeply and uncover dynamics not immediately evident through broader but more superficial methodologies. I focused my research on three NGOs and two NGO networks that are positively regarded for their peacework. These organizations use accompaniment, thirdparty interventions, organizational capacity building, conflict analysis and transformation workshops and public meetings to promote local-level peace. Through information analysis and dissemination, they aim to influence peace processes on both the local and official levels. I found successes and failures among the peacemaking efforts of the five organizations I studied. The variables I found to most influence the effectiveness of those efforts were the following: its responsiveness to a dynamic conflict context and the people it seeks to serve; the trust it builds with those it seeks to influence; and its ability to work within its resource limitations. Further, cooperation with other likeminded organizations helps a local NGO address local-level peacemaking needs more comprehensively and increases its influence in official peace processes. For both local and official-level peacemaking, responsiveness to context and promoting participatory processes emerged as the most critical variables. Peters, B. (2010). Democratic antimilitarism in postwar Japan: Institutions and the culture of peace. United States -- New Jersey, Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick. Ph.D.: 339.

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Since 1947, Japan has maintained its Peace Constitution un-amended, a constitution that guarantees the right to live in peace (Preamble), outlaws war as a sovereign right of the nation, and prohibits the maintenance of land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential (Article 9). Since its adoption sixty-three years ago, no Japanese citizens have killed or been killed in war. In this work I examine the functioning, maintenance, and interpretation of the Constitution of Japan and establish the critical juncture during which the Japanese public came to embrace the values of democratic antimilitarism and incorporate them into their political collective identity and historical memory. In addition, I identify the analytic structure of contestation over the fate of the constitution in the postwar years, demonstrating the role that Japanese citizens have played in defending the constitution against government officials who advocate its revision. Narratives of Terrorism Ayotte, K. J. (2003). The rhetoric of terror: Weapons of mass destruction in American foreign policy discourse. United States -- Pennsylvania, University of Pittsburgh. Ph.D.: 321. Since the final decade of the Cold War, scholars working in the sub-discipline of political science known as Critical Security Studies have challenged theories of political realism on the grounds that the epistemological and ontological assumptions of realist discourses about international relations have transformed realpolitik into a self-fulfilling prophecy. Scholars committed to the philosophy of political realism have responded by questioning the ability of discursive criticism to accurately analyze the nature of, and recommend solutions to, international security threats. This dissertation develops a rhetorical perspective on Critical Security Studies as a means for making critical insights on the relationship between language and geopolitics

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relevant to real-world policy analysis. This dissertation takes the threat of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) as the focus for an investigation of the manner in which post-Cold War security dilemmas are produced in part by the discourse through which they are described, analyzed, and mediated for various audiences. Discourses about weapons of mass destruction seek to persuade public and governmental audiences of both the nature of the WMD threat and the range of thinkable foreign policy responses by the United States. This persuasive effect carries very real consequences in the form of an American tendency toward bellicose geopolitical strategies and military intervention against perceived WMD threats. The goal of this dissertation is to deconstruct representations of the WMD threat by making the rhetoricity and political consequences of these discourses apparent. The project of reading discourses of international security from a rhetorical perspective is also contingent upon a self-reflexive awareness that in studying, writing about, and advocating foreign policy, one is already engaged in a theory and theorization of persuasion. The rhetorical criticism of international relations thus sets the stage for a reflexive awareness of the ways in which the symbolic practice of describing security threats shapes the political choices enacted in foreign policy. This critical attention to the rhetoric of American foreign policy is a prerequisite to the formulation of a less belligerent geopolitics and the hope of a more peaceful world. Cook, A. H. (2006). The 1995 Oklahoma City bombing: Bureaucratic response to terrorism and a method for evaluation. United States -- Ohio, Kent State University. Ph.D.: 265. Terrorism poses complex challenges to American government at all levels. Due to the complexity of the threat, Americans cannot expect government to be able to deter or intervene in every terrorist attack. For that

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reason, government must plan to be better prepared to respond to acts of terror. A critical element of being better prepared must include some understanding of what constitutes effective response. This dissertation presents the findings of an intensive study of the response to the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah building in Oklahoma City in 1995. This dissertation is a qualitative case study that utilizes expert interviews to analyze the response efforts undertaken after the bombing. Thirty-one elite participants in the emergency response were interviewed. In addition, after-action reports and interviews conducted by the Oklahoma Memorial Documentation Team were examined. The content of the interviews and other materials was then searched for themes and patterns in the data. The findings of the dissertation were based on analysis of these materials and comparison to bureaucracy theories and emergency response literature. It was found that bureaucratic cultures influenced the outcome of the response, professional and interpersonal networks in place before the incident facilitated response, and the bottom-up theory of bureaucratic implementation best describes emergency response. Furthermore, it was found that the methodology used in the analysis provided valuable insights into emergency response and was useful in evaluating its efficacy. Rachal, C. (2007). The USA Patriot Act: Is history repeating itself? A historical review of the attack on civil liberties in wartime. United States -- Arkansas, University of Arkansas. M.A.: 97. The attacks on September 11, 2001, changed the United States and the world forever. The government responded quickly, signing into law the USA Patriot Act, an acronym for Uniting and Strengthening America Providing the Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism. Critics and civil libertarians argue that this legislation greatly expands the governments investigative powers, coming dangerously close to violating the constitutional

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rights of Americans. The actions of the Bush Administration are not new. History has shown that the governments first response in times of national crisis has been to enact restrictive legislation that has blatantly violated constitutional rights. History has also shown that government officials have come to regret these shameful episodes of the past, unfortunately not enough to keep from repeating them. The question then cannot be ignored: Is the passage of the USAPA another case of history repeating itself? This research examines the passage of the USAPA in comparison to similar legislation enacted during four critical periods in history when the Nation was in crisis. The events leading up to the passage of the legislation will be examined along with what the legislation was intended to accomplish, the state of the Nation at the time the legislation was enacted, how it was received by the people and the consequences it brought. The research uses secondary sources: books and articles and commentary identified through database research in law review journals, national circulated newspapers and Internet news sources. Viewpoints both pro and con are presented to give a balanced view of the issue. September Eleventh Bryan, J. (2009). Terror town: The impact of 9/11 on Arab Muslims intergroup relationships and community life in Jersey City. United States -- Connecticut, Yale University. Ph.D.: 213. This dissertation is the culmination of four years of exploratory ethnographic research investigating the impact of the 9/11 World Trade Center attacks on Arab Muslims, intergroup relationships and community life in working class neighborhoods of Jersey City, NJ, that came under intense scrutiny for suspected ties to terrorism. Anchored in the everyday experiences of community members, this dissertation presents an important historical and

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ethnographic account of what it was like to live in neighborhoods that the FBI and media labeled Terror Town. Drawing on extensive participant observation and over one hundred interviews, this research illustrates how the attack of 9/11 sparked a critical turning point in the construction of collective identity, the shifting of group alliances, and the nature of intergroup relationships for Arab Muslims and their neighbors. It was not so much the attack of 9/11 itself, but what came in its aftermath - the state war on terrorism, the media images and stories linking Arab Muslims with terrorists, and the social and economic backlash against Arab Muslims - that caused such profound social effects. Theoretically, the findings offer original and compelling insight into key sociological issues in the fields of race and ethnicity, identity, community and urban sociology, trauma and disasters, social movements and collective memory. Hildebrandt, J. (2009). Media and terrorism: Global coverage before and after 9/11. United States -- Michigan, Wayne State University. Ph.D.: 517. This study proposes extension of previous research on media bias. A critical review, by content analysis, will analyze individual coverage of terrorism in five global newspapers for two individual time periods: pre9/11, from September 11, 1998, to September 10, 2001; then, post-9/11, from September 11, 2003, to September 10, 2005. Longitudinal data collected from newspaper archives will be coded and analyzed, based on framing variables and other factors, such as frequency, length, and selectivity of themes and types of terrorist acts. The purpose of this study would be to uncover any patterns of similarities or dissimilarities occurring in terrorism coverage, worldwide, for the three years prior to September 11, 2001. To add a more dynamic quality to this research effort, a two-year period, after September 11, 2001, will also be examined for patterns of similar or dissimilar

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global terrorism coverage--for contrast. Results may provide enhanced understanding of whether geographic, historic, or cultural conditions affect terrorism coverage or result in media-biased coverage. This study may also identify divergent ranks of importance placed on terrorist acts by newspapers of varying countries, further accentuating the importance of media and its critical role in communicating terrorist acts. Comparisons between pre9/11 and post-9/11 terrorism coverage may highlight shifts in emphasis, as a result of changed media approaches or perceptions. Investigation of these implications is appropriate for possible later application toward public policy, especially toward increased media reporting precautions. Igwe, C. (2009). Dehumanising international law or responding to a new reality?: A critical analysis of post-9/11 suggested changes to the Laws of War. Canada, York University (Canada). Ph.D.: 416. After the September 11, 2001 Al Qaeda attacks against the United States (9/11), the Bush Administration sought to legitimize its call for changes to the nature of certain legal norms/rules relating to the Laws of War by arguing that the unprecedented nature of the 9/11 attacks necessitate the adoption of extreme and exceptional measures that may not be justifiable under the present norms/rules. It relied on this argument to justify policies like the use of force beyond the acceptable threshold set by international law, the inhumane treatment of detainees, and the targeted killing of suspected terrorists. The dissertation examines some of the far-reaching revisions of cardinal aspects of the Laws of War: the law of self-defence; the humanitarian law provisions of the Geneva Conventions; as well as some fundamental aspects of international human rights law applicable both during times of peace and times of war. In doing so, the dissertation focuses on some of the specific arguments advanced by prominent advocates of the newness claim

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to justify the suggested changes to the Laws of War. The dissertation argues that the suggested changes to the Laws of War are premised on a questionable understanding of the post-9/11 world as fundamentally new; second, that the suggested changes are based on the framing of a particular understanding of the problem of terrorism as representing international consensus, without duly considering other perspectives; third, that these changes trivialize the security of, and discount the experiences of, many innocent Third World peoples, who are the chief recipients of political violence; and finally, that these suggested changes seek to revise some of the fundamental principles of international law without suggesting credible and coherent alternatives. The dissertation draws attention to the significant dangers inherent in uncritically allowing the kinds of revisions to the Laws of War proposed by President Bush and his allies as effective counter-terrorism measures. Karam, A. (2005). Terror and patriotism in the United States: A critical analysis of governmental discourses surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 and the introduction of the Patriot Act in the United States of America. Canada, University of Ottawa (Canada). M.A.: 195. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States of America represented a pivotal historical moment that divided history into two distinct categories: a pre-9/11 period of relative security and a post-9/11 period of death and insecurity in which the threat of future terrorist attacks was presented as certain and ongoing. In the aftermath of the attacks, the American government prioritized national security over all other aspects of everyday life, including individual civil rights and freedoms. This prioritization necessitated and later justified the introduction of a potentially invasive anti-terrorism legislation, passed through an abridged legislative process. This thesis analyzes the official discourse in the six week period between

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the 9/11 attacks and the enactment of the Patriot Act. The research focuses on various discursive strands and narratives surrounding the attacks and on justifications and arguments related to the anti-terrorism measures proposed. The explored discursive themes include patriotism, national and international unity, populism versus prudentialism, war/crime models of terrorism and us versus them rhetoric. The thesis shows the complex nature of the discourses involved and different roles played by various political actors and branches of government. The interpretation of findings is informed by current literature on discursive construction of risk, security, terrorism and ethical justifications of trade-offs between security and liberties. Watson, N. J. (2005). Action movie Arabs and the American call to endless war: The role of American Orientalism in organizing the United States Response to the 9/11 attacks. United States -- Massachusetts, University of Massachusetts Amherst. Ph.D.: 395. This history of American Orientalism uses articulation theory to map the processes by which discourse around the representation of Arabs and Muslims moved from the symbolic to the material, resulting in public support for the 2003 War on Iraq. By tracing the circulation of images and meanings in both American popular culture and U.S. foreign policy, this dissertation argues that American Orientalism from the former, was increasingly drawn upon by foreign policy makers to nullify the so-called Vietnam Syndrome, the American publics learned aversion to direct military intervention abroad. The action movie genre, and its use of American Orientalism to construct an American identity in binary opposition to its Arab Other, are shown to have contributed to the rise of a neo-conservative foreign policy paradigm in the United States, beginning with the 1991 Gulf War, and advancing to full dominance with George W. Bushs open declaration of his War on

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Terror, based on a pre-emptive and potentially unlimited war doctrine. The contradictory constructions of the Middle East and their non-essential correspondences to changing economic, political and cultural contexts, are demonstrated by following the development of American Orientalism in U.S. culture and foreign policy discourse since the late 1800s, using a communication influenced, critical cultural studies approach guided by the theories of Antonio Gramsci, Edward Said, and Stuart Hall. The representative opposition of Arab and American identities, and American Orientalisms internal consistency across disparate spheres of discourse, are shown to have increased around the Arab-Israeli Wars of 1967 and 1973, as well as the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, conflating representations of Arabs, of Muslims, and of terrorism. Action movies of the 1980s and 1990s constructed a new American identity, whose politics, articulated to neo-conservative calls for a resurgent America, are potentially more damaging than Hollywoods proliferation of Arab stereotypes. This dissertation closely examines the presence of American Orientalism, and accompanying support for neoconservativism, in the public relations strategies of the 1991 Gulf War, in the films True Lies, Executive Decision, and The Siege , and in the televised statements of George W. Bush given during the days after September 11, 2001. Yoon, J. H. (2003). A critical overview of international law with regard to the problem of terrorism in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. Canada, University of Ottawa (Canada). LL.M.: 275. The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 have dramatically shaken world order and altered our perception of terrorism as being a serious threat to the national security of any State. These events are unprecedented in modern history, first, by their sheer magnitude and destructiveness, and also because

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of the suicidal fanaticism of its perpetrators. Nevertheless, there is a need to explore and analyze some of the international legal issues with regard to the problem of terrorism, especially in the aftermath of the September 11 events. To achieve this, the thesis will first examine the historical and definitional background of the problem of international terrorism. It will then explore the thorny subject of terrorism and State responsibility in order to determine under what circumstances can a State be held internationally liable for the commission of a terrorist act. Finally, in the last part of the thesis, the issue of self-defence against terrorist attacks will be thoroughly analyzed. Terrorism Studies Cockley, D. (2009). The media spectacle of terrorism and response-able literature. United States -- Texas, Texas A&M University. Ph.D.: 239. A movement in literature has evolved out of the aftermath of 9/11 to confront the spectacle of terrorism perpetuated by the corporate news media and find a way to respond to terrorism in a more ethical manner. In this dissertation, I examine the influence of the media on literary production in the post-9/11 environment and how writers push back against the foreclosure of the media spectacle of terrorism. I examine a particular practice, infotainment, which crosses over from television news into literature that focuses on terrorism, and I lay out the theoretical framework for understanding literary responses to this practice. Since 9/11, the corporate media has been fixated with terrorism, and the vast amount of literature produced since the tragedy that focuses on terrorism demonstrates terrorisms influence on literary production. I expose a theoretical basis for how literature intervenes in the spectacle of terrorism, offering a challenge to media foreclosure through an ethical engagement. Then, I examine texts in both the American and global contexts to determine how they intervene in the foreclosure and form more

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ethical responses. Writers like Don DeLillo and Moshin Hamid confront the unified definition of terrorism the corporate media presents by opening the subject to unanswered questions and in-depth examinations from all angles that enable responses rather than close off diverse perspectives. Literary writers strive to respond to the singular nature of each event, while positing an understanding of the plight of victims and perpetrators alike. The texts I examine each engage the foreclosure of the media spectacle of terrorism, creating a critical discourse by opening gaps, imposing ethical hesitation, reinstituting singularity, and responding to terrorism in an ethical manner. Don DeLillo posits an exemplary challenge to writers issued by terrorism in an often quoted line from Mao II : What terrorists gain, novelists lose. The degree to which they influence mass consciousness is the extent of our decline as shapers of sensibility and thought. DeLillo, along with other contemporary writers, takes up this challenge in order to ethically respond to the spectacle of terrorism. Dixit, P. (2009). State/terrorism: Discourses of terrorism and state identityformation. United States -- District of Columbia, The American University. Ph.D.: 380. This dissertation explores how commonsensical identities of states and terrorists are produced within representational practices and how they shift through time. By analyzing the official rhetoric of terrorism, this dissertation extends previous work of critical security scholars by applying poststructural discourse analysis to the study of terrorism. At the same time, this dissertation contributes to the subfield of terrorism studies by utilizing a relatively less-used methodology, that of poststructural discourse analysis, to question commonsensical narratives of states and terrorist relations as always reactive and antagonistic. While the initial focus is on the use of the language

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of terrorism in Nepals official security discourses, this dissertation adopts a Foucauldian genealogical approach to compare representational strategies in Nepal with those of the British state in its relations with the Irish Republican Army (IRA). In the following pages, this dissertation examines the strategies (mechanisms) through which identities of states and terrorists are constituted, focusing on linguistic representations. Using a concept of identity as relational, official accounts of danger especially those relating to the Maoists in Nepal and the IRA in Britain are studied and the subsequent changes in identity outlined. This dissertation adopts the view that identity does not exist without representations. Three issues are of concern here: one, the counterterrorist state produced in both Northern Ireland and Nepal was not a self-evident identity but was produced during social interactions, especially in the process of representing others as terrorist. Two, this counterterrorist identity was always in contention with other representations present at the time. Three, commonsensical narratives about terrorism, such as states always act to counter terrorist violence and that states do not talk to terrorists, if unpacked, allow for illustrating the contingent, contextual nature of such claims. As both the IRA and the Maoists relations with states indicates, states often do talk to so-called terrorists, even if terrorist groups have not renounced violence. Overall, this dissertation argues strategies of representing such as managing stake and establishing authority recur in more than one context. How these strategies play out in the construction of state/terrorist identities in Nepal and Britain is the focus of my study. Examining these strategies helps explain how state relations with terrorists were legitimated, but also how stakes and authorization were open to question. The use of terrorism to label acts and groups was inconsistent and difficult to stabilize. Official representations of groups as terrorist did not always stick, once again questioning the inevitable counterterrorist identity of states as posited in much of mainstream

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terrorism studies. Thus, this dissertation examines how state and terrorist identities are produced and how relations among them shift. It studies the politics of representing selves and others. Gantt, J. W. (2005). Irish terrorism, British counter-terrorism and United States foreign policy, 1865--1922. United States -- South Carolina, University of South Carolina. Ph.D.: 217. During the six decades after the Civil War, the United States government encountered various forms of modern international terrorism. Irish terrorists attempting to end or alter British colonial domination of Ireland provides historians a unique opportunity to explore how Americans perceived and reacted to the phenomenon of modern international terrorism. From Reconstruction through the Progressive era, Irish terrorists did not directly threaten United States national security or represent a serious military consideration for Americans, but Irish nationalist and agrarian terrorists in the second half of the nineteenth century introduced the complexities of a large terrorist network conspiracy that operated in the United States and created real diplomatic difficulties for Anglo-American relations. Strains of Anglophobia and Irish prejudice influence American perceptions of Irish terrorism and British counterterrorism. American began to formulate an ideological opposition to terrorism, but did not actively cooperate with British counter-terrorism. As Irish nationalist terrorism became more violent in the final decades of the nineteenth century and in the immediate years after World War I, the United States not only became a vocal critic of terrorism, but State Department and Executive officials, who increasingly sympathized with the British, also became critical of their counterterrorism policy. In the years 1865 to 1922, the United States government never articulated or adopted a clear, decisive or comprehensive policy towards Irish terrorism, but it is

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evident that America citizens, territory and institutions were entangled with this early expression of modern international terrorism. By the end of World War I the United States government not only crystallized its ideological opposition to terrorism as a method of political change, but also began laying the foundations for future Anglo-American cooperation in the prevention of international terrorism. Besides establishing a common language to identify terrorist acts, the United States also followed the British lead in establishing intelligence capabilities to monitor and analyze terrorist groups. American observations of Irish terrorism and British responses in the half-century before World War I provided the antecedents of United States policies and perceptions of international terrorism through the remainder of the twentieth century. Masoumi, A. (2006). The United Nations and international terrorism. Canada, Carleton University (Canada). M.A.: 126. This thesis investigates the United Nations (UN) response to international terrorism. It is an examination of the history of the UNs approach to international terrorism from 1945 to 2005. Through a critical analysis of the UN General Assembly (GA) and Security Council (SC) resolutions, this research helps build a comprehensive view of the UN response to international terrorism. It shows how the UN has enhanced the formulation and advancement of international norms and principles governing terrorism. This thesis argues that three distinct discourses: Sympathy, Ambivalence, and Combat have shaped the UNs response to the issue since 1945. However, based on varying interpretations of the UN Charter and human rights, these discourses responded to international terrorism differently. While, given different motivations behind terrorist acts, the first discourse recognized the use of terrorist methods for specific purposes, the last one condemned

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terrorism under any conditions. The Ambivalence emerged in the period of transition from Sympathy to Combat. In spite of major shifts and differences, some threads, such as the emphasis on human rights, the values and principle of the UN Charter, and international cooperation can be discerned, stretching from 1945 to 2005. Sharp, L. L. (2001). Terrorism in the news: A constructionist approach. United States -- Nevada, University of Nevada, Las Vegas. M.A.: 85. This thesis examines portrayals of terrorism in the New York Times during the 1990s. Using ethnographic content analysis, I analyze several dimensions of coverage including the emphasis given in articles to violence, the characterizations used to describe terrorists and their actions, the sources of information used in the reports, whether the cause of the terrorists are addressed, and the character of coverage for men and women terrorists. I argue that the portrayals focus on the most sensational and dramatic aspects of terrorism and authoritys interpretations of the groups; they fail to provide readers an analysis of causes, contexts, and structural conditions that could enable the public to develop deeper, more nuanced, and critical understandings of terrorism and terrorists. One implication is that the portrayals may work to delegitimate terrorism. Second, the portrayals may result in very narrow and limited understandings of terrorism and terrorists. Finally, the portrayals mask the proliferation of state-sponsored terrorism. Woods, J. (2008). Imagining terror: The people, the press and politics. United States -- Michigan, Michigan State University. Ph.D.: 164. After 9/11, public concerns about terrorism in the United States escalated. In the next years, the threat of terrorism prompted several farreaching foreign and domestic policies, including the wars in Iraq and

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Afghanistan, the massive increases in federal defense spending, upgraded security measures in all areas of the critical infrastructure, reductions in civil liberties and shifts in immigration policy. Given the significance of these changes, it is important to learn more about how the public perceives the threat of terrorism. The general goal of this dissertation is to investigate the social and psychological processes that affect peoples responses to the threat. Specifically, I use an exploratory, experimental study to identify the types of news portrayals (frames) that increase peoples worries and risk judgments about terrorism. Drawing on a quantitative content analysis, I also attempt to explain when and under what circumstances fear-inducing news frames appear in the elite press in the United States. The War on Terror Bell, C. (2007). Liberating security: Governing Canada in the age of terror. Canada, York University (Canada). Ph.D.: 323. Liberating Security: Governing Canada in the Age of Terror addresses contemporary debates within critical security studies and International Relations theory over the relationship between security and freedom and links them to Canadas participation in the US-led war on terror. The prevailing criticism of Canadas participation in the war on terror has tended to present security measures as a departure from liberal governance and as denoting a reduction of civil liberties. The dissertation argues that the contemporary relationship between freedom and security cannot be adequately accounted for by theories which treat freedom and security as concepts affixed by a relationship of antinomy. Rather, security must be conceptualized as a distinctive method for the liberal governance of populations. The central thesis is that Canadas participation in the war on terror, presents not only a loss of civil liberties, but also harnesses and

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advances suitable forms of freedom. Aspects of the national security strategy and the creation of new border controls, the use of security certificates to detain foreign nationals suspected of terrorism-related offences, the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Canadas use of torture by proxy are examined. It is shown that while these security practices are often violent and repressive, they also work to enlist and govern through the freedom of subjects. The study examines risk management, military and developmental intervention, and anti-terrorism legal measures as techniques which recast the relationship between security and freedom for the fulfillment of security objectives, while also depoliticizing their effects on marginalized and targeted groups. Carpenter, M. (2009). Rights and lesser evils in the war on terror. Canada, The University of Regina (Canada). M.A.: 91. A strand of political theory, which may be called the political doctrine of the lesser evil, maintains that state actors and government institutions should be granted prior license to violate human rights and civil liberties when the security of the nation is threatened. In this view, basic rights can become a liability to be exploited by the enemy, and checks and balances can tie the hands of government officials in emergency situations--as many commentators have repeated, a constitution is not a suicide pact. After the terrorist attacks against the United States in 2001, and amidst fears of weapons of mass destruction falling into the wrong hands, this theoretical equivocation of immorality in politics was used to launch the so-called war on terror. However, from the practices of preventive detention to preventive war, the actual consequences of lesser-evil policies appear to undermine the project, reducing rather than enhancing overall security. A critical analysis of the doctrine reveals that it rests on false dichotomies such as liberty versus

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security and moralism versus pragmatism, which assert that the latter terms of the oppositions can he achieved at the expense of the former. In reality, these tents are not in tension but go hand in hand as mutually reinforcing concepts. Against the lesser-evil approach, this thesis endorses a pragmatic absolutism as the most likely strategy to succeed against terrorism in the twenty-first century. Getso, R. (2009). Department of Defense civilian contractors and the global war on terrorism. United States -- New York, Excelsior College. M.A.L.S.: 87. The escalating use of contractors to perform non-combat work for the US military in both operational and non-operational areas is a trend that is increasing across the Department of Defense (DoD). The ratio of civilians to military is at least 1:1 in Iraq, and represents a remarkable growth in outsourcing military functions to private corporations. The 24-hour media coverage of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the occasional focus on the hazardous duty assignments of civilian contractors highlights this trend. Civilian contractors perform their roles supporting outside-the-continentalU.S. (OCONUS) missions, and some are also on the battlefield, supporting both military personnel and civilian government employees. As the use of contractors continues to gain favor within the DoD, and as civilian contractors roles continue to expand and become more critical and more hazardous, it is important to examine, and where necessary to improve, the current way that the DoD, and specifically Army and Air Force acquisition professionals, procure such services to ensure that taxpayer funds are spent with good value for money in mind. Klocke, B. V. (2004). Framing the world: Elite ideologies in United States

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media discourse of the War on Terrorism campaign. United States -- Colorado, University of Colorado at Boulder. Ph.D.: 287. This dissertation analyzes how United States elites ideologically framed events of September 11, 2001 (9-11) and the implementation of the first year of the War on Terrorism (WOT). In seeking to understand how the strategic use of frames by different categories of U.S. elites (e.g., government officials, corporate officials, etc.) effectively limited or expanded options for state action in response to the attacks of 9-11, this dissertation utilizes and builds on the framing perspective of the social movements literature. This study considers how elite opinion shapers mobilize collective action frames for elite ends, which draw upon a collective identity and shared racialized, gendered and classed ideologies of America, its enemies, and its role in the world. Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Framing Analysis were employed upon a theoretically purposive sample of major speeches of George W. Bush (GWB) and New York Times (NYT) and Wall Street Journal (WSJ) editorials, staff commentaries and guest op-eds. Differences and similarities in diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing between sources and categories of elites were identified and sociologically explained. This analysis included measuring the amount of support each media document gave for the ideological assumptions of the WOT as represented in speeches of GWB. Although the WSJ was more supportive of the WOT than the NYT, the NYT editorial board was farther ahead of its readership in support of the WOT. And media elites from both newspapers were more supportive of the WOT than government officials. Near consensus for all groups of elites was found for the policy of preemptive strikes and specifically regime change in Iraq. The media were found to not only translate and circulate elite ideologies of the WOT but to help amplify the framing of them as well. What emerged from the data while employing Critical Framing Analysis to examine constructions

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of race; class and economics; and gender in elite discourse, was an ideology that can best be described as an imperialist ideology. It is argued that elites and media elites in particular, delegitimated not only terrorists but those who criticized the inevitability of the Americanization of global economy and culture. Taylor, A. (2007). The War on Terror in the Horn of Africa: Human Security matters. United States -- District of Columbia, Howard University. Ph.D.: 285. This dissertation seeks to situate and examine the post-9-11, 2001 George W. Bush-led War on Terror in the Horn of Africa--Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan--focused on Somalia, in light of the emergent Human Security discourse. Operationally defining Human Security as containing the threat from organized political violence (war and terrorism), three research questions were asked. (1) What are the ideologies and histories that inform the principal actors that are clashing, symbolized by George W. Bush and his Administration and Osama bin Laden and alQaeda? (2) How has the War on Terror and bin Ladens Jihad against the Jews and Crusaders been taking shape in Somalia and the Horn of Africa? (3) What are Human Security matters, and what value does it have in the Bush Administrations interventions in the region? Informed by the hypothesis that State security would be valued more than the insecurities of individuals in the Bush Administrations policies in the region, to the degree that profit is put over people and that all life is not equally valued, deploying the criticalgestures made in Africana Philosophy and the pragmatic valuations made in International Society theory, the research findings suggest the following: (1) George W. Bush and Osama bin Laden can be interpreted as the worlds leading ideologues, clashing with themselves and global publics, informed by

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their own histories/civilizations and records. (2) The interventions of George W. Bush and Osama bin Laden have, in effect, escalated war, terrorism and international, regional and local insecurities, in Somalia and the Horn of Africa, despite their declared interests. (3) Human Security matters are about securing the freedom from want and fear, addressing the insecurities of individuals and not just States. Examining the War on Terror in the region, we found that, on balance, the Bush Administration has a Human Security-deficit: it is focused on State security; it is ruled by zero-sum calculations that privilege shortterm interests, the Untied States and regional allies; and is heavily focused on procuring the resources and energy for war. In contradistinction to this deficit, it is contended that a common, Human Security interest would address international, regional and individual insecurities; would be more pragmatic, and less ideologically circumscribed, informed by the lessons learned by other democracies in the face of terrorism; and would take human rights and the rule of law seriously, in practice. Troyer, L. A. (2003). The location of terrorism: Counterterrorism, American politics, and the docile citizen. United States -- California, University of California, Berkeley. Ph.D.: 288. Beginning with Hobbes, political theorists have sought to strike a balance between the dictates of security and the requisites of freedom. While the motivations behind the establishment of political community have shifted from Hobbesian fear to an array of competing principles over the course of the development of liberal political theory, the conceptions of sovereignty and political authority that accompanied them repeatedly return to the threat of violence--at the levels of the individual, the nation, and the state--in defenses of political legitimacy. This theoretical trajectory, while neither uniform nor unchallenged, culminates in Max Webers treatment of the state as the entity

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wielding the monopoly of force within a territory, a description that today operates definitionally as a guiding principle in international relations as well as internal governance, evidenced today in the pursuit of counterterrorism in the U.S. and abroad. The dissertation analyzes domestic counterterrorism in the U.S. since the 1960s for the ways it exhibits and refigures this tension between political order and agency in modern political theory, and argues that American counterterrorism displays with unusual clarity the limits of liberal tolerance alongside the cultivation of state power in a wide range of practices through which political order, national identity, and models of political agency are fashioned. As part of its effort to delineate the underlying assumptions and political implications of counterterrorism, the dissertation turns to a host of thinkers who confront and complicate the foundations of liberal thought in overlapping yet distinct ways, developing close readings of Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Melanie Klein, Michael Rogin, Judith Butler, and Elaine Scarry. One aim of the dissertation is to build from Rogins insights into American political demonology and countersubversion in its own examination of the figure of the domestic terrorist and contemporary counterterrorism. Another aim, drawing from Michel Foucault, is to explore in a genealogical mode the emergence of a domestic discourse on terrorism in the U.S. as it has been applied to describe the acts, politics, and identities of American citizens of widely disparate beliefs and commitments. Proceeding from a critical engagement with the unfixed meaning of terrorism in popular and political discourse in the U.S., the dissertation advances by investigating the appearance of the term rather than by applying its own preferred definition.