doi:10.1016/j.cities.2005.01.

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Cities, Vol. 22, No. 2, p. 123134, 2005 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Printed in Great Britain 0264-2751/$ - see front matter

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The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation

Henning Nuissl *, Dieter Rink
UFZ Centre for Environmental Research Leipzig-Halle, Department of Urban and Environmental Sociology, Permoserstr. 15, D-04318 Leipzig, Germany Available online 5 March 2005

The paper examines the causes, features and consequences of the vigorous dynamics of urban sprawl seen in recent years in eastern Germany. Firstly, regarding the theory of urban development, it demonstrates that this case of sprawl displays certain peculiaritiesand so cannot be sufciently understood by drawing on western experience. Secondly, concerning the management of urban development, it is particularly striking that urban sprawl in eastern Germany has largely proved to be the product of specic legislative and political conditions. Changes in these conditions ought thus to signicantly affect urban development. To help contain urban sprawl in the context under scrutiny, however, these changes need to be geared to the situation of urban stagnation and decline.
2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Urban sprawl, eastern Germany, post-socialist transformation

Introduction
In western countries, urban sprawl has long been at the top of the agenda of urbanists, geographers and environmental scientists. In the former socialist countries of central and eastern Europe, however, urban sprawl was not a matter for discussion until the 1990s. There, cities and towns used to expand on their fringes, too, but this was mainly due to urban growth rather than centrifugal migration (either of people or commercial facilities) or consistent deconcentration (cf. Friedrichs, 1978, p. 323f; see also the case studies in Friedrichs, 1985). Whilst, ironically, (. . .) liberal capitalism, with its acceptance of big cities and growth as the inevitable accompaniment of success, is seeing its cities disintegrate under pluralized individualistic choices, (. . .) Marxist societies, committed to the emergence of a
*Corresponding author. Tel.: +49-341-235-2696; fax: +49-341-2352825; e-mail: henning.nuissl@ufz.de

new settlement pattern for mankind, are preserving cities and centrality in a traditional sense (Berry, 1976, 12). Following the breakdown of the Socialist world, the paradigm of catching up on a modernisation backlog predominated academic and political debate on the course of post-socialist transformation. Accordingly, most experts expected urban (i.e. spatial) development in the post-socialist countries of central and eastern Europe to follow the paths previously carved out in the Western world, which admittedly are fairly heterogenous, as is for instance apparent from the emergence of different types of edge cities (Garreau, 1991) in the US and western Europe (see Phelps and Parsons, 2003). Hence, a severe form of urban sprawl was predicted (see Friedrichs, 1995, p. 57), and did in fact begin almost immediatelyalbeit solely in eastern Germany, the only part of the former Socialist world which was lucky enough to be incorporated into an established western country. Urban development in 123

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

the other central European transformation countries has been more concerned with the issues of urban regeneration, the privatisation of the housing stock, economic crisis and deindustrialisation, increasing socio-spatial polarisation, poverty and crime (e.g. Wecawowicz, 1993; Szelenyi, 1996). And even in those countries where the socialist regime was more liberal and which, unlike the GDR, experienced moderate trends of suburbanisation in the 1970s and 1980sfor example Hungary, Yugoslavia and Polandurban sprawl hardly existed in the 1990s and is only now beginning to (re)appear, mainly on the fringes of the economically most advanced (capital) cities, such as Budapest (Berenyi, 1997), Ljubljana (Pichler-Milanovic, 2003) and Warsaw (Gutry-Korycka et al., 2003). East German cities, towns and villages, on the other hand, displayed an astonishingly expansionist character as soon as post-socialist transformation had taken off. As a result, it was within the space of not more than 10 years that eastern Germanys suburbia developed its current appearance, which has very little in common with the former distinct separation of urban areas from their surroundings (e.g. Hauermann, 1996). Moreover, eastern Germany is a particularly interesting case of urban sprawl because sprawl there has been linked with other phenomena of an extremely comprehensive transformation process, such as massive demographic shrinking and economic restructuring on a scale unprecedented in terms of speed, depth and breadth. This background begs the question of what recent east German experience can contribute to the two major strands of the general debate on the problem of urban sprawl. (a) Urban researchers usually seek to understand and explain the phenomenon of urban sprawl as part of the general development of towns and cities on a national or even global scale. In this vein, the issue of urban sprawl is discussed with reference to the broader (postmodern) discourse on the dissolution of the difference between the urban and (what used to be) the rural realm, in times of globalisation (e.g. Sudjic, 1992; Touraine, 1996; Sieverts, 2003), i.e. the disappearance of the European city (Siebel, 2004) in a global mega city leading to the emergence of ` a post-city era (Le Gales, 2002, 176). However, whether urban development results from a set of universal laws of the societal production of space remains unclear (and the great variety of theories underlying the explanatory efforts in urban research support these doubts). Against this background, one crucial question of recent urban research has been the extent to which ndings on sprawl derived from western examples also hold for the formerly eastern hemisphere, too, i.e. whether trajectories of spatial developments in the context of post-socialist transformation are specic (cf. Harloe, 1996; Matthiesen and Nuissl, 2002). As a kind of frontrunner in post-socialist transformation, the east German case ought to provide a clue to this question. 124

(b) Academics and professionals in the eld of urban and regional planning and design discuss the societal, economic and in particular ecological impacts of the ongoing spatial expansion of towns and cities. Since most of these effects must be assessed negatively from a sustainability point of view (e.g. Johnson, 2001; Camagni et al., 2002), the debate is focused on how urban sprawl can be contained effectively (e.g. Daniels, 1999). Here again, eastern Germany seems to provide a promising eld of investigation since both urban sprawl and regional planning and policymaking started almost from scratch there in 1990. Moreover, the east German case is highly interesting for two other reasons. First, governmental policy with its start-up programme steered by money and law (Rose et al., 1993) displayed a high level of state intervention and should thus provide an indication of the maximum capacity of steering spatial development. Second, in eastern Germany, urban sprawl is taking place in a context of demographic and (partly also economic) shrinking. Although the connection between urban sprawl and urban shrinkage is of course not exclusive to eastern Germany, it was particularly pronounced there. Consequently, the experience gained there with the management of urban sprawl is instructive as to how urban sprawl can be contained in a context of declinean issue that will become increasingly relevant in other parts of Europe. The conditions, patterns and outcomes of urban sprawl in eastern Germany are analysed below. The second section sketches the general conditions of urban development. The third section then turns to what has actually happened on the fringes of towns and cities by addressing as an example the city of Leipzig and its surroundingsa region that has been at the vanguard of recent processes of urban sprawl. Second and third sections jointly provide the empirical material on the basis of which the fourth section resumes the discussion of the east German contribution to the general debate on urban sprawl.

Societal and economic conditions for urban sprawl in eastern Germany after 1990
Eastern Germanys societal and economic transformationincluding huge nancial transfers, the substitution of players and the import of administrative structures and institutions from the Westcreated very specic social, economic and political conditions for urban and especially suburban development. Demographic decline The population of eastern Germany has been decreasing rapidly since 1989. In 1989 and 1990 alone, about a million people moved from the former GDR (German Democratic Republic) to western Germany, since when they have been

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

followed by roughly another million. In addition, after 1989, births in eastern Germany immediately plummeted and only recently has the birth rate slowly recovered to its formerstill lowlevel (cf. Niephaus, 2003). By contrast, migration to eastern Germany has been too small a factor to make up for this drain. The combination of these trends should be expected to discourage urban sprawl. However, this effect has partly been neutralised by a sharp tendency towards smaller households. The percentage of single-person households in eastern Germany rose from about 25% of all households in 1989 to more than 34% in 2001, whilst the average household size dropped from 2.7 to 2.1 persons (cf. Statistisches Amt DDR, 1990, p. 314; Statistisches Bundesamt, 2002, p. 63). Consequently, the number of households in eastern Germany has actually increased by more than 5% since 1990. Economic restructuring and labour market problems The lack of demographic growth in eastern Germany has been accompanied by a lack of economic growth. Hence another classic driving force behind suburbanisation and urban sprawl is absent (cf. Arlt, 1999). The sudden opening of the east German market, its simultaneous split from the east European trading bloc Comecon, and the subsequent devaluation of the largely antiquated industrial sector prompted massive deindustrialisation throughout eastern Germany. Between 1989 and 1995, some 7090% of industrial jobs vanished. Consequently, vast industrial areas became urban brownelds waiting for reuse and these competed with the new suburban enterprise zones for investors, who, however, mostly erected their ofces and factories on greeneld sites requiring no refurbishment or decontamination. Industrial decline was accompanied by the signicant contraction of the labour market. In fact the total number of people in work in eastern Germany dropped by almost a third from about 8.6 million in 1989 to about 6.1 million in 2001 (cf. Statistisches Amt DDR, 1990, p. 17; Statistisches Bundesamt, 2002, p. 99). Consequently, the rate of unemployment in eastern Germany has risen dramatically to the present level (March 2004) of nearly 20%a gure which can probably be supplemented by another 1020% of people capable of (and generally interested in) gainful employment who are either employed on the secondary labour market or excluded from unemployment gures owing to their attendance at training courses or because they gave up looking for work some time after losing their previous employment, which is often true of women. On the other hand, incomes in eastern Germany have increased enormously, rising in particular in the rst few years after German unication, although on average they are still about 15% lower than in western Germany (cf. Brenke, 2001). More-

over, this rise in incomes was part of a general transformation of monetary value and prices and thus only led to a considerable increase in the average purchasing power of east German households in the early 1990s (e.g. Drechsel, 2001). Besides, prior to 1990 households in eastern Germany were unable to accumulate wealth and so do not by any means have the same nancial resources at their disposal as their western counterparts. Hence, it can be concluded that the economic potential for residential sprawl on the demand side is still somewhat limited in eastern Germany. Restitution The legal institutionalisation of restitutioni.e. the principle that returning expropriated owners their former property take priority over nancial compensationhas been highly important for urban development in eastern Germany (cf. Dieser, 1996). There are many inner city districts where as many as 90% of properties have been subject to restitution claims. All these claims had to be decided legally. In the city centres in particular, the process of restitution often proved rather complicated. This impeded the development of characteristic inner city facilities and the reconstruction of dilapidated housing because there was little point in investing in property until its ownership had been claried (cf. Hauermann, 1997). Moreover, restitution petitions frequently entailed a lengthy process involving the (intermediate) trading of restitution claims and subsequently of restituted property, ending up in the total rearrangement of property structures (cf. Reimann, 2000).1 Planning One peculiar effect of the immediate, complete postsocialist transformation in eastern Germany was the vacuum regarding the power of public authorities to steer spatial developments, which was characteristic of the rst half of the 1990s (cf. Coles, 1997). Since legal requirements had totally changed, there was a lack of hard instruments of spatial planning, i.e. enforceable development plans. At the same time, much of the planning bureaucracy was fairly inexperienced as to both the new legal framework and the manner of western investors and their way of bargaining. This gave private investors ample scope to get their own way and to build on those plots (often
1

One instrument designed to mitigate the impeding effects of restitution is the Investitionsvorranggesetz or Investment Priority Act. In a nutshell, this law enables public authorities and investors to give a specic project preference over pending restitution claims for the promise of future compensation, provided all the other legal and nancial prerequisites for the project concerned have been met. However, the positive effects of the Investitionsvorranggesetz were by and large restricted to investments by big companies on vast greeneld areas, whereas investments by mainly smaller investors inside urban areas hardly beneted from it. Thus, this law actually increased sprawl.

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The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

in ecologically sensitive areas) which they had intended to develop right from the start (cf. Sahner, 1996). Then again, it is doubtful whether planning, in particular regional planning, would have endeavoured to withstand the pressure of investors and developers even if it had been armed with proper instruments. After all, in eastern Germany almost all sorts of private investment were and still are all too welcome, while politicians and public authorities were by and large committed to the idea that sprawl was not only inevitable but indeed a desirable sign of progress. Political programmes and tax policies There are many policy elds, and not only in Germany, where urban sprawl has traditionally been supported. (West) German national housing policy had always granted nancial support for new owner-occupied property. Local and regional business development policy usually harbours powerful incentives for urban sprawl, too. In eastern Germany, the most effective incentives to sprawl, however, came from the programmes and scal instruments implemented by the federal government in order to stimulate the inux of capital. By awarding high subsidies without distinguishing between different locations, these programmes and instruments attracted several enterprises and companies to suburbia where building development was easiest. In addition, the role of Sonder-AfA, a special tax write-off regulation designed to overcome the perceived shortage of housing in eastern Germany and to support the establishment of a new ownership structure, was particularly important. Sonder-AfA allowed 50% of the sum invested into new housing on the territory of the former GDR to be written off for tax purposes, twice the amount granted for existing building stock (cf. Herfert, 1997, 27). Hence, much rent-seeking money was steered towards the creation of new residential areas, with more than 70% of the capital involved coming from western Germany. Sonder-AfA remained in force in full until the end of 1996, after which for another year the level of tax write-off for new buildings was 25%. Desire for new housing In the GDR, living as a family in a detached suburban house was an aspiration that found little public and no governmental enthusiasm. Even though little is known about where people would have liked to live in their heart of hearts, it is fairly certain that for the great majority there was no point in aspiring to a suburban life. Moreover, a kind of socialist model of housing had become reality, which oscillated between the two poles of reasonably convenient mod cons ats in the typical huge prefab housing estateswhere more than a third of the population was housed at the end of the 1980s and which many people found desirableand the omni126

present weekend allotment huts which, although already typical for Germany, became even more prominent (not to mention sophisticated) under the Soviet inuence in the East (dacha culture), and which provided the means to live amidst greenery in much of the owners spare time. Several studies on the future of the big housing estates have demonstrated that in the mid-1990s, this housing culture was still thriving with people (in contrast to the expectations of many researchers in the West) being mostly content with their housing situation and with no desire to move (e.g. Rietdorf, 1997).2 In this situation, however, the idea of becoming a suburbanite seemed to spread rapidly. The increase in incomes and wealth might have been one natural reason for this; another articial one was probably the massive promotion of housing property by government (cf. Leonhardt, 1996) as well as the media and advertising. Several studies on the motives and choices of suburbanites in eastern Germany have shown that the main incentive for private households to sprawl was the opportunity to considerably improve their housing standards (e.g. Herfert, 1996; Heydenreich, 2000), which in the early 1990s were much worse than in western Germany in terms of the available living space and ttings. Concerning the more solvent suburbanites, the chance to acquire property was also important (cf. Harth et al., 1998; Muller et al., 1997). By contrast, many typical pull factors of suburbia, such as a green environment and the possibility to escape from former neighbours, were (at most) of minor importance (cf. Aring and Herfert, 2001) and many suburbanites would have preferred to remain in the inner city if their living requirements could have been met there.

Recent dynamics of suburbanisation and urban sprawl

Given the conditions for spatial development in eastern German outlined above, urban sprawl by no means appears to have been inevitable. In short, it seems that social and especially economic conditions were at best only partly conducive to urban sprawl, whilst public policy proved highly supportive of it. These antagonistic conditions triggered a kind of dis-

It was only recently that the long-expected decline of the new housing estates built in East Germany in the 1970s and 1980s (the image of which has increasingly approached the negative impression they made on western architects and planners right from the start) began. Nowadays they are the principle targets of efforts to straighten up the east German housing market (with its vast oversupply due to both the decline in population and the highly subsidised post-socialist building boom far exceeding demand) by the demolition of buildingsalthough this is just as much attributable to the fact that these are areas where buildings can be demolished comparatively easy because of the homogenous structure of the (public) proprietors as it is to their general lack of attractiveness (Kabisch et al., 2004).

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

continuous dynamics of urban sprawl. Hence, even within the short period of just one decade, we can identify different phases of urban sprawl which acted conjointly to shape todays suburbia. This is described below by taking the city of Leipzig as an example. Leipzig is a typical, albeit very pronounced case of east German urban sprawl. One of the most expanding German cities in the 1990s, nowadays its sprawl has almost ceased. Moreover, it has become a trendsetter in the current debate on urban shrinkage and restructuring, which has attracted much attention among domestic planners, urbanists and academics (e.g. Lutke-Daldrup and Doehler-Behzadi, 2004). Leipzig and its surroundings Leipzig is located almost 200 km south of the German capital Berlin in an old industrialised region and has been an important city ever since medieval times. In the early 1930s, its population reached its historical peak of more than 700,000. In the GDR, the countrys biggest city outside the divided capital was characterised by a deteriorating housing stock and it became a notorious example of the decay of residential areas and the outdated nature of urban infrastructure. In 1989, almost 80% of the citys 257,000 dwellings urgently needed refurbishment in order to be preserveda factor that contributed to the public unrest that eventually brought the communist regime to its knees. (In summer 1989, the depressing condition of their city was a major reason for the people of Leipzig to participate in growing numbers in weekly demonstrations, thus giving rise to a demonstration movement that later spread to other East German cities and ultimately toppled the regime.) Moreover, Leipzig was the GDRs only city with a decreasing population, and by 1989 had only a little more than half a million inhabitants. This decline was a result of the GDRs policies of urban and economic planning and development, which were mainly orientated towards the industrialisation of formerly rural zones, rather than the modernisation of old industrialised regions. Nonetheless, the socialist variant of suburban development described above emerged between 1970 and 1990, when huge housing estates were built and the number of weekend allotment huts rose. The former were tantamount to a population shift within the urban territory towards its boundaries. At the same time, however, they emphasised the border between the city and the surroundings, between which a clear difference in settlement densities persisted. Leipzig was hit hard by the economic transformation of the early 1990s, which inicted severe structural changes on the city and led to a tremendous loss of industrial jobs, the number of which plummeted from more than 100,000 in 1989 to less then 10,000 nowadays. Note that on the other hand Leipzig, as a major urban centre, was privileged from the

onset of the transformation process because it was one of the targets of public attention and also public money for model investments, such as the new Leipzig Fair exhibition centre (cf. Gormsen, 1994). Nonetheless, unemployment in Leipzig is not much lower than the east German average and thus many inhabitants left the region in search of new or better jobs. In fact Leipzig lost almost a fth of its inhabitants within the space of less than ten years.3 Although approximately half of this loss was accounted for by migration to the economically more prosperous western Germany, the other half was due to Leipzigers moving to suburbia. Thus the population of Leipzig had declined to about 420,000 by 1998, before the city almost doubled its territory by incorporating several suburban towns and villages (thus recapturing many of those who had left for suburbia) and increasing its population again to almost half a million (see Table 1). 19901992: The Wild East and the beginning of sprawl As soon as the inner German border opened, thousands of investors ocked to the still existing GDR and endeavoured to gain a foothold on the emerging market. As far as the real estate, retail and housing sectors were concerned, their interest was mainly focused on the fringes of major urban centres. After all, nowhere else could they expect not only sufcient demand for their goods and products but also nd enough affordable land ripe for immediate development. This inux of foreign capital affected in particular Leipzigs suburbia since it was part of the biggest agglomeration, and thus part of the most promising regional market in eastern Germany. The rst suburban investments to arrive were shopping malls (cf. Coles, 1997), soon to be followed by the costly but subsidised preparation of countless enterprise zones in almost every municipality, which, in the most fortunate cases, were accompanied by the erection of a few industrial plants. The development of residential areas generally started a little later (Herfert, 1996). However, by the end of the rst sprawl phase (and with only a short time-lag), new residential areas began to spread among the commercial sites and retail outlets that had already appeared, leading to a simultaneity of decay in the inner city and progress in the surrounding areas (cf. Doehler and Rink, 1996) (see Figure 1).

Note that in the course of industrial urbanisation around 100 years ago, Leipzig (like many other cities) experienced annual growth rates which outpaced even the astonishing speed of the recent population loss. Also, it is striking that despite their recent gains in inhabitants, the population of the surroundings of Leipzig is still smaller than in 1971, even though it is now much more dispersed! Hence, in population terms urban sprawl hasnt yet entirely made up for the loss of population in rural areas so characteristic of spatial development in the GDR.

127

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink Table 1 Population density in the Leipzig region (1990 and 2001) Area (km2) Density (Pop./km2) 1990 Municipalities adjacent to Leipzig (Suburbia) Municipalities incorporated into the City of Leipzig since 1990 (excluding Podelwitz Sud and Radefeld) (Leipzigs new fringe) Leipzig (1990 limits) (Inner Leipzig) Data: Federal State of Saxony; City of Leipzig; own calculations. 744 145 147 188 319 3579 2001 217 476 2954

Figure 1 Saale Park, located around 20 km west of the city centre of Leipzig on the territory of a little village of less than 1000 inhabitants, used to be Germanys biggest out of town retail cluster in the 1990s (and is currently converted into a real shopping mall) (Photo: City of Leipzig).

19921996: The rise of residential suburbanisation From 1992 onwards Leipzig experienced a period of severe, exponentially increasing residential suburbanisation, which had reached its peak by the end of 1996 (cf. Herfert and Rohl, 2001). This can largely be attributed to two push factors that diminished the quality of life in the inner city during that period. Large parts of the old housing stock remained in a bad condition (particularly due to the problem of restitution). As a result, there was still a lack of acceptable housing in the inner city and hence a considerable difference in rents for decent dwellings between the city and the outskirts. In particular, rents for the few refurbished homes were fairly high (cf. Empirica, 1996). In addition, although rapidly improving, the environmental quality was still low, especially in inner Leipzig (cf. Scholz and Heinz, 1995). The severe residential sprawl of the rst half of the 1990s, however, was only possible because real estate companies and investment funds provided a growing supply of housing on the urban fringe, making suburbia a place where people could afford to instantly improve their standard of living. Thus it was mainly anonymous investors who not 128

only organised but also nanced and physically accomplished residential sprawl before the suburbanites moved into the nished dwellingsa phenomenon which bears some resemblance to the classic, Fordist type of sprawl in the US, with its powerful real estate capitalists (cf. e.g. Gans, 1982[1967], Chapter 1; Fishman, 1987, Chapter 6). In Leipzig, however, the suburban dwellings are mostly still possessed by the investors, making home ownership a much rarer phenomenon than is usually the case in suburbia. Besides, the medium-sized (2to 4-storey) apartment block became a typical suburban building. However, several residential parks characterised by this type of architecture were aficted by a high rate of vacant housing from the out set (Herfert and Rohl, 2001). All in all, an exogenous type of urban sprawl can be noticed, which is rather different from the idea that the main driving force of urban sprawl is suburbanites autonomously fullling their desire to live in detached housing in a non-urban environment. This peculiarity is also reected in the atypically balanced demographic structure of suburbanites (cf. Herfert, 1996). Suburbia gained inhabitants from the urban

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

Figure 2 Massive apartment blocks (here in Neu-Paunsdorf) displaying a rather urban architecture were typical of the suburban development around Leipzig in the 1990s (Photo: UFZ).

core in all demographic groupsincluding people who would not normally be thought of as typical suburbanites, such as people living alone and the elderly. Indeed, this was the case throughout eastern Germany (see Figure 2). 19972000: The resurgence of the core city Although at rst glance the tide of inhabitants leaving the city for suburbia was not stemmed in 1997, for the rst time since 1989 the stream of residential suburbanisation no longer increased. Rather than occurring by chance, this development reects the completion of the rst round of transformational dynamics. Most importantly, temporary scal instruments and programmes, which had proved tremendously conducive to urban sprawl, ran out in the second half of the 1990s. In addition, municipal administrations and regional planning authorities managed to catch up on their planning backlog. Hence, the regulations imposed by planning authorities in order to contain the use of land for urban purposes became increasingly effective. Furthermore, the ongoing resolution of restitution claims enabled the effective renewal of inner city districts, which as of the mid-1990s greatly improved the inner-city environment as a whole and increased the supply of refurbished inner-city dwellings. The successful (re-)establishment of a couple of shopping malls and one big department store (with another one currently under construction) in Leipzigs city centre contributed further to this resurgence of the inner city. Hence, the inner city became both a cheaper and a more attractive place to live and nding a good home there was no longer more difcult or expensive than in suburbia (cf. Lutke-Daldrup, 2001b). Consequently, the housing markets in the central and the peripheral parts of the urban region

levelled out (cf. Steinfuhrer, 2004). At the same time, the character of residential development in suburbia began to change. The detached single-family house became predominant, as a slowly growing number of comparatively well off households had managed to accumulate the nancial resources necessary to acquire property in the preceding years. The new millennium: consolidation or perforation? Since around the turn of the millennium, the ow to suburbia appears to have come to a halt. Migration between Leipzig and its hinterland is more or less balanced and, except for a few major investments (in particular in a large car manufacturing plant), there are not many more peripheral development projects on their way. Moreover, whereas the population gures of the inner city districts have been stabilisingwhich is enough to lend Leipzig the character of an island of stability in a still anaemic east German context (cf. Herfert, 2002)we can currently observe the population of some parts of suburbia actually declining. This is taking place against the background of a highly relaxed real estate and housing market. Correspondingly, a kind of reversion of earlier dynamics in urban development can be made out, although we cannot yet observe a signicant trend of people who had moved to suburbia returning to the inner city. In particular the demand for housing by younger people has made some districts of inner Leipzig the regions most sought-after residential areas. By contrast, the demand for suburban housing has dropped considerably, leading to growing differences between the more and the less attractive segments of the suburban housing market. In addition, many suburban ofce blocks planned and built in the expectant times of the 1990s are still vacant, and the situation is now 129

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

Figure 3 Abandoned houses in inner Leipzig (left). The demolition of such houses often results in a perforation of the urban fabric (right) (Photos: A. Haase).

so acute that some of them are shortly to be demolished. Besides, some analysts have even observed the onset of de-malling (Herfert and Rohl, 2001) since sales in the peripheral shopping centres are stagnating or decreasing. This threatens the very existence of some of these centres, whereas others seem able to keep up with their new inner-city com petitors by further investments (cf. Jurgens, 2000). The abatement of urban sprawl in and around Leipzig is by no means tantamount to generally balanced urban and regional development. Instead, these days, the some 60,000 empty dwellings in Leipzig, accounting for 19% of the citys housing stock, represent an enormous challenge for urban policy-making and planning (cf. Kabisch, 2002). Although some 20,000 of them are uninhabitable, on the other hand around 30,000 unoccupied dwellings (including almost a quarter of the refurbished old housing) are available to let on the housing market (Stadt Leipzig, 2000, p. 28ff; Wolf et al., n.d., p. 16ff). This oversupply makes investments to redevelop urban brownelds or to refurbish the decaying buildings that remain hardly economical. It has thus supported the onset of a process of perforation in the urban fabric (cf. Lutke-Daldrup, 2001a): whilst the city centre and the districts north, west and south of it have become reasonably consolidated (although they still contain pockets of decay), other parts of the city are having to struggle with an increasing number of unoccupied dwellings and declining infrastructure. In some older parts of the city, there are even blocks consisting almost entirely of vacant houses, many of which are liable to collapse. Even in the suburban realm, it has become increasingly obvious that some of the new buildings erected are in danger of decline (cf. Herfert, 2000). To sum up, if there had not been so many developmental activities in suburbia creating a huge surplus of buildings and building land, the problem of urban perforation nowadays would be much less serious. The decade of heavy urban sprawl, which Leipzig and all the other 130

towns and cities in eastern Germany have recently experienced, is hence closely linked to the coming tasks of urban restructuring (see Figure 3).

Discussion
The features of urban sprawl in eastern Germany sketched out above should be detailed enough to discuss whetherand if so, howthis case of sprawl can shed light on the two strands of debate introduced at the start. The catching up with the West debate The very existence of urban sprawl in eastern Germany seemingly provides evidence for a process of delayed modernisation. However, given the peculiar conditions and specic features of urban development and sprawl in eastern Germany, the assumption that the structure of eastern cities would converge with western patterns, known from either the US or western Europe, has proved unfounded. Instead, a closer look at what has been going on in and around eastern Germanys towns and cities lends weight to the more sceptical contributions to research on urban and regional development under post-socialism (e.g. Szelenyi, 1996). (a) In eastern Germany, typical features of urban sprawl have been somewhat distorted. First, given the population decline, residential suburbanisation has been synonymous with a mainly intra-regional redistributionfrom the urban cores to suburbiaof a decreasing number of people. This severely augmented the effects of de-concentration inherent to urban sprawl, by denition. Second, the demography of suburbanites has also proved to be specic in that there is little difference from the urbanites. Moreover, the rate of owneroccupation is quite low in eastern Germanys suburbia. These gures reect the fact that differences in the housing markets of the city and suburbia are small, on both the demand and the supply side.

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

Third, especially around the big cities, the morphology of suburbia is different from that known from western Germany. For instance, a high share of apartment blocks is found, residential areas with detached houses are built comparatively densely, and enterprise zones seem to be scattered around the cities with little or no regard to environmental planning concerns. Fourth, notwithstanding the intensity of recent urban sprawl, the degree of de-concentration of urban regions is still lower than in western Germany, where the spatial expansion of towns and cities has been underway for many decades. Urban sprawl, although impressive in places, has by and large remained a concentric development of limited range.4 Finally, the speed of urban sprawl during the 1990s was almost unparalleled. Moreover, the sequence of different dynamics of urban sprawl regarded as normal was inverted, since commercial development preceded residential. Urban research has emphasised this reversal of suburbanisation phases in eastern Germany (Herfert, 1997; Nuissl, 1999) as well as other post-socialist countries (Fassmann, 1997). However, seen from todays perspective, urban development and sprawl in eastern Germany after 1990 appears from the start to have been a juxtaposition of different dynamics in different functional sectors that were nevertheless largely independent of one another (cf. Aring and Herfert, 2001). Today this juxtaposition of trends has developed into a situation where processes of urban sprawl, dissolution of the urban fabric and even reurbanisation are occurring almost simultaneously. Correspondingly, thus far it is hardly possible to subsume the east German case of urban sprawl into any of the models describing a generalised sequential pattern of urban development (probably the most prominent of which in Europe was put forward by van den Berg (1987)). The features and trends outlined indicate that urban development in eastern Germany could probably not be understood satisfactorily if merely interpreted as an accelerated repetition of the processes to which towns and cities in the West were formerly subject. On the other hand, eastern Germanys towns and cities have undeniably become more similar to their sprawling counterparts in the western half of the country, with their urban areas expanding and with homes, workplaces, shops and amenities spreading farther apart. Moreover, ur-

Furthermore, in the urban regions of western Germany a kind of mature sprawli.e. an urbanisation of suburbs in terms of functional and social differentiationprevails in an inner suburban zone that is surrounded by an outer zone characterised by a weakly controlled, land-consuming and mostly monofunctional ribbon and/or leapfrogging development of urban structures (e.g. Keil and Ronneberger, 1994). In eastern Germany, no such zoning exists. Instead the outer zone seems to begin immediately beyond the large housing estates.

ban policy has quickly adopted west German patterns. This is particularly true regarding the planning system, the role of the welfare state as to both providing social housing and promoting private housebuilding, the refurbishment of historical city centers, and urban regeneration. At the same time, there is hardly any evidence of an Americanisation of urban development in eastern Germany as claimed by Hauermann (1996). In comparison to US cities, the scale of sprawl is still rather moderate throughout Germany (in terms of housing, services and, despite many oversized peripheral shopping centres, retailing). Also, there are no signs of the extensive inner-city abandonment which has been typical of urban development in the US since the 1970s (Marcuse, 1998, p. 45), supporting the general thesis that urban decline in Europe has by no means reached a similar degree to the US: yet, despite technical networks, global cities, urban sprawl, and city networks, European cities remain fairly robust, although less dominant and more uncertain because of the rise of more or less integrated city-regions ` (Le Gales, 2002, p. 178). Compared to cities and towns in eastern Europe, urban development in eastern Germany also bears some resemblance to post-socialist development patterns shaped by the deep transformation crisis; this concerns in particular the heavy deindustrialisation as a result of marginalisation on the world market, falling economic and population gures and, last but not least, the decline or even disappearance of the symbols of the socialist city (the elimination or reconstruction of major building ensembles, the decline of the large housing estates). Against this background, Szelenyi (1996, p. 312) forecasted a general loss in urbanity, with eastern Europe (. . .) becoming a demographic buffer zone between the Third World and western Europe. From this point of view, eastern Germany appears to be an inner periphery between western and eastern Europe. (b) Considering the primary causes and effects of urban sprawl makes the specicity of the east German situation even more apparent. The driving forces of urban sprawlinterests and resources in the socioeconomic sphere, suburban values, habits and lifestyles in the sociocultural spherewere, and often still are, not very pronounced. Since eastern Germany has been experiencing a period of decline with respect to both economic activity and population there ought to have been little economic pressure to develop new land for urban uses under normal conditions. And as far as the values, habits and lifestyles of the east German people are concerned, it is at least uncertain whether a considerable number of them really conceived of living in suburbia when German unication startedbecause at that time towns and cities had long provided better living conditions and a culture of allotments had developed, which seemed to meet the desire for a green life fairly well. However, pressure for 131

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

greeneld development was strongly encouraged by governmental activitiesby the combination of extraordinarily powerful scal incentives to invest in the real estate and housing sector, the permissive character of spatial planning, which was increased by the weakness of the local authorities, and specic barriers to inner-city developments, in particular due to the restitution law. The nal push came from land developers and construction companies promoting their products. Thus, instead of being a matter of fate (in a non-totalitarian environment), urban sprawl in post-socialist eastern Germany was mainly induced by a limited set of clearly denable parameters for the decisions of investors and households which stemmed from a peculiar mix of governmental over- and under-regulation. Its character hence hardly tallies with the predominating theoretical efforts to explain urban development, which are mostly concerned with market processes and the struggle for local power between different social groups (that take place in a context of growth, e.g. Soja, 2000; Zukin, 1991). Instead, we nd support for the argument that there are important geographic variations in sprawl, implying that it is neither inevitable nor universal (Lopez and Hynes, 2003, 325). From this perspective, urban development and sprawl in eastern Germany display an extremely European nature in that the European case of urban sprawl has generally been found to be shaped by public policy and the public sector to a greater extent than in the US (cf. Phelps and Parsons, 2003). Then again, the overwhelming importance of national public policy for urban sprawl in eastern Germany adds a distinct quality that is not present throughout Europe. The management of urban sprawl debate The simultaneity of urban sprawl and urban decline has posed a major challenge to urban policy-making and planning in eastern Germany. To put it somewhat bluntly, the problem is that too few people and facilities are sloshing around in an oversized urban container, which, moreover, was until recently growing dramatically. An estimated 1.5 million unoccupied apartments in eastern Germany make spatial planning a particularly difcult task, much more difcult than in a situation where the push for growth has to be steered into the most desirable directions. Whats more, we have to be ready for a new round of urban deterioration in eastern Germany, since in all probability the population decline will become especially severe after 2010 when the proportion between deaths and births becomes even more unbalanced than today (cf. Herfert, 2002). Against this background, we must expect what is currently the most striking problem of urban development in eastern Germany not only to persist but to gain even more importance. The physical fabric of towns and cities will increasingly prove oversized, 132

threatening entire city districts (or even towns) with decayor, at best, dissolution. This will probably result in the wide-ranging perforation of urban eastern Germany since only selected urban areas especially in the inner cities of the most successful urban regionswill see stabilisation and further improvement. Besides, the most thriving suburban centresnot least the most successful shopping malls, with ofces, service and leisure facilities having sprung up around themmay develop further into a kind of tiny edge cities, whilst other parts of suburbia will probably share the fate of decline with their inner-city predecessors. In particular, the partial demolition of large-scale housing estates (which are especially prone to losing population) will remain on the agenda. Given this outlook, the main task for urban and regional governance must be not only to avoid further sprawl but to redirect the dynamics of urban development so as to support urban restructuring or even contraction. This could also mean suburbia-like settlement structures in the inner city by the low-density redevelopment of brownelds, successful examples of which are provided by many old industrialised English cities (cf. Couch et al., 2000). Only innovative strategies and instruments will provide a chance to pursue this task since it faces various difculties (cf. Bernt, 2002). One such difculty arises from the very fact that the instruments and means at hand for urban policy and planning are designed to organise growth, not decline (which is reected by the discussion on strategies to curb sprawl being largely focused on the problem of growth (e.g. Brueckner, 2000; Leo et al., 1998)). Hence, any successful attempt to counter urban sprawl in eastern Germany will probably require a further development of legal toolswhich indeed has recently taken place with the reform of German planning law. Another difculty stems from the lack of a morphological guiding star as to the future of urban eastern Germany. Nowadays, urban politicians and planners are still committed to the idea of the European city with its solid outward appearance. This commitment is further corroborated by the global discourse on sustainability and its concern for sustainable urban form (cf. Williams et al., 2000). On the other hand, it is increasingly at odds with the undeniable signs of dissolution of the European city (which was preserved so well in socialist times). Currently, there is at least broad agreement that orientation towards the historical form and function of towns and cities might not be sufcient as a leitmotif for urban management in eastern Germany. Nonetheless, it is still open to discussion what new urban paradigm could be convincing enough to replace the idea of the preservation of the European city (Hesse, 2001). Seen from a somewhat dialectical point of view, the recent period of urban sprawl in eastern Germany bears some hope that there is a chance of

The production of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation: Henning Nuissl and Dieter Rink

preventing unwanted greeneld developments in favour of the necessary urban restructuring processes as it shows (once again) that suburbanization was not an historical inevitability created by geography, technology, and culture, but rather the product of government policies (Jackson, 1985, 14), with scal regulation at the national level being of particular importance (cf. Atkinson and Oleson, 1996). Since urban sprawl in eastern Germany is above all a reection of (national) governmental policy, it provides an example of how spatial dynamics can be inuenced most effectively, albeit with an outcome which is largely undesirable. However, it remains up in the air whether a set of laws and scal regulations aimed at the sparse use of land could be only half as successful at containing urban sprawli.e. at preventing businesses, politicians and households from consuming more landas governmental policy was at fostering it in eastern Germany in the 1990s. Hence, further research is needed, especially in the eld of land use management in declining regions, so as to nd feasible ways of dealing with the spatial resources by exploiting the fact that a vast amount of derelict land within settlements is waiting to be reused.

Acknowledgements This paper is based on work undertaken as a contribution to the URBS PANDENS research project, funded by the European Commission under Fifth Framework Programme on Research and Technological Development and co-ordinated by the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research (PIK). The authors gratefully acknowledge the criticisms and suggestions made by the anonymous referees and the editor. References
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