The Feminisation of Public Relations: Whats in it for the Girls?

Jeannie Rea Victoria University

Recently attention has been given to the feminisation of public relations (most notably in a major United States research project). In Australia with increasing numbers of women are entering the profession. Public relations values communication and organisational skills, which are characteristics traditionally, associated with women. It is not surprising that more women are entering the field and seeking qualifications to enhance their career prospects. However, analysis of feminisation in other professions concludes that whilst early female entrants benefit from the higher status and remuneration available in male dominated areas, status declines over time. This does not seem to be the case in public relations, as young women are moving into leadership roles, at the same time as the industry actually increases in status. It looks like public relations is a good career choice for women. This article identifies questions and issues about feminisation to propose an agenda for further research. The face of public relations is female. The public follows the exploits of the young celebrity publicists, who have become celebrities themselves. People listen to the reassurances from the sincere front women brought in to manage damage control after the latest industrial accident. Behind the scenes, women are employed across the public relations industry. No longer are women confined to the lower level functionary jobs, nor are they concentrated in the not- for-profit and community sectors. In Australia over the past decade women have moved into public relations in the traditionally male areas of politics and government, finance, heavy industry and even trade unions. Young (and not so young) women are pouring into Vocational Education and Training and higher education courses in public relations and women

predominate in its teaching. In 2002, course coordinators anecdotally report that over 80% of public relations students are women. Women are not only joining professional associations, but are increasingly taking up leadership roles. The Public Relations Institute of Australia (PRIA) currently boasts a young woman national president and women head up most state branches. Women are setting up agencies on their own or in partnership with other women and men. Women are even winning the top jobs in major public relations companies. Public relations is an expanding field and it appears that this is one area where gender equity has become a reality. In this paper I intend to discuss the impact of the steady feminisation of public relations, and consider whether this is benefiting women practitioners and the overall industry. This paper has drawn upon gender in public relations and feminist labour market literature, recent Australian labour market statistics, personal experience as an educator and practitioner as well as discussion with colleagues in both fields. One of my objectives, through this discussion, is to identify areas for further investigation and analysis. The findings of a recent major United Studies study on women in public relations are sobering. The glass ceiling and inequity in remuneration seem to be as much the norm in public relations as in other industries. The research project, partially sponsored by the Public Relations Society of America (PRSA), and undertaken by leading American public relations scholars Grunig, Toth and Hon (2001), sought to investigate and analyse gender based discrimination and to explore strategies for overcoming gender bias. They began by noting that whilst there was no doubt that discrimination existed, it continued to be largely ignored by men and women. The rigorous gathering

and analysis of data was needed to advocate the case for change and to persuade the disbelievers and antagonists (Grunig et al., 2001). (The researchers also addressed racioethnic bias in the industry, but that is the subject of another paper.) The research was able to draw upon ten years of work by the PRSAs taskforce on women, which had highlighted gender discrimination issues in the industry (and the Society). The taskforce emerged in the late 1980s following campaigning by women scholars and practitioners to put gender on the agenda (Gower, 2001; Toth, 1988). In Australia, we do not have an equivalent to the taskforce, nor much sustained and formal interest in gender equity matters in our professional organisations or in the agendas of industry or academic conferences. I would contend that this is not because gender discrimination is not an issue for the Australian industry, but rather that it has not been addressed. The consistent feminisation of the industry has contributed to assumptions that women are not experiencing gender based disadvantage. Indeed, in researching this article, the increasing lack of male voices in courses and offices was identified as the problem. However, when female practitioners get together, experiences of gender discrimination and sexist prejudice are regular topics. Feminisation does need to be understood and monitored because it seems to be masking the continuing reality of gender inequity. Additionally, the research evidence across other professions and industries is that over time feminisation leads to a decline in status and remuneration (Valian, 1998; Rafferty, 1996; Acker, 1989). Trends in status and remuneration are naturally issues of concern to all in the industry. Measuring and assessing trends in remuneration is a complex matter, as it has to be considered within wider trends in the labour market and the overall economy. Gender, feminisation, remuneration and status are all intertwined and do need picking apart and rigorous analysis. There is a need for gender conscious research on remuneration and career paths in the Australian public relations industry. As the Grunig, Toth and Hon study, Women in Public Relations: How Gender Influences Practice (2001), is the only significant and comprehensive research on gender in public relations, their findings provide a useful

comparative starting point for Australian investigations. Whilst recognising that the United States industry is of a much greater magnitude and has a much longer history, these factors also mean that the United States industry has influenced the development and practices of the Australian industry. Gender analyses of the Australian and United States labour markets can also be usefully compared, whilst allowing for different histories and policy contexts. Grunig, Toth and Hon confirm previous studies that women have entered public relations at a faster rate than other professions, and that this has accelerated during the 1990s as more women move into the profession after gaining relevant university degrees. As in Australia, women now constitute over 80% of students, up from half in previous decades. (A rigourous survey has yet to be made of trends in Australia.) Through interviews with young practitioners, Grunig, Toth and Hon found that women are attracted to public relations because the hurdles are not too onerous and they can attain professional status. Remuneration is better than in many other careers chosen by women, particularly at entry points. Women appreciated flexibility in work arrangements, and believed that promotion prospects look promising, pa rticularly with increasing numbers of high profile women leaders in the industry. These findings concur with those of Farmer and Waugh in their benchmark study of public relations students career attitudes (Farmer & Waugh, 1999). Also significant, but not usually consciously articulated by young women, is that public relations is also attractive because traditionally feminine skills in communications, empathy, networking and multi- tasking are encouraged and valued. However, womens competence in these areas is also taken for granted and exploited. Feminist analysts argue that this is typical of gender ideologies operating in the workplace. Women are expected to perform the emotional labour of listening, counselling, serving, dealing with difficult people and even cleaning up literal and figurative messes (Probert, 1997; Adkins, 1992; Pringle, 1989). Public relations work at the higher level of providing counsel to senior executives was, and often still is, a male domain. When mainly men did this work no

gender labelling was ascribed and PR advisers stood alongside legal and financial counsellors. However, one of the concerns with feminisation noted in the United States literature discussed by Grunig, Toth and Hon is that the status of senior public relations roles is diminishing as more women move into these positions. This, it is argued, may be a reason why in times of economic downturn and crisis companies are retrenching in-house public relations people. There is a view that public relations is becoming soft, and the supposed more hard hitting of accountants and lawyers are taking on the communications brief. (Grunig et al., 2001, p. 35). Grunig, Toth and Hon confirmed the view that young women are viewed as attractive by employers because they are considered a cheaper, more pliable and less ambitious option, compared to confident and ambitious young men. This finding would seem to contradict the feminist analysis of workplace heterogeneity, which contends that employers seek to recruit people like themselves, resulting in workplaces gendered cultures and practices being reproduced in the next generation. Men, it is argued, are threatened by the differences that women may bring to the job and prefer to employ those most like themselves (Hakim, 1996; Cockburn, 1991). However, there is no contradiction as many young women are employed in technical or functionary positions rather than those with a recognised path to management. In 1980s analyses of these trends American writers used the term velvet ghetto to refer to these groups of young women, who were enjoying better jobs than an earlier generation stuck in typing pools, but were still ghettoised with few promotion prospects (Lesly, 1988; Cline, 1989; Grunig et al., 2001). However, women's careers have made some progress since the 1980s, along with a generational shift in attitudes towards gender equity amongst younger women and men. The United States literature reviewed by Grunig, Toth & Hon makes only a few references to generational differences in attitudes. A generational change in attitudes as well as lifestyle choices and realities is, in my observation, having a major impact on changes to public relations and other industries in Australia. The reality is that as the middle-aged and older me n start retiring, younger men and women are taking

the top and middle level jobs. Rather than being over fifty when reaching the apex of their career, men and women are winning through in their late thirties and forties. This can be attributed to changing expectations, educational levels and a number of other factors. The generation of women, who benefited from the second wave of feminist activism and consequent attitudinal and legislative changes, are now reaping the rewards won by their older sisters (Summers, 1994). Generational attitudinal change will also have an impact upon practices in the industry. For example, the cynical appeals to traditional gender ideologies, that inform the practice of female spokespersons providing reassurance in crisis manage ment situations will increasingly fall out of use or usefulness. Like sexist advertising, such strategies will cease to be advised by modern public relations practitioners male and female. It can be reasonably argued that this process is accelerated in an overwhelmingly feminised public relations industry. This is not to presume that women have homogenous experiences, or are feminist advocates. A critical mass of women, though, does make a difference. It enables women to speak up and assume some shared assumptions and experiences, as well providing realistic role models. As noted above, there is already concern that conversely the male point of view may be lost in all- female offices. Additionally, if feminisation is perceived to be having a negative impact on the profession, especially in running down status and remuneration, men will not enter or stay in the job. Men vacated secretarial work early in the twentieth century and status and remuneration remains low. Conversely, as status, remuneration and promotion paths have improved, men have entered nursing. As noted above, the appearance of more women in senior management in public relations has attracted negative attention. According to the United States 1996 census, over a third of managers in marketing, advertising and public relations are now women, even though men still predominate in the senior positions (Grunig et al., 2001). The view that women are dragging the profession down is indicative of gender ideologies both within and outside the industry.

The Grunig, Toth and Hon findings do not sit well with the optimistic reasons why young women enter the profession. Many women, they found, do not enjoy a career path of promotion and increased remuneration. The glass ceiling does exist because of the typ es of jobs in which women are concentrated have few prospects for advancement. Whilst entry level salaries are equal, the salary gap between men and women soon widens. Childbearing and rearing damages womens career prospects. Women do still face sexist attitudes and sexual harassment at work and can be particularly vulnerably exposed to clients. Grunig, Toth and Hon conclude, as do many studies of gender based discrimination, that as well as legislative and other regulatory measures, strategies to change attitudes and behaviours and to improve womens self esteem and assertiveness are needed (See also Still, 1999; Ledwith & Colgan, 1996; Bradley, 1999; Eveline, 1998; Adkins, 1992). The overwhelming conclusion from the United States study is that feminisation in itself has not meant gender equity for women. It may even have adverse impacts for the profession unless gender ideologies are recognised and challenged. Grunig, Toth and Hons groundbreaking study has made a significant contribution to the research literature on gender at work, particularly in examining an expanding service industry where women have enjoyed greater equity than in many traditionally female occupations. The study and strategies for change are clearly located within the dominant liberal feminist equal rights paradigm which shapes the United States and Australian legislative and policy approaches to redressing inequality in the workplace by seeking to diminish the differences between women and men (Burton, 1991; Marles, 1999). Public policy along with other social and economic trends, have done much to improve access and opportunities in the workplace. Womens workforce participation has increased over the past two generations, especially through the increased and continued employment of married women. The participation of married women grew from merely 7% in 1954 to over 26% in 1998. By 1998, over 60% of employed women are married, doubling since 1954. Since 1954, women have

increased from under 23% of the all employed persons to over 43% in 1998 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1998). Whilst women's actual workforce participation may have increased, women are still overwhelmingly concentrated in retail, education and human services, and in the lower rungs within occupations. Back in 1984, Australia was named by the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development as the most having the most sex segregated workforce of any advanced industrial country (Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development, 1984). More recent analysis by Pocock has found that beneath the steady overall sex segregation ratio, what we are witnessing is increasing entry of women into mens jobs, while men are generally not shifting, but instead consolidating within masculinised occupations (Pocock, 1998, p. 591). There is increasing recognition that the focus on trying to eliminate sexual and gender difference to achieve equality of opportunities has had a limited impact. Increasingly feminist analysis has sought to go beyond strategies seeking to n eutralise gender. Contemporary feminist thinkers and researchers are focussing upon gender relations and the realities of difference in addressing gender issues at work. (See for example Franzway, 2001; Hinton, 2000; Brook, 1999; Eveline, 1998; Cockburn, 1991.) These discourses are most useful in seeking to understand the persistence of traditionally masculinist cultures and workplace behaviors and practices, which continue even in a largely feminised industry such as public relations. This short paper concludes with some preliminary discussion of Australian labour market trends and suggests how they may be interpreted in developing a gender analysis of the public relations industry. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) labour market trends analyses seem to support the general findings of Grunig, Toth and Hons United States study regarding the gender earnings gap. Whilst specific breakdowns for the public relations industry and occupations within the industry are not available, the ABS's industry and sector of employment category, communications services most probably includes a significant proportion of public relations industry employees.

There would be some leakage to other areas, and communications services would also include information technology employees. (The United States category of marketing, advertising, advertising and public relations is more useful.) Women constitute one-third of communications services employees. It is the area of the greatest increase in average hourly earnings at 47.7% between 1994 and 1999. It is also one of only four areas where women recorded higher average hourly earnings than men in 1999. In the category communication services women earned $27.16 per hour and men $25.92, in comparison with the finance and insurance sector where women are nearly 59% of the workforce, but on average earned only $18.29 per hour compared to mens $26.45 per hour (ABS, 2000, p. 6). There certainly seems to be greater pay equity in the communications sector. An examination of average earnings by occupation, rather than industry and sector, reveals further information about the gender gap as people move through their careers. The occupational category managers and administrators records women earning slightly more than men in 1999, whilst noting only 20% of employees in this category were women. In the next category of professionals where 51% were women and associate professionals where 37% were women, the female to male earnings ratio was 0.87 (ABS, 2000, p. 5). This is consistent with the overall average of women earning about 10% less than men, which, the ABS notes, is largely due to mens generally longer hours of work. Whilst I emphasise that these statistics are not public relations industry specific, the emergence of an earnings gap as women move up the hierarchy seems to be indicated in the relevant ABS occupational and industry categories. The interesting issue is that it reverses at the top end as the numbers of women thin out. The female to male earnings ratio is 1.06 amongs t managers and administrators (ABS, 2000, p. 5). It would be revealing to test this specifically in the public relations industry. If this were the case it would contradict, for Australia, the concerns expressed by some respondents in the Grunig, Toth and Hon study that women at the top are driving down executive salaries.

Of concern is whether the public relations gender earnings breakdown is consistent with, better, or worse than the market average. In other words, is the expectation by new entrants of gender equity a reality? The ABSs Australian social trends 2000: Income and expenditure income distribution: female/male earnings paper does note that earnings are related to skill obtained through both education and experience, and that average earnings do increase with age for both men and women. However, it is noted that while for men, average hourly earnings increased to a peak among those aged in their 40s, the peak for women was for those aged in their thirties. Associated with this pattern, the difference between female and male earnings, which was relatively small amongst younger workers, increased with age (ABS, 2000, p. 4). It was assumed that this might be related to older womens lower levels of education. I would suspect it also has much to do with broken careers due to child bearing and rearing. Again this needs specific investigation in the public relations industry. At present universities are turning out young women graduates, who are assuming that their educational qualifications will put them ahead in their career. Balancing work and family responsibilities continues to be a major issue for working women (Williams, 2000; Proctor & Padfield, 1998; Pocock, 1998; Probert, 1997; Friedman, 1996). Women, particularly those with family respons ibilities will, no doubt, continue the established trend of leaving salaried positions to start up their own agencies. Whilst both men and women have many of the same motivations for setting up their own business, the desire to be ones own boss is strong amongst public relations women. The Grunig, Toth and Hon study notes that women cite flexibility, being able to choose their own clients and employees, as well as the hope to make money as reasons to start up their own agency. This is certainly supported by anecdotal reports amongst Australian practitioners. In general research on women in business, the apparent intransigence of the glass ceiling often prompts women to go out on their own (Walker, 2000; Still, 1999; Saxon & Kamil, 1996). And for many of those who have broken through the glass

ceiling, the atmosphere often sours. Senior women, who have successfully negotiated themselves through the masculinist cultures and sexist behaviours, sometimes decide it just is not worth it. They do not give up; the y reject it and make a positive decision to leave (Eveline, 1998). A study on small public relations agencies would be useful to explore growth and development of the industry. On the basis of available information, feminisation of public relations probably has few disadvantages for women and is overall advantageous. It is a growing industry with many opportunities. Whether feminisation and the promotion of women into senior roles is having an adverse impact on the industry is debatable and needs to be challenged with evidence. Feminisation may be disadvantageous for men who may lose the comfort of being surrounded by others sharing their gendered experiences and expectations, but they may also gain from the company of women. Men who remain antagonistic to w omen and to women getting ahead will find themselves increasingly marginalised over time. The modern public relations industry will be reflective of the enormous changes in gender relations and roles sweeping though society. Therefore, the industry will be best placed to understand and represent the interests of clients and of society. References Acker. S. (1989). Teachers, gender and career. London: Falmer Press. Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2000). Australian social trends 2000: Income and expenditure income distribution: female/male earnings. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics. (1999). Labour force projections, Australia, 1999 2016. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics. (1998). Australian social trends 1998: Work paid work Trends in womens employment. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Adkins, L. (1992). Sexual work and the employment of women in the service industries. In M. Savage & A. Witz. (Eds.), Gender and bureaucracy. Oxford: Blackwell.

Brook, B. (1999). Feminist perspectives on the body. London: Pearson Education/Longman. Burton, C. (1991). The promise and the price: The struggle for equal opportunity in womens employment. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Cline, C. G. (1989). Public relations: The $1 million dollar penalty for being a woman. In P. J. Creedon. (Ed.), Women in mass communications: Challenging gender values. Newbury Park: Sage. Cockburn, C. (1991). In the way of women: Mens resistance to women in organisations. London: Macmillan. Eveline, J. (1998). Heavy, dirty and limp stories: Male advantage at work. In M. Gatens & M. Mackinnon (Eds.), Gender and institutions: Women, work and citizenship. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Farmer, B., & Waugh, L. (1999). Gender differences in public relations students career attitudes: A benchmark study. Public Relations Review, 25, (2), 235 - 249. Franzway, S. (2001). Sexual politics and greedy institutions. Annandale: Pluto Press. Friedman, S. A. (1996). Work matters: Women talk about their jobs and their lives. New York: Viking. Gower, K. K. (2001). Rediscovering women in public relations. Journalism History, 27, (1), 14 - 21. Grunig, L. A., Toth, E. L., & Hon, L. C. (2001). Women in public relations: How gender influences practice. New York: The Guilford Press. Hakim, C. (1996). Key issues in womens work: Female heterogeneity and the polarisation of womens employmen. London: The Athlone Press. Hinton, S. (2000). Different and always lacking: The discursive construction of the `male benchmark work organisations. Department of Management Working Paper, Monash University. Ledwith, S., & Colgan, F. (1996). Women in organisations: Challenging gender politics. Basingstoke: Macmillan.

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Summers, A. (1994). Damned whores and Gods police. Ringwood: Penguin. Toth, E. L. (1988). Making peace with gender issues in public relations. Public Relations Review, 14, 36 - 47. Valian, V. (1998). Why so slow? The advancement of women. Cambridge: MIT Press. Walker, E. (2000). The changing profile of women starting small businesses. Graduate School of Management, University of Western Australia. Williams, J. (2000). Unbending gender: Why family and work conflict and what to do about it. New York: Oxford University Press. Author Note Jeannie Rea, Department of Communication, Language and Cultural Studies, Victoria University. Address for correspondence: Jeannie Rea, Department of Communication, Language and Cultural Studies, Victoria University, PO Box 14428, Melbourne City MC. 8001, Australia. E-mail jeannie.rea@vu.edu.au