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California has a huge deficit, a looming cash crisis, an angry public and pressure to raise taxes -- and in this dismal state of affairs, the
state's minority Republicans see opportunity. GOP lawmakers hope to use their leverage over the state budget, which cannot pass
without some of their votes, to roll back landmark policies implemented by Democrats and the governor. Among them are curbs
on greenhouse gas emissions, regulations banning the dirtiest diesel engines and rules dictating when employers must provide lunch
breaks for workers. None of those laws has any direct connection to the state budget; changing them will do nothing to close
California's $15.2-billion deficit. And the Democrats who control the Legislature already have rejected Republican proposals to delay
or eliminate the laws through the regular legislative process. But as pressure mounts on lawmakers to resolve the budget crisis, the
GOP's renewed requests could get some traction. Republican clout grows along with the state's financial problems -- at least during the
summer budget season. "We think the budget is an appropriate place to talk about these issues," said Sen. George Runner (R-
Lancaster). "We are setting them on the table for discussion." Runner acknowledges that the proposals won't help balance the books in
the coming fiscal year, but he argues that they would stimulate the economy and thus generate cash for the state over time. "They are
reasonable issues to bring up" now, he said. Lawmakers are making little progress in those negotiations. Legislators did not meet their
June 15 constitutional deadline for passing a budget, and they are saying publicly that a spending plan is unlikely to be in place by the
July 1 start of the fiscal year. The state will run out of cash in September, according to the state treasurer, and finance officials say that
borrowing to remain solvent will be extremely tough without a budget in place by July. Securing a loan takes time, and lenders look
for an enacted budget as assurance that the state will have enough cash to repay them. Democrats, meanwhile, are calling for as much
as $11.5 billion in new taxes -- though they have not specified what they want to tax. Republicans say cuts in government services
and programs are the way to go -- though they, too, mostly demur when it comes to specifics. Republicans have made clear,
however, that relaxing the environmental and labor laws would put them in more of a mood to compromise. That position has
drawn a sharp rebuke from Democrats and activists. "Using a fiscal crisis to delay and roll back protections for Californians is just
wrong," said Sen. Alan Lowenthal (D-Long Beach). Sierra Club lobbyist Bill Magavern called the GOP lawmakers "a dwindling
minority trying to exploit the limited leverage they have." Environmentalists are particularly outraged by the Republican call for a
delay in the curbs on greenhouse emissions. The global warming measure is one of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's proudest
accomplishments. It has landed the governor, himself a Republican, on the covers of magazines around the world. State officials are
drafting rules for implementing the emissions caps, which are scheduled to take effect in January 2010. GOP legislators say
complying with the rules will be costly for businesses at a time when they already are reeling from the poor economy and higher oil
prices. They want the governor to exercise a provision in the law that allows him to postpone implementation by declaring that it
would cause the state "significant economic harm." "We've got a major downturn in the economy," said Dave Cogdill of Modesto,
leader of the state Senate's Republicans. "We're trying to convince the governor to give us more time on this." Republicans are making
the same case for new rules requiring retrofitting of diesel engines on trucks, tractors and heavy construction equipment. The engines
are a leading source of pollution and have been singled out by scientists as a cause of thousands of premature deaths and hospital
admissions for respiratory problems in California each year. Supporters of the laws say that the sickness they will prevent and the
boost they will give to "green" technologies promise to be far more helpful to California's economy than a delay in their
implementation. Schwarzenegger has said through aides that he does not wish to postpone environmental regulations and won't let the
budget situation sidetrack his long-term goals. But he also says nothing is off the table. "We have open doors where everything is on
the table," Schwarzenegger said in a speech last month to the California Peace Officers Assn. "I don't want to go and say to anything,
'No.' " Schwarzenegger spokesman Aaron McLear said the governor is interested, for example, in working with Republicans on a relaxation of
workplace rules that dictate when employees must be granted lunch breaks. The governor, an ally of the state Chamber of Commerce and other business groups, is
sympathetic to complaints from business owners that some workplace rules cost them money without benefiting employees. The example most often cited comes from
restaurant owners who say they must give their workers breaks at particular times, even if it is in the middle of the busiest shift, when many would rather be working
tables to collect tips. The Legislature must sign off on changes to such laws, something Democrats say they have no intention of doing. Their labor allies say budget
season is a cynical time to raise the issue. "If these were viable policy proposals, they would pass on their own merits," said Emily Clayton, policy
coordinator with the California Labor Federation. Republicans, she said, "are trying to hold the budget negotiations hostage."
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California starts the new budget year today -- and once again no budget is in place. Legislators are making little progress closing a
$15.2-billion shortfall. Democrats demand new taxes. Republicans say that is out of the question. Meanwhile, their inability to strike a
deal threatens millions of Californians who rely on the government for healthcare and other services. Budget delays are not unusual.
But the consequences will be particularly harsh this year. Many of the healthcare clinics and other service providers that have used
private loans to get by during past budget stalemates are unlikely to have easy access to such cash this year, as a result of the ongoing
credit crunch brought on by the mortgage crisis. Independent service providers aren't the only ones that could soon be scraping to find
money. Short-term bonds that finance officials rely upon to replenish state coffers cannot be sold without a budget in place, and
getting them to market takes at least a month. The state may have to turn to a syndicate of investment banks for short-term financing,
on terms that could prove costly, said H.D. Palmer, deputy director of the state Department of Finance. The financing could cost $140
million more than bond borrowing would have, he said. "In this budget environment," he said," I can think of a lot better uses for that
money." Despite the grim state of affairs at the Capitol, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and lawmakers Monday played down their
failure to get a budget together and the dim prospects of reaching a deal soon. "I don't know at what stage they are in,"
Schwarzenegger said at a news conference. "I know one thing, they are all working. . . . Everyone knows we are short on time. I think
everyone knows it is a complicated, difficult budget." Schwarzenegger, who has been playing only a minor role in budget
deliberations of late, turned the microphone over to Assembly Speaker Karen Bass. "We have been working," she said. "We spent
four hours yesterday working." Democrats in both houses have released budget plans that call for as much as $11 billion in new taxes.
But so far they have not identified which taxes they would like to raise. Bass demurred again Monday. "We will see what happens as
the process moves forward this week," she said. The governor later joked about his optimism that the state will not run out of cash by
pulling out a personal money clip full of bills. "I still have some left," he said. Not all Republicans were in such good spirits. "Until
we get to a spot where Democrats realize that taxes are not going to work, it will be tough to move the budget forward," said
Assembly Republican Leader Mike Villines of Clovis. Credit agencies will be watching closely: California has the second-lowest
credit rating among states in the country, and some economists say a downgrade could be coming. The last time the state's
creditworthiness was downgraded was during the budget crisis of 2003, when its bond ratings fell to nearly junk status. The shortfall
lawmakers faced then was roughly the size it is now.
Times of economic crisis produce international tension and politicians tend to go to war rather than face the economic music.
The classic example is the worldwide depression of the 1930s leading to World War II. Conditions in the coming years could be
as bad as they were then. We could have a really big war if the U.S. decides once and for all to haul off and let China, or
whomever, have it in the chops. If they don’t want our dollars or our debt any more, how about a few nukes?
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Not having a budget on time has become almost routine for California. In the past 20 years, the Legislature and the governor were able
to have a budget in place only four times before ringing in the new fiscal year only (1993, 1999, 2000 and 2006). Those years were
usually good economic times for the state, which always creates a ''happy problem'' of having too much money. But not this year. The
housing market meltdown that continues to drag the state's economy has resulted in a $17.2 billion budget gap. The tardiness of this
year's budget will have some immediate impacts, such as Medi-Cal reimbursement rates being slashed by 10 percent starting today.
The state also faces prospects of running out of cash later this summer if a spending plan isn't in place by then. That means the state
would need to take out expensive loans with high interest rates to ease the immediate cash crunch.
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California's budget is once again in the red. The governor signed a balanced budget in August of last year, but before the ink was dry,
a slowing economy, the real estate bust and a spate of unplanned spending resulted in a significant budget crunch. The Legislative
Analyst's Office now projects a deficit of about $10 billion over the next 18 months, and Gov. Schwarzenegger says the shortfall may
be as high as $14 billion. To be sure, the slowing economy has reduced revenues, but excessive spending remains the root cause of
California's persistent financial troubles.
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LONDON: As it did when the housing bubble began to burst, California is leading the way in the next leg: a consumer bust. Squeezed
by rising unemployment, inflation in food and energy costs and plunging home values, Californians are cutting back on spending.
Besides causing woes for state and local government, the cutback is giving California's economy another knock and makes further job
losses, home repossessions and banking problems more likely. The figures are pretty bad. The median home price has fallen by 29
percent in the year to March, according to the California Association of Realtors, and repossessions are increasing. Unemployment hit
6.2 percent in March, up 1.2 percentage points from the same month last year. But most important, in the 10 months to the end of
April, sales tax receipts in California are actually down in absolute terms. Gasoline tax receipts are essentially flat. When you factor in
that there would have been considerable inflation during the period, and that some essentials like gasoline would have risen sharply in
cost, the picture is clear: Californians are tightening their belts. And California matters. It accounts for 13 percent of the U.S.
economy. It was also where more than a third of the non-mainstream home loans, like subprime and Alt-A, were made in 2006 and
2007, making it very important to the health of the banking system. "California is big enough that it is going to drag a lot of the
nation down with it," said Christopher Thornberg of Beacon Economics, a consultancy in Los Angeles . "You can't have collapsing
consumer demand in California and not expect it to have an influence." Thornberg sees a recession in California being closer to
the recession of the early 1990s in severity rather than the briefer recession after the Internet boom ended. But while California is not
suffering from an industrial bust, as it did when aerospace was hit after the Berlin Wall came down, its consumers are poorly set to
weather a recession. "People have racked up a phenomenal amount of debt, savings rates have been at zero and the piper has to be
paid," Thornberg said. Vallejo, a city in Northern California, said last week that it would file for bankruptcy, prompted by rising costs
and falling tax receipts due to the housing slump. Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger is expected to unveil plans for $15 billion in
bonds backed by lottery revenues to help plug a state budget hole. A lottery jackpot is just about what the state needs right now,
though the odds seem equally remote. The downturn is clear, too, from company results. Nordstrom, the department store chain,
reported last week that same-store sales fell 6.5 percent in the first quarter, dragged down in part by lower numbers of shoppers
visiting its stores in California, a state that accounts for about a third of its turnover. Starbucks blamed some of its recent disappointing
performance on a new unwillingness among coffee drinkers in California and South Florida to pay top dollar for stimulants. At the
lower end of the scale, Jack in the Box, the fast-food chain, said Wednesday that it had seen softer sales at restaurants in California.
One particular area of concern is the way in which California's faltering economy and rising unemployment interact with falling home
values to prompt greater rates of mortgage defaults. This could hit banks with exposure to California in their mortgage loan portfolios,
not to mention Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. "There is a very strong relationship between delinquencies and the coupling of job losses
with falling home prices," Ajay Rajadhyaksha and Derek Chen of Barclays Capital in New York wrote in a note to clients. For
example, in the areas of Modesto, Stockton and Merced, the unemployment rates are above 10 percent while more than 60 percent of
loans are close to being underwater, or larger than the value of the house. Serious delinquencies in those areas are above 18 percent,
while the national average is 3.6 percent, according to Barclays. But beyond the implications for banks, California can really be seen
as the testing ground for what the U.S. consumer looks like in coming years, and how he or she manages. If, somehow, the move
from spending to savings can be done gradually, the downturn in the United States may be gentle. If it happens quickly,
watch out..
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Everybody is interested in California, billionaire financier Warren Buffett said in August when asked why he agreed to advise then
gubernatorial hopeful Arnold Schwarzenegger. But Buffett meant more than a morbid fascination with car chases and Hollywood
glitterati. "You can't have trouble out there without it affecting the rest of the country." As usual, the Oracle of Omaha was dead on.
California's economy accounts for an eighth of the U.S. economy and is larger than the economies of all but four nations, ranking
between Britain and France. Its technology, agriculture, and entertainment industries lead the nation. So when the Golden State
sneezes, the national economy can easily catch a cold. And the state is ailing now. Unemployment stands at 6.4 percent, higher than
the national average, and growth has slowed to a crawl since the 2001 recession. Much of the economic carnage can be found in
Silicon Valley. Desperate for skilled workers during the height of the tech boom, the industry lured them with lucrative stock options
and bonuses. But then came the tech meltdown and the loss of 19 percent of its jobs, most tech-related. "What was good in the boom
is bad in the bust," says Stephen Levy, director of the Center for Continuing Study of the California Economy, in Palo Alto. The state
also faces an $8 billion budget shortfall, thanks largely to taxes lost on those vanished options and bonuses. That number could grow
to $20 billion if the state is unable to borrow and Schwarzenegger makes good on his promise to eliminate an unpopular car tax. The
gap will have to be bridged through tax hikes, spending cuts, or borrowing, with negative impact on the economy. The governor-elect
plans to cut taxes and roll back regulations, while maintaining education funding and expanding children's healthcare. "The math of
his promises is very difficult," says state Treasurer Phil Angelides. And with 20 percent of the workforce in the public sector,
employment will suffer. Any way you slice it, says Levy, "we have to pay the piper." Many businesses consider California a tough
place to operate, too. The state is ranked fifth worst in a recent cost-of-doing-business survey. "I'm not sure I'll miss California," says
Aki Korhonen, who is moving his software firm from the Bay Area to Reno, Nev., because he finds the state too pricey. "I won't miss
paying $2 a gallon for gasoline." Yet there are hopeful signs. Though unemployment is high, it's trending down from December's peak
of 6.9 percent. Despite the brutal bloodletting in the Bay Area, venture capitalists still think highly of California: 42 percent of U.S.
venture capital funds so far this year have been invested there. And like the rest of the nation, California may be on the cusp of a
strong recovery, says Union Bank of California senior economist Keitaro Matsuda. He predicts real growth of 2 percent this year,
expanding to a 4 percent clip in 2004. The latest Congressional Budget Office forecast predicts U.S. growth of 2.2 percent this year
and 3.8 percent in 2004. Bright side. "I'm optimistic," says Bob Damon, West Coast managing director of the executive search firm
Spencer Stuart, where revenue from California operations was up 12 percent last quarter. Demand for new hires was particularly
strong at consumer goods and life sciences firms. And though tech is still patchy, the outlook for the wireless and semiconductor
sectors is upbeat, says Damon, "even telecom, which is finally showing signs of life after being dead for three years." Most observers
believe the state's indomitable spirit will eventually get it back on track. That vitality may stem from what a recent Wells Fargo study
calls California's "triple endowment": an entrepreneurial culture, access to capital, and a pool of talent not easily replicated. The potent
combination will allow the state to create new jobs in burgeoning areas like biotechnology and nanotechnology. "Nobody else has
been able to duplicate Silicon Valley, where people are skilled and risk taking," says Tom Lieser, of the University of California-Los
Angeles Anderson Forecast. "The start-up culture is in our DNA," says Chip Adams, managing director of San Francisco-based
venture capital firm Rosewood Capital. "And that hasn't really changed despite the downturn." A MIGHTY FORCE If California were
a nation, its economy would rank fifth in the world. No wonder it's so influential.
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Beyond the numbers is something more profound: a sense that California has lost the ability to govern itself and is in need of
cataclysmic political renovation. The state's sulfurous civic life makes the last days of Rome look serene. Voter
participation is at record lows, disdain for elected leaders at record highs. Californians haven't been this angry, experts say,
since the early 20th century, when corrupt and imperious railroad magnates ruled the state from their enormous
mansions on Nob Hill in San Francisco. Their excesses produced sweeping reforms. Gov. Hiram Johnson, a legendary progressive,
sought to banish "special interests" from politics, and championed the very recall procedures Costa now embraces. Is another such
era in the offing? Or is the recall Costa launched just a cruel historical joke, the final proof that California is democracy run riot? "It's
an epic story," says California-based pollster Pat Caddell. "Everything here is an epic, but this is the real thing." And epics in
California matter to the rest of America. The Golden State is the biggest by far, with an economy larger than
all but four nations. If it goes belly up, so do we all. (The enormous state deficit is mirrored by the growing
federal version, now expected to be $450 billion this fiscal year.) But more than bookkeeping is involved. California is our own
El Dorado--America's America--home of start-ups and starting over, of new social trends and of trends
from elsewhere writ large.
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Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger says he wants more than a balanced budget this year. He wants budget reform too. For a state that has
already laced itself into straitjackets of spending mandates and formulas, Schwarzenegger proposes new constitutional chains: a
combined rainy-day fund and spending limit, to be added on top of the rainy-day fund and spending limit that voters have already
approved separately. His implicit message: The Legislature and I have chosen badly, so please restrict our ability to choose again.
Senate Democratic leaders Wednesday proposed an $11.5 billion tax increase to solve the state's budget gap - more than double the
tax increase proposed by their counterparts in the Assembly. The larger tax proposal stems from the decision by Senate officials to
resist counting on an expanded lottery, which would have to be approved by the Legislature this summer and go before voters in
November, to increase revenue for the fiscal year that starts July 1.Senate President Pro Tem Don Perata, D-Oakland, and his chief
budget negotiator, Denise Moreno Ducheny, D-Chula Vista, rejected plans to count on an expanded lottery, proposed by Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger, before voters approve the concept."How do you do something in November that's supposed to help you on July 1 of
this year?" Perata asked at a news conference where he repeatedly criticized Schwarzenegger's plan to close the $15.2 billion deficit.
"What's wrong with his budget is, it doesn't fund next year. His proposal on the lottery simply is prospective."Schwarzenegger's
spokesman defended the proposal and said the governor is glad Senate Democrats "finally put some ideas on the table," but rejected
the call for taxes. "We believe that Californians are sending enough of their money to Sacramento," said Press Secretary Aaron
McLear, "and weought to live within our means. Perata said the budget he envisions would maintain a level of core services without
reducing the quality of life for Californians."We're going to do our job, and how are we going to do it? We're proposing to raise
taxes," he said. Perata and Ducheny wouldn't specify which taxes to raise but mentioned several possibilities: the sales tax, a tax on
services, income taxes, corporate taxes, the vehicle license fee and the excise tax on alcohol.
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After a four-year spending splurge, many state governments are facing big budget gaps because of plunging home prices, declining
manufacturing output and rising unemployment. A report by the National Governors Association (NGA) says the pressure to cap
spending probably will intensify in the years ahead. These deteriorating economic trends could contribute to huge budget shortfalls
in fiscal 2009, requiring states to all but freeze spending growth, according to the association's report. States are pursuing many
strategies to cope with the impending shortfalls. In 2009, tuition at state universities in Virginia, California and Alabama will increase
by about 10 percent. Florida and California will be reducing state aid to school districts. To achieve long-term savings, Tennessee
"used one-time money from a reserve fund to finance voluntary buyouts for 2,000 state employees," said Lola Potter of the
Department of Finance and Administration. "Ohio has been challenged by the downturn in the national economy," said Keith Dailey,
press secretary for Gov. Ted Strickland, a Democrat. The $733 million in cuts that the governor instructed state agencies to implement
required "real sacrifices, including job reductions and the closing of two mental health facilities," Mr. Dailey said. Ohio has kept its
$1.1 billion rainy-day fund in reserve in case the slowdown turns into a recession, he said. Budget-reduction measures under
consideration include early-release programs for nonviolent state prisoners in California, Kentucky and Mississippi. Rhode Island
has addressed a nearly $450 million shortfall by reducing personnel costs, cutting payments to cities and towns and ending an energy-
assistance program for the poor. "The state will spend less in 2009 than was enacted in 2008," said Jeff Neal, press secretary for Gov.
Donald L. Carcieri, a Republican. "It's the first time in recent history that's happened." To make major dents in California's projected
deficit of more than $20 billion, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican, has proposed borrowing $15 billion against future
profits from an expanded state lottery and deeply cutting the state's Medi-Cal health insurance program for the poor. Altogether, 18
states reported that they intended to spend less in 2009 than in 2008. Still, the situation is "not as bad for states as it was post-9/11,"
Mr. Pattison said, but he is "very concerned about the future."
CP forces deficit spending – states do not have the money to expand their
climate policies
Barry Rabe, joint appointment with the Gerald Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan senior fellow at the
Brookings Institution, Nov. 2002 “Greenhouse & Statehouse: The Evolving State Government Role in Climate Change.” Pew Center
on Climate Change Report, downloaded from http://www.pewclimate.org/global-warming-in-
depth/all_reports/greenhouse_and_statehouse_/
There are, of course, likely limitations facing decentralized approaches to climate change policy. A number of states have shown little
if any interest in this area and some have taken formal steps to minimize the possibility of innovations. States also face constitutional
limits to active engagement in international relations, reflected in the dominant role of national governments in crafting international
climate change strategies. In addition, a major impediment to any further development of these state strategies is the very limited base
of funding available to assure their implementation. Ironically, many state programs are moving into early stages of implementation at
the very moment that dozens of states find themselves in an enormous fiscal crunch and the federal government is again running
sizable deficits. The National Governors Association and the National Association of State Budget Officials reported in May 2002 that
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state budgets are in worse condition than at any time in the last 20 years. Few of these state programs have reliable sources of support
and have to compete with established programs and units. In turn, federal grant programs have proven helpful but have been largely
confined to analysis and action plan development. Consequently, perhaps the greatest near-term threat to the continued vitality of
state-level innovation in climate change may involve funding scarcity rather than political opposition. Resource scarcity has not,
however, deterred many states from accelerating and diversifying their efforts, particularly in the last few years.
The state problem will make the national economy worse because states are big spenders. Their outlays total about $1.8 trillion a year,
or about 13% of gross domestic product. Over the past few years, they have kept spending high and fueled regional growth, drawing
on rainy-day funds and other slight changes in targeted revenue raising policies to comply with laws requiring balanced budgets.
Times of economic crisis produce international tension and politicians tend to go to war rather than face the economic
music. The classic example is the worldwide depression of the 1930s leading to World War II. Conditions in the coming
years could be as bad as they were then. We could have a really big war if the U.S. decides once and for all to haul off and
let China, or whomever, have it in the chops. If they don’t want our dollars or our debt any more, how about a few nukes?
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These question and doubts are directly confronted in this article by the thesis that state-level economic policy-making bas been central
to the strength of the national economy of the United States over the past decade. Put briefly, during the 1980s if not longer, state
governments filled the vacuum left by a national government that intentionally avoided an explicit industrial policy such as those used
in other nations and as advocated by several well-known analysts. By stimulating economic activity within their respective
jurisdictions, states and their subdivisions
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provided (and continue to provide) the stimulus that carried the United States through a major national economic downturn and years
of sustained growth.
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Most Americans have little faith in the federal government to represent their interests. Who can blame them, when their fears
are constantly affirmed by Washington’s shenanigans? According to polls, presidential and congressional approval ratings are
hovering around an all time low. Just 17 percent of American voters believe the federal government represents the will of the
people.
That this skepticism is well placed is bad news for citizens who are looking to Washington to solve the problem of rising fuel
and energy prices. It’s even more dire news for Americans on fixed and limited incomes.
With energy prices already skyrocketing, federal lawmakers wreaked more havoc by trying to pass heavy-handed
regulatory legislation known simply as “cap and trade.” The legislation would impose stringent emission limits on energy and
manufacturing industries. At the same time, many environmentalists admit that the legislation would have little to no impact on
climate change. However, the bill would greatly increase hidden taxes and costs on consumers. The poor and middle class
would be hardest hit.
Schweitzer is key to persuading British Columbia to stop building new coal plants in the Flathead River
Basin, which is crucial to Pacific Northwest biodiversity
The Globe and Mail, Canadian news service, 1-28-2008; “Can Coal Mining Exist With Nature?”
But all is not well in the trout streams of the Crowsnest - where acid waters, heavy metals and dissolved nutrients are leaching
from mine tailings. The pollution isn't new - mining began in the area in 1897 and reached a large industrial scale in 1970 -
but much of the water-quality data is. And it's painting an increasingly worrying picture, especially for those downstream
in Montana, where concerns are at a fever pitch because of a B.C. proposal to open a massive new coal mine on the
Flathead River. Over the past several years scientists have been studying the streams that braid the Crowsnest coal field, a
60,000-hectare region in the Rocky Mountains, near Fernie, where both the Flathead and Elk Rivers are born. The goal is to
understand the long-term impacts of the active coal mines (five operations currently mine 25 million metric tonnes a year) and
to set baseline data in case the new Flathead mine goes ahead. Researchers have collected insects, taken thousands of water
samples, tested bottom sediment, studied fish tissue and ground up the eggs of birds to get a better idea of how metals are
concentrating in the environment. Jessica Thompson and F.R. Hauer, in a presentation at the Annual Pacific Ecology and
Evolution Conference in Washington State, described last year a study they did of microscopic plants and animals in the
Flathead and Elk Rivers. The Elk, which is fed by streams running through active coal mining areas, has elevated
concentrations of metals, especially selenium, which is 57 times higher than levels in the Flathead. In the Flathead, the study
found 74 species of diatoms (unicellular algae) but in Michel Creek, which runs into the Elk, there are only 18 species. Lee
Harding, of SciWrite Environmental Sciences Ltd., did a study on birds, drawing blood from fledglings, and having eggshells
analyzed in the lab. He found elevated selenium levels, but in the three species examined (red-winged blackbirds, American
dippers and spotted sandpipers) he found no clear evidence that populations were suffering. He did
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Moderate Democratic Governor Brian Schweitzer has burst onto the national stage in his first term, which has been relatively free
from controversy. While he was criticized for his position that Montana's National Guard troops should return from Iraq to combat
wildfires in Montana, he also has been an outspoken advocate for using Montana coal to strengthen America's energy independence.
Republican businessman Steve Daines is Schweitzer's main competitor and the founder of the conservative website GiveitBack.com.
Daines advocates that Montana's budget surplus of $1 billion should be ''given back'' to its citizens. While Daines has not yet
confirmed gubernatorial ambitions, his candidacy appears likely.
Other rumored contenders include Republican state senator Roy Brown, former Montana Republican Senate Minority Leader Bob
Keenan, and former Republican Speaker of the Montana House John Mercer.
Schweitzer's promising reelection odds in 2008 are something of a surprise given that he is a Democrat in a historically Republican
state and that he won his seat with only 50 percent of the vote. Montana may have voted for Bush by an overwhelming 59 percent-39
percent majority in 2004 and barely elected Schweitzer that same year, but polls showed a 70 percent approval rating for its Democrat
governor in November. With numbers that high, it is unlikely that Schweitzer will be leaving office after this term.
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Many states are about to go into belt-tightening mode, cutting spending and searching for new revenue to deal with a bleak budget
outlook that's likely to last two to three years. Half the states are grappling with shortfalls, and most of the remaining states have little
room to maneuver financially. The combined shortfall is $16 billion this year, with a projected $32 billion in the next fiscal year,
which for states starts July 1. State budgets are being hurt by the soft economy, which brings down individual and corporate income
tax receipts, consumer confidence and purchasing. They're also grappling with rising energy and health care costs, the subprime
mortgage fallout, declining home sales and home construction and larger social welfare spending.
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GA Tradeoff Da (1/2)
MRR Barely made it through the 2008 chopping block- counter plan spending
forces a tradeoff
Legislative Update, Briefing for University system of Georgia, , 4-9-08, LEGISLATIVE UPDATE, A Briefing for
Faculty & Staff of the University System of Georgia http://www.usg.edu/pubs/lu/2008/lu040908.pdf
Davis noted that the appropriation for Major Repairs and Renovations (MRR) was reduced from $65 million to $60 million. “It
is our understanding that this change was made in order to include additional institutional projects and to balance the overall
state bond package,” he said. ““In 2009, we will continue efforts to educate our legislative partners on the need to increase
funding to maintain our facilities.”
-Major repairs and renovations across campus. The university seeks $5 million in funding to conduct repairs and renovations
in Alumni Hall, Sparks Hall, Urban Life, Science Annex, Library North and Kell Hall. Proposed projects include an entry
renovation for Library North, new lighting in Kell Hall, and modernization of the elevator inside Sparks Hall.
The governor announced in his bond package, he proposes to allocate $68.2 million to finance repairs and renovations at
colleges and universities across the state. Initially, the Board of Regents, requested $55.2 million for such projects.
"I am pleased to announced a budget that is focused on Georgia's priorities. These priorities include investing in our
universities and colleges across the state," Perdue states. "As our state grows, our university system grows with it. These
projects will help us keep pace with demand, and help our university system continued to attract the best students from
Georgia, across the nation and across the world."
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Ga Tradeoff Da (2/2)
SAN FRANCISCO--(BUSINESS WIRE)--April 29, 1997--According to an economic and business report issued today by Bank of
America's Regional Economist Howard Roth, Atlanta's economy is again experiencing strong growth after shedding 40,000 retail
trade and services jobs in the two months following the Olympics.
The Atlanta economy has gained, on average, 8,000 jobs each month since employment bottomed out after the Olympics. Its annual
growth rate of almost 5 percent keeps Atlanta among the top metropolitan areas for job growth, with joblessness in the metro area a
low 3.6 percent in February 1997.
Most Popular
Also, strong in-migration has pushed Atlanta's population growth to about three times the national average in the 1990s, creating a
strong demand for consumer services and retail trade.
"With a diverse economy, affordable housing, and above average per capita income, Atlanta is well-positioned to remain one of the
nation's fastest growing metro areas well into the next century," says Roth.
Roth's Overall U.S. Regional Outlook
The South remains the second fastest growing regional economy with strong retail sales and tourism. Total nonfarm payroll
employment grew a strong 2.6 percent in the South from February 1996 to February 1997, a half percentage point higher than a year
earlier. Joblessness fell in more than two-thirds of the southern states in the last year. Average regional unemployment was 4.9 percent
in February 1997.
The West, South and Midwest economies have all made major contributions to the six-year-old national economic expansion. Now, as
growth is slowing in parts of these regions, the Northeast economy is revving up. As a result, there is considerable regional balance in
the national economy today. Other things equal, that bodes well for the longevity of the current economic expansion. One of those
other things that could cause problems is growing tightness in the nation's labor markets. Should labor markets continue to tighten at
their current rate, output could become constrained and wage inflation more of a problem. For now, however, the outlook is favorable.
Solid economic growth, with all major regions participating, is in store for the rest of 1997. The "rolling recession," if ever there was
such a thing, has rolled right out of the country.
The report, titled "Economic & Business Outlook -- 1997 Regional Outlook," was authored by Howard Roth and produced by the
Economics and Policy Research Department at Bank of America.
BankAmerica and its consolidated subsidiaries provide diverse financial products and services to individuals, businesses, government
agencies, and financial institutions throughout the world. It is the third largest bank holding company in the U.S., with assets of more
than $249 billion as of March 31, 1997. -0-
Times of economic crisis produce international tension and politicians tend to go to war rather than face the economic music.
The classic example is the worldwide depression of the 1930s leading to World War II. Conditions in the coming years could be
as bad as they were then. We could have a really big war if the U.S. decides once and for all to haul off and let China, or
whomever, have it in the chops. If they don’t want our dollars or our debt any more, how about a few nukes?
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Two weeks ago respondents were asked two head-to-head questions pitting Mitch Daniels against each of the candidates seeking the
Democratic nomination. Those results showed a virtual tie. These results are similar to those found in the new poll. Schellinger and
Daniels were tied at 47%. Thompson was ahead by three points (49% to 46%).
Miller tried to distinguish himself as the more conservative candidate on fiscal and moral issues during the primary race with Daniels,
and he touched on some of his campaign stands during Tuesday's speech. They included his support for a state constitutional ban on
gay marriage.
"When we support the traditional definition of marriage, Hoosier families will stand with us," Miller said. "We must amend the state
constitution to ban same-sex marriage and civil unions."
Daniels has said he supports the traditional definition of marriage, and would back a state constitutional ban if it was needed to uphold
a state law already on the books.
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Bans on gay marriage devastate the Indiana economy- it gives the perception
that businesses support discriminatory practices
Purple Pew News, 4-407, Indiana Gay Marriage Ban Fails, http://purplepew.org/news/local/20070404/indiana-gay-marriage-ban-
fails
In a tied vote of 5-5 Wednesday in the Indiana House Rules Committee, SJR-7, a proposed amendment to the Indiana Constitution to
ban same-sex marriage, essentially failed to move forward for the 2007 year.
“House Democrats took a stand today against ill-crafted legislation that would have done more harm than good,” Indiana Democratic
Dan Parker said. “This wasn’t a vote against traditional marriage; it was a vote for protecting vulnerable Hoosiers and promoting job
growth.” (Indystar.com)
The greatest controversy with the proposed amendment was its second paragraph: "This Constitution or any other Indiana law may not
be construed to require that marital status or the legal incidents of marriage be conferred upon unmarried couples or groups."
Several prominent Indiana businesses opposed the amendment for fear it would limit Indiana's job growth as it would send a message
to the nation that Indiana is a state that subscribes to discriminatory practices. The five businesses that opposed the amendment,
according to Indiana Equality, are Emmis Communications, Cummins Inc., Dow AgroSciences, WellPoint, Inc., and Eli Lilly.
Furthermore, opponents argued that the vague wording of the SJR-7 would put the security of domestic violence victims in jeopardy;
and it may be used to legally force Indiana's higher learning institutions such as Indiana University and businesses like Target to
withdraw medical benefits offered to employees' same-sex partners, such as the case in Ohio.
The proposed amendment, however, may still have a chance to make the 2008 ballot, that is, if the measure is approved in the next
session.
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Perry will loose the upcoming election- popularity determines his success
Christy Hoppe, staff Writer Dallas Morning News, 6-13-08, Some interpret Gov. Rick Perry's passionate speech as kickoff to re-
election campaign, http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/news/politics/local/stories/DN-
perry_13pol.ART.State.Edition1.46caaa4.html
In fact, some of those waiting in line for Mr. Perry said they would be hard-pressed to vote for him in a primary against Ms.
Hutchison, who consistently polls as the most popular officeholder in Texas.
"I do think 10 years is enough," said San Antonio delegate Rosemary Grabow, referring to the 2 ½ terms Mr. Perry will have served.
"I'm a Kay Bailey Hutchison fan. She has a proven track record," said Autumn Barton of Farmersville.
Both Ms. Hutchison and Mr. Perry will be at the convention today. The governor is staying an extra day to attend events, and Ms.
Hutchison is giving her speech and also meeting supporters.
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In 2007, the first phase of a 750-megawatt, zero-emission wind farm, in Benton County, began development for energy delivery in
2008. It is the largest wind farm under construction in the country. Once in full operation, the wind farm should generate enough
carbon-free electricity to power more than 200,000 homes.
Including other wind farms, there may be a total of 880 megawatts added to the power grid by the end of 2008. Additional projects
also are in development.
Indianapolis Power and Light partnered with the Wabash Valley Power Association to buy Renewable Energy Certificates for power
generated at a landfill methane recovery facility. The percentage is set to rise to eight percent in 2008 to 20 percent in 2020.
West Lafayette is turning fats, grease and oil into energy that runs their wastewater treatment plant. This partnership with IDEM
received an U.S. EPA innovation award.
In June 2008, the Indiana Finance Authority Environmental Programs will host the first IFA Sustainability Workshop. The event will
feature leaders in the developing field of sustainable infrastructure and green development. The workshop will illustrate how private
and public entities have used local, state, national and market incentives to successfully promote and implement sustainability.
Biofuels- Thanks to Governor Daniels’ leadership, Indiana has seen record growth in its biofuels industry. Today it is home to nearly
20 biofuels plants, producing ethanol and biodiesel. Those companies have brought good-paying jobs to rural areas and made Indiana
a top-five producer of biofuels in the nation.
The State of Indiana’s fleet includes 941 E85 flex fuel and 1,881 diesel vehicles that can use biodiesel.
Statewide, Indiana has 100 E85 pumps – the third highest amount in the nation. In 2005, there were no E85 gas pumps in the state. In
partnership with the U.S. Department of Energy, Indiana is leading a multi-state project to establish the nation’s first E85 corridor,
along I-65, from Lake Michigan to the Gulf of Mexico.
Clean Coal Technologies
In 2007, construction was approved for Indiana’s first commercial scale integrated gasification combined cycle (IGCC) clean coal
plant. This 630-megawatt facility will produce virtually no emissions while providing Indiana with a needed new source of electricity.
It will be the first carbon capture and storage IGCC plant with the capability of on-site storage for up to 20 percent of the plant’s CO2
emissions and is one of only two to be awarded federal tax credits.
Governor Daniels also extended clean coal tax credits to synthetic natural gas production.
Alternate Power and Energy Programs (AEP)
Indiana’s AEP grant program provided $715,655.80 to our state’s public, non-profit and private businesses for the purchase of
alternative energy systems. A total of 21 projects were funded to offset fossil fuel usage and to serve as an educational tool. Looking
to the future of agriculture as an alternative energy source, Governor Daniels launched BioTown, USA. The first of its kind in the
United States, BioTown is working to meet all of its energy needs with renewable resources. It is an example of Governor Daniels’
ingenuity and commitment to reducing our dependence on foreign oil while creating new opportunities for Indiana farmers and rural
communities.
Energy Savings and Conservation
Governor Daniels issued an Executive Order requiring that all new state (and public university) buildings be designed, constructed,
operated, and maintained to achieve maximum energy efficiency to the extent this can be accomplished on a cost-effective basis,
considering construction and operating costs over a building’s life cycle.
The last five new state buildings were constructed to energy efficient certification standards (LEEDs).
Computer upgrades, currently underway, will produce $400,000 energy savings annually.
In 2007, $500,000 in rebates were made available to homeowners installing geothermal heat pump systems.
In 2007, the Indiana General Assembly enacted a tax credit for purchasing EnergyStar-rated appliances. The $100 credit, per
household, goes into effect in January 2009.
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LOS ANGELES, June 18 (Xinhua) -- Mainly due to the housing market slump, California's economy will remain weak through the
end of the year and into 2009, according to a report published on Wednesday. Overall, California "will weather the slowdown of
economic growth based on its diversified economy, its Pacific Rim export orientation and surging agricultural industry," said the
report presented by the University of California in Los Angeles (UCLA). But the Los Angeles area's strength in exports of goods and
services will help counteract the housing industry slump, the report said. "Though you still hear talk of recession these days, it does
not appear that California will exhibit the kind of job loss that typically goes with a national recession," economist Jerry Nickelsburg
of the UCLA Anderson Forecast wrote in the quarterly assessment. "Indeed, for California this is primarily a housing-related
adjustment to a very overheated speculative market. The carnage is palpable but contained as California benefits from some very
traditional industries and its position in the sun on the edge of the Pacific Rim."
It’s hardly a surprise, but California’s lagging economy will likely continue that trend for the rest of the year, according to Dana
Johnson, chief economist at Comerica Bank in a report issued last month.
A sharp reduction in home construction in the state combined with the tremendous loss of wealth caused from the real estate value
decreases will burden the state’s overall economy this year. Real gross domestic product is estimated to increase by 0.5 percent or
about 1 percent below that of the entire nation, Johnson wrote.
He cited a home price index that dropped by 21 to 22 percent from August to April in California’s three largest cities including San
Diego.
But even with those declines, housing prices in the state still look too high relative to income, Johnson said. “That suggests to me that
California house prices will probably continue to trend lower for quite a while longer,” he said.
Given how the real estate sector behaved in the early 1990s during that recession, the state could be in for a long recovery. Johnson
noted it took six years from 1990 to 1996 before things bottomed out, and prices started appreciating again.
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The Assembly Democrats’ budget proposal, released June 5, urged raising $6.4 billion by scrapping tax loopholes and breaks and
employing short-term financial moves previously used by state officials. The lawmakers detail $102.2 billion in spending for the next
fiscal year, compared with the $101.8 billion proposed last month by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.
As the two parties squabble over the budget, institutions and state-funded programs must find ways to keep afloat until a budget is
approved. The fight itself will burden California’s taxpayers hundreds of millions in extra interest payments if the standoff continues
into the end of summer.
According to Villines, the state’s spending habits have increased at an astounding rate – growing by almost 58 percent, from $66
billion per year in 2000 to $104 billion this year. “California’s current deficit of $17.2 billion, for comparison, is larger than all the
revenues of North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas and Iowa combined,” Villines said.
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SACRAMENTO -- Legislative leaders are drafting a complicated scheme to help close the state's massive deficit by raiding
funds voters have set aside for transportation and local government services, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger said Thursday, adding
that it probably would force a state sales tax hike. "It is not a good idea," the governor said in an interview with The Times. But
Schwarzenegger, anxious to get a budget passed before the state experiences a cash crisis, did not rule out signing off on such a
plan.
Advocates say much of the problem lies with California's huge reliance on personal income tax. It's notoriously volatile. A
huge decline in 2002 led to the budget battle and recall of Gov. Gray Davis a year later.
This time around, things haven't been as dramatic. Income tax payments have continued to grow, but at a much slower rate than
three years ago, when the real estate and stock markets generated big windfalls. Revenue hasn't kept pace with spending growth, and
legislative Democrats and Republicans are at an impasse that has left the budget more than two weeks overdue.
"It's not the first time the state's been in this situation," said Terri Sexton, a California State University, Sacramento, economist
who advises the state on fiscal policy. "I think everybody agrees about the volatility of our income tax base, and here we are going
down this same path again."
Sexton and some elected officials want California to rely more heavily on sales tax, which is more dependable. Instead of
raising rates, which now top out at 8.75 percent, some officials are urging the Legislature to start imposing the tax on a broad
range of services that are currently exempt. California taxes fewer services than most other states.
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Federal action is key for consistent goals- and states constitutional limits inhibit state action
Robert B. McKinstry, partner at Ballard Spahr Andrews & Ingersoll Dernbauch, professor of law at Widener University, 2008 “Federal Climate Change Legislation
as If the States Matter”, Nat. Resources & Env't., Downloaded from http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1031552)
While there are significant advantages to preservation of a significant state role in crafting legislation for reduction of GHG emissions, some federal role is necessary. Lack of
consistency among state programs can present significant difficulties for the regulated community. Similarly, uneven performance among states
requires the establishment of federal floors and uniform goals. There are also jurisdictional and Constitutional limitations on state authority that
militate towards a federal response that makes state authority clear.
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In practice- the federal government doesn’t incorporate lessons from the states
Federal government sucks – don’t learn from their lessons and individual action is key
Thomas D. Peterson,founder of the Center for Climate Strategies (CCS) , Robert B. McKinstry, Jr, . partner in the Litigation Department, the Environmental
Group, which he co-founded, the Energy and Project Finance Group and the Climate Change Group, & John C. Dernbach 2007 –is Professor of Law at Widener's
Harrisburg campus and professor of environmental law “DEVELOPING A COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH TO CLIMATE CHANGE POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES THAT FULLY
INTEGRATES LEVELS OF GOVERNMENT AND ECONOMIC SECTORS” http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1020740
This Article will begin by discussing the mounting scientific evidence that establishes the urgent need for an integrated and comprehensive approach to reducing
GHG emissions, as well as the adverse international implications of the United States’ failure to take effective action at the federal level. It will then discuss the
models for climate response derived from state responses and present the reductions that could be achieved if these were scaled up to the federal level. The Article
will next discuss how the federal legislative proposals to date fail both to build upon state lessons and to provide adequate mechanisms to support the
multi-faceted economy-wide approach that can achieve needed reductions in a cost-effective manner. It suggests a mechanism whereby the CAA
could be adapted to incorporate state creativity in support of this necessary integrated, economy-wide approach. The Article closes by suggesting that
this approach could create the motivation for individual action and international cooperation that is critical to effectively address global climate
change.
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The resulting statute, a 1970 amendment to the Clean Air Act, regulated new cars with vigor and also, as the first step in the national
takeover, required the states to regulate stationary sources to achieve national air-pollution goals. As the Supreme Court put it,
"Congress took a stick to the states." The EPA later claimed that this federal stick radically reduced pollution from stationary sources.
But according to Crandall, "Assertions of the tremendous strides [the] EPA has made are mostly religious sentiment." The belief that it
took the federal government to make the states act comes from federal officials who claim credit for what state officials had already
been accomplishing. EPA officials call the national takeover "a dynamic state and federal partnership," suggesting that in Washington
"dynamic" means "heads I win, tails you lose." Given the palpable unfairness of this condescending partnership, elected state officials
often resist federal environmental mandates. In the ensuing drama, state officials are cast as the environmental bad guys, rounded up
by the EPA cavalry and, if need be, hauled before a federal judge. That such typecasting is a function of the structure of the federal
statutes, rather than some peculiar environmental insensitivity of state governments, is made clear by one federal environmental
statute in which federal officials bear responsibility for most cleanup costs—Superfund. Then the shoe is on the other foot; state
officials perennially call for cleanups that cost more than federal officials are willing to pay. In sum, the record does not show that
federal officials are more environmentally sensitive, just that they have the power to act more opportunistically.
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Authority for interstate compacts emanates from the United States Constitution. The grant of power to the states to enter into
agreements, known as the compact clause, is a significant one. Originally, however, the states perceived the compact clause primarily
as a device to determine boundary disputes. Gradually, the states began to recognize in the compact clause a tool for the resolution of
other, more complex, problems. For example, in 1917, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey established an interstate
commission to administer efficiently a multitudinous array of issues that confronted the Port of New York. The federal government,
the repository of power over interstate commerce, ceded to the Port Authority the power to regulate a harbor of vital commercial
importance to the entire country. Observation of the potential power of an interstate compact has led Congress to pay increased
attention to interstate compacts. In certain areas, however, Congress has yielded its supervisory powers. In Virginia v. Tennessee,
the Supreme Court distinguished [*758] between compacts that do not encroach upon federal power and those that might interfere
with federal power. The Court implied that compacts not encroaching upon federal power need not obtain congressional consent.
Congress implicitly recognized the Virginia v. Tennessee rule when a debate ensued on the floor over whether the Southern Regional
Education Compact needed congressional consent even though it did not encroach upon federal power. The debate was never
concluded, and the compact continued without express congressional ratification, implying that Congress ratified its operation. The
problem with the Virginia v. Tennessee rule is its uncertainty of application. It does not resolve the question of whether an
interstate compact should be submitted for congressional consent. To apply the test, courts look to the degree to which the compact
conflicts with federal law or federal interests. If there is any danger of federal preemption, proponents often consider seeking
congressional consent. If a compact clearly preempts or conflicts with federal law, then congressional consent is imperative.
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President Ronald Reagan said, "State problems should involve state solutions." n124 However, the conceptual framework behind
Reagan's statement - the same framework we were all taught in school, where issues are either state or federal - does not hold up under
closer scrutiny. n125 Regional problems, like managing the port district of New York, may call for regional solutions such as those
advocated by Frankfurter and Landis. n126 In essence, there is a third class of entity, in between state and federal. When regional
problems arise, the Compact Clause can be a valuable tool. What that means to the states, the federal government, and their respective
sovereignties is crucial to understanding the ability of each to protect its own interest in the compact entity. Understanding the nature
of compact entities and its implication for sovereignty begins with recognizing that compacts are legal creations, n127 established by a
legal mechanism - the contract. n128 Without a compact, or contract between the states, there would be no compact entity. n129
Therefore, as noted early on in Green, n130 much of the law applicable to compact entities is determined by the compact itself and
contract law. n131 "Contract law affects compacts no differently than other instruments of agreement that are classifiable as contracts."
n132
Thus, compact law is contract law. n133 When compact entities are created, the states in effect contract away sovereignty with the
approval of Congress. The requirement of congressional consent makes the United States an interested party to the contract , albeit
with interests different from those of the compacting states. The consent requirement helps to safeguard the national interest. n134
Justice Ginsburg discussed the nature of the state/federal relationship in the context of compacts between two states that create bi-state
entities: "Bistate entities occupy a significantly different position in our federal system than do the states themselves. The states, as
separate sovereigns, are the constituent elements of the Union. Bistate entities, in contrast, typically are creations of three discrete
sovereigns: two states and the Federal Government." n135 Taking things a step further, Justice Brennan directly stated that compact
entities are so divorced from their creator states that there is no way compact entities or agencies can be seen as an arm of any one
state. n136 This reasoning underlies the conclusion that, once formed, compact entities become Frankenstein-like figures - the
creators lose control of the created, but for the ability to terminate them. n137 To form this new entity, states must give up some of
their own [*180] sovereignty. n138 Both compacting states relinquish exclusive control over a physical space and/or issue area as
adequate consideration for the compact: The creation of an interstate agency requires each State to relinquish to one or more sister
States a part of its sovereignty... . Each State's sovereign will is circumscribed by that of the other States in the compact and
circumscribed further by the veto power relinquished to Congress in the Constitution.n139 This model of lost sovereignty hinges on the
idea that a compacting state now needs a sister state to act in areas where it previously could have acted alone. n140 If a state wants to
impose its labor laws, or any other laws that will affect the internal operations of the compact entity, it must make sure that the other
parties to the compact approve. Essentially, by creating a compact entity, states agree to relinquish unilateral control of certain
matters in order to realize the expected efficiencies of the new entity.
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There are, of course, likely limitations facing decentralized approaches to climate change policy. A number of states have shown little
if any interest in this area and some have taken formal steps to minimize the possibility of innovations. States also face constitutional
limits to active engagement in international relations, reflected in the dominant role of national governments in crafting international
climate change strategies. In addition, a major impediment to any further development of these state strategies is the very limited base
of funding available to assure their implementation. Ironically, many state programs are moving into early stages of implementation at
the very moment that dozens of states find themselves in an enormous fiscal crunch and the federal government is again running
sizable deficits. The National Governors Association and the National Association of State Budget Officials reported in May 2002 that
state budgets are in worse condition than at any time in the last 20 years. Few of these state programs have reliable sources of support
and have to compete with established programs and units. In turn, federal grant programs have proven helpful but have been largely
confined to analysis and action plan development. Consequently, perhaps the greatest near-term threat to the continued vitality of
state-level innovation in climate change may involve funding scarcity rather than political opposition. Resource scarcity has not,
however, deterred many states from accelerating and diversifying their efforts, particularly in the last few years.
Several states have already explicitly capped emissions by electric utilities. In their 2002 legislative sessions, 25 state legislatures
considered 71 bills explicitly seeking to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The bills ranged from voluntary and mandatory emissions
reporting and carbon sequestration programs to requirements that utilities buy expensive electricity from renewable energy sources
and probably illegal transportation initiatives. The most credible studies of the Kyoto Protocol found a national program to reduce
U.S. greenhouse gas emissions to the Kyoto Protocol’s requirement of 7 percent below 1990 levels by 2008-2012 would increase
gasoline prices at least 65 cents a gallon and double the price of electricity for consumers and businesses, destroy at least 2.4 million
jobs, cause average household income to fall $3,372, and cost state governments $116 billion a year in revenue. One reason the Kyoto
Protocol would be so expensive is because developing countries are not required to reduce or even cap their emissions. Their
exclusion from the agreement means global emissions will rise no matter what developed countries do: in other words, “all pain and
no gain.” Kyoto also places off-limits many of the lowest-cost emission reduction opportunities, which typically exist in developing
countries. State versions of the Kyoto Protocol would cost even more. More low-cost opportunities to reduce emissions will lie
outside the state’s borders, forcing businesses and consumers to act on higher-cost options first. States are forced to use
command-and-control regulations, such as renewable energy mandates and emission caps, because intra-state markets are too
small to support market-based solutions such as carbon taxes and emission permit trading. Moreover, efforts to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions in one state are partially or entirely offset by increases in the emissions of other states and countries as
businesses and economic activity migrate to places with lower energy costs and fewer regulations. The Heartland study
estimates a typical state-based greenhouse gas program would cost 10 times as much, per ton of carbon avoided, as the Kyoto
Protocol. The financial burden in most states would simply be unbearable: $10,200 per household in Illinois, $7,200 per
household in California, $7,600 per household in New York, and so on. The average annual cost per household for the 37 states
we examined came to $10,000.
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